two letters from the fleet at sea, touching the late fight: the one written by generall monck to the commissioners of the admiralty sitting at whitehall. the other by capt bourn, captain of the resolution to his wife. in which fight generall deane is killed by a great shot, and a dutch admirall blown up, and 3, or 4, of their ships sunk. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a76017 of text r207016 in the english short title catalog (thomason e698_21). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a76017 wing a874 thomason e698_21 estc r207016 99866093 99866093 118354 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a76017) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118354) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 108:e698[21]) two letters from the fleet at sea, touching the late fight: the one written by generall monck to the commissioners of the admiralty sitting at whitehall. the other by capt bourn, captain of the resolution to his wife. in which fight generall deane is killed by a great shot, and a dutch admirall blown up, and 3, or 4, of their ships sunk. albemarle, george monck, duke of, 1608-1670. bourn, john, captain. 6 p. printed by tho. newcomb, dwelling in thamestreet, over against baynards-castle, london, : mdcliii. [1653] reproduction of the original in the british library. eng anglo-dutch war, 1652-1654 -early works to 1800. naval battles -early works to 1800. great britain -history, naval -stuarts, 1603-1714 -early works to 1800. netherlands -history, naval -early works to 1800. a76017 r207016 (thomason e698_21). civilwar no two letters from the fleet at sea, touching the late fight:: the one written by generall monck to the commissioners of the admiralty sittin albemarle, george monck, duke of 1653 554 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two letters from the fleet at sea , touching the late fight : the one written by generall monck to the commissioners of the admiralty sitting at whitehall . the other by capt bovrn , captain of the resolution to his wife . in which fight generall deane is killed by a great shot , and a dutch admirall blown up , and 3 , or 4 , of their ships sunk . london , printed by tho. newcomb , dwelling in thamestreet , over against baynards-castle , mdcliii . two letters from the fleet at sea , touching the late fight . gentlemen , yesterday morning being at anchor some 10 miles without the south-head of the gober , early in the morning we discryed the dutch fleet , about two leagues to the leeward . we made sail towards them , and between eleven and twelve at noon we were engaged ; and for three hours the dispute was very sharp on both sides ; which continued from three till six in the evening ; at which time the enemy bore away right before the winde , and little more was done ; onely the frigats gave chace so long as there was any light to distinguish one from another . one of the dutch admirals was blown up , and three or four sunk , as we are informed . we cannot hear that any of our own ships was lost in this engagement , blessed be the lord . we are at this time again very fair by them , and shall endeavour our utmost to engage them as soon as we can . it hath pleased the lord to take away general dean in the fight , an honest and faithful servant of the commonwealth . he was slain by a great shot . in this engagement we have spent the greatest part of our powder and shot ; and therefore i earnestly desire you vvill take care that a considerable proportion may be suddenly provided for us and sent , vvith such victuals and waterships as are yet behinde what ships are making ready in the river , may as soon as can be sent . this is the best account can be given at present . your most affectionate friend and servant geo. moncke . from aboard the resolution , 14 leagues from the northforeland bearing west of us , june 3. 1653. at 6 in the morning . col : bourns letter to his wife . dear heart , our engagement was yesterday . about two of the clock in the afternoon . this time , at ten of the clock in the morning , we are in pursuit of dutch , who , if they will stay , i hope we shall by gods providence make an end of the war . and i hope we shall engage the enemy within an hour and less . from aboard the resolution , 14 leagues off the northforeland , the 3 of june , 1653. about east , and east by south . our master , and lieutenant , and all the other officers are well , but general dean was taken off by a great shot . your loving husband john bourn . finis . by the king, a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states general of the united netherlands england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1674 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32483 wing c3392 estc r37624 16989474 ocm 16989474 105638 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32483) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105638) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1611:46) by the king, a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states general of the united netherlands england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1673/4 [i.e. 1674] "given at our court at whitehall the seven and twentieth day of february 1673/4 in the six and twentieth year of our reign." reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -england. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states general of the vnited netherlands . charles r. whereas a peace hath been treated and concluded at westminster betwixt his majesty , and the states general of the united netherlands , and the ratifications thereof exchanged , and publication thereof made at the hague , the twenty fourth day of february / sixth day of march 1671 / 4. in conformity thereunto his majesty hath thought fit hereby to command , that the same be published throughout all his majesties dominions . and his majesty doth declare , that no acts of hostility or force are to be committed by any of his majesties subjects , upon any the subjects of the said states general within the several limits hereafter mentioned , from and after the several days and times hereby also specified ; viz. after the eighth / eighteenth day of march next ensuing , from the soundings to the naz in norway ; after the seventh / seventeenth day of april 1674. from the soundings aforesaid to the city of tanger ; after the fifth / fifteenth day of may next following in the ocean , mediterranean , or elsewhere , betwixt the said city of tanger and the aequinoctial line ; and lastly , after the twenty fourth day of october / third day of november next ensuing , in any part of the world : and that whatsoever actions of hostility and force shall be committed by any of his majesties subjects , against any the subjects of the said states general after the days aforesaid , upon colour of whatsoever former commission , letters of marque , or the like , shall be deemed as illegal , and the actors obliged to make reparation and satisfaction , and be punished as violaters of the publick peace . and hereof his majesty willeth and commandeth all his subjects to take notice , and govern themselves accordingly . given at our court at whitehall the seven and twentieth day of february 1673 / 4. in the six and twentieth year of our reign . god save the king. london , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1673 / 4. an extract of the registers of the resolutions of the high and mighty lords, the states general of the united provinces of the netherlands, thursday the 14th, october, 1688 united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. 1688 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52832 wing n481 estc r12144 13127069 ocm 13127069 97841 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52832) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97841) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 746:44) an extract of the registers of the resolutions of the high and mighty lords, the states general of the united provinces of the netherlands, thursday the 14th, october, 1688 united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1688] broadside. caption title. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -foreign relations -1648-1714. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. great britain -foreign relations -1603-1688. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an extract of the registers of the resolutions of the high and mighty lords , the states general of the united provinces , of the netherlands . thursday the 14th . october . 1688 . after having heard the report of the sieurs de heeckeren , and the other deputies of their lordships for forreign affairs , who in order to the performing their resolution of the 11th of this month , have seen and examined the memorial of which the marquis d'albeville , envoy extraordinary of his majesty of great brittain , had presented unto them the 8th of the last month , and on the 6th of this instant , mentioned more at large in the acts of the said day , and having thereupon maturely deliberated , their lordships have thought sit , and resolved to return in answer to the said marquis d'albeville , that their lordships having seen the declaration , which the french ambassador had made them as well by word of mouth , as in writing in a publick audience , the 9th of september last , that his most christian majesty had the strictest engagements of friendship and alliance with his majesty of great brittain , as is express'd in the said declaration , their lordships do believe they have reason to demand a more plain and clear explanation of the matter in terms more agreeable and civil . and since it has pleas'd his majesty of great brittain , most seriously to disclaim them , ( as prejudicial to this state ) they do declare , that they neither have had , nor have any intention to enter into a war with his majesty , or with the english nation , for whom they have the most dear regard ; and that there is no people with whom they more heartily desire to live in a cordial and sincere friendship with , than with his majesty and the said nation . that with the greatest regret they have seen and observed , how those who envy such their happiness , have endeavoured to excite in his majesty great discontents towards this state , and to give him publick marks of it , such their malice ; because they see , to their great grief , the discontents which the irregular conduct of some men have given to the nation , as well in regard of the reformed religion , as of the liberty and security of the nation . that their lordships do wish nothing more than to see the said discontents sincerely and absolutely taken away , the reformed religion maintained and establish'd , and the liberty of the nation preserved ; to the end that his majesty and the nation , may thus re-enter into a good understanding and confidence in each another , and that they do sincerely and in truth protest , that they have no other end or design , than the desired quiet of his majesties kingdoms , and his powerful co-operating with them for the preservation of the peace of nimeguen , and the treaties which have since followed . finis . a lamentable relation of a fearfull fight at sea, upon our english coast, between the spaniard and the hollander who after their first meeting and fight which was on friday the sixt of september last past, and the finall fight on friday being the eleventh of october following, the event whereof you may hear in this following ditty : to the tune of, let us to the wars againe / by martin parkin. m. p. (martin parker), d. 1656? 1639 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08965 stc 19250.7 estc s1615 20235983 ocm 20235983 23883 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08965) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 23883) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1711:27) a lamentable relation of a fearfull fight at sea, upon our english coast, between the spaniard and the hollander who after their first meeting and fight which was on friday the sixt of september last past, and the finall fight on friday being the eleventh of october following, the event whereof you may hear in this following ditty : to the tune of, let us to the wars againe / by martin parkin. m. p. (martin parker), d. 1656? 1 broadside. by m.f. for tho. lambert, printed at london : [1639] attributed to martin parker by stc (2nd ed.). date of imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.) in double columns. without music. reproduction of original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ballads, english. spain -history, naval. netherlands -history, naval. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a lamentable relation of a fearfull fight at sea , upon our english coast , between the spaniard and the hollander , who after their first meeting and fight which was on friday the sixt of septembr last past : and the finall fight on friday being the eleventh of october following : the event whereof you may hear in this following ditty . to the tune of , let us to the wars againe . in every place where men did meet , the talk was of the spanish fleet , which the stout dutchmen with great boast , besieg'd upon our english coast : now every severall expectation is satisfi'd by this relation . great pitie t is that any pen should note such hate twixt christian men . it was a pittifull conclusion , of christian bloud so much effusion , that who the storie reads or hears , if he can scape the shedding tears , t is what the writter could not misse , when he the storie wrote of this . great pitie this that any pen , should note such hate twixt christian men . this spanish navie ( as t is said ) to th'cardinall infanto's aid , was carrying men and money store , hoping to land on flanders shore : but their intention now is voide , the dutch hath them almost destroy'd . great pitie t is that any pen , should note such hate tvvixt christian men . the hollender who long hath been against the spaniard armde with spléene , waits all occasions that he may , to circumvent him any way , as now for him he laid a traine to catch him far enough from spaine . great pitie t is that any pen , should note such hate tvvixt christan men . the spaniards being pestered sore , with what they could have wisht on shore , unarmed men for sea unfit , few of them being preparde for it , and lying long on our cold clime , many were thrown ore board that time : great pitie t is that any pen should note such hate tvvixt christian men . the hollender with fresh supply , insulteth ore his enemie , vowing the totall overthrow of th'spanish navie at one blow . to say the truth their odds was much ; fourescore spaniards , sixscore dutch. great pitie t is that any pen , &c. on friday morning that sad time , this bloudy battell was in prime , the stately admirall of spaine , weigh'd anchor , and put forth to th' main , the hollend admirall did the like , one did against another strike . great pitie t is that any pen should note such hate tvvixt christian men . a certain space they did abide , fighting all stoutly on each side , so that the ordinance of the dutch , hath lower deale spoild very much . out of the town the people fled , yet many cattle were struck dead . great pitie t is that any pen should note such hate tvvixt christian men . at last the spanish navie stout , ( orecome with force ) was put to rout , and of their ships full twentie foure , were gravelled on our english shore , at dover and at other ports , where ships for saftie oft resorts . great pitie t is that any pen should note such hate twixt christian men . eight of the spanish ships that day were burnt and utterly cast away , the admirall when he did see his ship perforce must taken be , he with a manly resolution , set it on fire in the conclusion . great pitie t is that any pen should note snch hate tvvixt christian men . it was a spictacle of woe , ( grant lord that time the like nere show ) to sée men from a fired ship . how they out of the port-holes scip , each one pronouncing this good word , have mercy on my soule o lord. great pitie t is that any pen should note such hate tvvixt christian men . what losse the hollander hath had , was not in this relation sad , mentiond at all , but at the last , will bring to memorie things forepast , but certainly we may coniecture , that canons preach a bloudy lecture . great pitie t is that any pen should note such hate tvvixt christian men . a thousand men or rather more , are of the spaniards swom on shore , at dover , deal , and waymouth , they are living all this present day , this was the fiercest fight at sea , that hath been fought this many a day . great pitie t is that any pen should note such hate tvvixt christian men . a multitude the sea cast up , which all had tasted of deaths cup , some without heads , some wanting armes , some legs , all shewing what great harmes proceed from that inveterate spléene , which hath long time inventing been . great pitie t is that any pen , &c. i oft have heard that winters thunder , to us produceth sommers wonder , the fourteenth of ianuary last , thunder and lightnings made us agast , and now this thundring on the main , hapt on our coast'twixt holland and spain great pitie t is that any pen , &c. o that all christians would accord , to fight the battell of our lord , against the infidel and turke , that upon our dissention worke , he counts it a most politicke matter , alwayes to fish in troubled water . but god grant peace , and right all vvrongs , by giving right , vvhere right belongs . finis . by martin parkin . printed at london by m. f. for tho. lambert . a proclamation for observing the staple-port at camphire. scotland. privy council. 1692 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05662 wing s1880 estc r183519 52528981 ocm 52528981 179080 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05662) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179080) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:69) a proclamation for observing the staple-port at camphire. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the eleventh day of august, and of our reign the fourth year, 1692. signed: gilb. eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng maritime law -scotland -early works to 1800. foreign trade regulation -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -commerce -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -commerce -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion rr diev et mon droit honi soit qui mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation for observing the staple-port at camphire , william and mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch as by many antient contracts past betwixt the royal burghs of this our antient kingdom , and the town of camphire in zeland , and which have been approved by the kings our predecessors , the whole trade and commerce , as to the staple-commodities exported from this our kingdom , to the seventeen provinces of the nether-lands , has been settled and established at the said town of camphire , as being found by experience the fittest place for the scots staple , and there being in the former reigns of our royal predecessors many proclamations issued forth , requiring all our subjects traveling to the seventeen provinces of the netherlands , to export all staple-goods and commodities to the said staple-port , and to no other port nor place , and ordaining the laws and acts of parliament , and acts of the convention of the royal-burghs to be put to due and vigorous execution , for the full observance of the same : and we being informed , that of late , the staple-trade of this kingdom , hath been altogether diverted from the said staple-port at camphire , and carried to roterdam , and other places in the nether-lands , to the great prejudice and discouragement of trade , and contrair to the foresaid agreement with camphire , from presences that the said town of camphire neither could , nor would furnish sufficient convoyes , for convoying the saids ships , both out-ward and in-ward bound , from and to the said port now in the time of war. and now it being certified to us , that the magistrats of the town of camphire have engadged to the royal-burghs , that they will furnish sufficient convoyes , for securing of the trade betwixt that port and the firth and road of leith , twice in the year , viz. against the middle of september , and the middle of march yearly , commensing from the middle of september next ; and we being fully resolved , that all the standing laws and acts of parliament , and acts of convention of our royal-burghs , be put to full and vigorous execution , for the more due observance of the said staple-port for the future ; do therefore with advice of the lords of our privy council , hereby require all our subjects to give all due and exact obedience to the foresaids acts made for observing of the staple-por● discharging all merchants and skippers , or any other our subjects , to export forth of this our kingdom , any goods or commodities , that are or shall be declared to be staple commodities , to any other port or place in the nether-lands , but only to the said staple-port and town of camphire in zeland , under the pains and certifications mentioned in the saids acts of parliament , and acts of the convention of burghs , which pains and penalties , we ordain to be exacted from the transgressors with all rigour , and that they be further proceeded against , as our council shall find cause . and further , we with advice foresaid , do hereby require the general farmers , tacksmen , or collectors of our customs , and their sub-collectors , surveyers for the time being , that they make exact search and tryal of all staple goods and commodities that shall be hereafter transported forth of this kingdom , to any port of the seventeen provinces of the nether-lands , and take sufficient security from the merchants or skippers transporters thereof , that they shall transport the same to the said staple-port at camphire , and at no other place nor port within the said seventeen provinces , and that they shall not break bulk before their arrival thereat , conform to the acts of parliament , oblidging the said exporters to report certificats from the conservator , or his deputs at camphire , bearing , that the said staple-commodities were livered thereat , without breaking bulk ; and we do ordain the saids testificats , to be delivered in quarterly by the collectors at the several ports , to the agent of our royal-burghs for the time , to the end exact diligence may be done by him , against all the transgressors of the said staple , conform to the saids acts. our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and whole remanent royal-burghs of this kingdom , and other places needful , and thereat , in our name and authority , by open proclamation make publication of the premisses , to the effect , our royal-burghs , and all merchants and other persons , may have timeous notice hereof , and give due and punctual obedience thereto , as they will be answerable at their outmost perril , the which to do , we commit to you conjunctly and severally our full power by these our letters , delivering them by you duely execute , and indorsed again to the bearer , and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the eleventh day of august , and of our reign the fourth year , 1692 . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . in supplementum signeti . gilb . eliot , cls. sti. concilii god save king william and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to their most excellent majesties , anno dom , 1692 nevves out of the lovv-countries, sent in two letters: the one to the earle of new-castle, the other to captaine crispe, now resident with his majesty. declaring the likelihood of civill warres to be betwixt the prince of orange, and the states of the united provinces. s. r. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a89663 of text r20937 in the english short title catalog (thomason e86_25). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a89663 wing n1036 thomason e86_25 estc r20937 99868250 99868250 155695 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a89663) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 155695) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 15:e86[25]) nevves out of the lovv-countries, sent in two letters: the one to the earle of new-castle, the other to captaine crispe, now resident with his majesty. declaring the likelihood of civill warres to be betwixt the prince of orange, and the states of the united provinces. s. r. h. r. [8] p. first printed at oxford for william web, and since reprinted in london, [london] : 1643. 1st letter signed s.r., 2nd letter signed h.r. the imprint is false. "the oxford edition probably never existed"; cf.madan. annotation on thomason copy: "jan: 28 1642". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng william -ii, -prince of orange, 1626-1650 -early works to 1800. crisp, nicholas, -sir, 1599?-1666 -early works to 1800. newcastle, william cavendish, -duke of, 1592-1676. netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -early works to 1800. a89663 r20937 (thomason e86_25). civilwar no nevves out of the lovv-countries, sent in two letters:: the one to the earle of new-castle, the other to captaine crispe, now resident with s. r 1643 1583 16 0 0 0 0 0 101 f the rate of 101 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevves ovt of the lovv-covntries , sent in two letters : the one to the earle of new-castle , the other to captaine crispe , now resident with his majesty ▪ declaring the likelihood of civill warres to be betwixt the prince of orange , and the states of the united provinces . first printed at oxford for william web , and since r●pri●t●d in london . 1643. my lord , since the departure of collonell ●oring ( from whose happier expr●ssions i doubt not but you have received the humble acknowledgements , and assurances of my service to your honour ) we have here but little newes , is worthy your honours observance . his friends with what strength they can produce are making their best dispatches to second him . we have our hearts in england , though our bodies be in holland , and our bodies are making what speed they can to overtake our hearts . the eyes of the princes of christendome are looking on you , and know not well what to resolve upon , but stand a while at gaze , and wait on the events that doe attend you . we heard of some defeats were given you , but we dare not be such cowards to your honour and your cause as to believe it , especially since at●● hath credibly informed us that in spight of winter and opposition you have cut your way through your thickest enemies , and with gallant resolution and successe do increase in numbers , as you adv●●ce mo●e neare unto his majesty . if you could dispence with so much honor , as to forbear your hand a little from your sword and take your penne into it , it would bring great satisfaction to us to understand the newes betwixt oxford and london , and to be informed therein from a person of your eminence a●d authority . the affairs move here in the same condition as they doe with you , and are almost sick of the same distempers . the prince hath kept a private christmas at ●●eda , and though he hath been oft invited to the hague , he cannot be induced to take his journey to it , and thinks hims●lf safer garisoned in his ow● town then befriended in the queens court . count ernests sonne hath been much wrought upon , with what friends and strength he could make to assist his majesty of england , but being not to be perswaded thereunto , he told the prince of ora●ge very resolutely , that he would not adventure his ●onour , nor his life in that quarrell , nor lose a drop of bloud among parricidiall swords , and gave the prince who still importuned him to that service such bold and unrespective words , that the prince forgetting all moderation with his closed hand struck him on the cheek , who not enduring the indignity betook himself unto his sword , and making a full thrust against the prince had desperately endangered his life had not the vigilance , and fidelity of some that stood by prevented the mischief which was pointing at his life . there was also since that one gray an english man , and a souldier sometimes in collonell culpepers regiment , who suffered justly the strappado for speaking scandalous , and traiterous words against the queen of england , and did not blush to affirm and compare her to the late queen of france her mother , saying , that in this respect she was like unto her , and wheresoever she came , that division , warre and ruine did attend her , ascribing the difference betwixt the prince of orange and the states to her residing amongst them . i could willingly write out the other houre , and inlarge my service to your honour , but i know ●n these active times you look on men , and not on papers , and having not the leasure to peruse them , i should rather torment you , then delight you : i should therefore be a very bad subject and sinne against his majesty and the common good , should i withold you any longer from your great imployment which cannot have a more able supporter then your self , nor a more faithfull votary then he who is my lord , your honous most humble and constant servant . s. r. sir , the distempers of these times are great , contrary windes and mindes blowing from all the corners of the christian world ▪ i doe by the opportunity of the first bark committed to the winde and seas , acquaint you with our distractions equall in many respects unto yours . we have heard of much dangerous opposition against your king , and it is our wonder , that you should turn your countrey into an anarchy , and rend power from the king to invest your selves with democraticall diade●es : while they labour to keep the free liberty of the estates of holland , they would maintaine their old rights , and keep the prince of orange onely titular , and depending upon their will , limiting his power to bee subordinate to popular regality , a solecisme and contradiction in nature ; your affairs move upon the same hinge . but the prince of orange that is a knowne souldier , and hath deserved much of the estates , will not brooke this opposition ; but finding that the common people esteeme princes and souldiers only in the field , and doe forget their brave service , accounting them for service , only their servants , and then prove ungratefull : besides , a prince incensed can endure no vulgar weaknesse , strong onely in base thoughts and contempt of principalities , as your plebeians are in england . from these motives much disturbance is like to proceed : for when vulgar strength and principality meet , they are like torrents , that mutually oppose one another . these growing evils are nourished by malignants , as you have ; some declare themselves for the prince , some for the states : and i know not whether they have learned the art of opposing princes , by adhering to your parliament ; but beleeve it , we fore-see what horrible mischiefes the fates have plotted against us , and what blood must be drawne from our owne veines , or rather vanities , pride and ambition , and competition for prerogative , drawing us on to murther one another , as you ( according to intelligence given us ) did at kenton battell : our hopes are weake concerning any pacification ; but our feares are great that the low-countries have seen their best and most flourishing daies : for warre doth shut up all trading and commerce ; and where it doth once enter , it destroyes whole kingdomes , it brings in wretched misery , and all sorts of ineffable calamity . what passionate words can declare the bleeding state of a kingdome distracted by civill warre ? our daily intelligence of your affaires , doth make great impressions of feare in us , that our disagreement between the prince of orange and the states , will at last ( as your contention in england did ) break out into a civill warre . in regard of the firme league between england and holland , and the good service our countrey hath done unto that kingdome , by frustrating the continuall designes of many spanish fleets , and sinking their tallest ships in the mercilesse seas , i perswade me , that the report of these growing dissentions amongst us , will make some begin to compare your present state with ours . prerogatives claimed on both sides , doth thrust us on to fight , and our great power flatters us , that we have both right unto that which we pretend . the prince and the states are united and separated , as the king and parliament are in england , by the affection of the people , and i fear that this our division can bring nothing but ruine . ioyne with us therefore in your prayers , that it would please god to settle and compose the distracted condition of your kingdome , to establish your king in peace , and the generall affection of his subiects , and vanquish all his enemies in his owne army ; and that our countrey looking on your calamity , may clearly behold it selfe , and what wee shall be if we fall out about words . it is a strong peece of the divels subtilty , to provoke nature to shedding of blood , let the cause be never so good , his ends are close and private , and destruction of kingdomes is that whereat his malice doth chiefly aime . but we hope ambition shall not make us butcher and murther one another , as you have done : and since some part of englands strength must needs live and dye with hollands happinesse , let your prayers beseech heaven for peace in both countries , to prevent our warre , and set a period to yours . your loving obliged friend , h. r. finis . a prophecie lately transcribed from an old manuscript of doctor barnaby googe that lived in the reign of qu. elizabeth predicting the rising, meridian, and falling condition of the states of the united provinces, which started up immediately after the appearance of the new star in cassiopœia : in which prophecie it is predicted, that that state will suddenly be brought to that mean and low condition they were in about an hundred years since. googe, barnabe, 1540-1594. 1672 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41544 wing g1271 estc r39589 18447872 ocm 18447872 107671 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41544) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107671) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1633:16) a prophecie lately transcribed from an old manuscript of doctor barnaby googe that lived in the reign of qu. elizabeth predicting the rising, meridian, and falling condition of the states of the united provinces, which started up immediately after the appearance of the new star in cassiopœia : in which prophecie it is predicted, that that state will suddenly be brought to that mean and low condition they were in about an hundred years since. googe, barnabe, 1540-1594. [2], 6 p. printed by j.c. for r. robinson ..., london : 1672. partly in verse. imperfect: stained, with print show-through. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -prophecies. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-07 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a prophecie lately transcribed from an old manuscript of doctor barnaby googe that lived in the reign of qu. elizabeth , predicting the rising , meridian , and falling condition of the states of the vnited provinces , which started up immediately after the appearance of the new star in cassiopoeia . in which prophecie it is predicted , that that state will suddenly be brought to that mean and low condition they were in about an hundred years since . now published and explained . london : printed by j. c. for r. robinson , neer grays inne , holborn . 1672. the prophecie . when a new lyght shall shyne whose name none ken , ne hath beheld the lyke all christen men ; a lyon from a castll shall break loose , who shall a mayden for his guarden choose : shée by her skyll and myght shall guard him too from foes that eagerly do him pursue . but this vile viper , after myckle tyme , shall foster harm geust them that succour'd hym . this happens , when within a solar year thrée starry lanthorns in the sky appear : and to his help he subtilie shall draw the lilly , fir-trée , and the eagles claw . but the just heav'n agenst them all shall fight , and thrice shall cause this villanous lyons flight . then will agen this lyon couchant lie , but yet shall ponder mischief privilie , till the hygh lyghts of heaven aspected are by opposition from the maiden star : then shall the virgins kyn this lyon make , for his false plays and fiend-like villanies quake : then will he séek for aid , but all in vain ; he is begirt with foes by land and main : his privie wiles heavens justice will disclose , which makes his former friends to be his foes : he wooes the eagle ; but the crescent moon with her sharp aspects quickly calls him home : he will the heliotrop eke to his ayd pray , but he will onely féed him with delay : for , former faults , that flower of the sun will cause to be espyer of his doom . from henceforth heaven foretels this lyon shall like to his astral guarden , backward crawl , till iove five times chronos oppose , and then thrée lyons shall confyne him to his den. the explanation of the prophecie . when a new lyght shall shyne , whose name none ken , ne hath the lyke beheld all christen men . by this is meant the appearance of a new star in cassiopoeia , which the famous tycho exactly observed ; and from which appearance , the astrologers of that age did predict the rise of some new government that should trouble and vex the world . a lyon from a castil shall break loose , who shall a mayden for his guarden choose . by the lion , is meant the united provinces , who bear a lion in their arms : by from a castil is meant spain , which was anciently called castile : shall break loose , that is , shall throw off that government . who shall a maiden for his guarden choose : by this maiden is meant queen elizabeth , to whom the then poor distressed states came for aid , viz. in the year 1581. who by her skyll and might shall guard him too , from foes that eagerly do him pursue . by the prudence and valour of her commander and forces which she sent to their assistance , the spanish armies were overcome , and they acknowledged and established by the king of spain to be a free state. but this vile viper , after mickle tyme , shall foster harm genst them that succour'd him . they shall forget , after some time , them that set them up , and shall supplant their trade , and deal treacherously with them ; as it hath been verified in amboyna , surinam , and other parts of the east and west-indies , where they treacherously burnt our stores , and murdered our men , committing outrages that the world cannot parallel . this happens when within a solar year three starrie lanthorns in the skie appear . by the three starry lanthorns , is meant the three comets that appeared in the latter end of 64 , and the beginning of 65. this is so remarkable , as the like no history relates . and to his help he subtilly shall draw the lilly , fir-tree , and the eagles claw . by the lilly is meant france ; the fir-tree , denmark ; the eagles claw , munster : all which were assistants to holland in the years 65 and 66. but the just heavens against them all shall fyght , and thrice shall cause this faithless lions flyght . heaven shall defend the justice of our cause against all our enemies . this was verified in the years 65 and 66 , when we obtained three remarkable victories over the dutch fleet. then will again this lion couchant lie , but yet shall ponder mischief privilie . they shall come to articles of peace , and couch their lion when they see ours passant . but yet they will follow their old treacherous designes against the lives and fortunes of the kings subjects . till the hygh lyghts of heaven aspected are by opposition from the maiden-star . that is , till saturn and jupiter oppose each other ; which happened octob. 25. 1671. then shall the virgins kin this lyon make , for his false plays , and all his treacheries , quake . by the virgins kyn is meant the king of great britain , being of the kindred of the maiden-queen elizabeth . then will he seek for aid , but all in vain ; he is begirt with foes by land and main . they shall send their ambassadours to the princes round about for aid ; but they shall refuse to assist them ; and on the contrary , shall become their enemies . his privie wiles heav'ns justice will disclose ; which makes his former friends to be his foes . their former friends , that before assisted them , now discovering their frauds , become their enemies . he wooes the eagle ; but the crescent moon with her sharp aspects quickly calls him home . they court the emperours aid ; but the turkish forces making some attempts and inroads into hungary , findes him work enough to secure his own dominions . he will the heliotrope eke to his aid pray ; but he will onely feed him with delay . they will court the spaniard ; but he must take care of his own territories . for , former faults , that flower of the sun will cause to be espyer of his doom . the spaniard will remember their former revolt , and for that reason will rather stand neuter then assist them . from henceforth heav'n foretels this lyon shall , like to his astral guarden , backward crawl . that is , from the time of the first opposition of saturn and jupiter , they shall decline , and go backwards , like their astral guarden , which is the crab , the celestial signe that rules over holland . till jove five times chronos oppose , and then three lyons shall confyne him to his den . that is , till saturn and jupiter oppose each other five times , viz. the first opposition octob. 25. 1671. the second opposition , jan. 15. 1671-72 . the third opposition , sept. 12. 1672. the fourth opposition , april 20. 1673. the fifth opposition , august 6. 1673. then , by the force and valour of the fleet and armies of his majestie of great britain , who bears in his arms three lions passant , they shall be brought to that low and mean condition in which they were , in the year 1580. for by the prognostication of the famous astrologers that have calculated the horoscope of the state of holland , it should last but one hundred years , which will be compleated in the year 1680 : of which year the learned cardanus writeth these words : incipiet mutatio legum , cui nunquam fuit similis , & consurget una nova lex , & cum his alia multa . finis . a declaration of war by the states-general against the french, hague, march 12, 1689 united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. 1689 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52829 wing n479 estc r42215 24425173 ocm 24425173 109698 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52829) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109698) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1708:17) a declaration of war by the states-general against the french, hague, march 12, 1689 united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. 1 broadside. re-printed at edinburgh in the year, [edinburgh] : 1689. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grand alliance, war of the, 1689-1697. netherlands -history -1648-1714. broadsides -scotland -edinburgh -17th century. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of war , by the states-general against the french , hague , march 12. 1689. that the states-general being in perfect peace and tranquillity in the year 1672 , with such an entire confidence in the treatles of peace , friendship and alliance established between the french king and this state , that they were unprovided of whatever might serve for their defence against so powerful a king , not being able to imagine that the said king , without any just cause , would break the said treaties , were yet contrary to all expectation fallen upon with so sudden and heavy a war , that the state was in a short time brought into great danger , and might have been entirely subverted , had they not reflected upon the reasons which the said king declared had moved him to the war , to wit , the encrease of his honour and glory ; and firmly trusted that almighty god would not suffer their destruction , undertaken with so great injustice , whereby they were encouraged in that desperate state of affairs , under the prudent conduct of his highness the prince of orange , to stand our all extremities in the defence of the true reformed religion , their liberty , & country ; that it having pleased god to pour out his mercies upon the state , after the spilling of much innocent blood , & the great suffering of the inhabitants by the cruelties of the french , a treaty of peace , commerce , & navigation was concluded in the year 1678. with the french king at nimeguen : which the states on their part exactly & religiously observed ; but that on the contrary the french king soon after , by a publict edict , laid heavy burthens upon the commerce of the state , and endeavoured from time to time , by all manner of way , as well in , as out of europe , to molest the same : favoured the taking of their ships and goods , and sought , as far as in him lay , as well directly as indirectly , entirely to ruine their said commerce and navigation , causing even their ships of war to be visited by force , and some of them to be attack'd in time of peace ; that the said king had finally by new impositions and vexations hindred the inhabitants of these countries from vending in france , their manufactures , and product of their fishery , and had on frivolous pretences laid such great and unjust impositions upon their trade , that it was impossible for them to continue it any longer ; slighting with great contempt all the instances made by the states on occasion thereof , and denying their ambassadors in france the honour and respect which they had always enjoyed ; that the said king having begun the terrible persecution against those of the reformed religion within his kingdoms , had involved therein the subjects of this state , residing there on account of their trade , forcing women from their husbands , and children from their parents , and treating even the consuls of this state in a cruel and unheard of manner , contrary to the law of nations , and the express tenor of the treaties ; that the said king had farther shewed his ill design against this state , by the continual motion of his troops towards their frontiers , thereby to oblige them to make extraordinary preparations by land and sea , to the exhausting of their revenues ; that he had sometimes with fair words and solemn assurances , and even by overtures of an alliance , endeavoured to amuse them , but that when ever they went about to provide for their own security , and the farther strengthning of the treaty of nimeguen , by making defensive alliances with any of the princes their neighbours , he had always opposed them , & even threatned them with a war on account thereof . lastly , that the said king has in ful peace caused the ships , goods , & persons of the subjects of this state who were residing in france , upon the publick faith of the treaties , to be seized , and the masters and seamen of the said ships to be imprisoned , and most babarously treated , to force them to change their religion , and the said ships , goods and effects to be sold , although it is expresly stipulated by the treaty of commerce , that in case of a war , the subjects on both sides shall be allowed six months time to retire with their goods , or otherwise to sell or dispose of them ; which was followed with the plundering and burning of diverse villages within the territories of this state ; and afterwards with a declaration of war , for which no other reason was given than that the states had made extraordinary preparations by land and sea , although they had as●ured the said king that they were only intended for their own necessary defence , and that they would not concern themselves with the election of cologne ; that the states having thus made manifest the evil designs and machinarions of the french king against this state , do admonish their subjects seriously to reflect upon the treatment they are to expect from him in matter of their religion , liberty , estates , and persons , and that they will call to mind the cruel persecution he has undertaken against his own subjects , and in what manner the towns and places , who thought they had surrendred upon good conditions have been treated , and whole countries destroyed which his troops have been forced to quit . upon all these considerations , and for the preservation of their religion , and liberty and the repairing the injuries ther subjects have so unjustly suffered , the said states do declare war against the said king of france , and all his subjects countries and dominions , both by sea and land , strictly commanding . 1. that none of the inhabitants of this state , or any forreigner residing within their territories , shall transport any thing to france that 's useful in war , or correspond with the french to the prejudice of the state. 2. that all contraband goods which shall be taken going to france , shall be declared prize . 3. that good security shall be given by all persons carrying any contraband goods out of these countries , that they are not designed for france . 4. that all ships laden with contraband goods as shall be found on the french coasts shall be taken for good prize . 5. that all ships ought to have lawful pass-ports . 6. the men of war not to molest any ships having such pass-ports , and not being bound with any contraband goods to any ports in france . 7. that such as shall be found offending here-in , shall be punished with confiscation of ship and goods . 8. that the commanders of the ships of war shall punctually govern themselves in this matter according to the treaties made in relation thereunto , with other kings , princes , and states . 9. that the admiralties shall have the cognisance of these offences . 10. 11 , 12. the moneys arising by such confiscations shall be disposed of , as has been heretofore practised in like cases ; and as to the seisure , &c. former placaers to be observed . 13. none of the inhabitants of this state shall insure any french ships or goods , or others bound to france , on forfeiture of the sum insured . given at the hague the 9th of march , 1689 . re-printed at edinburgh in the year , 1689. nevves from the narrovv seas being a certain relation of a mighty and fearfull fight in those seas upon the coast of frizeland : between a navy of danes of a hundred sayle under the command of the grave van erfurt d., em. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a36334 of text r17043 in the english short title catalog (wing d19). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a36334 wing d19 estc r17043 12434399 ocm 12434399 62008 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36334) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62008) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 248:e126, no 27) nevves from the narrovv seas being a certain relation of a mighty and fearfull fight in those seas upon the coast of frizeland : between a navy of danes of a hundred sayle under the command of the grave van erfurt d., em. 8 p. printed for francis wright, london : 1642. signed at end: em. d. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng tromp, maarten harpertsz., 1598-1653. england and wales. -royal navy. netherlands. a36334 r17043 (wing d19). civilwar no nevves from the narrovv seas, being a certain relation of a mighty and fearfull fight in those seas, upon the coast of frizeland; between a em. d 1642 2153 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 b the rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-10 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevves from the narrovv seas , being a certain relation of a mighty and fearfull fight in those seas , upon the coast of frizeland , between a navy of danes of a hundred sayle , under the command of the grave van erfurt , the danish admirall , and mine here van trump , admirall to the states of the united provinces . wherein the said van trump obtained a glorious victory by the utter overthrow of the danish navy , which was ( as is probably supposed ) intended for england to assist his majesty against the parliament . the battell hapning on tuesday last , the first of november , old stile . the relation of it was sent over from amsterdam in a letter by a merchant of good quality to a gentleman in this city , and by him published . london , printed for francis wright . 1642 , worthy sir , according to the mutuall correspondence long time held betweene us , understanding by your last expresse of the 20. of october , the old stile of the affairs of england , i found my selfe ingag'd to make you a retribution by acquainting you with the last passages here ; i believe it is not unknowne to you that there has beene open hostility between the king of denmarke and the state , which yet continuing in full heat and violence ; all the discourse for some weeks past here , has beene of a strange and new appointed navie , which the said king has beene all this last summer a rigging in all the considerable ports of the balticke , for what end we certainly could not understand ; the best intelligence from thence , giving information , that it was bound for england , procur'd hither by the solicitation of the malignant party there to assist his majesty against the parliament , others affirming , and probably , enough , that it was to infest the netherlandish coasts and to make some attempts upon hilford sluce , the brill , or some other part of zeland , being assisted by another fleet of our old and implacable enemies , the dunkirks , whithersoever it was bound , or for what purpose rais'd , i can not determine , but certaine it is , that about saint lukes tide last , according to the english account , there arrived out of the same into copenhagen , neere an hundred able ships , part lubeckers , part stoud merchants , and the rest danes , which taking in there some twelve or fourteene thousand landsouldiers , besides abundance of amunition , even to supefluity ; under the comand of the duke of holstein ; and then joyn'd with the grave van erfurt a germane , the admirall of denmark and his fleet of twenty ships ; they put to sea that weeke , keeping along the coast , the state here having daily avisoes from sea of their proceedings , and by their consant and continuall wrestling with military dangers , inur'd to a care of their safeties , they sent an expresse to that famous van trump their admirall ( being with his fleet of threescore saile of good and valiant ships not farre from the coast zeland ) to intimate the approaching of the danish armado , charging him to wait diligently on those unwelcome guests , and so to watch their movings ; that if he saw occasion , hee might bid them to a bloody entertainment ; for whatsoever were their pretentons , or whithersoever they were bound . it was cause and quarrell enough to give him battell , being profest enemies to that state . van trump having received that charge quickly hoys'd his sailes , and with a cheerfull and pleasant gale of wind , did run along the coasts of zeland , holland and f●●zl●nd , being as farre as the states clame any jurisdiction in those seas , without having any notice of this talk'd-of navie , till the eve before the battell , which was on munday the last of october old style he had notice by a light catch , that scouted out to sea ward , that there was a mighty and stupendious fleet to the number of at least sixscore bottomes , bearing to sea-ward from the coast of humburg , and that in all probability , if he would make out to sea , he might encounter them ere morning ; ven trump exceedingly joyfull at this tiding unamaz'd at the number of their fleet , made toward them , by the directions of that catch , but the wind at evening being something scant , and not sufficient to trim the sailes of his greater ships , his admirall and some other of his fleet , being vessells of twelve hundred and a thousand tun was forc'd to laver about , till in the night the wind comming about , and blowing a stiffe gale in his sterne , he spoond before the waves , and by that it was cleare day light , ours had a view of the danish armado , who fail'd on , as if they had notice , intended to fall over for the north coast of england , then to trouble the coast of holland . but on the descriall of our fleet , without delay they prepar'd for fight , their admirall erfurt dividing his navy into three squadrons , two wings himselfe in the midle with his musters royall ships , making as it were the body of his battell . van trumpe came on almost in the selfe same forme , onely his wings keepe closer to the maine of his armado , and so with fearfull shouts on both sides , the danes as is their custome , drinking large carrowces to make them more couragious , they sent loud messages of death to each other , by those fatall imbassadors , their great ordnance , the constables of our ships being far more experienc't markesmen than the danish gunners , none of those fire-bals were sent in raigne , but went either through and through the sides of their vessels , or light upon their masts , splitting them , and shearing asunder their tacklings , our light and nimble ships turning dexterously about , saluteng them with two broad sides and sinking some six of the right wing , the rest shockt up to their admirall . who was not unmindfull neither of his honour , nor to invade our navy , upon which he sent out not in vaine , his great artillery , which seemed to change the sea into a flame , at last finding our ordnance from our vice admirall hans hiem the son of that peere hiem that tooke in 29 the spanish plate-fleete in the iames . to gall him shrowdly twixt his decks , trusting to the multitude of his men , they being now within halfe musket shot he ran his sword with much violence upon his sterne , and grapling after a turne or two , his ship to that of hans hiem , he laid him abord with some kindred of his resolutest souldiers . when suddainly the murderers from the great cabbine going off , and fire being given to the traine under the false decks , up flew those danes into the ayre dismembred , and others by the admirall being clapt on in their roomes , were with the murderers from the cooke-roome straight cleared the decks , and sent those danes to drinke an everlasting health with their companions . the admirall perceiving that there was likelyhood of taking that strait ship , deserted her , and tooke about to the ayd of his right wing , which under the command of the duke of holstein was undertaken by van trump himselfe , who like a right neptune , as if he only would be lord of those waters , bestirs himselfe among the danes , powring into their bosomes showres of lead like hailestones , and throwing over pots of wilde fire and hard granado's into their quarters and tacklings . you might have in an instant seen as it were a fiery contention for priority between those two opposite elements , fire and water , the burning ships , as it were striving to set fire upon the roomes : which in scorne to be vanquished in their proper dwellings , as the vessels should have suffered a double death , insinuated into their holds , and sinking them extinguished the audacious flames ; the same ships at one instant ( strange yet true ) being burned and drowned , van trumpe boarding the duke of holstein , was twice repulsed , rather by multitude then valour ; those bacon-eating danes wishing themselves at home againe carowsing strong waters ; on the sudden , were sent to their long home , where they had plenty of liquor ; destiny seeming to be courteous to them in affourding them plenty of that in their deaths which they had so doted on in their lives . hans hiem with the rere-admirall and his squadron , in the interim falling in upon erfurts left wing , which consisted of lubecke mariners , they instantly cryed out for quarter , yeelding themselves without striking one stroake , with their sluggish ships , to the number of six and thirty , a large thirst of the fleet ; with which cowardly treachery of theirs , erfurt amazed and discouraged would have provided for his safety by fight ; but he was as well surrounded with enemies as waves , and therefore impossibilitated of his purpose , like a valiant souldier resolves to fight it out , and set his life at as deare rate as possible , rather , then betray the trust reposed in him by his king , by betraying the ships royall into the hands of his enemies , cheerfully therefore and suddenly hee made upon van trump charging his ordnance great and small ; you might have seen there all the horrours incident to mortality , men leaping there from one to another , death , fire , water , and sword , and all the elements and engines of destruction contriving their ruine . at last , by the singular skill and directions of van trump , and the valour of hiem and others , most of the fleet that before threatened the seas was sunk or taken . the duke of holstein seeing us goe to wracke , as hiem informed , being in a good and strong ship , valiantly cut his passage through our fleet , and escaped old erfurt , after he and his souldiers had shewed as much valour as ever was expressed , that nation beholding his ship boarded , on all sides ready to be taken , and himselfe led into captivity , more desperately then christianly getting downe into the gun-roome , gave fire to those vessels of powder which were there ; he blew himselfe , souldiers and enemies that were then aboard , with his ship into pieces ; that old commander like aiax , disdaining that any should conquer him but himselfe ; after which the rest of the ships crying out for quarter , were received into the possession of van trump , who now had a competent victory . of all that great fleet not one escaped that i can heare of but the duke of holstein , there being thirty sixe sunke and torne a pieces in the fight , and some sixty taken and made prize of , we having not lost above three ships , and those not very considerable , and not above three hundred men , they foure thousand , there being of mariners and souldiers betweene sixe and seven thousand prisoners . this is the true relation of that great and fearefull battell , then which has not been fought a more considerable one to this state . the king of denmarke by this meanes being deprived of all his maritime forces ; and if they were intended for england , they were happily diverted thence : where sir i wish you a sudden and happy tranquility , and rest , your humble servant , and true friend , em. d. amsterdam this present wednsday , the 11. of novemb. stylo novo . i could have written you other occurrences , but the post being ready to goe aboard , i had enough to doe to noticifie this to you , which is a certaine truth . farwell . finis . the reply of the states generall of the united provinces of the low countrys, to the letter of the king of great brittain united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. 1673 approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52842 wing n490 estc r217440 99829106 99829106 33542 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52842) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33542) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1973:18) the reply of the states generall of the united provinces of the low countrys, to the letter of the king of great brittain united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. fagel, h. 8, p. [s.n.], [hague] : anno 1673. signed on p.8: h. fagel. place of publication from wing. caption title on p.3 reads: to the king of great britain the 9/19 of decemb. 1673. copy includes at the end, two texts which read "extract, uyt't register der resolutien vande hoogh mogende heeren staten generael der vereenighde nederlanden. mercurij den 24 julij 1658." on a1 of copy 1, catchword: aen; copy 2: de. reproduction of the original in the jesus college library, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685 -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. netherlands -history -1648-1714 -early works to 1800. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reply of the states generall of the united provinces of the low countrys , to the letter of the king of great brittain . anno 1673. to the king of great brittain the 9 / 19 of decemb. 1673. sir , what ever may have induced your majesty to write us the letter , which the trumpetter we had sent you hath delivered us from your majesty dated the 7 / 17 novemb. , we do think ourselves bound to return you our thanks , for the honour you have been pleased to do us ; but we cann't but let you know , at the same time , how much we are troubled to see your majesty so prepossess'd against us , and that those ministers , whom you most trust , have hitherto had the skill to influence your majesty so far as we see they have done , by persuading you to aver so many things , which they suppos'd were out of your majesty's memory , and which they know in their own consciences to be contrary to all truth . for this reason , sir , we do not think fitt to give a particular answer to all the heads of the letter , your majesty hath written to us , that we may not give a new occasion to those that have so possess'd your majesty , to exasperate you further : but referring ourselves to the deduction , which we are necessitated to set forth in answer to the manifest , which was published in your majesty's name , we shall satisfy ourselves with declaring here unto your majesty , that as we have alledg'd nothing in the letter we had written to your majesty , whereof we have not in our hands authentick and undenyable proofs , so we shall be ready at all times to produce them before your majesty , whensoever you will be pleased to give us a fitter opportunity for it . and withall since your majesty ( supposing that what information you had received from your ministers was more faithfull , ) hath complained to your parliament of our obstinate aversenesse to peace , and that the house of commons according to their wonted prudence , have been pleased to suspend their judgement therein , and to give us thereby an occasion to lay our innocence more open , and to give more publique and convincing proofs of the sincerity of our intentions ; we have thought it necessary to add , that to let your majesty , and all your kingdom see , that we do not affect to speak of peace ( as is layd to our charge ) without really desiring the same , and that we are farr from entrenching ourselves within generall words , without coming to any particular overtures , we are ready to renew with your majesty the treaty which you concluded with us at breda in the year 1667 , and to explain the 19. article concerning the flagg , in such a manner as may prevent any further dispute for the future , and that may regulate and settle the practice thereof without any ambiguity . and being your majesty judged the said treaty so just and so equitable , that for some years after we received more proofs of your majesty's friendship , and you entered with us into stricter alliances than ever , we do propose the same as the most solid foundation of a firme and durable peace , and we hope your majesty will not refuse to return to your former amity with us , upon the same termes which you have heretofore approved of ; the rather because the interest of the protestant religion , and many other respects relating to the good of both nations , ought to be a strong argument on both sides to unite us again the sooner . moreover because some have endeavoured to persuade your majesty that we have violated our treatyes , and committed severall injustices for which satisfaction is demanded , we are also ready to send forthwith our embassadors to your majesty , to give you a more faithfull account of the truth than you have received from our ennemies , & to examine in your presence all the infractions that are layd to our charge , with a solemn promise to repair and give satisfaction , for all the wrongs or injuries , which either your majesty or your subjects , may have received from us or from our officers , since the aforesaid treaty of breda till the beginning of this war. and to the end that this inquiry may not retard the conclusion of a peace which we so earnestly desire , and which is so necessary for the good of all christendom ; we do offer to your majesty , for a greater security , the guarantie of our allyes for the exact and punctuall performance of the promise we make here , and which we are willing to have inserted in the treaty , which shall be concluded , to make the same so much the more authentick . lastly , to demonstrate to your majesty how farr we value your friendship ; we do profer you likewise , to restore the new netherlands , with any other place or colony , our armes may have conquered during this warr ; not doubting but that your majesty will not refuse reciprocally to engage , to restore to us what territoryes or forts your majesty may have conquerred . but because your majesty seemeth above all to complain , that we do highly offend you , by proposing to your majesty to leave your allyes , to whom you have promised not to treat separately , whilest we do establish it for a fundamental point , that we cann't break the word we have given ours , without wronging our honour , as if your majesty was to value yours less ; we beseech your majesty to consider , there is a vast difference between your engagements & ours , as well as in the carriage of those we are respectively allyed with : and your majesty may with as much justice as glory quench a fire , which hath already spred it self much further than you did think at first ; whereas we could not forsake our allyes , without being guilty of the greatest ingratitude , and without destroying europe by destroying ourselves . when your majesty did at first joyn with our ennemies , you did seem to intend only to bring our commonwealth low ; but now the war is grown a generall one ; and the spanish netherlands for the preservation of which your majesty hath alwayes appeared so zealous , are no less concerned in it than our selves , as well as the greatest part of the empire . besides , your majesty hath so much the less reason to continue in your former alliance , since your allyes themselves have altered the nature of this war , and have forced our friends to declare so much the sooner in our behalf , whilest neither his imperiall majesty nor the most serene king of spain , could bear no longer with the hostilityes the french committed every day in all the low countrys , and in severall provinces of the empire , where they had already mastered an electorall town . but not to enter into these particulars , and laying aside severall other arguments of the same kind , your majesty , sir , hath but to much cause to forsake an allye that hath sought nothing in this warr but his own private advantage , and who in the most important occasions hath taken care of nothing less than of your majestys concerns , not to say worse : and if your majesty do still doubt the truth of it , let not your majesty relye upon what those that are friends to france do tell you ; but be pleased duely to examine what pass'd at utrecht the last year between the french ministers and our deputys , and you 'l see plainly how upright the carriage of your allyes hath been . to be convinced of it , it is even sufficient to read the proposalls which france made then to us , wherein there is not the least word relating to your majesty ; and whilest our other deputys were kept at hampton-court without granting them any audience , we were press'd hard at utrecht to agree upon , and conclude a treaty without your majesty's participation : and to quicken us the more , we were told that unless we granted within five dayes what was then demanded of us , they would afterwards raise their demands higher . we might add to this severall other overtures which have since been made to us , wherein as little care was taken of your majesty : but by reason these have been less publique how reall soever they were , we shall not insist upon them , and will only for a finall proof of the obligations your allyes have laid upon your majesty , put you in mind of what hath pass'd in the sea-fights ; whereof we 'l have no other witnesses , and appeal to no other judges , but those that have had the command of your majesty's fleets , with the rest of the officers and seamen . but as for us , seeing our allyes have carryed themselves in a manner so different ; that they have laid upon us such obligations as we cannot sufficiently expresse ; that withall we are entered with them into this alliance out of an unavoidable necessity , & for the good of all europe ; and lastly ( as we have said it before ) that we cannot leave them without undoing ourselves , and exposing to an eminent danger the safety of christendom ; your majesty ought not to wonder if we cannot consent to break our word to them , nor take it ill , if we endeavour to persuade your majesty to follow your true interest , and to take a resolution which would be as generous and as just , as it would prove beneficiall to your kingdoms , and to your majesty's neighbours . to which we may add , that a separate treaty is so much the more necessary and warrantable , by reason of the absolute stop which is put to the conferences at collen , by the obstinate denyal the french have made , some months since , to grant the necessary passes to the ministers of the duke of lorraine ( one of our allyes ) and to admit him a principall in 〈◊〉 negotiation of peace . this , sir , is what we have thought fit both to represent , and to offer unto your majesty , in answer to what was most essentiall in your letter . and we conceive hopes that if your majesty will never so little reflect upon the same , you will own , that nothing more can in justice be demanded of us ; neither can we persuade ourselves that your majesty will without need , as well as without advantage , countenance any longer the armes of the french not only against us , but also against some other of your ancientest allyes , who are engaged to run the same fortune with us ; and to endanger still both all europe and the protestant religion . we 'l expect with great impatience your majesty's resolution , upon which the rest and the prosperity of so many nations doth depend . in the mean time we pray god , sir , to crown your majesty's reign with felicity , and to bless your royall person with health and long life . at the hague the 19. of december 1673. your majesty's most humble servants , the states generall of the united provinces of the low countreys , gasp. fagel . by command of the abovesaid , h. fagel . extract , uyt 't register der resolutien vande hoogh mogende heeren staten generael der vereenighde nederlanden . mercurij den 24 iulij . 1658. synde ter vergaderinge overwoogen den innehouden vande brieven vande directeurs over den levantschen handel / ende navigatie inde middelantsche zee / hier bevoorens onefangen / ●nder anderen raeckende de c●mportementen vande consuls vande nederlantsche natie in 't generael / ce weten in alle de plaetsen van spaignen / vranckrijck / italiēn / enaen de gheheele middelantsche zee ( uytgesondere alleen het turcx ghebiet ) residerende / ende de reglementen dienthalven gheprojecteert . is naer deliberatie goet ghevonden ende verstaen / mits desen te arresteren ende vast te stellen / de hier naervolgende poincten ende articulen / om te dienen voor een generael reglement / naer den inhout van 't welcke hun de consuls inde voor-verhaelde plaetsen in christenrijck sullen hebben te gedragen / soo ten regarde vande rechten by de selve te genieten / al 's andersints / teweten : eerstelijck / dat alle de consulaet rechten vande voorsz consuls / in alle de plaetsen voornoemt / ende alomme gereguleert sullen werden op realen van achten / zijnde de selve door de gantsche middelandtsche zee ganghbaer / ende over den prijs ende valeur van de welcke geen disputen konnen vallen . ten tweeden / dat de consuls niet meer voor haer recht en sullen mogen trecken / gelijck hun wel expresselick verboden wert mits desen / al 's vier / ofte ten hoochsten vijf realen van achten / naer advenant de groote van yeder schip / in hun respecrivé districten komende te arriveren / mitsgaders last te breecken / ofte aldaer ladinge in te nemen / sonder dat de schepen alleenlick daer komende om water te halen / ofte andersints ergens in gehouden fullen wesen . ten derden / dat de gheseyde consuls haer geen authoriteyt / ofte eenige jurisdictie sullen hebben aen te matigen / ofte poogen t'exerceren / over de persoonen vande coopluyden / ofte der selver effecten . ende ten vierden / in cas het mochte ghebeuren dat de consuls hun door de schippers lieren gebruycken / ende emploperen in eenige extraordinaris besoignes / ' tzy in het bevorderen ende beleyden van eenige processen / beslissen van eenige differenten / dat syluyden in soodanige ghelegentheyt / voor hun salaris den schippers niet meerder sullen vermogen te doen betalen / al 's volgens d'arbitragie van d'aenwesende nederlantsche coopluyden / geoordeelt sal werden hun te competeren . welck reglement copielick toegesonden sal worden aen alle hare ho : mo : consuls inde boven-verhaelde quartieren residerende / met last ende ordre vanden inhouden van dien precise ende punctuelick naer te komen / mitsgaders door den druck ghemeen gemaeckt / op dat een yeder / de selve behoevende / daer van kennisse mach bekomen . gelijck oock extract van dese resolutie gesonden sal werden aende respective collegien ter admiraliteyt / midtsgaders aen de voornoemde directeurs vanden levantschen handel / ende navigatie inde middelantsche zee / om te strecken tot der selver narichtinge . was geparapheert / joan vander beecke , vt . accordeert met ' tvoorsz register . ende geteeckent / n. ruysch . in ' sgraven-hage , by de weduwe , ende erfgenamen van wylen hillebrandt jacobsz van wouw , ordinaris druckers vande hoogh mog : heeren staten generael der vereenighde nederlanden . anno 1658. nevves from gulick and cleue a true and faithfull relation of the late affaires in the countries of gulicke, cleue and bergh, and what townes haue certainely been taken aswell by marquesse spinola, as by graue maurice, and how it stands with them in those parts at this present. seruing also to confute the false relation lately published in english. together, with count henrie of nassau his very late expeditions in the country of marck, &c. faithfully translated out of dutch by charles demetrius, publike notarie of london. published by authoritie. 1615 approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04713 stc 14838 estc s107971 99843662 99843662 8409 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04713) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 8409) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 759:04) nevves from gulick and cleue a true and faithfull relation of the late affaires in the countries of gulicke, cleue and bergh, and what townes haue certainely been taken aswell by marquesse spinola, as by graue maurice, and how it stands with them in those parts at this present. seruing also to confute the false relation lately published in english. together, with count henrie of nassau his very late expeditions in the country of marck, &c. faithfully translated out of dutch by charles demetrius, publike notarie of london. published by authoritie. demetrius, charles. [2], 21 [i.e. 25], [1] p. printed [by edward griffin] for h. holland, and g. gibbs, and are to be solde at the flower de luce in paules churchyard, london : 1615. printer's name from stc. p. 25 misnumbered 21. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -early works to 1800. germany -history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-11 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevves from gvlick and cleve . a trve and faithfull relation of the late affaires in the countries of gulicke , cleue and bergh , and what townes haue certainely been taken aswell by marquesse spinola , as by graue mavrice , and how it stands with them in those parts at this present . seruing also to confute the false relation lately published in english . together , with count henrie of nassav his very late expeditions in the country of marck , &c. faithfully translated out of dutch by charles demetrivs , publike notarie of london . published by authoritie . london , printed for h. holland , and g. gibbs , and are to be solde at the flower de luce in paules churchyard , 1615. the translator to the reader . courteous reader , thus haue you seene in the premises a faithful report of the trueth , & nothing but the truth , translated out of a dutch coppie printed at amsterdam by nicholas van gelkerken , a few daies sithence , together with a bewtifull mappe or platforme of all those countries before named , the townes , marches , armies and camps , euen as at this very instant they remaine : which for your better satisfaction , you may see in the hands of the printer heereof , if you repaire vnto him : and so fare you well . 20. october 1614. finis . a trve declaration of the great enterprise of both the armies vnder the conduct of the marquesse spinola on the one part , and his princely excellency count mavrice of nassau on the other party , together with the names of the places by each of them seuerally taken , and where the campes are at this present lying . &c. gentle reader before we come to relate the preparation of defence taken in hand by the noble lords , the estates , vnder the conduct of his princely excellency . we will first begin to speake of the army conducted by the marquis spinola , whereof some three months past a great rumor went , aswell by taking vp of new forces , withdrawing of his olde souldiers , as also his marches , sieges , and taking in of the towns & places , lying in the countrie of gulicke , cleue and berch . in the moneth of august , the marquis hauing gathered an army together marched from brabant to the towne of tongeren , and so to mastricke , where he increased his armie , and here came his forces from all places marching . it was reported his campe was then twentie thousand strong aswell horse as foot . from thence he went with his whole army the twentieth of august , marching through the country of valkenburch , towards the town of acon or aken ; before which he came the two and twentieth of august , deuiding his campe in three quarters , the one at bortset , the other at the townes place of execution , and the third at saint sauiours hill , making presentlie his batteries close vnder the towne , charging also euery souldier to bring fiue fagots to assault the towne fiercelie and with all speed , seeming to be somwhat incensed against this towne . the romish catholikes within , seeing they were so fiercelie assaulted , fled altogether with their goods into the cloisters . and those of the reformed protestants religion , seeing the same , were not a little amased , and thereupon thought it fitte to conferre with him ; whereunto the marquisse spinola seemed to bee vnwilling ; notwithstanding at the entreaty and request of graue henry vanden berghe , the prior of the cloister of acon , with the abbesse of bortset , who at three seuerall times humbly entreated for the citizens or burgars , he condiscended to a parlee , and concluded vpon the foure and twentieth of august , and the keyes were deliuered into his handes , placing for gouernour of the towne the earle of ritbergen , brother vnto the earle of embden ; permitting the souldiers , who on the behalfe of the brandenburger lay within the town , to march forth with their full armes , flying ensignes , burning matches , &c. placing for the garrison of the towne fifteen hundreth new entertained lutzenburgar souldiers , and so marched forward with his whole armie towards dueren . the which those of the town vnderstanding and perceiuing that he would assault them , durst not stay his comming , but resolued to meet him , and deliuered him the keyes at his first approach , and so yeelded themselues without compulsion or any shot of canon . the marquis placing his souldiers therin , and so instantlie set forward towards berchem : where he sent part of his souldiers towards collen , to the end with the aide of the burgers of collen to spoile and deface the town of mulhem , the which with great rage of the burgars of collen , and the soldiers of the marquis spinola was begun , and after that they had beaten downe the walles , they instantlie beganne to fall vpon the new houses , but by the commandement of the newburger , vpon paine of death , it was left vndone , so as the protestant inhabitants remaine as yet reasonable peaceable in their seuerall houses . a garrison onelie there remaining . then hee marched forward in good order with the whole campe through the countrie of gulicke towards rynbercke , where when he came , hee made a bridge ouer the ryne , where the whole armie of the marquis marched ouer , ioining themselues to the forces of lingen and oldenseel , who had long expected his comming thither , marching all together towards wesel . and by the way with those of gelder and berck , he went tovvards orsoy , as hereafter follovveth . there first entred in fiue or sixe horsemen of bercke earely in the morning when the milke maides went out , and for that there was but slender watch held , they kept the gates , and the other being presentlie at hand , marched without making any shot , hauing by them two peeces of ordinance , and about sixe hundred men strong . then the marquesse marched towardes wesel , and betweene the riuer of lip and wesell lyeth strongly entrenched towards the field side of lip , neare the towne . and then a great part of the campe in all haste attempted to shoote vpon the towne , and by force to compell the same , euen as with all speed they did , causing such a feare in short time in the city , that the burgars who being couragious , with that hast were astonished , & being altogether discouraged , found it conuenient to agree with the marquesse , which happened on the fifth of september , condicioning libertie of religion , and reseruing their old priuiledges , but the towne should be kept with the garrison of the marquesse spinola . the ordnance and munition of the brandeburger beeing in the towne , some daies after was sent downe the ryne , towards the towne of rees , after long conference and deliberation thereabout held , betweene the marquesse , and the duke of newburgh . and in the marsh before wesell , the marquesse spinola hath made a strong sconce to compell the towne , and to hinder the passages of shippes by the rhyne . as also three halfe moones the marquesse hath caused to bee made before the three gates of the towne , placing his centinells or the outward watches toward the campe of his excellency of nassau . now shortly after that the marques had gotten wesell , hee purposed to haue made himselfe master of rees , to the which end hee had already sent forces , but his excellency was come there about an houre before , who in good time enuironed the towne and tooke it in . also it happened that the marquesse had gotten santen an houre before that his excellency with his forces came there . and euen so it remaines at this instant with the marquesse spinola and his whole army . now therefore come wee to speake of his excellency of nassau and his army as followeth . the description of the armie of his euer-renowmed excellencie . the noble lords the estates with his princely excellency their generall , vnderstanding of the great preparation of the marquesse spinola , also hauing knowledge of the taking in of acon , duren , and other places , that hee also purposed to come downe neere towards wesel , ( the marquesse of brandeburgh crauing by embassage their assistance ) they resolued to goe against him , and leauied souldiers out of all quarters , & first sent them vp toward sgrauen weert , elten , and therabouts , his princely excellency himselfe in person with all speede from the haghe , ( accompanied with the noble earles , graue william , graue iohn , graue earnest , of the house of nassau ; and the prince of portugall , ) trauelling by day and night came thither . first and formost making himselfe sure , and tooke in the towne of emericke with the forces hee had with him , presently marching from thence towards rees , which he also in good time , as is aforesaide , had gotten before the marquesse came : yea and had not his excellency staid the longer at the haghe , vpon the comming of his maiesty of great britaine , and the french kings embassadors , vpon a treaty of peace , the marquesse certainely might haue cast his cap after wesell . then the gouernour of nymegen , by command of his princely excellency , marched out the tenth of september towards the towne of goch , with three great cannons , and comming about the village of moock , there came to him fiue companies more , marching in hast toward goch aforesaid , presently demanding vp the towne , but the cleargy would not yeeld thereunto : the gouernour vnderstanding this , presently caused the parcullise of the gates to bee set on fire , which they within seeing , did bulwarke vp the gates with dung & other dirt , but the gouernour presentlie began to shoote with his ordnance which he had at hand , and to assault the towne : the burgars seeing he was so furiously bent , fearing to bee surprised , made composition with him , and the eleuenth of september , yeelded vp the towne vnto him , who presently put in garrison the souldiers of the duke of brandenburgh . the twelfth of this said moneth the gouernour aforesaid marched towards the towne and castle of gennep which he presently tooke , wherein he also put in garrison the brandenburgers men , sending also some forces towards cleue , rauesteyn , and sousbeck . from the campe where his excellency first assembled , he sent the new souldiers to aide the brandenburger , where hee lay some few dayes after . then his excellency caused to bee made a bridge before embricke ouer the rhyne , where the new souldiers marched ouer , and went vp higher into the country . the campe of his excellency lyeth at this present on the northside of rees in very good order , vnto whom dayly more men come , with horsemen round about . his excellency also caused an other bridge to bee made ouer the rhyne before rees , with the halfe moone , where a great number of ships lie , yea so many , that it is a great pleasure to see , and dayly yet more come out of holland . here are already many men marched ouer the bridge on the side of santen , and marien-bome , which his excellency also hath gotten : and here men thinke it will come to blowes . and which is not to bee forgotten , neere vnto rees , his excellency hath a goodly troupe of horsemen which lie for a watch . at a village called bislicke , diuers meetings on both sides , haue been to come to an agreement , but euery time as yet they haue parted in vaine . the description of the march of count henrie of nassau , to and in the countries of marck , as he departed out of the campe of his excellency his brother , likewise the description of that which happened vntill this present day , also is hereunto added what the souldiers of the town of gulicke of late haue effected and what towns they haue taken . after that his princelie excellencie , had lain a certaine time between the towne of emerick and rees : & had taken those townes before named , also the places and townes which his excellencie caused by the gouernour of nimmegen , to bee taken , and garrisons therein to bee put , his campe in the meane time grew stronger both with horse and foote , which came from all quarters . and hauing this strong armie of men together , a generall muster was made , which the marquis spinola hearing , thought they would come vpon him , and caused instantlie a battery to be made on the way of rees : he had a day before also , sent out som troopes higher vp into the country with certain wagons who spoiled and robbed the poore countrimen of all that they had , to the ende our souldiers comming thether should find nothing : but what blessing hee got thereby of the poore countrymen , i leaue euery one to iudge . the marquis strengthning himselfe before wesell , and not comming into the field out of his trenches , yet his excellency did vndertake some thing , and sent his brother count henry of nassau accōpanied with a good troope of horse and foote , and some wagons with ordinance , munition and victuals to the countries of marck & rauensbergh , &c. to take in march , ham , vnna , soest , camen , dortmondt , with others : whereof this count henry hath already taken manie , and put garrisons therin . they report also that count henry had sent some souldiers towards borkelo , lying ( between groll and lochum ) to take it in , and to put a garrison therein , for certaine reasons between the earle of stierum , and those of the towne of munster . neither haue those of gulick beene idle , but as valiant souldiers haue also attempted some thing , and the newes are currant that they haue taken in these places following , namely , linnich , wassenberch , rangelrayd , geilkercken , gangelt , sittert , &c. the marquis seeing the course of his victory in taking of the towne of wesel , stayed for that his princely excellencie came into field , and lay so close vnder his wings , found it fit for the first to make strong and to intrench himselfe , endeauouring to make a strong fort neare to the rhine before wesell , whereunto his souldiers haue as greate desire as a thiefe hath to bee hanged and doe plainely say this , we make for our enemy , as wee made the skonce of saint andrew . also they say , that the marquis ( because hee will not make the burgers of wesell altogether his bitter enemies ) hath consented that the souldiers lying in the houses shall buye and prouide their owne victuals : for the which those of the towne must euerie weeke disburse two thousand gilders , euery one according to his ability . moreouer , there is newes come out of the campe of the marquis spinola , that the regiment of the colonell palant , being strong ; about twelue companies with three peeces of ordnance , is marched towards venlo and geldor , and it is thought they goe to take the other remaining small townes , namely brughe , dulken , dalen and glabberck . in fine , euery one hath a snatch at that he can gette , but the poore countriman must looke to himselfe , therefore the olde prouerbe is true , euery one for himselfe . it is reported also that his excellency will attempt some other matter of no small moment , but where and what , the time will shew . there is preparation in hand to make a stronger bridge of shippes for the passage of wagons ouer the ryne : and according to that preparation : it is also thought hee will march higher vp the ryne then rees . aliquid latet quod non patet . the clergy haue procured and effected so much this yeare , for to aide his holinesse louing new-borne sonne the duke of newburgh that a multitude of men are already come to the field vnder the conduct of the marquis spinola , who haue already vtterly vndone many thousand poore men . but what confusion of seuerall nations of people , hee to aid the newburger bringeth into the country he himselfe doubtlesse will find in time . if he had had such a prosperous cesse as he had in the beginning , he had gone more forward in his designes , and also the arch-duke should haue gained more by his twelue years truce , then by a long continuall warre , and hee had had fit time in these fiue yeares to haue made conquest of these countries , beeing friends to the vnited prouinces : and then to come vpon vs. finis . delenda carthago, or, the true interest of england in relation to france and holland leslie, charles, 1650-1722. 1695 approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59469 wing s2890 estc r12938 12426568 ocm 12426568 61883 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59469) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61883) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 297:11) delenda carthago, or, the true interest of england in relation to france and holland leslie, charles, 1650-1722. shaftesbury, anthony ashley cooper, earl of, 1621-1683. 8 p. s.n., [london : 1695] caption title. attributed to charles leslie. cf. bm. "authorship falsely assigned to anthony ashley cooper, the first earl of shaftesbury"--nuc pre-1956 (supplement). reproduction of original in columbia university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -foreign economic relations -france. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. france -foreign economic relations -great britain. netherlands -foreign economic relations -great britain. 2005-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion delenda carthago . or , the true interest of england , in relation to france and holland . as the happiness of our scituation secures us from the invasion of any , who are not our masters at sea : the same reason makes it altogether against the interest of england , to seek to enlarge her dominions by conquest , upon the continent : for the charge of transporting , besides the accidents of the sea , is such odds , as she can never wage an equal war. the truth of this will appear to any who shall read the wars of england in france , the vast expence of blood and treasure , the many hinderances and disappointments in sending our reliefs by sea ; and , after the most prosperous successes , the little effect and final loss of all . which indeed prov'd our greatest benefit , by sending us to live at home . and i think it very plain that the loss of callice , and ridding our hands of all the seeds of war , the garrisons we had in france , was exceedingly for the advantage of england : we call'd them bridles upon france , but they prov'd sponges to us , and drain'd more money from us ( and sometimes men ) than , if employ'd upon the fleet , would have enabled us to bridle france , and the seas , and to have extended the privilege of the flag to both worlds . the fleet are the walls of england . to command at sea , not to make conquests by land , is the true interest of england . and the same reason makes it the interest of france , not to meddle with us . he can extend his conquests with fifty times less expence and hazard upon the continent . nor does he desire more of england than not to hurt him . accordingly we find that france has always endeavoured to live well with england ; and indeed they have courted us , and always shewed a more particular kindness to the english gentry , than to any other nations , who travelled thither for their education . and when we were lately obliged to declare war against them ( for we began with them ) yet it was not for any injury they had done to us , nor had we one to instance . and by the issue of all the wars that england ever yet had against france , it plainly appears to be the interest of england to have no war with france ; at least never to carry our arms into france . for suppose the best , the utmost you can propose , even to conquer france , as we did once before : how shall we keep it ; what armies of english must we always have there to prevent their rebelling ? would transplanting of all england serve the turn ? sure such a conquest would drain and ruine england , as the indies have spain . but suppose we had it and could keep it : our king would make his residence in france , and england would become a province like flanders , when their earls came to be kings of spain ; or as scotland is now to england , which was wisely foreseen by hen. 7. when he , for that very reason , married his eldest daughter to scotland , and his younger to france ; thinking it much more the advantage of england to have the accession to scotland than of france ; the greater always swallowing up the less , as rivers are lost in the sea. what then is the interest of england as to france ? surely , to grow great at sea , and command the trade , which is our greatness ; but , by all means , to let alone their continent ; where a conquest would prove our own destruction . let us now look how our interest stands as to holland . it is interest that governs kingdoms . nations do not fall in love with one another , as particular persons do for their beauty . the publick still moves by interest , and that will never lye . the interest and life of holland , all the world knows is trade . it is advantageous to others ; but it is n●c●ss●ry to them . their continent cannot make them live : therefore whoever rivals their trade must be irreconcilable to them ; nor can they ever be true and hearty to such . england has been their only mighty rival for the trade of the vvorld : vvhence that wise chanc●llor of england , the earl of shaftsbury , in his speech to the parliament , 5. feb. 1672. lays it down as a maxim never to be forgot in england . let this be remembred ( saith he ) the states of holland are england's eternal enemy , both by interest and inclination : and he gives the reason , because we are their only competitor for trade and power at sea , and who only stand in their way to an universal empire , as great as rome . then he shews how true they have been to their interests , in working all the miscief they could to england , not only by violent , but false and treacherous ways : and he instances in their breach of treaties , both in the surinam and east-india business ; and their heighth of insolence , to deny us the honour and right of the flag ; and that , though it had been owned by them in the treaty of breda , yet they disputed the king's title to it in all the courts of christendom , and made great offers to the french king , if he would stand by them against us . lastly , he compares them to carthage ; and us to rome , that is , that it was impossible both should stand upon a ballance ; that if we do not master their trade , they will ours . they or we must truckle . one must and will give the law to the other . there 's no compounding , where the contest is for the t●ade of the whole world. no treaties , no alliances will , or ever did bind them to us , longer than till they could make an advantage by us . after a firm treaty in 1619 , ensued the murder of the engl●sh at amboyna in november 1624 , and other depredations in the east indies . you may see a whole history of their breach of treaties , and most barbarous and perfidious cruelties upon the english , by dr. stubbe , printed in 1673. since k. james the first ( says he ) reigned in great britain , they have neither kept any league in reference to trade and commerce : that rich trade we had into the east indies , at japan , amboyna , banda and the moluccoes , is totally ruined : our islands of poleran , palaway , lantere unjustly seiz'd into their hands ; and the damages we suffered there are computed in 1653 , at 1656233 l. 15 s. and we are now totally excluded those seas by these hollanders — their usurpations there have been accompanied with barbarities and outrages — besides the cruelties of amboyna , they exercised innumerable others , as appears by the depositions from 1616 to 1620 : printed at london a. d. 1622. the english ships being taken and their goods confiscated , the captains , souldiers , factors and mariners were made prisoners , clogg'd with irons , kept in stocks , bound hand and foot , tied to stakes , haling and pulling them with ropes about their necks , spurning them like dogs , throwing them headlong down rocks and clifts , murthering some , and starving others to death : some were landed among the indians , where they found better usage among the paynims , than the protestants of holland : some were so lodged , that they were forced to tumble in their own excrements , not being permitted to go forth to ease themselves . lawrence ryall , the dutch general caused grates and cages to be made , and carried the english therein fettered , and shewed them triumphantly to the indians , at every port , saying , behold and see , here is the people of that nation , whose king you care so much for ; no● you may see ho● kindly we use his subjects . they have robbed the indians under english colours , thereby to incense them against us , and to destroy our trade there . they have counterfeited the coin of other nations , and then def●med the english for it . the tr●fftick of ch●na and p●rfi●● &c was ruined by their seizing and destroying the ●●p● of sir wm. court●●n and his partners . we did by our ambassador s 〈…〉 . johns , dem●nd ●atisfaction for all these damages , and charged them with the bloud of the english that had ●een slaughtered by them in the k●tharin● and dragon , in these words . though ●e cannot p●si●●vely prove , yet by good circumstances , we can make it appear , that you did d●stroy the ships dragon and katherine , though the ships and m●n were never heard of , yet the guns and goods of those ships have been found in your countrey , which does give us some confidence to believe you did destroy the men and ships . and we are informed that some of your own countreymen when they lay on their death beds , did make confession of the cruel murthers and seisures : how that they met them going to the cape of good hope , and and after a friendly salutation , the dutch invited the english commanders aboard ; and after they had been feasted , they told them , that it was sitting they should drink lustick , as well as eat lustick , and causing them to be tied back to back , they were cast into the sea. and in the evening when the english expected the return of their commanders and their crews , the dutch with their own and english boats , went aboard the english ships , and served every man in the same manner : and having taken out what goods and guns they thought fit , the ships were sunk by them ; the which were worth according to the invoice , had they come to the port of london , 170000 l. in guiney and brasile we have been treated with the same usage : and the dutch have been always either acting open hostilities , or , which is worse , destroying the honour and renown of our nation in spain , italy , russia , and all places whither a dutch-man trades therefore we were then convinced , that the true way to advance the english trade , was to reduce the hollanders to greater moderation . much more to the same purpose you will find in the abovesaid author , and in many others of the english nation . but above all things the most astonishing and down right diabolical , exceeding even the treacherous and bloudy massacre of the english at ambiyna , being done in time of peace , and the chief actors thereof justified and preferred by the states , when complaint was made against them , and justice demanded : but it exceeds all this , and all that ever was heard of any nation which bore the name of christian ; the wickedness of all nations is exceeded by what the dutch did and still continue to do at japan . they incensed th● government there against the christians who traded thither , representing them as people of dangerous principles , as to ●overnment , and plotting of insurrections : whereby they procured the miserable slaughter , with horrible tortures and torments , of above 400000 christians in that kingdom , and denying themselves to be christians ( wherein some think they told no lie ) they , by that means , ingross the trade of that wealthy island to themselves . and if they can dispense even with their christianity , to promote their trade ; what obligations can we but upon them that will make them false to their supream god , interest ? but we need not go so far as the indies to find instances of the designs of holland to ruine england . there is a surprising passage in the london-gaz●tte , 30 th of april 1666 , which is verbatim as follows . at the sessions in the old baily . john rathbone , an old army collonel , william saunders , h●nry youcker , thomas flint , thomas evans , john myls , william wascot and john colé , formerly officers and souldiers in the late rebellion , were indicted for conspiring the death of his majesty , and the overthrow of the government ; having laid their plot and contrivance , for the surprisal of the tower , the killing of his grace the ld. general , sir john robinson lieutenant of his majesty's tower of london , and sir richard brown , and then to have declared for an equal division of lands , &c. the better to ●ffect this hellish design , the city was to have been fired , and the portcullis to have been let down , to keep out all the assist●nce , the horse-guards to have been surprised in the inns where they were quartered ; several others having been gained for that purpose . the tower was accordingly viewed , and its surprise ordered by boats over the moat , and from thence to scale the wall ; one alexander , who is not yet taken , had likewise distributed sums of money to these conspirators , and for the carrying on of the design more effectually , they were told of a council of the great ones , that far frequently in london , from whom issued all orders ; which council received their directions from another in holland , who fate with the states ; and that the 3 d of september was pitched on for the attempt , as being found by lilly's almanack , and a scheme erected for that purpose , to be a lucky day , a planet then ruling which prognosticated the downfal of monarchy . the evidence against these persons was very full and clear , and they accordingly found guilty of high treason . these are the words of that gazette ; and let me only mind the reader , that the city was fired the very day which was there mentioned ; that is , the fire began about 12 at night , the 2 d of september 66 , or early on the 3 d , which was the first day of the fire this makes it a demonstration , that the dutsh plot , mentioned in that gazette , could be no contrivance of the government , in odium to the dutch ; if that could be so much as suggested , or so base an imputation laid , not only upon the court but the city it self , which , in her sessions , should take away the lives of men for any such sham plot : i say nothing of this can be possible , unless you will suppose , that the government and the city both designed the burning of the city upon that day ( and if so they would not have told it ) ; or otherwise that they had the spirit of prophesy , to foretel the burning of the city five months before it came to pass . but these conspirators had laid their design , and would not slip that lucky day , the 3d of september , on which oliver conquered first scotland , at the battle of dunbar , and after the loyal party in england , at worcester fight ; both which happened to be upon the 3d of september , which oliver reckoned to be his lucky day ; and it held so to him to the end : for on that day he brought the greatest blessing to england that ever subject did : on that day only he verified what he had so often promised , to relieve england from tyranny and arbitrary power , and to open the way to a glorious reformation , all this he performed , for on that day , on his own lucky day , he died , or , as his enthusiast banditi boasted , was carried , like elijah , to heaven in a whirlwind ; whither that carried him , or whence it was sent , we will not examin ; only we may take notice , that he who raised rebellion to cure superstition , observ'd his lucky days ; and these conspirators of whom we are speaking , were some of his godly army . these gain'd with dutch reformers , not only observe days , but cast schemes and go to fortune-tellers , any thing — go to the devil himself , for the good old cause ! the end sanctifies the means . how far the devil's chain may reach , i cannot tell . but if there be such a thing as spells , to cause men love or hate ; most certainly the dutch h●ve made us drunk with it : not only to love and dote upon them , who , at this very day , use all our men like doggs , who go over thither to fight for their countrey ( which they will not do themselves ) and clip our money publickly , which , when they have done , they pay to the english only ( for no other nation will take it from them ) by the coyn , and will receive it from them only by the weight ; which is proclaiming us for fools to our faces : and as such , they have begg'd us . to fall in love with these dutch , who use us ten times worse , when we fight for them , and take less care of our sick and wounded , than the french against whom we fight ! and yet to hate and abhor the french , the more they court us ! as if it were the nature as it is the character somewhere given of an englishman , to be won by injuries , and provok'd by civilities , comparing them to their own countrey mastiffs . what is it else can make us have such an unaccountable hatred to the french , for which we can give no reason , they having never done us any hurt , but when we began , and forc'd them to it , as at present ? and yet , to doat , as unaccountably , upon the dutch , who never yet did us any good , or neglected doing us all the mischief they could , when it was in their power ? if the like evidence could be produc'd against the french for the burning of london , as what is here brought against the dutch ? — but whether it were french or dutch , london is now fill'd with them both , and there have been more fires of late in london than usually has been known . there were no less than five fires in it upon sunday 18 feb 94. and if there be false play , it must be english , french , or dutch. but the dutch will never do us hurt , as surely as they never did ; we must not suspect them : there is some witch-craft in this ! is it for their religion that we love the dutch ? i wish religion , of any sort had so much power in england ! but can they be true to religion , who are content , as in japan , to renounce their christianity , to promote their trade ! or , which is near the same , to license all religions , for the same reason , as in holland ! to give mammon the upper hand of god! it is their mammon , their interest ( and they have ever been true to it ) to ruine england . it is neither the interest of england or france to invade or conquer one another ; and they are not the aggressors . yet we are irreconcileable to france , and unalterable from holland ! as men blind to their interest , and bent upon their ruine ! like the jews against the romans , obstinate , though un-equal to the war ! it prov'd their destruction ; and , if we will not open our eyes , it must , without a miracle , be ours too . we are trying the experiment how many losses will ruine us . and extol the super-abundance of our riches , but not of our wisdom , in bearing up against a continued series of ill-success , without any other rational prospect , but of its growing worse and worse , 'till there be no remedy . i think i have been a true reasoner : i wish , in this , i may be a false prophet , loup skellum . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59469-e10 〈…〉 s. speech of mr. st. j●●●s . see also the printed acc●unt o● joh● d●v●ll , a. d. 1665. the remonstrance of g. carew , esq printed 1662. the protest of the city of amsterdam in opposition to the states of holland who pretend to raise 16000 new levies, by plurality of voices, contrary to the immunities and priviledges granted them by mary countess of holland : being a manifest violation of their undoubted liberties. amsterdam (netherlands). raad. 1684 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a56074 wing p3816 estc r18113 12349173 ocm 12349173 59930 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56074) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59930) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 875:36) the protest of the city of amsterdam in opposition to the states of holland who pretend to raise 16000 new levies, by plurality of voices, contrary to the immunities and priviledges granted them by mary countess of holland : being a manifest violation of their undoubted liberties. amsterdam (netherlands). raad. 1 sheet (2 p.) printed for thomas malthus ..., london : 1684. reproduction of original in huntington library. broadside. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng united provinces of the netherlands. -staten generaal. amsterdam (netherlands) -history. netherlands -history -1648-1714. broadsides 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-05 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the protest of the city of amsterdam , in opposition to the states of holland : who pretend to raise 16000 new levies , by plurality of voices , contrary to the immunities and priviledges granted them by mary countess of holland , being a manifest violation of their vndoubted liberties . the burgomasters and council of amsterdam , being informed by their deputies belonging to the assembly of the states provincial , that the 31th of january last , by plurality of voices , notwithstanding their deputies opposition ; the said states provincial had formed a pretended conclusion , as if that province had consented to the raising of 16000 men ; are necessitated to declare against such irregularities , both in matter and form , having often declared the contrary , and shewn reasons for their dissent ; alledging it better to obtain a speedy accommodation between france and spain , for the repose of europe : especially , considering the most pagan enemy advancing to revenge the affronts of the last campagn , and that the raising of new levies can no ways facilitate an accord between the two crowns ; but rather be a means to cause his catholick majesty to rely the more thereupon , and his most christian majesty to be exasperated , and thereby not only engage the states general , and by consequence , england , into a most bloody war. that they were refused a conference , may 15. 1683. although they had declared their intentions , not only to the court of spain ; but also , to the house of austria , that the states provincial proceed to a conclusion without any regard to the fundamental design of the government , conformable to which all the antient mazerines and customs in the time of the earls government , were with the greatest zeal put in execution against such as infringed the same . and among the resolutions of the states provincial , march 11. 1681. it was concluded , that no member whether of the nobility or gentry , should be concluded by a plurality of voices , against their wills , in matters of concern , which resolutions are pursuant to the rights and priviledges confirmed to holland in the time of the earls government . but , by raising of new levies thus , the lesser number will stand equal with the greater ; especially , in matters of taxes , which always was by their predecessors lookt upon to be a thing of so great importance ; that they could never be perswaded to admit thereof , though in the greatest danger of this republick , and concurrence of two thirds of the states in the same . they also declared that they could not hold their sessions in that honourable assembly , if they might not remain unmolested in their antient liberty , and have an intire freedom , to consent or not , in matters of taxes , upon which the welfare of their cities depended , and of which none but themselves could be competent judges , and if plurality of voices could carry it , it was the only way to ruine them . upon conclusion , in the year 1681. 't was corroborated by a declaration of all the members of the states , the second and third of october 1671. that it was not in the power of a plurality of voices ( with right ) to conclude a matter where the plurality of voices cannot take place , which if they should allow , it would alter and subvert the fundamental constitution of the government , and thereby raise taxes at their pleasure , which not in the least is to be admitted . for which reasons , the present burgo-masters and councel , declare the aforesaid conclusion , of the provincial state , to be null and void ; and declares , that they will adhere to this sentiment , and not contribute any thing towards the charge of the said levies , of 16000. done in the councel of amsterdam , this 26th of march , 1684 an historical account of the life and actions of the invincible and victorious prince , john the third , the present king of poland , in twelves , price bound one shilling . london : printed for thomas malthus , at the sun in the poultrey . 1684. a discourse vindicating his royal master from the insolencies of a scandalous libel printed under the title of (an extract out of the register of the states general of the united provinces, upon the memorial of sir george downing envoye͡e &c.) and delivered by the agent de heyde for such to several publick ministers, wheras no such resolution was ever communicated to the same envoye͡e, nor any answer at all returned by their lordships to the said memorial / written by sr george downing. downing, george, sir, 1623?-1684. 1664 approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36496 wing d2106 estc r27308 09808342 ocm 09808342 44130 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36496) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44130) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1355:10) a discourse vindicating his royal master from the insolencies of a scandalous libel printed under the title of (an extract out of the register of the states general of the united provinces, upon the memorial of sir george downing envoye͡e &c.) and delivered by the agent de heyde for such to several publick ministers, wheras no such resolution was ever communicated to the same envoye͡e, nor any answer at all returned by their lordships to the said memorial / written by sr george downing. downing, george, sir, 1623?-1684. 21 p. printed by j.m., london : 1664. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-01 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse written by sr george downing the king of britain's envoyee extraordinary to the states of the vnited-provinces . vindicating his royal master from the insolencies of a scandalous libel , printed under the title of [ an extract out of the register of the states general of the united provinces , upon the memorial of sir george downing envoyée , &c. ] and delivered by the agent de heyde for such , to several publick ministers : whereas no such resolution was ever communicated to the same envoyée , nor any answer at all returned by their lordships to the said memorial . london , printed by j. m. anno domini , 1664. a discourse written by sir george downing , the king of great britains envoyée extraordinary to the states of the vnited provinces , &c. the envoyée extraordinary of his most sacred majesty of great britain , &c. having lately seen a certain paper intituled , [ an extract out of the register of the resolutions of the high and mighty lords estates general of the vnited provinces , upon the memorial of sir george downing , envoy extraordinary from the king of great britain , ] did not at all think it fit for him to take any notice thereof , but to pass it by as a pamphlet , ( of which sort there come out too many here every day : ) in regard that no such resolution had been communicated to him by their lordships , nor any one word given him in answer to his said memorial : and he had accordingly past it by , without taking any notice thereof , had he not since by accident been informed by several publick ministers residing here , that the said pretended resolution had been brought to them by the agent de heyde ; whereupon he now holds himself obliged to complain in most serious terms to their lordships the estates general of the vnited provinces , of this strange and irregular way of proceeding ; that while he is residing here on the behalf of the king his master : papers , in form of answers to his memorials , should be given to other publick ministers , here and elsewhere , and sent all over the world , and yet concealed from him ; and thereby neither opportunity of being convinced , if any thing of reason should have been said therein , nor on the contrary of vindicating the honour and justice of the king his master in what he is therein unjustly charged and defamed withall . suppose that he the said envoy extraordinary , should have proceeded in that manner , and have given the memorial ( to which the said paper is a reply ) to all publick ministers residing here ; and have sent it to all courts abroad , and should have printed , and exposed it to the view of the world , without giving it to their lordships , what would they have thought thereof ? and what might have been expected that they would have said to it ? can their lordships imagine that this way of acting doth tend any way to the justifying of their cause , as to the working of better impressions concerning the same in the minds of those publick ministers , or their masters ? or rather , that they must be exceedingly scandalized thereat , as looking more like a surprize of them and their judgments , then otherwise ; and considering that they may to morrow be dealt with in like manner , in relation to any paper they may give in ; and see the affairs of their masters traduced and defamed without any opportunity or possibility of clearing the same . and as to the matter of the said paper ; is it enough to say in general terms , that the said memorial was ill grounded , or abusively informed , without particularizing at all how , or wherein ; or so much as excepting against any one word thereof , much less disproving the same . and again ; if the things wherewith they are charged therein be true ( as they both are , and must now be taken by all men to be , since nothing is made out by their lordships to the contrary ) to what purpose is the whole sequel of the said paper ? if it be true ( as it is ) that the royal master of the said envoy was no sooner returned to his kingdoms , but that he was immediately , and from day to day troubled and importuned with a crowd of complaints of his subjects against those of this country ; all which notwithstanding , his majesty did not grant any one letter of marque , nor betake himself to any way of force for the obtaining of their reparation and satisfaction ; but in stead thereof , for an everlasting memorial of his great kindness and good will towards this country , and for the facilitating of the bringing to a conclusion the late treaty with them , ( finding the complaints and pretensions of his subjects to be so numerous and great , ) was pleased after all to suffer very many of them , and those to a vast value , to be utterly mortified and extinguished ; and the rest ( except the business of the ships bonadventure , and bon-esperanza ) after so much mony and time had been already expended in the pursuit thereof , and many of them ready for a determination , to be put in a list , and proceeded upon anew according to the fifteenth article thereof ; no ways doubting , but that all possible speed would have thereupon been used in bringing the matter to an issue , and that for the future better order would have been observed towards his subjects : but having waited now above 27 months since the conclusion of the said treaty ; and in that time their lordships being continually call'd upon by his said majesties envoy extraordinary , yea by his majesty himself in several audiences to their embassador ; yet so it is , that those matters are still so far from being ended , that in truth they seem to be now rather further from it then at the day of the signing of the said treaty ; and on the other side , new injuries daily heaped , and the same designs of the east and west-indie-companies carried on for the utter overthrow of all the trade of his majesties subjects in those parts of the world , as appeared by the business of the ships hopewell , leopard , and other ships in the east-indies , and by the business of the charles , james , mary , sampson , hopeful adventurer , speedwell , &c. upon the coast of africa : all which are matters hapned since the conclusion of the said treaty . and after all this , and notwithstanding his parliaments application to him upon the account of his aggrieved subjects , in so solemn and extraordinary a manner ; his majesty was yet so far from being inclined to any other then ways of accommodation , as that he did by a publick writing , or declaration declare , that he would yet try what could be done by amicable endeavours at the hague , before he would make use of any other means ; ( the which was also very well known to their lordships ) and did thereupon accordingly give orders to his envoy extraordinary to press them afresh : and further to make out his peaceable and moderate intentions , and to take off all umbrage from their lordships , to let them know , ( as accordingly he did in publick conferences with their deputies ) that his majesty would not in any kind trouble their fleets which they then expected from the streights , and east-indies , nor their fisheries upon his coasts ; yea , further to put them out of all doubt , ordered a far less equipage of shipping for the summer-guard then had been known these many years ; but all this was so far from working the desired and intended effect , as that on the contrary their lordships betook themselves to arms in an extraordinary manner , ordering the fitting out with all speed a great fleet , and hundreds of carpenters forthwith dispatched to work upon it night and day , ( holy days as well as working days ) ; whereby his majesty seeing himself wholly defeated of his good intentions , and instead of satisfaction for his subjects , braved and threatned with those equipages , which could have no other regard but upon himself , was at last inforced for his own defense , ( though very much contrary to his inclinations and intentions ) to arm also . and whereas it may be pretended , as if their lordships having fitted their fleet , did desire that his majesty would be pleased , ( for avoyding of all inconveniences ) to keep his fleet within his harbours , and that then they would keep in theirs also ; it is to be considered , that this proposition was not made until that they had actually put to sea , a fleet near as numerous as the whole that his majesty was equipping , and which was actually gone towards his coasts ; so that this could not but be construed to be rather a mocquerie , then otherwise ; for that thereby they had a fleet at sea to do what they pleased , and in the mean while his majesty had tyed his own hands and obliged himself to keep within doors ; but he was yet pleased to assure them , that his ( if it did go out ) should not do them the least injury ; still in the mean while pressing here at the hague by his minister and himself urging their ambassador at london , to hasten the dispatch of the matters in difference ; and as a further testimony of his desires of living in good correspondence with this country , he did declare his willingness to enter into a treaty for the better regulating of the trade and navigation of both , and the prevention of such disorders for the future ; and for the quicker dispatch and ripening of so good a work , a project thereof was in his name tendred to them long ago , and yet to this day not one word of answer thereupon . and if it be also true , ( as it is ) that their lordships began the seizing of ships in these parts ; stopping the ship from gottenburg bound for london , and though pressed again and again to set her at liberty , yet still retain'd her , and to this day not so much as a word of answer why or upon what account . these things being so , can there be any doubt who is the attacquer or aggressor , unless it must be held for a maxim , that let their lordships and their subjects deal with his afore-said majesty and his subjects from time to time and from year to year as they please , yet they are not attacquers or aggressors ; but if his majesty or his subjects , after never so many years sufferings , and all amicable indeavours first tryed to have obtained their satisfaction , without to this very day having been able to obtein it in any one of those numerous cases of piracy and violence committed by the people of this country against them , whereof complaint hath been made from time to time unto their lordships by his majesties minister : if after all , any thing be ▪ done by them towards the righting of themselves , his majesty must be called and reputed the attacquer and the aggressor . let their lordships make out , that the complaints in the said memorial are ungrounded , and his majesty will yield unto them : but if otherwise , who will think it strange if at last something be done towards the righting of them . and as to the particulars mentioned in the said paper to have been suffered by them from the english , though those matters have not been treated of between their lordships and the said envoy extraordinary , but between the king his master and their ambassador at london , so that it is not properly his business to reply thereunto , but to refer them to that answer which his majesty hath promised to give concerning the same ; yet seeing their lordships have been pleased not only to mention and insist thereupon in the afore-said paper , but indeed to say nothing else by way of answer to the complaints in his memorial , he cannot but say thus much thereunto . that the places and ships said to be taken from them , were all belonging to the west-indie-company of this country and nothing complain'd of in the paper to have been taken from them belonging to any else of these countries and when it shall be considered , that in the list of damages alone , there appears to have been near twenty english ships successively , within a very few years before the conclusion of the late treaty , taken in a hostile manner upon the coast of africa , only by the shipping of the said west-indie-company , with their whole lading , to a very great value ; and not onely so , but the men that belonged to ; ; them , very many of them most barbarously and inhumanly treated ; put into stinking nasty dungeons , and holes at casteldelmina , there to lie in the midst of their own excrements , nothing but bread and water given them , and thereof not enough to sustein nature , their bodies tortured with exquisite and horrid tortures ; and when any of them dyed , the living and the dead left together , and such as escaped , turned out to perish by hunger , or wild beasts in those miserable countries , or to be carry'd away captives by the natives ; by which means , several hundreds of his majesties good subjects have perished and been destroyed : and to this hour , notwithstanding all sollicitations and endeavours , not one penny of satisfaction given to the persons concerned in any of the said ships ; and ever since the conclusion of the said treaty , ships of warr have been kept by the said company upon the said coasts ; which though they have not proceeded so far as to take more of the shipping of his majestie 's subjects , yet they have done that which is equivalent , and as ruinous to that trade ; stopping and hindring every one that they met withall from all commerce , and to that effect pursuing them in an hostile manner from place to place : and where-ever any english anchored by them , hindring and shooting at , and taking by force , with their ladings , all boats of the natives that indeavoured to come aboard them , and their boats that would go on shoare ; yea , depriving them of so much as any provision or refreshment of fresh water ( as appears by the complaints made by the said envoy extraordinary from time to time to their lordships concerning the same ) : and publishing a declaration in the name as well of the states general , as of the said company , wherein they deduce their right to that whole coast , to the exclusion of all other nations ; and notwithstanding all complaints to their lordships , neither the said declaration disavowed , nor any thing of satisfaction given , but still new complaints coming , and among others , that of their having stirr'd up the king of fantine by rewards and sums of mony given him to that end ; and supplying him with all sorts of armes and amunition for the surprize of his majestie 's castle at cormantine in those parts ; concerning which also proofs have been since given to their lordships by the said envoy extraordinary , so that there was an absolute necessity impos'd upon his majesty and his subjects , either of loosing all that had been actually taken from them , and withall abandoning for ever that trade it self , or otherwise of betaking themselves to some other wayes for their relief . and it will rather be thought strange that their patience did hold out so long , then that now at last something should be done , towards the righting of themselves . besides , as to the business of capo corco , did not the said envoy extraordinary long agoe complain in the name , and by order of the king his master , in publick conferences both with the deputies of their lordships the estates general , and also with those of holland in particular , of the injurious possessing and keeping of that place by those of the said west-indie-company , deducing and remonstrating at large his masters right thereunto , the ground having been bought by his subjects , of the king of that country for a valuable consideration , and a lodge or factory built thereupon ; and those of the west-indie-company of this country being got into the possession of the place , meerly by fraud and treachery ; but no reflection made thereupon by their lordships , much less any hopes given of ever obtaining any restitution thereof from them . and indeed , if his majesty had not been able to rescue out of their hands the least boat , or penyworth of goods since his return to his kingdoms , ( concerning which ) complaint had been made by his envoy extraordinary , of its being forceably taken by them from his subjects , ) what hopes of their quitting to him any such place , especially remembring that business of the island of poleroon in the east-indies , which hath been a restoring by them ever since the year 1622. at which time it was by solemn and particular treaty promised to be done ; and again , by another treaty , in the year 1654. and by orders of the estates general and east-indie-company of this country , in the year 1661. and again , by treaty in the year 1662. and yet to this day we know nothing of its being delivered ; and can it be thought strange , if invited thereunto by the king of the said country , that his majesty should after so fair warning condescend to suffer his subjects to endeavour to repossess themselves thereof ? and as to the business of new-netherland ( so called ) this is very far from being a surprize , or any thing of that nature , it being notoriously known , that that spot of land lyes within the limits , and is part of the possession of his subjects of new england , ( as appears most evidently by their charter ) and that those few dutch that have lived there , have lived there meerly upon connivence and sufferance , and not as having any right thereunto ; and that this hath from time to time , and from year to year been declared unto them , but yet so as that the english were contented to suffer them to remain there , provided they would demean themselves peaceably and quietly ; but that the said dutch , not contenting themselves therewith , did still endeavour to incroach further and further upon the english , imposing their laws and customs , and endeavouring to raise contributions and excises upon them , and in places where no dutch were or had ever been ; whereupon they have formerly been necessitated several times to send souldiers for the repelling of them . and as to what is said in the said paper , as if though the english should formerly have had any pretence to the said place , that yet the said pretence is cut off by the fifteenth article of the late treaty ; to this he doth reply , that that article doth only cut off matters of pyracies , robberies , and violence , but as to the rights and inheritances of lands and jurisdictions , that it doth not at all concern or intermeddle with the same . and that this is so , there needs no other argument but the producing of several examples out of their own courts of justice , whereby it will appear that indeed as to the plundering and taking of ships , or the like , that all such causes ( if hapned before the time limitted in the said treaty ) did cease upon the conclusion thereof ; but as to such as were then depending concerning the inheritances of lands , that they have still continued to be pursued : as for example , the case of sir thomas lower , an english man , for certain lands claimed by him in zealand . besides , those of new neather-lands , had since the conclusion of the late treaty , made new incursions upon the english , and given them many new provocations , and by their charters they have jura belli within themselves , without appealing first into europe ; and if after all this , his majesty hath suffered them according thereunto to rescue themselves from such continued vexations and mischiefs ; can any prince think it strange , or be surprized thereat , much lesse the most christian king ? ( for whose satisfaction this paper seems to be more particularly calculated : ) whereas he hath been pleased this very same year , to order or suffer ( with his privity ) his subjects to repossesse themselves in like manner by force and armes , of a certain place called cayenne , which they pretend to have been wrongfully possessed and kept from them by the same west indie company . and as to the business of cabo verde , and the taking of their ships , and what else is alleadged to have been done in those parts ( except that of cabo-corco : ) 't was but in the month of june last , that the first complaint was made thereof to his majesty , and did he not immediately return for answer , that he had given no order or direction to captain holmes , the person complained of , for the doing thereof ; that he did expect him home very speedily , and that upon his return , he would cause those matters to be examined , and right to be done them , and the offendours punished ? and did not the said envoy extraordinary upon the twenty seventh day of july last deliver a memoriall to them to the like effect ? and could more be said or done for their satisfaction ? yea could their lordships ▪ themselves within their own countries demand more of any of their schepens , or most inferiour court of justice ? and doth not the fourteenth article of the late treaty say in express termes , that in case any thing should happen upon the coast of africa , either by sea or land , that twelve months time shall be given after complaint , for the doing of justice ; yet did they not within about six or seven weeks after ; resolve to send a considerable fleet of theirs into those parts , to the number of ten men of war ( besides the ships of the said west-indie company , ) under the command of one van campen , and strengthened with a considerable body of their milice , under the command of one hertsberg ? and did they not within about six or seven weeks after that ▪ put a resolution into the hands of the said envoy extraordinary by their agent de heyde , and about the same time give it to the king , his master by their ambassadour at london , denoting and containing the instruction given to the said van campen ? and whereas they are pleased to complement his most christian majesty in the said paper , as if upon his score in hopes of the good effects of his good offices for the accommodating of matters , and for the making their cause the more clear , they had hitherto forborn the proceeding against his majesties subjects as they might have done : is it not therein expresly declared and set down , that that force was not sent thither barely to defend what they had , and to take care that nothing more should be attempted upon them ; but in down right termes , to attacque and fall upon his majesties subjects , and to carve out their own satisfaction and reparation ; and to pass by his door 's for the doing thereof ? and that , seconded and backed with another great fleet under their chief sea officers ; an affront and indignity too great for the name of king to suffer , and digest without just resentment . and moreover , whereas their lordships had lately invited his majesty of great brittain , and other christian princes to send fleets into the mid-land-sea to act joyntly against those barbarians ; and that he did accordingly declare unto them ( in writing , and by his envoy extraordinary , ) his intentions of sending , and that his fleet should act junctis consiliis with theirs ; yet so it is , that while it was acting there , pursuant thereunto , and in expectation of being seconded and appuyed by theirs , according to their promise , de ruyther was on a suddain commanded thence . and whereas their lordships would make the world believe that they had proceeded with such singular and extraordinary franchise , and clearnesse towards his said majesty , in communicating their intentions and designs ( as abovesaid ; ) yet , is it not evident that the said orders must have been given to de ruyther much about the same time ? and though sir john lawson , and his majesties fleet hapned to be in the same port with de ruyther , when he quitted those parts ; yet neither did he in the least impart unto him his intentions of quitting the same , or whither he was going ; and though the king of great brittain hath since , several times pressed their ambassadour at london to be informed whither he was gone , and upon what account , yet to this day his majesty hath not been able to obtain any satisfaction or assurance concerning that matter ; whereupon , and all other circumstances being laid together , he hath just reason to suppose and believe , that he is sent , and imployed against him ; and that while his majesty was continuing ( according to common consert and agreement between them , ) his fleet against the common enemies of the very name of christian , and at a season , when it more then ordinarily becomed every one to shew something of their zeal against them ; theirs is call'd off and turn'd against him : nor is it to be imagined that de ruythers instructions , which are concealed , should be more favourable then those which were avowed to be given to van campen . and is it then to be wondered , that his majesty shews himself a little concerned ? or is it now to be doubted , who is the attacquer , or aggressor ? and if de ruyther is in one part of the world , making war against him , what is to be said against it , if his majesty not having at this time in those parts a suitable force to resist him , doth make use of what he hath nearer home to endeavour to secure himself , or to get something of theirs into his hands ? doth either common right , or his majesties treaty with this country oblige to seek satisfaction only in that part of the world where the injury is done ; and so doth that at all alter the case , because that their forces acting against him out of europe , his do something against them , in europe ? his majesty hath been very far from beginning with them in any part of the world , but if at this time they are actually with a considerable fleet of the estates falling upon him , and his subjects ; and he hath thereupon given order to the stopping of some of their ships in these parts ; will not all the world justifie his majesty herein ? and when withall , themselves also began the stopping of ships in these parts , and that he hath all those reasons of complaint against them above mentioned . given at the hague , this 16. of december , 1664. g. downing . finis . a brief abstract of the case concerning the letters patents for reprizals (hereunto annexed) against the states-general and their subjects whereupon capt. compton gwyther, william coates, joseph bullivant, john baxter, francis wansell, francis martin, john gibson, and william jones, prisoners in the marshalsea, are to be tryed for their lives, according to the common law of england, on the 18th of february instant, upon the statute of 28 henry 8. cap. 15 under the pretence of piracy, for taking a galliot-hoy (called the love of rotterdam) laden with 160 tun of wine, and prunes, on the 3d of december last, bound from bourdeaux to dort / faithfully recollected out of all the originals by thomas smith gent. ; with some remarkable observations both upon the matters of fact, and the law in the whole case. smith, thomas, gent. 1681 approx. 30 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a60565 wing s4228 estc r12870 11914270 ocm 11914270 50880 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a60565) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50880) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 513:19) a brief abstract of the case concerning the letters patents for reprizals (hereunto annexed) against the states-general and their subjects whereupon capt. compton gwyther, william coates, joseph bullivant, john baxter, francis wansell, francis martin, john gibson, and william jones, prisoners in the marshalsea, are to be tryed for their lives, according to the common law of england, on the 18th of february instant, upon the statute of 28 henry 8. cap. 15 under the pretence of piracy, for taking a galliot-hoy (called the love of rotterdam) laden with 160 tun of wine, and prunes, on the 3d of december last, bound from bourdeaux to dort / faithfully recollected out of all the originals by thomas smith gent. ; with some remarkable observations both upon the matters of fact, and the law in the whole case. smith, thomas, gent. 8 p. s.n., [london : 1681] caption title. signed at end: t.s.; dated: feb. 12. 1680 [i.e. 1681] reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng united provinces of the netherlands. -staten generaal. east india company. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands -17th century. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 robert cosgrove sampled and proofread 2005-08 robert cosgrove text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief abstract of the case concerning the letters patents for reprizals ( hereunto annexed ) against the states-general and their subjects , whereupon capt. compton gwyther , william coates , joseph bullivant , john baxter , francis wansell , francis martin , john gibson , and william jones , prisoners in the marshalsea , are to be tryed for their lives , according to the common law of england , on the 18 th of februvry instant , upon the statute of 28 henry 8. cap. 15. under the pretence of piracy , for taking a galliot-hoy [ called the love of rotterdam ] laden with 160 tun of wine , and prunes , on the 3 d of december last , bound from bourdeaux to dort : faithfully recollected out of all the originals , by thomas smith gent. with some remarkable observations both upon the matters of fact , and the law in the whole case . in the year 1635. king charles the first being truly informed that the east-india company of england had wasted several great joynt stocks , and not settled themselves in any credible factories in india , or parts adjacent of any considerable strength , since the first erection of the said company , but had rendred themselves subject to the apparent insolencies and injuries of the dutch ; whereupon sir william courten , endimion porter esq capt. john weddell , nathaniel mountney , thomas kynaston , merchant , and their partners , were importuned and encouraged by the king and councel to undertake trading-voyages to the coast of india , china , and japan : in which enterprize sir paul pyndar advanced the sum of 36000 l. sterling , in the year 1636. the east-india company of the netherlands foreseeing that it might lessen their trade and commerce in those parts , sought by all indirect ways and means to undermine and spoil the said courten and his partners , in their trading-voyages : whereupon the two ships named the dragon and katharine , richly laden to the value of 200000 l. homewards bound from china and japan in the year 1638. were lost and destroyed both men , ships , and goods , and never heard of to this day . in the year 1642. sir william courten being dead , william courten his son and heir , and sole executor , did with the rest of his partners set forth ( amongst other ships ) the bona esperanza , and henry bona adventura , which were injuriously seized and taken by the officers of the east-india company of the netherlands in the year 1643. and converted to their own use , to the damage of courten and his partners the sum of 151612 l. as by the said letters patents annexed appears . upon the kings most happy restauration , the surviving partners , and the heirs , executors and administrators of the rest of the adventurers , addressed themselves in the year 1660. to the king for relief : whereupon a signal compact and agreement was made ( after two years debate ) between the king and the states-general , in the 15th . article of the treaty concluded at london , anno 1662. that upon the restitution of the island of poleron , and entire satisfaction to be made to the parties interessed and injured concerning the said two ships bona esperanza , and henry bona adventura , all other offences , injuries and losses , suffered by the subjects of england , should remain cancelled and extinguished . whereupon sir george downing , his majesties envoy extraordinary to the states-general , in pursuance of the said treaty , had several conferences with the deputies of the said states , and the east-india company of the netherlands in the hague , to liquidate the said loss and damages , for the space of two years more , without any other effect , then an inconsiderable offer of two hundred thousand gilders , for the whole spoil and depredations ; pretending they had paid some part of courten's proportion in the year 1649. to jacob pergens , who had given security by peter boudaen to indempnifie the company from the claim of sir paul pyndar and sir edward littleton , who had intimated their right by jonas abeeles and a publick notary , in the year 1648. to the said east-india company at their chamber in amsterdam , as by the several and respective acts and deeds may appear . that the said george carew in the letters patents mentioned , putting great confidence in his majesties most sacred covenants , and grant under the great seal of england , sold his mannor of aunton , alias aldington , in the valley of evesham , with the lands thereunto belonging , for the sum of 3800 l. to mr. thomas foley , to satisfie sir william powell , john whitfield esq henry soam and others , that had the interest in sir paul pyndars and sir edward littletons assignments , and the deeds thereof , who refused to joyn with mr. carew in the prosecution of his right against the east-india company of the netherlands , and other particular inhabitants in holland and zealand ; whereupon they assigned their right and interest to carew , the administrator of sir william courten , with his will annexed . in the year 1665. his majesty and divers ministers of state , having duly considered the great services and sufferings of sir william courten and sir paul pyndar for the crown of england , and their loss and damages of the bona esperanza and henry bona adventura . upon the application of the persons mentioned in the said letters pattents , wherein his majesty declares , that he was concerned in honour and justice to see them satisfied ; after a years examination and debate of the whole matter by sir robert wiseman and sir william turner , ( advocates general to his majesty , and the duke of york , lord high-admiral of england for the time being ; ) assistants to dr. exton upon the king's command in that case , the grant passed with those special clauses of continuance , until satisfaction of the debt and damages , which was also controverted several months by the lord chancellor hyde , before he gave his fiat , who then injoyned the said carew to give a discharge to the farmers of the customs for 10000 l. due to him in right of sir paul pyndar , which was paid to mr , charles cox , dr. robert gayer , and the executors of sir william vdall , elizabeth feilding , joas godscal , henry marsh and others , by sir edmund turnor , upon the accompt of sir john wostenholme , sir john jacob and sir john harrison ; out of mr. carew's allowance granted by the king. the remaining part whereof being post-poned to this day . in the same year james boeve of london merchant , by the appointment of mr. carew , delivered an authentique copy of the said letters pattents to mr. vandam , advocate of the east-india company of the netherlands , and acquainted him that there was such an authority in the said grant , coupled with an interest according to the law of england , that could not be repealed or revoked , without satisfaction to the parties interessed and injured ; and therefore desired him to acquaint the directors of the said company to consider thereof , how to compose the difference , being a matter of great weight and concernment . in the year 1666. certain creditors of sir william courten , sir edward littleton and sir paul pyndar importuned the said george carew to have a particular assignment of a third part of the said debt and damages so ascertained by the said letters patents , in lieu and satisfaction of their debts , that amounted to 64320 l. sterling , which was , by consent of all parties , assigned to john graham esq and john brown gent. on the 14th . of may , 1666. with power to recover the same by force of the patrent ; as by the said deed and schedule of the creditors names , annexed thereto , appears . in the same year several attempts were made to reprize some part of the debt and damages in the channel , and several ships were brought in by force of the said grant , but in regard it was in time of war , the dutchmen traded under the colours of hamburgers , swedes , oastenders , and others in alliance with england , that there was not so many prizes condemned as paid the charges of equipping out ships to take them ; and the king wanting seamen in that juncture , there was a suspention of any further execution , until times of peace , if the debt and damages were not in the mean while composed by the states , or the east-india company of the netherlands . in the year 1677. a treaty of peace and common alliance was concluded at breda , between the king and the states ; wherein it was mention'd generally , that all offences , injuries , damages , and losses , and all actions and pretences of either side , should be obliterated and disannulled , and all letters of reprizals , marque and countermarque comprehended therein : that although the persons interessed in the letters patents held themselves not obliged by the said treaty , nor their particular right included , as others , who had only a bare ambulatory authority , revokable at the king's pleasure , yet they did acquiesce for a time , being unwilling to obstruct the king's affairs , after the most dreadful fire and plague in the city of london . that in the year 1672. upon new differences between the king and the states , a second war was proclaimed , and the treaty at breda declared absolutely void , and of no effect ; whereupon the proprietors and creditors addressed themselves again to the king and council , that his majesty would be graciously pleased to take care that they might have satisfaction and reparation for their debt and damages in a publick way , rather than by putting the letters of reprizal in execution , in all times of peace : then a select committee of lords of the council , whereof the earl of shaftrbury was one , reported upon a reference in this case , that the states had cancelled all obligations of past treaties and agreements , and left his majesty and his subjects as free in all justice and equity as if they never had been made , reciting the said letters patents and debt stated therein . wherefore it was just and seasonable for the king to insist upon reparations for the loss and damages aforesaid ; as by the original order of council , and report thereupon ( ready to be produced ) appears . in pursuance whereof , instructions were given to the plenipotentiaries from the king to insist upon intire satisfaction in the next treaty ; then mr. carew having procured a pasport from the states embassadors to travel through holland with mr. john sherland , to sollicite that affair by order of the king and council ; they were apprehended contrary to the law of nations , and committed by the states of holland , as spies , and carew condemned to be executed , which had been effected if mr. walkendonck and advocate sass had not been , by way of retortion , committed to the tower , where they remained prisoners during that war , as carew and sherland did in holland . that in the year 1674. a second peace and common alliance was concluded at london , between the king and the states ; upon a compact and agreement ( amongst other things ) that 800000 pattacoons should be paid to the king , at four equal proportions by the states , 200000 whereof was paid ( upon ratifying the treaty ) to alderman backwel , for other services ; and the remaining three parts , which were to be paid in 3 years following , was by confederacy and combination , between the earl of danby , lord high-treasurer of england , and the states of holland , assign'd to the prince of orange , for pretended debts of his father and grandfather , contracted for old arms and shipping upon the late king's accompt , and no further provision made for the bona esperanza , and henry bona adventura , then the durable grant aforesaid , for reprizals . but in the said treaty an article was projected by the states , that the treaty at breda , and all former treaties should stand in full force , without contradicting that treaty , chatham and the cancelled obligations forgotten . the creditors and proprietors being surprized at this sudden seperate peace , caused protests to be made to the chief magistrates at the hague , amsterdam , and all the principal cities in holland and zealand , that if a considerable part of the pattacoons were not assigned for the present towards the debt and damages relating to the said ships , they should be necessitated to put in execution their particular letters of reprizals , when the states should be at peace with all nations , that common clamours might not obstruct the due prosecution thereof . that in the year 1676. several actions at law depending in the ordinary courts of justice in amsterdam , middleburgh , and the hague , at the suits of the administrators and assignees of sir william courten , sir paul pyndar , and sir edward littleton , against jacob pergens , and the heirs and executors of peter boudaen , for monies due upon bonds , bills of exchange , merchants accompts in partnership of trade , and legacies , amounting in the whole to 132000 l. sterling , ( no ways relating to the said letters patents for reprizals ) being ready for sentence , were positively interdicted , by express order from the states of holland , who prohibited the respective judges from giving any sentence in the said causes , upon pretence that all particular actions whatsoever were discharged and extinguished by the said two treaties made and concluded at breda and london as aforesaid ; from which arbitrary order the persons interessed appealed to the states-general , to reverse the said order , being an apparent breach of the laws of common amity and alliances : who answer'd , they could not intermeddle therein , the states of holland being soveraigns in their own province . then the proprietors and creditors appealed by two several petitions to the king and councel , for justice and reparations in the case of the letters of reprizals , and the other civil actions depending at law as aforesaid ; whereupon two several orders were made on the 24 th . of july 1677. that they should be heard on the 10 th . of october following , and that all persons concerned therein , should attend with their councel and advocates ; which they did accordingly , but could not then be heard , nor at any time afterwards , although they often and earnestly solicited the same ; more especially the said carew , who hath further expended 5000 l. and upwards , concerning the premisses , at home and abroad , for which his estate in london and richmond is in mortgage , having paid interest for the said monies ( so expended ) many years together , to several eminent persons in the city of london . that in the month of april 1680. the persons interessed in the debt and damages so ascertained under the great seal of england , according to law , agreed and prepared to fit out three small vessels , with men and provisions , to reprize what they could take towards their satisfaction and reparation : many orphans and widows being concerned in the same , that want their bread which is eaten by strangers . then orders of the councel-table issued out to the lords of the admiralty in an arbitrary way , to stop all men and ships employed in that service . the prince of orange and the states insisting upon their broken and cancelled treaties , importuned the secretaries of state by their embassador , ( ignorant of the laws of england ) to move his majesty to revoke the said letters patents by supersedeas , which was sent into holland under the great seal , without calling the parties by scire facias judicially to plead for themselves , or offering to refund any of the pattacoons , ( resting yet in the states hands at interest ) or making any other compensation for the debt and damages aforesaid , so secured by law : wherefore to prevent a failer of justice , and not to suffer a president of such dangerous consequence to the rights and properties of the subjects of england ; the said captain compton gwyther , commander of the ship called the george bona adventura , being ready fitted and entred in the admiralty , according to the usual form and custom formerly observed , did in the month of june last , proceed upon his intended voyage , having a commission for that purpose . the said captain , after many difficulties , having met with divers storms at sea , spent most part of his provisions , and sold several of his guns and small arms , in harbour , many of his men disserting him , at last took the said galliot hoy , on the 3d. of december , 1680. near dungeness , laden with wine and prunes , from bardeaux , for dort , being first assured that the said ship and lading belonged to the subjects of holland . the said ship being so taken , and the dutchmen used with all kindness and humanity , who took with them on shore what they pleased to carry ; the captain intending to send the bills of lading , with one of his men , and one of the dutch , to the admiralty court in london , in order to a condemnation , keeping two of the ships company on board to be witnesses to all their actions ; but meeting with further distress of weather , was forced to sell four tun of wine , most part whereof being upon the deck , to provide a pilot , more men , and provisions : then coming to anchor near cows castle in the road , the dutchmen that were set on shore applied themselves to daniel gyles , marshal of the vice-admiralty in the isle of wight , promising him 100 l. if he would set out boats with souldiers to re-take the said ship and lading from the said captain and his men , that had boarded and taken her ; which he did accordingly , and having seized upon the said captain , took away his commission , and brought him and the seven men before mentioned prisoners up to london on foot , pinnion'd together as thieves and robbers , having about ten days after his seizure procured a warrant or order of councel to that purpose , and committed them into the custody of mr. lowman , keeper of the prison of the marshalsea , on the first of january 1680. where william joynes marshal of the high court of admiralty , caused irons to be put upon them for some time , until mr. carew desired the contrary , saying it was a sad return for all the services and sufferings of sir william courten and sir paul pyndar , that had such vast estates and credits so employed for the benefit of their king and country , unto whom the crown of england stands engaged for 250000 l. sterling . the said daniel gyles having taken the said galliot-hoy , with her lading , out of the possession of the said captain gwyther , and company , by an arbitrary power , without any legal warrant or authority , and keeping the same by force , he was arrested this hilary-term at the suit of the proprietors for 2500 l. damages ; and also at the suit of the seamen in the marshalsea , who had their apparel , their armes , and other necessaries taken from them by the souldiers employed by the said gyles : but the judges of the kings-bench , ( lately questioned in parliament ) upon the motion of mr. pollexfin , discharged giles upon common bail , pre-judging the said cause with that heat and partiality , threatning that the captors should be hang'd for acting under the said letters patents . the seizure made by captain gwyther and his company , was not done felo animo , with a felonious intent , having a commission in the nature of a withernam ; which was intended to be brought to judgment in the admiralty , by a determination of the law , according to his instructions in the commission . so the selling of four tun of wine was not criminal , but a breach of trust at most ; and the taking the ship and wines out of the captains possession by gyles , was both an assault and trespass not answerable , the wines being wasted and spoiled since in sir robert holmes his custody . the galliot-hoy whereof sebastian jansen was master , did belong to the heer sebastian vice-admiral of rotterdam , who applies himself to the states of holland for satisfaction , and they refer him to the east-india company of the netherlands , who call upon mr. pergens and boudaens , that are caution to indempnifie them for 85000 gilders , part of the damages for the bona esperanza , &c. and they move the prince or states to allow part of the pattacoons unsatisfied ; so justice follows them home to their own doors . jurae naturae equam est neminem cum alterius detrimento & injuria fieri locupletiorem . some remarkable observations both upon the matters of fact , and the law on the whole case . it is very remarkable and apparent , by the very words both in the preamble and the body of the letters patents annexed remaining of record , that the king was not surprized or mistaken in his grant ; but that by the common law of england it was within his power and prerogative royal to do the same of common right to his subjects , under all those circumstances , conditions and limitations therein expressed and declared . the persons interessed in the bona esperanza were prompted ( in the year 1664. ) by several ministers of state to bring in an abstract of their loss and damages , with the state of their case to the committe of grievances , which was done accordingly ; the chairman the next day reporting the same to the house of commons a vote passed to supply the king with five and twenty hundred thousand po , unds : after that other supplies followed , to several millions , besides all the dutch ships taken by the king's fleet , in order to the protection of his subjects ; for all which , and the large present to the duke of york for his conduct at sea , this only debt of 151612 l. was stated and ascertained ( for reparation with costs and charges ) under the great seal of england , the highest security of the kingdom . it is very observable , that the proprietors and creditors , which have waited with so much patience , to a miracle , do aver , that since the king's restauration , they have not ( by the judicial and durable grant for reprizals , nor by any other ways and means whatsoever ) gotten half their expences and incident charges concerning the premises : wherefore they humbly hope , in due time to repair and satisfie themselves their debt , costs and damages , by force of their letters patents . when the grant passed to carew , who had the right and administration in law to the damages , an authority vested in him to compel the payment by force , which he could not do before ; it is not a bare and ambulatory authorit that passed ( as in every ordinary commission ) but an interest of 151612 l. coupled or joyned with an authority , whereby the king binds himself to see it satisfied paid ; and the reasons and arguments why it should be so , and not otherwise , are unanswerable . 1. it 's granted , pro confesso , there was a real debt and damages contracted by the states . 2. there was a provision made in a publick treaty , an. 1662. for a full and intire satisfaction and reparation for it . 3. that carew , upon passing the patent was injoyned by the lord chancellor hyde to release ten thousand pounds due to him out of the customs , in discharge of sir john wostenholm's debts , contracted upon the late king's accompt , which were ( bona fide ) paid by sir edmund turnor out of that individual money ; his name being used only in trust in the said patent for carew and others . 4. that several of courten's , littleton's and pyndar's creditors gave up their bonds and securities , for an assignment of a due proportion of the said debt so secured by patent , with power to put the same in execution , when they see their own time and opportunity . yet , notwithstanding , the ministers of state in this age are not ashamed to wound the king's honour and reputation by their arbitrary and extrajudicial orders of the council-table , with a pretended supersedeas , and proclamation , as forms and ways of repealing , recalling and revoking the said letters patents , so solemnly obtained under those considerations that cannot be extinguished , without satisfaction and reparations , by one side or the other . it would be a president of the most dangerous consequence in the world to all civil society and commerce , if it should rest in the king's power or the states to take away the subjects right and remedy , without a compensation . the law of england is possitive in it , that there can be no other ways to repeal or make void the king's letters patents , than by judicial proceedings , either by inquisition or a scire facias , that the parties concerned may have liberty to plead and defend their own right , which they cannot do unto a white-hall supersedeas on proclamation . the lord coke in his reports says , that an indictment is not to be concluded contra regiam proclamationem , but contra leges & statuta , &c. for the king cannot create an offence by his proclamation , which was not an offence before , for that would be to change the law. and in the fourth part of his institutes , cap. 8. p. 88. treating of the jurisdiction and office of the lord high chancellor of england , and the judgments concerning cancelling of letters patents by scire facias , says , quod praedictae literae patentes dicti domini regis revocentur , cancellentur , evacuentur , adnullentur , & vacue , & invalidae pro nullo penitus habeantur , & teneantur ; ac etiam quod irrotulamentum eorundum cancelleter , cassetur , & adnihiletur , &c. and all this is to be done judicially , by hearing the parties , and not by any order of council , supersedeas , or proclamation : which the king or states may do by scire facias , when the debt is paid , recovered or compounded . by the grand charter of england , confirmed by so many acts of parliament , ( wherein the king is a party ) no man shall be disseised or destroyed but by legal tryal , nor iustice denied or delayed , but right preserved by the law of the land : and the king and his great ministers of state are sworn to observe the same accordingly . admitting a foreign sovereign prince , granting letters patents for reprizals to a corporation of his subjects , against a sovereign state that had spoiled them of their ships and goods to the value of a million of rix dollars ( under the same circumstances ) that the grant should continue effectual in the law , until the debt and damages should be recovered . afterwards the said prince and state treat togethere , and settle a common alliance , upon a sum of money given to the said princ , without mentioning the particular grant to the said corporation of his subjects , for the rix-dollars and then becomes insolvent ( admitting the said prince or his people are the debtors ; ) and the corporation ( unsatisfied ) puts in execution against the said state , the letters patents remaining inrolled in the supreme court of judicature upon record , and takes ships to the value of the spoil and damages mentioned in the patent . the question is , whether it would not be deemed an act of inhumanity against the law of nature in the state to prosecute any of the persons , or their agents , ( they had formerly spoiled ) for their lives as pirates , acting under the said patent , and coming under the power of the said state ? or whether it would not be an abomination and most horrid act in the prince , or his ministers , to prosecute those for pirates , that he himself or his people ought in conscience , reason and equity to satisfie ? no men can be safe in their lives , liberties or estates under a government where there is a failer of justice , that the subjects cannot be protected according to the laws of god and their country . fiat justitia , pereat mundus . actum per t. s. feb. 12. 1680. a brief relation of the surprizing several english merchants goods by dvtch men of warre their carrying them into zealand and there condemning them for prize upon no other force or account but that they were english mens / by edward adams. adams, edward. 1664 approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26328) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43899) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1347:1) a brief relation of the surprizing several english merchants goods by dvtch men of warre their carrying them into zealand and there condemning them for prize upon no other force or account but that they were english mens / by edward adams. adams, edward. 4 [i.e. 13] p. [s.n.], london : 1664. errors in paging: last 2 pages numbered 5 and 4. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng seizure of vessels and cargoes. great britain -relations -netherlands. netherlands -relations -great britain. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief relation of the surprizing several english merchants goods , by dvtch men of warre , their carrying them into zealand , and there condemning them for prize , upon no other score or account , but that they were english mens . by edward adams of london , merchant . hor. ep. lib. 1. per mare , pauperiem fugiens , per saxa , per ignes , impiger extremos currit mercator ad indos . london . printed in the year , 1664. to the courteous english reader . kind country man , in the late scribling age , having cast my eye upon several books , pamphlets , or what else they might be called , ( things in print ) and considering the contents , i have often thought the authors could have no other ground or design for exposing them to publick view , but a strong desire to be seen in print . believe me , i am not troubled with any such ambitious itch : no , 't is ill luck presses me to the print , to make relation of my friends and own mishap ; which may be esteemed the greater , in that it fell in a time when i and all our english world were joval and pleasant , in that merry moneth of may wherein his sacred majesty returned to his kingdoms , and great part of it on the day ( when my self and many thousands more were attending on his princely train ) before his return to his royal palace of white-hall , viz. 28. maii 1660. expect not from me any neat , polite discourse , ( for i am as bad a polisher , as a polititian . ) i shall only present thee with a bare relation of matter of fact , and my design of making it publick , is two fold , respecting thee , that by what thou seest to have hapned to my friends and me , thou mayst be admonished to be very cautious and wary how thou hast to doe in any design of trade and commerce , where the dutch have any pretence of concern or interest , and bonum est fugienda aspicere alieno in malo , and my self , to beg the benefit and help of thy good counsel for my future demeanor , whether i shall be farther active , and if so , how to proceed ; or meerly passive , sitting quietly still , and bewailing the latter loss with the former ; for i have been at a very great ( it may seem incredible ) expence in zealand , holland , and some here , in seeking restitution of ( or satisfaction for ) our unjustly surprized and detained goods . i said i would present thee with a relation of matter of fact . know therefore , that having done some service to the king of portugal , my partner abraham jacob , an english merchant resident in lisboa , in the latter end of the year 1658. procured a licence for sending a ship to the brazil , in the interval of fleets , ( for by our articles with that crown , english ships , or ships fraighted by english men , may go in company of their portuguez fleet to brazil , and freely trade there ) and by reason of the warre with spain no english ship of considerable burthen arriving in the harbour of lisboa that would embrace a fraight for brazil , he was forced to make use of a french ship ( not out of choice or kindness to that nation , to give french men imployment ; but meerly in absence of english men ) that accidently put in there , and wanted a fraight , one of thirty four guns ; this ship was hired by the said abraham jacob , and in the beginning of the year 1659 dispatched away for the rio de janeiro in brazil , with a very considerable cargazon of goods from himself , besides what was laden by several other english merchants ( and some by portuguesses ) residing in lisboa . this ship belonged to st. mallo , was called the golden sun , commanded by one nicholas le bretoa du pre , & returning for the port of lisboa , the place of her discharge , laden with sugars , hides , brazil wood &c. on the two & twenty day of may , 1660. near the rock of lisboa , was met by four flushing men of warre commanded by tousain le sage , philip ros , albert janson , and mattyas q●arts , who haled her , & were informed she was a french ship belonging to st. malo ; neverthelesse they commanded the captain out of her , who knowing them to be dutch men of warre ( and though he could have made considerable resistance , yet ) yielded , without making any the least opposition , not doubting but that they would have soon cleared and released him , because that by the treaty of marine concluded but a few years before between the french king , and the states general of the united provinces of the netherlands , it was provided for and agreed on , that a free ship made free goods , and that any french ship might freely trade , and carry into any port or country in amity with the crown of france , ( though the inhabitants thereof should be in open hostility and warre with the states of the netherlands ) any ( and all manner of ) goods and merchandizes , not onely such as belonged to nations and persons in amity and confederation with the said states , but also the proper goods , and merchandizes of those people that were in hostility and warre with them , as aforesaid . but the commanders of the men of warre , or capers , ( for so are they called in zealand ) thought not themselves obliged to the observance of any treaty of peace , or law , or justice ; and therefore instead of permitting ( as they ought to have done ) the ship to follow , and proceed in her voyage , they set on shore many of the ships company in portugal , and took possession of the ship , and sent her and her commander accompanyed by one of the men of warre for flushing , where arriving , the french commander addresses himself to the states general , and demanded to be restored to the possession of the ship and goods , according to the articles of marine aforementioned , and reparation for the damage sustained , by being seized on and brought in thither , and was assisted therein by mounsieur de thou , then at the hague ambassador from the french king , who was the same person that concluded the said treaty of marine ; and a short time after i received advice and information from my partner abraham jacob , and from robert carre , christopher trenchard , william peachey , thomas bostocke , and william trussel , english merchants resident in lisboa , of their several interests aboard the said ship , and their procurations or letters of atturney for looking after them , and procuring satisfaction on their behalf ; whereupon i humbly represented their case to his most sacred majesty our soveraign , who was graciously pleased immediately to send his letters to the states of zealand , requiring and pressing them to cause a restitution to be made of such part of the ships lading as belonged to his subjects aforenamed , and his majesty used an expression enough not only to have won upon , but to have commanded any ingenuous natures ; for , he said , he would look upon such a restitution , as an action demonstrating their willingnesse of holding amity and confederacy with him : this letter was dated 5th . of july 1660. and a few dayes after i delivered it to the states of zealand , who were at that time assembled at midleburg . they seemed to be very glad to receive a letter from his majesty of great britain , being the first they ever had from him , ( at least since his happy return to his kingdoms . ) but refused to return answer , at least by me , telling me , it was not their custome to write to any prince without the order of the states generall ; or at least first making them accquainted therewith . but their resolution was recorded , of which they ordered me a copie , the translation whereof is as followeth . extract out of the notes or resolutions of the honourable states of zealand . the 2d . of august 1660. by which being deliberated upon the contents of a letter from the kings majesty of great britaine , writ in favour of some merchants of london , who pretend that several merchandizes laden for their particular accounts aboard the golden sun , whereof was master nicholas le breton , and taken at sea by private commissions of this province and brought to flushing , is resolved that the aforesaid owners or interessed shall addresse themselves to the lords of the court of admiralty residing here , with full assurance , that in this cause of reclaiming and following of their goods , they shall receive all possible expedition and just judgement . agreeth with the above mentioned notes or resolutions . peter de huybert . this answer or resolution was an invitation or introduction to a law-suit , which i was very much averse from entring into , well knowing what bad success , some of our country men had had by such like proceeding in zealand , neither could i obtain a resolution , or order , that in case of making due proof of the propertie , i should have the english interest cleared and restored to me . but several merchants and other persons , as well natives as others residing in zealand , men that were not concerned with the capers , but rather abhorrers of their proceedings , ( and some such are there , though many are interessed with them ) with whom i happened to have discourse , understanding my case , were of opinion that would consequently follow ; and the rather because his majestie of great brittaine appeared in the business , and the goods being then in esse , and intire , therefore they incouraged me to proceed according to the states answer or resolution ; however i was resolved first to advise with my friends in england , and being in my return , a passenger with me in the packet boat , one vandersteen a native of zealand , but had a pretence to some lands in ireland , of his own accord ( hearing my name ) and knowing somewhat of my businesse in zealand , told me undoubtedly i should have good successe therein , for that the states of zealand in a letter they had written in his behalf to his majesty of england , took notice thereof ; that part whereof that concerned me , i got copy of , and translated is as followeth . the lords states of zealand have ( upon the recommendation of his majestie of great britain ) very earnestly recommended the cause of edward adams , abraham jacob , robert carre , and other merchants , to the lords of the admiralty in zealand residing at midleburg , that to the said cause should be given a short and prompt expedition of justice , with the which the interessed friends shall be assured of due satisfaction , as in justice and equity ▪ shall be found to be due : done in the presence of john ed. m. 7. august 1660 new stile . this and the resolution also proved in the end but a decoy and delusion , to entice and drill us into further mischief and inconvenience , for the manner of the zealanders , is to get what they can into their power , and then seek and cast about for arguments and specious pretences to palliate the detaining it , and seldom or never do they part with any thing though ever so unjustly taken unlesse compelled thereto . upon conference and advising with friends here in england , 't was thought fit we should prosecute our claimes in the admiralty of zealand , according to the states direction , and chiefely for this reason , that we could not have any great cause of complaint , or make out an aggrievance whereupon to beg relief from his sacred majesty our gratious soveraign , till we were denyed justice there , it not being known , but that they would decree to us our goods with damages ; and withal being informed , that the lords of the admiralty could if they pleased in short time bring the cause to sentence , their custome being to sit in court 3. days in a week , i therefore gave order for proceeding with a claime before them , in the names of my several friends interessed , and for proof of their property did referre to the evidence in the possession of the capers , as the commanders book , the bills of lading , invoices and letters of advice , of which they had second and third via's also , and my friends , as yet , none at all , for it happen'd that a few days after , viz. on the 27. or 28. may old stile , the three remaining capers , or men of war , near the place where the 4. surpriz'd the golden-sun , met with the ship experience of london , commanded by one john kingsman , coming from the port of bahia in brazil , whom they also surprized , ( aboard which ship my friends aforenamed had goods likewise to the value of 1200 l. ster . and upwards , and in her company took 2. portuguesse vessells that came from the rio de janeiro ( the same port whence the golden sun was laden ) and in them 2d . and 3d. avizo's of what had been laden for account of each particular person respectively aboard the said ship , which ( by command of the lords of the admiralty ) being brought before them into court , there appeared there were consigned unto them aboard the said ship for their own accompts 271. chests and 11. fechos sugars , all ( except some few ) whites , ( 〈…〉 ) worth 5000 l. ster . which was afterward confirmed , and made out by such like evidence which came to my friends own hands from brazill . when i began to follow my claim , i soon found the adverse parties that appeared against me were very great and powerfull persons in zealand , viz. ( besides the commanders of the men of war , who had alliance strong enough there ) the whole west-india company of the netherlands , as granters of the commissions , everard gyselinck who was at the same time burgo master for flushing , and consequently one of the states of zealand ) jacob van hoorne , — everson of flushing , and several other considerable persons as owners & setters out of the men of war ; and the capers of flushing are esteemed men of such desperate inclinations , and so impatient of being demanded to give account of , or restore ought they have any way got into their power , that hardly could i get any one to follow in my absence my claime against them . and there was a whispering of a suspition went up and down the world , as well in zealand as other parts , that the lords of the admiralty themselves were concerned ( as well as other great men of that country ) in setting out men of war , whether they are so concern'd or not , i will not say ; my charity is such , as rather to believe the negative . but they seemed to be pretty strongly allyed to our adversaries ( if not by consanguinity or affinity ) in affection , that whatsoever they moved for , was granted , though ever so equitably , rationally and forcibly impugned by our advocate . take one example among others : ( long before they gave sentence ) by vertue of a joynt procuration i i proceeded joyntly 2. or 3. moneths in one claime , then the capers and other our adversaries move for a separation of causes , or claimes , for each man to claim a part , which was a meer dilatory design to increase and multiply expenses , thereby to deterre those whose interest was small from looking after it , because the remedy might prove worse then the disease , the charge for following the claime of one chest being as great as for one hundred . our advocate pleaded the motion was unreasonable , urging there was in the claimes no difference of case ; that the persons claiming were all english men , all residing in one place , the goods they claimed only such as appeared to be consigned to them for their own account , that they were laden in one port , in one ship , and consigned to one place . and added , that 't was the part of judges to abbreviate and contract ( not multiply ) suits ; withall remembred to them , that the states in their resolution had promised expedition , and therefore prayed the lords of the admiralty not to grant the motion ; but notwithstanding they did : not declaring in this , ( as in no other point ) the ground for their decree , which they say is their custome , reserving that to themselves , stat pro ratione voluntas . i put it to my advocate , and others residing in midleburg , to deal plainly with me ; in telling me in their opinions what ground or cause our adversaries could have for making , or the judges for granting the motion ? who ingeniously confessed they knew none , but what i have already set down ; a design to deterre those whose interest was small from making their claim , fearing the remedy to be worse then the disease . and indeed that design was gratifyed with success , for the expensive and dilatory process consumed more then the value of some mens sugars claimed , though sentence had been pronounced in their favour , yet could i not avoid proceeding in such a claime , for i let it lye , and went on with the most considerable , but our adversaries brought it on , and moved that i should proceed therein , or they be dismissed therefrom . i then moved the court for order for one cause to be proceeded with , ( which they should appoint ) offering , that according to the successe of it all the rest should be concluded , and to this the fiscal confented , ( the fiscal is a person concerned in all claimes of this nature , he proceedes ex officio , appears in right of the province , and his office is somewhat like to that of his majesties atturney general in england ) but the capers refused to joyn with him ; neither would the lords of the admiralty enjoyn them to comply , so that of one cause they begat six : and before i could proceed further i was forced for every cause to give security for the costs , which must be done by a sufficient inhabitant of the place . the 12. october 1660. st . n. was appointed for a publick sale of the whole cargo of the ship golden-sun at flushing ( the french commanders 23. chests excepted ) where i was present , and addressed my self to the lords of the admiralty , desiring the goods i claimed might be likewise exempted from the sale , till the causes were determined . but they answered me , they should be sold with the rest in usum jus habentium . then i moved that the contents and quality might be noted and set down a part , which i confess they granted , and to that purpose sent a messenger with me to the officers of the west india company ; who had the management of the sale . but they answer'd , 't was not to be done , the goods being mingled in lots with others , so they made sale of them before my face ( a comfortable spectacle ) and promiscuously set down the contents with other goods , as not doubting of a sentence in their favour , or dreading ever to be called to accompt for them . by some little discourse i had with our adversaries and others of that country , i found there seemed to be put by them some difference between english men , living in england , and those residing beyond sea , especially in portugal , though they have liberty to make such residence only by vertue of articles of peace made between the crownes of england and portugal . to remove any such obstacle , should it be offered , and appear to be valid , i procured a second letter from his majesty , wherein ( being informed by some persons of honour , who in the time of their exile , came to have knowledge of the persons interessed , that they were not only loyal subjects , but to have sincere affections to his majesties service ) he was graciously pleased to declare that edward adams , abraham jacob , robert carre , christopher trenchard , william peachey , thomas bostock , and will. trussel , were not only his subjects , but that he also lookt upon them meriting his protection , as well as any others soever of like quality inhabiting any part of his dominions . this letter was not presently delivered , but was thought fit to be reserved for some more opportune time , which was judged to be when the causes were ready for sentence , and then it was presented , but to small effect , for they slighted it ; and the capers stuck not publickly to say , that the secretaries framed letters , and his majesty signed them without ever reading or knowing what they contained . the french commander at the same time went on with his claim , demanding his ship , the fraight , & 23. chests of sugars in particular , & the whole cargo in general according to the articles of peace . the cargo according to the commanders book , was 1100. chests and fecho's of sugar , 1000. hides , 4000 l. of vigonia wool , some boxes of balsome , a parcel of jacaranda wood , whale fins , and some tobacco . upon his pressing whereof , the lords of the admiraltie-asked him one day in court , what he would do with the cargo should it be restored him ? to which he made answer , that he would carry and deliver it at the proper port of his discharge , according as he stood obliged by charter party and bills of lading , at which the lords smiled , as if it were a ridiculous thing for them to be thought obliged ( by any tie whatsoever ) to give sentence for the capers to part with a good booty once got into their possession . during the transaction of these affaires , the states of the united provinces sent their ambassadors to the court of france to renew their alliance with the french king , who ( being informed from his ambassador at the hague of their non-complyance with the former articles ) refused to treat with them , till there were justice done his subjects according to the articles of marine , which was concluded at the desire of the states themselves . whereupon the ambassadors writ to the states desiring the cause of le breton may be judged , who thereupon order the lords of the admiralty of zealand so to do ; but they notwithstanding for a while deferred it , till new complaints were made , then they give sentence , viz. on the 24. september 1661. stilo novo . decreeing to the french commander his ship , aparrel , furniture , &c. fraight , and 23. chests of sugars which belonged to him and company , with 2000. gilders damages . and the same day condemned the english mens ( some whereof were fraighters of the ship ) goods for prize . the french man not contented with his sentence , finding the sum ordered for damages to be too little , demands further reparation in matter of damage : which by means of the french ambassador at the hague , is made known to the french king , who commanded monsieur de lionn a minister of state in france , to signifie to the dutch ambassadors , that in case of non satisfaction for le bretons ship , he would grant letters of reprisal . whereupon they again writ to the states general touching that particular ; who order the cause to be brought before the judges apointed in case of appeal at the hague , and a review thereof without charge to him , and to that end dispatch their messengers into zealand , where the states had a meeting extraordinary about it , who give for answer , that they cannot consent to a review , because the fatalia were past ( which are 4. months after the sentence pronounced , within which time the review ought to be desired . ) but this being upon a point extraordinary , to prevent letters of reprisal , a second messenger was dispatcht , who return'd with a better answer , and upon the review is decreed to the french commander 12000. gilders more for damage , over and above the former 2000. the french commander recovered his fraight according to bills of lading which belonged to us the fraighters , which was more then was due to them by charter party by 910 l. flemish , so that with what he had formerly received from us , and was disbursed for his account , he was indebted to us 1440 l. flemish , for which ( he refusing to accompt with us ) we desired we might make an embargo , or arrest in the hands of those who were appoynted to pay him money , and in this request we hoped to succeed ( because it might be a mean for them to keep something in their hand , which was a thing they love to do , as being in that kind naturally tenacious ; ) but in this neither were we prevailing , for they were resolved not to gratifie the english in any motion , or at least durst do nothing against . the french , they telling us they could not permit one stranger to sue another , so the french man marched off with flying colours , carrying all away with him , as well some of our as his own money . and the english remain'd forlorn . and by what hath been here related , which is nothing but undeniable truth , it plainly appears we are truly unfortunate english merchants . our goods were condemned as prize , but as i have already said , they tell us not wherefore ; they never declaring the cause or ground of their sentence , reserving that in their own breast ; so that we are ignorant where the gulf lay that devoured , or the rock that split us : but by what we gathered by common discourse with persons in zealand , and some occurrences , we may guess it to be , because the persons claiming were for the most part resident in portugal ; for an english man that was passenger upon an english ship which they had taken comming from brazil had goods ( being of no great value ) restored him . and this is founded upon an order or edict made for their own people that none of them living in portugal shall trade to brazil without their licence , or if they do their goods being taken in company of portuguesses shall run the like fate with them , and this was made for prevention of their subjects colouring portuguez goods : ( t is evident we colour'd no portuguez goods , claiming only what was consigned for our own account , and this by evidence of their own producing , and all was under 300. of 1100. chests and fecho's which the ship brought . ) and say they , persons living in any part ought not to enjoy two capacities or priviledges . to that we gave satisfactory answer , ( besides what his sacred majesty hath been pleased to write on our behalf ) that we enjoyed no priviledge the portuguesses did , but resided in portugal by vertue of the articles of peace concluded between the crowns of england and portugal , and for such were own'd and certitifyed by his majesties consull . if they will have pass for curant , that what sanctions and edicts are made by them for regulating their own people , must be obliging to the subjects of other princes , 't is right hogan mogan ; but the plain english of it is , that the king of great britaine , france and ireland , must not treat of or conclude peace with a forraign prince , or provide for the increase of trade and priviledges of his own subjects without asking the states of holland leave . i humbly represented our case to his sacred majesty and his most honourable privie council , makeing a summarie relation of what had passed , which his majesty & their lordships taking into their consideration , did order , that the commissioners who are to treat with the dutch ambassadors , do insist upon our satisfaction , in like manner as is done in claims of any other of his majesties subjects . i also represented our aggrievance to the honourable committee of parliament appointed to consider of the trade of the nation , where i made out our losses sustained by the surprizall of the shipps golden sun , experience aforemention'd , ( and two english shipps more taken by the dutch a little after , called the falcon , and st. john baptist ) to amount unto 8000l . ster . but ( like a bad accomptant , ) i omitted to set down the interest , which for 4. years at 6. per cent. comes to 1920l . besides which i have in the tedious vexatious suits expended 780 l. 12 s , 3 d. flemish , besides what is to be set down for my friends paines who assisted in the solicitation , and i have endeavoured all good husbandry , having been sometime thought to be too penurious . and now may be seen the effect of the full assurance of expedition promised us , viz. a suit of 14. moneths , ( which if i had pleased might have been 14. years , i could have procured consent of parties , ) and for the just judgment we should receive , our goods condemned for prize , but upon what score , subintelligitur . the french mans ship which , by the universal custome & consent ( if not law ) of nations ( to say nothing of their particular obligation ) ought to have made free goods , with 23. chests of sugar granted free , with 14000. gilders for dammages . thus courteous reader , i have done with my sad tedious story , and crave thy pardon for exercising thy patience so long therewith , begging as formerly the benefit of thy counsel . but before i take my leave i must speak one word in vindication of my profession ( at least of my own particular ) from an aspertion which seems to be cast upon it . there is a rumor flies up and down the world , that in this present conjuncture of affairs , the merchants are great incendiaries to a warre with the dutch , and if there happen one , 't will be called the merchants warre , which i suppose is a great mistake ; for to me it seems not rational for any intelligent merchants to be forward to that war , the maine dispute and decision whereof must be argued at sea , the place where he is most concerned , and to the inconveniences and hazards attending such a war the merchant of all other persons is most obnoxious . if any such merchants there be , that are so warlike , and promise to themselves great gain by trading in troubled waters ; i do declare my self to be none of them , i do confesse i am for satisfaction for the unreasonable usage and injuries done my friends , and me : nay i have been , and am very earnest and zealous for it , i say i am for the rem , but modum acquirendi i wholly submit to his sacred majesty ( whom god many years preserve in peace ) and his great council . farewell . edward adams . finis . an ansvver to a late ill-natur'd libel, entituled, a trip to holland being a real description of the country, the bravery, wisdom and industry of its inhabitants, and the several vertues which have their growth and encouragement in the seven united provinces / by a dutch merchant. dutch merchant. 1699 approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a25514 wing a3305 estc r40285 18811537 ocm 18811537 108374 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25514) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108374) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1663:8) an ansvver to a late ill-natur'd libel, entituled, a trip to holland being a real description of the country, the bravery, wisdom and industry of its inhabitants, and the several vertues which have their growth and encouragement in the seven united provinces / by a dutch merchant. dutch merchant. [2], 11 p. printed for j. nutt ..., london : 1699. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng felltham, owen, 1602?-1668. -brief character of the low-countries under the states. netherlands -economic conditions. netherlands -social conditions. netherlands -civilization -17th century. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-12 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer to a late ill-natur'd libel , entituled , a trip to holland : being a real description of the country ; the bravery , wisdom and industry of its inhabitants ; and the several vertues which have their growth and encouragement in the seven united provinces . by a dutch merchant . london , printed for j. nutt , near stationers-hall , 1699. best of princes ? but ingratitude is the chief ingredient of a poet ; and to lampoon a patron who has kept him from starving , if he in the least chanceth to slacken his hand , is as common to him , as his wants are familiar , and i need not tell the reader how often a rhiming fool is in necessity : tho' at the same time , what our male-contented common-wealth hates , has said in relation to the vices of the hollanders , gives us an opportunity of inspecting their vertues ; and since he acts the part of so faithless an historian , as partially to pass by their excellencies , the following discourse shall give as many instances in their commendation , as his has in their dispraise . our author is not unlike to a man in the yellow jaundice , who thinks every one of the same complection with himself ; for how could he heap so many vices upon so virtuous a people , unless he had been a practitioner in those very vices he would fasten on his neighbour ? but least the gentleman should be angry , for he 's a little tasty fellow , i 'll abstain from railery , and be for once the reverse of him , as he saith the dutch are of humanity . all that i have to urge in the behalf of the following paper , is that the decency of expression , the excellency of the people it treats of , the truth of every particular , instance , and the industry which is in practise among them , must needs take off from the prejudices which the reader may have imbib'd from the paper which this is designed as an answer to . and i shall have said enough to ingratiate my self with the reader , if to shake of tyranny and slavery , to be lovers of their country , and to be assistants to those that are in distress , has so near a resemblance of our english constitution , that we should give no manner of approbation to our actions , should we disallow of the practise of them in theirs ; then we have all the reason in the world to be on their side , unless we would be against our selves . an answer to a late ill-natur'd libel , entituled , a trip to holland , &c. as the people we are now to treat of are grown to such a prodigious highth of riches and greatness as to be render'd equal to the most sovereign powers , so the means by which they have acquir'd those honours which are paid only to them and crown'd heads , well deserve to be taken notice of . solomon tells us offour things that are small , and full of wisdom ; the pismire , the grass-hopper , the coney , and the spider . for providence , they are the pismires of the world ; and having nothing but what grass affords them , are yet for almost all provisions , the store-house of christendom , what is it which there may not be found in plenty ? they make by their industry , all the fruits of the vast earth their own . what land can , boast a privilege that they do not partake of ? they have not of their own , enough materials to compile one ship ; yet how many nations do they furnish ? the remoter angles of the world do , by their pains , deliver them their sweets ; and and being of themselves in want , their diligence hath made them both indies nearer home . they are frugal , to the saving of egg-shells ; and maintain it for a maxim , that a thing lasts longer mended , than new. their cities are their mole-hills ; their schutes and fly-boats creep and return with their store for winter : every one is busie , and carries his grain ; as if every city were a several hive , and the bees not permitting a drone to inhabit ; for idle persons must find some other mansion . and lest necessity bereave men of means to set them on work , there are publick banks , that ( without use ) lend upon pawns to all the poor that want . there is a season when the pismires fly ; and so each summer they likewise swarm abroad with their armies . the ant , says one , is a wise creature , but a shrewd thing in a garden or orchard . and truly , so are they ; for they look upon others too little , and themselves too much : and wheresoever they light in a pleasant or rich soil , like suckers and lower plants , they rob from the root of that tree which gives them shade and protection . so their wisdom is not , indeed , heroick , or numnial , as courting an universal good ; but rather narrow and restrictive , as being a wisdom but for themselves ; which , to speak plainty , is descending into craft , and is but the sinister part of that which is really noble and celestial . nay , in all they hold so true a proportion with the emmet , as you shall not sind they want so much as the sting . for dwelling in rocks , they are coneys ; and while the spanish tumbler plays about them , they rest secure in their own inaccessible burrows . where have you , under heaven , such impregnable fortifications , where art beautifies nature , and nature makes art invincible ? herein , indeed , they differ ; the coneys find rocks , and they make them : and , as if they would invert the miracle of moses , they raise them in the bosom of the waves : where , within these few years , ships furrow'd in the pathless ocean , the peaceful plough now unbowels the fertile earth , which at night is carry'd home to the fairest mansions in holland . every town has its garrison ; and the keys of the gates , in the night-time , are not trusted but in the stadt-house . from these holds they bolt abroad for provisions , and then return to their fastnesses , replenish'd . for war , they are grass-hoppers ; and , without a king , go forth in bands , to conquer kings . they have not only defended themselves at their own home , but have brav'd the spaniard at his . in anno 1599. under the command of vander does , was the grand canary taken , the chief city sack'd , the king of spain's ensigns taken down , and the colours of his excellency set up in their room . in the year 1600 , the battel of nieuport was a gallant piece , when with the loss of a thousand men , or little more , they slew seven thousand of their enemies , took above an hundred ensigns , the admiral of arragon was made prisoner ; the very furniture of the arch-duke's own chamber and cabinet , yea , the signet that belong'd to his hand . in 1607 , they assail'd the armada of spain , in the bay of gibraltar , under covert of the castle and town-ordnance ; and with the loss only of an hundred and fifty men , slew above two thousand , and ruin'd the whole fleet. certainly , a bolder attempt has scarce ever been done . the indian mastiff never was more fierce against the angry lion : nor can the cock , in his crowing valour , become more prodigal of his blood than they . there hardly is upon earth such a school of martial discipline : 't is the christian world's academy for arms , whither all the neighbour-nations resort to be instructed ; where they may observe how unresistable a blow many small grains of powder will make , being heap'd together ; which yet if you separate , can do nothing but sparkle and die . their recreation is the practice of arms , and they learn to be soldiers sooner than men : nay , as if they placed a religion in arms , every sunday is concluded with the train'd-bands marching through their cities . for industry , they are spiders , and are in the palaces of kings . of old they were the guard of the person of the roman emperor ; and by the romans themselves , declar'd to be their friends and companions . there are none have the like intelligence . their merchants at this day are the greatest of the universe . what nation is it , where they have not insinuated ; nay , which they have not almost anatomis'd , and even discover'd the intrinsick veins on 't . even among us , they shame us with their industry , which makes them seem as if they had a faculty from the world's creation , out of water to make dry land appear . they win our drowned grounds , which we cannot recover , and chase back neptune to his own old banks . all that they do , is by such labour as it seems extracted out of their own bowels ; and in their wary thrift , they hang by such a slender sustentation of life , that one would think their own weight should be enought to crack it . want of idleness keeps them from want ; and 't is their diligence makes them rich. a fruitful soil encreaseth the harvest , a plentiful sun augments the store ; and seasonable showers drop fatness on the crop we reap . but no rain fructifies more than the due of sweat. you would think , being with them , you were in old israel ; for you find not a begger among them : nor are they mindful of their own alone , but strangers also partake of their care and bounty ; if they will depart , they have money for their convoy ; if they stay , they have work provided ; if unable , they find an hospital . their providence extends even from the prince to the catching of flies . and lest you lose an afternoon by fruitless mourning , by two of the clock all burials must end ; wherein to prevent the waste of ground , they pile coffin upon coffin till the sepulchre be full . in all their manufactures they hold a truth and constancy , for they are as fruits from trees , the same every year they are at first ; not apples one year , and crabs the next , and so for ever after . in the sale of these they also are at a word , they will gain rather than exact ; and have not that way whereby our citizens abuse the wise , and cozen the ignorant ; and by their infinite over-asking for commodities , proclaim to the world , that they would cheat all if it were in their power . the depravation of manners they punish with contempt ; but the defects of nature they favour with charity . even their bedlam is a place so curious , that a lord might live in it : their hospital might lodge a lady . so that safely you may conclude , amongst them even poverty and madness do both inhabit handsomely . and tho' vice makes every thing turn sordid , yet the state will have the very correction of it to be neat , as if they would shew , that though obedience fail , yet government must be still it self , and descent . to prove this , they that do but view their bridewel , will think it may receive a gentleman tho' a gallant : and so their prison , a wealthy citizen ; but for a poor man , 't is his best policy to be laid there , for he that casts him in must maintain him . their language , tho' it differ from the higher germany , yet has it the same ground , and is as old as babel ; and albeit harsh , yet so lofty and full a tongue , as made goropius becanus maintain it for the speech of adam in his paradice . and surely if there were not other reasons against it , the significancy of the ancient teutonic might carry it from the primest dialect . steven of bruges reckons up two thousand one hundred seventy monosyllables , which being compounded , how richly do they grace a tongue ? a tongue , that for the general profession , is extended further than any that i know . through both the germanies , denmark , norway , sueden , and sometimes france , england , and spain : and still among us , all our words are dutch , with yet so little change , that certainly 't is in a manner the same that it was two thousand years ago , without the too much mingled borrowings of their neighbour nations . the germans are a people , that more than all the world , i think , may boast sincerity , as being for some thousand of years a pure and unmixed people . and surely , i see not but their conduction by tuisco , from the building of babel , may pass as unconfuted story , they yet retaining the appellation from his name . they are a large and numerous people , having ever kept their own , and transported colonies into other nations ; in italy were the longobards ; in spain the goths and vandals ; in france the franks , or franconians , in england the saxons : having in all these left reverend steps of their antiquity and language . it is a noble testimony that so grave an historian as tacitus hath left still extant of them , and written above fifteen hundred years ago ; deliberant dum fingere nésciunt : constituunt dum errare non possunt . they deliberate when they cannot dissemble , and resolve when they cannot err . two hundred and ten years the romans were in conquering them , in which space on either side were the losses sad and fatal ; so as neither the samnites , the carthagenians , the spaniards , the gauls , no nor the parthians ever troubled them like the germans . they slew and took prisoners several commanders of the highest rank , as carbo , cassius , s. cauras , aurelius , cervillius , cepio , and m. manlius . they defeated five consulary armies , and varus with three legions ; yet after all this he concludes , triumphati magis quam victi sunt . they were rather triumph'd over than conquered . to confirm this , the keeping of their own language is an argument answerable ; the change whereof ever follows upon the fully vanquished , as we may see it did in italy , france , spain , and england . and this he speaks of the nation in general : nor was the opinion of the romans less worthy in particular , concerning these lower provinces , which made them for their valour and warlike minds , stile them by the name of gallia belgica , and especially of the batavians , which were the hollanders , and part of guelders . you may hear in what honourable terms he mentions them , where speaking of the several people of germany , he says , omnium harum gentium virtute proecipui batavi : nam nec tributis contemnuntur , nec publicanus atterit : exemptioneribus & collationibus , & tantum in usum proeliorum sepositi , velut tela atque arma bellis reservantur . of all these nations , the principal in valiant vertue are the batavians ; for neither are they become despicable by paying of tribute , nor oppressed too much by the farmer of publick revenues , but free from taxes and contributions for servility ; they are specially set a-part for the fight , as armour and weapons only reserved for war. all this even at this day , they seem to make good ; for of all they world they are the people that thrive and grow rich by the war , like the porcipice , that plays in the storm , but at other times lies still and sober under the water . war , which is the world's ruin , and ravins upon the beauty of all , is to them prosperity and ditation . and surely the reason of this is , their strength in shipping , the open sea , their many fortified towns , and the country , by reason of its lowness and plentiful irrigation , becoming impassable for an army when the winter but approaches : otherwise it is hardly possible , that so small a parcel of mankind should brave the most potent monarch of christendom , who in his own hands hold the mines of the wars sinews , money ; and has now got a command so wide , that out of his dominions the sun can neither rise nor set . the whole seventeen provinces are not above a thousand english miles in circuit , and in the states hands there is not seven of those ; yet have they in the field sometimes sixty thousand soldiers , besides those which they always keep in garrison , which cannot be but a considerable number , near thirty thousand ; there being in the whole country above two hundred wall'd towns and cities . so that if they have people for the war , one would wonder where they should get money to pay them , they being , when they have an army in the field , at a thousnnd pound a day charge extraordinary . to maintain this , their excise is an unwasted mine , which with the infiniteness of their traffick , and their untired industry , is by every part of the world in something or other contributed to . the sea yields them by two sorts of fish only , herring , and cod , sixty thousand pound per annum ; for which they go out sometimes seven or eight hundred boats at once ; and for greater ships , they are able to set out double the number : their merchandise amounted in guicciardine's time to fourteen millions per annum . whereas england , which is in compass almost as large again , and hath the ocean as a ring about her , made not above six millions yearly ; so sedulous are these bees to labour and enrich their hive . as they on the sea , so the women are busie on land in weaving of nets , and helping to add to the heap . and though a husband 's long absence might tempt them to lacivious ways , yet they hate adultery , and are resolute in matrimonial chastity . i do not remember that ever i read in story , of any great lady of that nation , that hath been tax'd with looseness : and questionless , 't is their ever being busie , makes them have no leisure for lust . 't is idleness that is cnpid's nurse , but business breaks his bow , and makes his arrows useless . they are both merchants and farmers ; an their act parts , which men can but discharge with us : as if they would shew , thrt the souls in all are masculine , and not varied into weaker sex , as are the bodies that they wear about them . whether this be from the nature of their country , in which , if they be not laborious , they cannot live ; or from an innate genius of people , by a superiour providence adapted to them of such a situation ; from their own inclinations , addicted to pasimony ; from custom in their way of breeding ; from any transcendency of active parts , more than other nations ; or from being in their country , like people in a city besieg'd , whereby their own vertues do more compact , and fortifie , i will not determine . but , certainly , in general , they are the most painful and diligent people on earth ; and , of all other , the most truly of vespacian's opinion , to think that ex re qualibet bonus odor lucri : be it rais'd from what it will , the smell of gain is pleasant . yet they are , in some sort , gods ; for they set bounds to the seas , and when they list let it pass again . even their dwelling is a miracle ; they live lower than the fishes , in the very lap of the floods , and incircl'd in their watry arms : they are the israelites , passing through the red sea , the waters wall them in ; and if they set open their sluces , shall drown their enemies . they have struggl'd long with spain's pharaoh , and they have at length enforc'd him to let them go . they are a gideon's army upon the march again . they are the indian rat , gnawing the bowels of the spanish crocodile , to which they got when he gap'd to swallow them . they are a serpent , wreath'd about the legs of that elephant . they are the little sword-fish , pricking the belly of the whale . they are the wane of that empire which increas'd under isabella , and in charles v's time was at full . they are a glass , wherein kings may see , that though they be sovereigns over lives and goods , yet when they usurp upon god's part , and will be kings over conscience too , they are sometimes punish'd with the loss of that which lawfully is their own : that religion too fiercely urg'd , is to stretch a string till it not only jars , but cracks ; and in the breaking , whips ( perhaps ) the streiner's eye out . that an extream taxation is , to take away the honey while the bees keep the hive ; whereas , he that would do that , should first either burn them , or drive them out : that tyrants in their government , are the greatest traytors to their own states : that a desire of being too absolute , is to walk upon pinacles and the tops of piramids , where not only the footing is full of hazard , but even the sharpness of that they tread on may run into their foot , and wound them : that too much to regrate on the patience of but fickle subjects , is to press a thorn till it prick your finger : that nothing makes a more desperate rebel , than a prerogative inforc'd too far . that liberty in man is as the skin to the body , not to be put off , but together with life . that they which will command more than they ought , shall not at last command so much as is fit . that moderate princes sit faster in their regalities , than such as being but men , would yet have their power over their subjects , as the gods , unlimited . that oppression is an iron heated till it burns the hand . that to debar some states of ancient privileges , is , for a falcon to undertake to beat a flock of wild geese out of the fens . that to go about to compel a sullen reason to submit to a wilful peremptoriness , is so long to beat a chain'd mastiff into his kennel , till at last he turns , and flies at your throat . that unjust policy is to shoot as they did at ostend , into the mouth of a charg'd cannon , to have two bullets return'd for one . that he doth but endanger himself , that riding with too weak a bitt , provokes an head-strong horse with a spur. that 't is safer to meet a valiant man weaponless , than almost a coward in armour . that even a weak cause , with a strong castle , will boil solt blood to a rebellious itch. that 't is better keeping a crazy body in an equal temper , than to anger humours by too sharp a physick . that admonitions from a dying man , are too serious to be neglected . that there is nothing certain , that is not impossible . that a cobler of flushing was one of the greatest enemies the greatest enemies the king of spain ever had . the people in it are jews of the new testament , that have exchang'd nothing but the law for the gospel ; and this they rather profess , than practise . together , a man of war , riding at anchor in the downs of germany . for foreign princes to help them , is wise self-policy : when they have made them able to defend themselves against spain , they are at the pale ; if they enable them to offend others , they go beyond it . for , questionless , were this thorn out of the spaniard's side , he might be fear'd too soon to grasp his long-intended monarchy . and were the spaniard but possessed lord of the low-countries , or had the states but the wealth and power of spain , the rest of europe might be like people at sea in a ship on fire , that could only chuse whether they would drown or burn . now , their war is the peace of their neighbours . so rome , when busy'd in her civil broils , the parthians liv'd at rest ; but those concluded once , by caesar , next are they design'd for conquest . if any man wonder at these contraries , let him look in his own body for as many several humours , in his own brain for as many different fancies , in his own heart for as various passions ; and from all these he may learn , that there is not in all the world such another beast as man. of amsterdam . as this famous city was one the first which shook off the spanish yoak , so the courage it shew'd , at a juncture when their lives and liberties were in the utmost danger , has entitl'd it more to be the metropolis of the seven provinces , than the splendour of its buildings , the advantages of its situation , and the abundance of its riches . it is to be confess'd , ( as our trip-master will have it , ) several vices are inhabitants of this place ; but here are vertues which drown the appearance of them : here is industry , with-necessity ; hospitality , without design ; charity , without boasting ; obedience , without compulsion ; magistracy , without knavery ; jnstice , without bribery ; and frugality , without covetousness . the people are lovers of freedom , and fearless of asserting it ; wonderful cautious , yet daring to a miracle ; inimitable in times of peace , and unconquerable in war ; have immunities above their neighbours , yet never make use of them to their neighbours disadvantage . the story of japan was forg'd against them by stubbs , in the late dutch war , when to be inveterate was to tell truth , and to invent a plausible lye was to be counted a good patriot . there was something in it , 't is true ; but nothing but what savour'd more of policy , than dishonesty . for , how could it be denying christ , to write themselves hollanders ? or , by what means can they be stil'd heathens , who made such evasions for the sake of professing the gospel without disturbance . if they were so irreligious as our author would have them , they would never have revolted from the spaniard on account of their religion : and if they were so easily to be persuaded to deny their saviour , certainly they would never have been so difficult in submitting to a religion , which , though it differ'd from theirs in several points , yet own'd the redeemer , who suffer'd for them . as to their hatred to the spanish king , it appears in nothing but their unwillingness to joyn in a communion which was disonant to their principles , and impracticable by those of another profession , and if to relieve him in the highest extremity , and support him when his whole kingdom was threatned with fire and sword , be hatred truly , i shall be to seek for a definition of love. and his catholick majesty would scarce have an ambassador there , if they were not in his interests . their clergy , tho' calvinists , a title which is their glory , tho' our author would brand them with it , are mien in their dispositions , courteous in their behaviour , without affectation , without pride , without hypocrisie . they rail at no religion , tho' they have made choice of one which they think to be the best , and disputes about religious matters are as rare here as they are common in london ▪ every one is suffer'd to go on in his own way , though if he be thought to be in the wrong , he has the prayers of those who think themselves in the right to convert him . here are no bishops with costly equipages , no deans with fifteen hundred pounds per annum , no greasie prebendaries with their double chins as big as their paunches ; but a competency is allowed from the state to each minister , which makes them too low to think themselves above their fellow creatures , and too high to be dispis'd by them . two hundred pounds a year is their respective salary , and by these means are kept in a dependence on the states , who has it in their power to discard them , if they , like the english clergy , meddle with affairs which belong to the supream rulers . their churches are large , their principles not so starch'd as those of our english presbyterians ; their preaching doctrinal and persuasive , their lives pious and instructive , and their whole constitution of so exemplary a frame , as it not only takes off from those odious aspersions which are laid upon them , but adds to the glory of an establishment which scarce can suffer any further increase . their merchants are the greatest in the world , their magistrates the justest , and their laws so strictly put in execution , that to hear of a robbery in amsterdam is to be told a thing which increases your wonder ; and to detect people in dishonest practices there , is less frequent than to see them executed for dishonesty here . in short , tho' all religions are tolerated , there is none but what may think the true incouraged ; and tho' policy in this place is in its highest perfection , yet probity and equity are not eclips'd by it ; and it no more takes off from the glory of the renowned city of amsterdam , than the de witts who were enemies to his present majesty of great britain were born here , then that so many monarchy-haters have their residence and nativity in london . to conclude , if to be preservers of their own liberties , and defenders of that of others ; if to furnish examples for the security of this and succeeding ages ; if to have justice and mercy to kiss each other , whilst plenty and peace walk hand in hand together , be blessings , as instructive as they are valuable , then had our author no reason to wish amsterdam to set sail , unless industry , goodness , and justice , be so many eye-sores to him , and he would be as far from receiving good instructions , as he is from giving them . and now , o' land ! from whom at first i drew my breath ; to whom , again , my breath is due ! if any thing be written , or is done , unworthy of a parent , or a son : if i 've forgot the duties of my birth ; and praising , have not prais'd thee to thy worth , grant me thy pardon , and forgive the faults of unconsider'd lines , and hasty thoughts , till some bold pen , to fame and merit known , shall justifie thy cause , which is its own . tho' deeds like thine , and vertues , are so bright , they , of themselves , can to themselves do right : and tho' one english pen has vainly chose to blame thy people , and his own expose : yet still thy arms with english forces join , and win their hearts by friendship to be thine . then shall britannia midst the ocean reign , and neptune yield the taxes of the main : whilst belgia's fleets , with hers , united ride , and heav'n , and fame , and conquest 's on her side , no harms shall hurt 'em , and no ills molest , whilst one reclines her head on t' other 's breast . so the tall oak , the pride of all the grove , whom winds insult , and storms attempt to move , if it 's with the supporting ivy crown'd , secure it stands , scarce nodding on the ground : in vain the tempests on it blow , its friend , the ivy , props it from its foe ; which whistling through its kind embraces , wastes its fruitless strength in unsuccessful blasts . when if on ida's yop it stands alone , divested of all coverts but its own , up from the roots ( it self a wood ) 't is torn , and ida's ecchoing nymphs the spacious ruin mourn . finis . a proclamation for re-establishing the staple-port at camphire. scotland. privy council. 1699 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05676 wing s1898 estc r183529 52528986 ocm 52528986 179087 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05676) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179087) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:76) a proclamation for re-establishing the staple-port at camphire. scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom, 1699. caption title. initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh the 30th day of march, and of our reign the tenth year, 1699. signed: gilb. eliot. with a list of staple commodities below imprint. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements 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carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng harbors -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -commerce -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -commerce -scotland -early works to 1800. zeeland (netherlands : province) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation for re-establishing the staple-port at camphire . william by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith ; to macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting ; forasmuch , as by a treaty betwixt our commissioners appointed by us , as marquess of camphire , and the commissioners of our town of camphire , and the royal borrows of this our ancient kingdom , concerning the continuation and re-establishment of the staple-port of this kingdom , within the foresaid town . the staple-port of this kingdom , for the netheriands is re established by contract , and settled at the said town of camphire , and the same contract ratified and approven by the states of zeland , & the convention of our royal borrows , on the one and other parts . and we being satisfied , that the said contract is for the advantage of the trade and commerce of this our ancient kingdom , and that by long experience , it hath been found that the town of camphire , is the most convenient and fit place to be the staple-port for this our kingdom , have therefore , by a signature under our royal hand , of the date , the twentieth day of march currant , ratified , approved and confirmed the said contract , in its whole heads , clauses and articles : and we being further resolved , that the same be duely observed , by all the subjects of this our ancient kingdom , trading to the united provinces of the netherlands , and that all the standing laws , and acts of parliament , with all other acts of our council , or exchequer , relating to the said staple , and acts of convention of our royal borrows be put to full and vigorous execution , for the due and exact observance of the said staple-port for the future : therefore , we , with advice of the lords of our privy council , do hereby require , and command all our subjects , to give due and punctual obedience to the laws and acts of parliament , with all other acts of our council or exchequer , relating to the said staple , and acts of the convention of our royal borrows made for the observing the staple-port , which are all hereby declared to be in full force . and seing now the foresaid scots staple-port is re-established , and continued at the said town of camphire , therefore we , with advice foresaid , prohibite and discharge all merchants and skippers , or any other of our subjects to export , furth of this our kingdom , any goods , ware or commodities , which are , or shall be declared to be staple commodities , to any other port or place of the united provinces of the netherlands but only to the said staple-port , and town of camphire in zeland , under the pains and certifications contained in the saids act of parliament , with all other acts of our council or exchequer , relating to the said staple , and acts of convention of borrows , which pains and penalties we ordain to be exacted from the transgressors , with all rigour . and that they be furder proceeded against , as our privy council shall find cause . and we with advice foresaid , do hereby require the farmers , tacksmen or collectors of our customs , and their sub-collectors , and survyers for the time being , that they make exact search and tryall for all staple goods , and commodities that shall be hereafter exported forth of this kingdom to any part or port of the united provinces in the netherlands , and that they , and their clerks , and all clerks of coquets , take sufficient security from the merchants , or skipper , sailers and transporters of goods to the said netherlands , that they shall carry and liver the same at the said staple-port of camphire , and at no other place , nor port within the said united provinces , and that they shall not break bulk before their arrival thereat , conform to the acts of parliament , oblidging the exporters to report certificats from the conservator , or his deputs at camphire . bearing , that the said staple commodities were livered there , without breaking bulk , as they will be answerable to the lords of our privy council thereanent . and we do ordain the saids certificats to be delivered in quarterly by the collectors , and their clerks , at the several ports , to the agent of our royal borrows for the time . to the end , exact diligence may be done by him , against all the transgressors of the said staple , conform to the laws and acts made thereanent , our will is herefore , and we charge you strictly , and command , that in continent thir our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and whole remanent royal burrows of this kingdom , and other places needful , and thereat , in our name and authority , by open proclamation make publication of the premisses , to the effect , our royal burrows , and all merchants , and other persons may have timous notice hereof , and give due and punctual obedience , as they will be answerable at their outmost perril , and appoints copies to be affixed at the several custom-houses , and sea ports of this kingdom , that none pretend ignorance and ordains these presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh the 30th day of march , and of our reign the tenth year , 1699 . per actum dominorum sti. concilij . gilb . eliot . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , anno dom , 1699. staple commodities are , all sorts of wooll . woollen and linen yarn . all woollen and linen manufactories . hydes and skins of all sorts . playding . kerseys , scots cloath , stockins , salmond , yallow , oyl . all sorts of barrel flesh . pork , butter , leather dressed . and undressed . a proclamation, for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states general of the united netherlands. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii). 1674 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02119 wing c3393 estc r225697 52612091 ocm 52612091 179373 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02119) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179373) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2786:34) a proclamation, for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states general of the united netherlands. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii). charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by his majesties printers, edinburgh : 1674. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. printed in black letter. dated at end: given at our court at whitehall, the twenty seventh day of february, one thousand six hundred and seventy four, and the six and twenty year of our reign. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678 -treaties -sources. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -sources. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states general of the vnited netherlands . charles , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith : to our lyon king at armes , and his brethren heraulds , macers , pursevants , messengers at armes , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . whereas a peace hath been treated and concluded at westminster , between vs and the states general of the united netherlands , and the ratifications thereof exchanged , and publication thereof made at the hague , the twenty fourth day of february , one thousand six hundred and seventy four : in conformity thereunto , we have thought fit hereby to command , that the same be published throughout all our dominions ; and we do declare , that no acts of hostility or force are to be committed by any of our subjects , upon any of the subjects of the saids states general , within the several limits hereafter mentioned , from and after the several dayes and times hereby also specified , viz. after the eighth day of march , one thousand six hundred and seventy four , next ensuing , from the soundings to the naz in norway , viz. after the seventh day of april , one thousand six hundred and seventy four , from the soundings aforesaid , to the city of tanger . after the fifth day of may next following , in the ocean , mediterranean , or elsewhere , betwixt the said city of tanger , and the equinoctial line . and lastly , after the twenty fourth of october next ensuing , in any part of the world . and that whatsoever actions of hostility and force shall be committed by any of our subjects , against any the subjects of the saids states general , after the dayes aforesaid , upon color of whatsoever former commission , letters of marque , or the like , shall be deemed as illegal , and the actors oblieged to make reparation and satisfaction , and be punished as violators of the publick peace . and hereof we will and command all our subjects to take notice , and govern themselves accordingly . given at our court at whitehall , the twenty seventh day of february , one thousand six hundred and seventy four , and the six and twenty year of our reign . god save the king . edinbvrgh , printed by his majesties printers , 1674. extremities vrging the lord generall sir fra: veare to the anti-parle with the archduke albertus. written by an english gentleman of verie good account from ostend, to a worshipfull gentleman his friend heere in england, imprinted verbatìm according to the originall. vvith a declaration of the desperate attempt made since, by the sayde arch-dukes forces, for the winning of the ould towne english gentleman of very good account. 1602 approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14335 stc 24651 estc s119078 99854285 99854285 19696 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14335) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19696) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 944:3) extremities vrging the lord generall sir fra: veare to the anti-parle with the archduke albertus. written by an english gentleman of verie good account from ostend, to a worshipfull gentleman his friend heere in england, imprinted verbatìm according to the originall. vvith a declaration of the desperate attempt made since, by the sayde arch-dukes forces, for the winning of the ould towne english gentleman of very good account. 21 [i.e. 22], [2] p. printed [by thomas purfoot] for thomas pauyer, [london] : 1602. printer's name from stc. p. 22 misnumbered 21. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in yale university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng vere, francis, -sir, 1560-1609. ostend (belgium) -history -siege, 1601-1604 -early works to 1800. netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -early works to 1800. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-12 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-12 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion extremities vrging the lord generall sir fra : ueare to the anti-parle with the archduke albertus . written by an english gentleman of verie good account from ostend , to a worshipfull gentleman his friend heere in england , imprinted verbatim according to the originall . with a declaration of the despe archdukes forces , for the winning of the ould towne . printed for thomas pauyer . 1602. extremities pressing the lord gene rall sir frauncis veare , to offer the late antiparle to the archduke albertus . not doubting but your worship hath heard of our late anti-parle with the archduke albertus heare in ostend , which i assure ●…y ●…lfe is of many wōdred at , and againe , knowing that no small number will iudge there of , some according to their vnderstandinges , and other some as they are carried with affection . i haue thought good to aduertise you of the verie truth thereof ; for your worships satisfaction , and better contentment of all gentlemen to whome it shall please your worship to impart the same , wherein i assure you i haue plainely and faithfully set downe the truth without all fauour or affection , as hereafter followeth . his lordship hauing by many letters for the space of two moneths togither , solicited the states to reenforce him with fresh supplies of men , was still answered again with hopefull promises , meane time his troupes in towne were generally harrazed & worne out , especially y● english by guarding & watching in the workes without the towne euery second night for the space of sixe moneths togither , their durtie passage thither , and their myrie guard●… there , inse●…ing them dayly with increase of sicknesse , so as by diseases and other accidents of warre , he had not remaining at the time of the parley beg●… , being on sonday night the 1●… of december after the old stile , of 8000 soldiers and 〈◊〉 , 2150 : and such as know ostend as it is now , and haue withal any iudgment in martiall 〈◊〉 , can discerne that the towne al●…ne cannot bee su●…tiently guarded with 〈◊〉 men , leauing out of this computation the outward workes and most part of the counterscarps , which are in●…d principall pillars of saf●…tie to this place . againe the fury of the sea had so demolished the rampart of the ●…owne , that the same lay very weake and open i●… many places for the enemies passage . and ( notwithstanding that good indeauours had 〈◊〉 vsed , 〈◊〉 much cost 〈◊〉 to secure vs against both those dangers , by store of long 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wood lodged in ●…ile at the north-west ●…nd of the 〈◊〉 bray , ( the support of the foot of the bulwarke called the sand-hill ) and of like wood platted along the foote of the sandhill to the sea-ward , fastned ( besides the workmans arte ) with great stones , and well lined with sundry ranks of pallizad●…s armed with long and strong nailes of iron ) yet did the enemy in the darknes of a boystrous night at a low water , so arteficially , and wi●…h such expedition put fire to the same pile , entertaining our guards a good , distance from thence , towards the north-east part of the old towne with an alar●…m , in the meane time that few enclined their eyes to this fiery 〈◊〉 , vntill the fire had fully embraced the same pile . this alarum being ( to say truth ) coldly taken , the enemie 〈◊〉 his point till they came to the place of our new 〈◊〉 , being neare the north-east rauelling . and there finding the passage to enter open and no apparante of r●…ance , they entred , and comming to a corps du gua●…d , they found one onely drowsey bird in the 〈◊〉 whom they killed , the rest being 〈◊〉 ●…ed after their ●…onted manne●… : yet i forbeare to name my nation , eupho●… gratia . in the heate of this busines , his lordship slenderly accompanied , fell vpon the skirt of all the place where the enemies were , and being with much ●…ifficultie perswad●…d to stay his further 〈◊〉 , till discouerie might be 〈◊〉 before 〈◊〉 , much troubled with feare of treas●…n ▪ hee sent away capta●… studde●… commander of his owne companie ▪ with one 〈◊〉 greuill , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and some one or two priuate men besides these stumbled vpon the 〈◊〉 , against whome making a countenance of a charge by their voyces , sa , 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 them to retire to the sands by the same way they entred ●…by it may ●…e conc●…ed they had full view of our new 〈◊〉 , there they perceiuing the 〈◊〉 of those that pursued them , turned head , and with a musket , shot captaine studd●…r thorough the arme , and then made away , none of ours in case to follow thē , by reason of their cauallary , wherof we haue none in towne had this error been committed by any english commander , i durst haue aduentured to haue made an almanack of his end . this fire burned outragiously for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dayes & nights without ceasing , viz. frō thursday night , till sonday night , neyther could our soldiers come well to quench it , the enemies cannon still giuing against them , when they offred thēselues thereto , neither could the ●…lowes of the sea , wa●…ing at euery tide far aboue the height of the fire extinguish the same . for it had gotten passage into the ground , and there found matter of continuall nourishment , by such timber & posts as were lodged there , for y● support of the 〈◊〉 of the piece , & though it had been quenched sund●…y ti●…es ▪ yet doth it burst out again , ●… on tewsday last i saw it burne againe my selfe . our chiefest enginors are of opinion that the sand heated with such extremity , by furie of the fire in the pile of rise , is the chiefest cause of the long continuance thereof , by this fire the faurbray , and the side of the sandhill lying towards the sea , were both 〈◊〉 open again to the mercy of all weathers and violence of the enemies , in far worse sort then it was before , and this was another instance of 〈◊〉 , &c. another is , & that not y● 〈◊〉 passage to alow for his ●… . was , we were & are stil many contrary na iōs in town , english , ●…rench , scots , wallons , & duch , and therby a hotch-pot of cōtrary & dis●…nant humors . a natural instinct as y● world knoweth hauing disioyntment of affections , yet hitherto wee haue had good 〈◊〉 , & by his lordships well tempered command , all humors well tuned , neuerthelesse since the 〈◊〉 had formerly béen practising by sowing of factions amongst vs , his l. to pr●…uent the worst , layd these reasons as one step to his proiect . further his lordship had 4 little fortresses called ●…eddotts in hand at the same time vpon the rampart of the old towne , for the better securing thereof with few men if the enemy shold attempt vs , for those little skonses would haue been their scourges vpon their entrie , ( ech on flanking other ) & one guardable against their furie with few men , for besides their ramparts they now are fenced about with heighty and very strong pallizadoes , these begun workes lay open and nothing neare ●…shed , and this was another branch of his lordships ●…eares . after al these cōmeth the maine which was , as his lordship was certainly enformed , that the archduke was resolued that night to attempt 〈◊〉 manner following , viz. the counte de bukquoy , who commaundeth the forces on the east-side of the towne , was to giue onset at the north-east rauelling of the old towne vpon a low water which serued that time excéeding wel for their purpose falling out about 6 of the clocke at night . then from the west they purposed to trie vs by the sand-hill , and in two places more of the old towne viz. the port dupied which is a small rauelling in a counterscarp , lying west north-west from the towne , and is indéed a place of great inport for the kéeping of the towne-dich full with water , and to preuent the enemies passage to scape our maine rampart , and this place by furie of the sea , and rage of their cannon , lay then méerely open and not tenable by any meanes . their other places where to come on , were our outward works , lying south and by west from the towne , called the south square , the poulder and the west square , from which last worke commonly called the collonels worke , they had about 3 wéekes before béene gallantly repulsed in the night by our guardants , being all english , and driuen to returne with farre lesse bloud , then they brought thither . another reason which was very powerfull with his lordship , was a noble & religious care and sence to spare the 〈◊〉 of so much christian bloud as in all 〈◊〉 , ( if the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to carrie 〈◊〉 , by the 〈◊〉 ●…urie ) must haue 〈◊〉 shed on both sides . inuested with these extreames of impendant dangers , his lordship after many bitter trauerses through his great hart y● scornes to stoope , to the mightiest enemy whosoeuer , found that neuerthelesse the be●… , & most a●…ured passage to general sa●…etie , was to temporize with the enemie by a parley , for dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirat , till the finishing of his works in hand , and the arriuall of his succours howrely expected , might settle him againe in tearmes of better assurance . but by the way , i had forgotten to tell you 〈◊〉 , that vppon precōsultation , al our outward works aboue mentioned , were to be abandoned , ●… all our men draw●… int●… the towne , and so they were , for as i sayde before , the 〈◊〉 of our numbers was such as came farre short of a proportionable guard for the town alone , yet through the slacknes of the states , his lordship had formerly béen driuen to extenuate his sayd works to halfe their greatnes , to make them guardable by few men , for they doe much import the safetie of the towne . nowe 〈◊〉 , to lay our weaknes thus open to the enemie , to his so great aduantage and incouragment , and notwithstanding to bee little or nothing secured thereby , what a gaule and excrutiament it might be to his l. those that know the tempe●… of his spirit , can easily coniecture . so summoning as i sayd in sort before , all his considerations together , he fled to that refuge necessitie shewed him to be the most assured . and her 〈◊〉 called all his captaines of the seuerall nations togither , or so many of them as were not in guard , the time would endure ●…o delay . this being towards euening on the sonday formerly mentioned , they all hearing his conceipt , applaude it , and the netherlanders more forward then all the rest doe almost presse him with importunities to diligent the execution thereof , offring themselues to be agents therein , but shranke in the wetting immediatly : which coldnes & refusall of theirs , had almost quite 〈◊〉 the clew of their late resolution . in the ●…nde captaine ogle lieutenant collonel to his lordship , and capt. fairfax are destined to bee the men , as ●…ostages onely for such as the archduke should send hither to trea●… with his lordship . and so immediately vpon sound of one of our drummes from the port d●…pied , after losse of some breath by capt. ogle who was vnheard , called to them a good space in spanish from thence , they were roused to attention : being ( as was coniectured ) busie about their enterptise , and so , not so attentiue as it is like otherwise they would haue been , considering how neare and dangerous neighbours we are one to the other . all this tedious discourse , i haue been bould to trouble your worshippe withall , onely as a lanthorne to giue you the 〈◊〉 light i could , for the through vnderstanding of our estate euery way , and now i will bring the acting of this proiect before you vpon the stage , ●…ching your pardon if i shall séeme taxable for idle lightnes , by inserting accidentall iests in a subiect of such weight and seriousnes : for many times , ducun●… 〈◊〉 ●…ria ●…ga . his lordship as i haue before declared , hauing made tender of his harsh tasting parley , i name it harsh in regard of his constraint , thereto finding the enemie verie tractable , and excéeding prompt to entertaine the same , did without any losse of time the same euening send away to them the two fore-named captaines , ogle and fairfax , vppon faith giuen for their safetie and returne . a truce and generall cessation of all hostilitie on both ●…des being promised during the time of their treatie for land matters , but no further . hereby our abandoned workes remained neutrall , although quited by vs , yet not lawfull to be possessed by thē . upon the arriuall of our hostages in the enemies armie , they were br●…ught to his alie●…e at his ●…onse of albertus , he for welcome vailed his hat sparingly , bad them welcome , demaunded of what nati●…n they were , whether they had instructiō from our generall , to treate with him about this place , and vppon their answere thereto negatiuely , he asked them further if there were not fraude intended . they answere as ignorants of any , & that they are on●…ly sent as hostages for such as his highnes should please to sen●… to his lordship about the proposed 〈◊〉 : and so with a second , but more ●…ender respect with his hat , they were carried from his presence to the lodging of don augustino de 〈◊〉 , a gray and graue headed spanyard 〈◊〉 of the castle of antwarp , 〈◊〉 c●…maunder of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 forces at y● w●…st-end of this town , a gentlemā of most accōpli●… vertoes , by their applauses : in the chamber of this youth●…ull old gallant ( for to his gray head hee weareth a greene ha●…ite ) they were lodged , the place being beautified with faue hangings and reciprocall correspondent in the 〈◊〉 . by all the gallants . 〈◊〉 , italians , and 〈◊〉 else of other 〈◊〉 of any respect , they were entertained , and 〈◊〉 ●…y 〈◊〉 , a●…d ●…auing withall many watchfull ●…es , and 〈◊〉 eares on 〈◊〉 : but the gentlemē both of them , haue 〈◊〉 so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 well qualified , that neither of them will ●…sily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…y any vna●…dnes for taxation of 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were not suffred to haue further view of any 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 , then where they passed , neither were they free of a 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 guard ouer them . whilest these flourishes of hostile court●…sie 〈◊〉 ( n●… doubt with hope of a speedie good bargaine ) & 〈◊〉 vpon our capt. in the enemies campe , ●…ne matheo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor of sluise , generall o●… the archdukes artillerie , and one of his counsell of warre , together with one matheo anthonias sargent maior to simon anthuzino gouernour of antwe●…p towne , both spaniards and men of prempt and smart spiritt●…s , and judiciall reach , came into the towne , but his lordship proiecting still the meanes to winne time , and how to entertaine delaies , did as was imagined ( vpon y● approach of the two spaniards ) attended ouer the water at west , with about 60 horse , cause an alarum to be taken , for hee 〈◊〉 where he saw th●…m all plainely , and layd hold on the manner of their ●…mming for his aduantage , charging them with breach of pr●…mise , and other soulder-like 〈◊〉 , and so 〈◊〉 neither speake with them , nor 〈◊〉 them , but gaue per●…ptorie 〈◊〉 , that they should be foorthwith returned ●…ack , 〈◊〉 they were condu●…ed back to the place where they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●…ut the sea being growne which his lordship k●…we well inough , 〈◊〉 them passage , and thereupon backe againe into the towne they came fraught with new hopes of better intertainmēt ( y● heate of their desire ●…ing vp the eyes of their iudgment ) his l. being aduertised hereof , gaue present order they should be sent 〈◊〉 by the east . now sir you may please to know that serano being scarce well pleased ( not ●…ithstanding the large walke betwéene the ●…onse albertus , and their tre●…ches ) grewe some what wearie , and desired to stay in towne all night , but that would not bee graunted , and so the sergiant maior of the towne ( captaine carpenter by name , and one captaine cleere a scotsh man ) conuoyde them through the towne , with euery stepp vp the knéens ( at least ) in durte and myre , so as the tired spaniard began to endure a breach in his pacience vpon the spanish bulwark , which lyeth at the east-end of the towne , a speciall maguizine of durte and myres , standing vp to the kn●…es , he desired some tobacco for his refreshing , exclaiming in french , ah la mechant vil●…e de ostend , but in stead thereof ( because there was none to be had ) he , and his associates were presented with 4 potts of good english béere , which went downe merilie , and so throughly be-durted , they were brought to the sentinell of cauallarie on the east-sands , and out of their extreames and my●…e wearines , they lodged at east all night , with count de bucquoy , not being able to recouer the archdukes quarter before the next day at noone . and hereby so much time was gotten . after the returne of the two spaniards to their duke , the same men were againe appointed to trie his lordshippe once more , and sending word ouer to vs thereof , were admitted to come , ( our captaines all this while remaining with them vpon faith giuen as aforesayd . ) the sergiant maior of the towne demaunding which way he should bring them in , his lordshippe willed him to guide them where they might come soft enough , for feare of embossing their féet on the hard stones : saying withall , that besides their durtie walke , they shoulde come to as cold a bargaine as euer they met wtal in their liu●…s . uppon their ent●…e ( which was vpon monday night ) they 〈◊〉 directly brought to his lordship , being in his chamber , after enterchang of complements , his lordship began 〈◊〉 ●…cuse sor the rudenes he had committed the night before , ●…sing he had been vn-ciuill , charging ( neuerthelesse , the occasion thereof vpon their strange manner of comming ouer , and se according to the law of 〈◊〉 which is que le battu payera l. amende , they were plagued and must besides confesse themselues worthy thereof . they being ho●… on the chest , séem 〈◊〉 to digest that , & say , now they hope his lordship & they should agree : he 〈◊〉 , the agréement is easily made if his highnes will raise his siege , and suffer vs ( as his poore neighbours ) to liue by him in peace . serano replied , that 's not his errand thither , but hopes que vous serez de nostre bandes , his lordshippe ( to cutte off further progression in this discourse ) tells them after this wearie-some iourney , it is more ●…tting to entertaine them with meane refreshing , then with serious expostulation , and thervpon intreates them to supper , whereto they yeilde . and although it were their christmasse euen , and thereby fasting day , they did not forbeare eating fish , eggs , and such ionkets , besides as a towne so long besieged could affoord , taking out in clarret wine what they lacked in meate . serano drinking for his share aboue fiftie twoo glasses of wine , besides 〈◊〉 , answering euery man in the cuppe , and yet gaue no manner of appearance of yeilding any way to distemper . during their sitting at supper , many smart testes were bandied with good dexteritie on both sides . amongst others , i remember serano plotting a passage by circumstāce of words , to discourse of their perfect busines , gaue his lordship occasion to tell him that his altesse desired all , and the states woulde willingly part with nothing . the spanyard replyed , that the archduke demaunded but his owne : to that his l. tolde him , hee had neuer studied the lawes to iudge of mens titles , but that in england wee doe commonly holde possession , 11 poyntes of the 12 , the lawe is bounden withall , &c. another was , hys lordshippe told them , that now his highnes hauing continued his siege with such admiration and fame , as that in this age & compasse of the world , the like hath not béen heard off , and driuen vs to abandon our outward works , & to retire our selues altogither into our towne , he might with great honour arise & leaue vs , and thereby preuent the ruine of his armie , which through wet lodging , and continuall labour , must néeds be extreamly decayed , and also preuent the effusion of much christian bloud otherwise . to this serano replied , that since his l. had with such honour as was applauded throughout all christendome , so long preferued this place against so powerfullan enemie , and that as they all knew most certainely , many extremities had ouertaken him , whereby he was enforced to withdrawe himselfe wholly into that little ruinous nest , it could bee no manner of blemish to him to y●…ld , &c. thus ●…yther of them by contrarie intended imputations laboured to extoll his owne carriage and prayses : many other prompt counterbuffes were passed , which ( to auoyde tediousnes ) i ouer-passe : after supper the s●…anyards ( wearied with their late myrie iournies ) were by his lordshippe conducted to their lodging , where with a slend●…r guard for fashion sake , before the outwardest doores of the house , they rested til morning . before which 〈◊〉 ▪ shippes of warre ●…den with 6 companies of zeland soldiers arriued in the road , be●…ore the towne , which the enemie without , se●…ng it , is easily to iudge whether he was offended or no. he●…eupon , b●…times on the tuesdaye morning they sent in post for his l. resolution , and serano himselfe ( although ignorant of our supplie ) importuned his l. for answere , &c. which he rece●…ues foorthwith sounding to this effect , viz. that it was true that some wants through the long contrarietie of the winde and other accidents had ouer taken him , and thereby he enforced to m●…ke ose of his wi●… , to hel●…e ●…imselfe b●… winning of time , till his turne was otherwise sor●…ed , and that now since the states had béene mindfull of him , the winde prospicious , and his necessitie supplied , he could not in honour procéede to trafique with them any further , neither had more to saye to them , vntill a newe extremitie , ( if any might happily lay new hold on him ) should occasion him thereto , hoping his highnes as a vertuous and worthie prince would n●…t take it ill , that as a martiall man he had practised and compassed the best meanes for the preseruation of his honour and safetie by the ordinarie and vsuall course of men of warre . the spaniards ( hauing the faire hopes of his fruitfull haruest thus quite blasted with this cold nipping answere ) did neuerthelesse in the most temperate manner he could , smother & suppresse his almost choaking discontent : for hee dreamed by y● negotiating of this busines , to haue made himselfe famous to ensuing ages , and so with this cold breake-fast ( in stead of his christmasse pie ) he foorthwith departed , leauing his companion behind him , till our captaine should be returned homehis passage backe was by boate at south-west from the polder rauelling , where he could sée almost no part of our fortification , & vpon his repaire into their trenches , capt. fairfax was sent home , and the lieutenant staied , so as they held the more worthy person . about 4 of the clock the same day , captaine ogle came to y● sands at west against the porte dupied , accompanied with the great marshall of the enemies campe , and with one owen an engl●…h fug●…tiue , staying for the spanish seriant maior here in ●…owne . he hauing dined with my l. after the duch entertai●…ment was conducted out of towne by capt. studder to y● same place where serano had been formerly imboated . there was a little straining coursie ▪ who should be passed first . but the ●…utenant collonell stoode not much thereupon , although the worthi●…r person and the subiect of a farre more absolute and greater prince , the reason ( as i learned ) being because we had been the petitioners , and so the spaniard carried it . this i especi●…ly obserued being prese 〈◊〉 , and seeing the acting thereof , ●…s i 〈◊〉 also that his l. ( although hee speaketh spanish very redily ) did notwithstanding vse onely y● french tongue with the twoo spaniardes , which ( all the duch captaines vnderstanding ) the●… knewe of all that passed , and therby all 〈◊〉 preuented . the truth is , the boate lay●… on our side where the spanya●…d was , and the water then ebbing , caried it with a swift course to the enemies side , so that ( as it then appear●…d ) when they had giuen the ad●…we on both s●…des , and capt. ogle entred into the boate , the sh●…ps could not returne against the streame , but driuing with the same , landed him on our countersca●…p , where he thought best , and here ceased our jubilie , i call it a jubilie , for during this cessation of hostilitie , i thinke there issued out of the neighbour enemie townes aboue ●…coo burgers with their wiues , &c. to come to the archdukes campe , walking vppe and d●…wne the sandes and trenches of the enemie , verie neere the towne , as though we had béen all good friends , and so did their soldiers likewise : but ours kept within of purpose to conceale our weaknes , and notwithstanding faith enterchangably giuen to forbeare all violence during the treatie , yet did out whole troupes hold continuall , and generall guardes without relying vpon any promise at all . all this while our workes in the old towne were aduanced with all diligence , and secresie possible , and made defensible before our mart ended . our newe forces landed also this day , betwéene 12 and 2 of the clocke in the culde towne , in despight of the enemies cannon , without anye more losse then the hurt of the two shippers , & as i can learne of two soldiers , but none killed , nor those mortally wounded . and yet to giue the enemie his due by saying the full truth , they were more then bountifull of powder and shot , to hinder our mens landing . all this while wee remayned quiet on both sides without shotte little or great , but the next morning ( being wednesday ) they first opened the windowes of their wonted displeasure ; it being my lords pleasure , that euerie man in towne should be quiet , till the enemie shoulde giue occasion to the contrarie , and then wee resaluted them with good cannon , and so all thinges stand on their former frame , all our outward workes rep●…ssessed and guarded as before , and so wee liue dayly expecting more supplies from the states , that our poore men maye nowe at last bee refreshed in holland after their longe and miserable toyle . wee haue vnderstoode of late by an italian gentleman one of their centinells perdues , who was brought prisoner into towne , that the archduke is highly offended with his counsell of warre for diuerting him frō the execution of his resolution , which was to haue attempted vs on the sondaye night , ( so often spoken of before ) with 6000 men , &c. that by reason of the extremitie of his passion , fewe of them dare come in his presence , for preuenting his oportunitie by their dissw●…sions : and besides that , he is no lesse displeased to haue béen so mocked by his lordship . for the future , if the s●…tes finde themselues able , and haue withali a will to continue the charge , which the defence of this place hath already , and will still drawe vppon them : ( the archduke continuing his siege by reliening it with competent numbers of well affected soldiers , and other néedefull prouisions ) there is yet no appearance of daunger , nor cause to feare the enemies preuayling : but if they slacke saile , and giue the duke such an other oportunitie ( as hee had nowe of late ) they , and all the world besides , may bée assured hee will make his best vse thereof . by cannon there remaineth small hope for him , if the states faile not to send rise-wood to repaire therewith in the night what hee spoyleth in the day : for , with rise and sande mingled , we worke chiefly on both sides , we haue alre●…dye endured abou●… 161500 canonodoes , and yet all ou●… bastions , and defences stil firme and tenable , hauing only their outward faces 〈◊〉 discountenanced by the furie of the m●…ny shot most of them haue endured , especially the sand-hill , which is so farced with bullets , that ( our men labouring to driue in spiked pallizadoes ) doe often stumble vpon 6 or 8 in one hole togither : a●…d their piles , or pallizadoes often hindred in their entrance by the abundance of bull●…ts lodged in their way . to vnderminevs it is not possible , so lōg as we can hold what wee haue , for to the landward lie our outworks , to preuent their approches that way , & our other places of passage are washed verie high euery tide , and so the sea affordeth them little time to worke against vs , where it challengeth passage . besides this , all our bulwarks looking towards their trenches are vnited , and prepared for all such accidents . then , eyther furie , faction , or famine must open him way , for furie here is little cause of feare , if ( as i sayde before ) the states can , and will furnish their towne with sufficient nūbers of men . for faction , the vigilancie , and 〈◊〉 of the commander , being a man of sound vnderstanding , trained in this occupation , may easilie breake those impostumations , as hetherto his lordship hath done , to the great increase of his honour , and better approbation of the soundnes of his iudgement : for the enemie made an english man , one simon co●…bye , an instrument to worke for him that way : but i pr●…sume that conisbye by the rack , and smart of the whip at the gallowes foot , hath learned a lesson to séeke some other trade to thriue by , and the fellowe was in my charge to kéepe , and sounde by questioning , and expostulations , and thereby i knowe the managing of that busines . and to be famished ( vnlesse both the states , and england abandon vs ) were verie strange : for ( notwithstanding all y● battries the enemie hath eyther at east , or west , on the sandes or piles of the ould hauen , or else where ) we haue , when the winde serueth , some nights 40 sailes of hoyes and smackes come in togither , and scarse one man hurt . we haue furthermore a new hauen almost 〈◊〉 , where night and day ships may passe at pleasure . besides , if both these should faile , the states may ( with long boates which they call sloupes ) land any thing in the old towne , as they did their zeland soldiers of late , marie this place serueth only for such small open boates , but for no hoyes nor boates of burthen . and so 〈◊〉 for a conclusion , if the states stand vpon tear●… of honour , and start not aside like a broken bowe ( it hauing ●…éen their fashion to grow wearie of such chargeable nurse children , as they tearme it here ) you sée many apparant probabilities for their holding of this towne against the arch●…ke , for a longer time then is expected : he will wast himselfe before it , & yet all the charge of his armie and of all prouisions is borne by the country , who haue , and doe still furnish him verie pl●…ntifull with all necessaries . besides , the recouerie of this towne would be so beneficiall vnto him , and such ease to his subiects , as they haue good reason to trie their vttermost meanes to carrie it : for besides , that it would absolutely frée all y● sea coasts , and country within of roads , and incursions , wherewith they are excéedingly infested by this towne , and withall giue the archduke good con●…eniencie for the lodging of his gallies and other shipping with little cost . it would enable him to bring at the least 6000 men more into the field yearely , then he now doth or can . for hee is constrained to hold many guarrisons in skonses builded heere and there in the land , to block vp this towne , which require many men for their defence , and draw on for their wages , and by ●…ortification , &c. a mightie charge . these men , & charges i say , if he could preuaile here , would bee conuerted to other vses , and a spacious countrie of fertile ground now ouer-flowed , and seruing to no vse , in few yeares wholly recouered and made profitable , and all contributions ( which the feare of this guarrison enforceth ) from the boores quite cut off . as i was about the shutting vpp of this tedious and ill digested discourse , newes came that the archduke hath nowe at last pacified , and reconciled all his mutinous soldiers which haue béen long time in brabant , as at derst , herentalls and other places thereabouts , holding for none but for themselues ( their discontent growing from want of pay , which it séemeth the ●…ke hath not giuen them contentment of . ) and that those forces being neere 5000 , and marching this way to re-enforce the enemies campe , and to force vs if they can , the issue , time will bring foorth . meane time , with mo●… humble remembrance of dutie to your 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 euer to blesse and prospe●… you ( begging pardon for this ●…rtreame ●…ediousnes ) i take leaue . from 〈◊〉 this saint stéenens day after the old stile 1601. scribed in hast for the most part by candle light . his lordship ( to leaue no stone of aduantage 〈◊〉 ) causeth euery soldier to come doubly , armed to the watch , euerie musketier bringing withall a pike , and euery armed man carrying a musket , to serue with eyther as néede shall 〈◊〉 . his owne trauailes ( vnlesse he had a body of brasse , being continued any long time ) must needes drawe him into sicknes for there passe fewe nights , wherein hee walketh not abr●…ad , or watcheth not the most part thereof , and in the day time h●… is so continually possessed with busines , that he hath no time to sleepe , and fewe men féede more sparingly . all these ballanced togither will confirme i doubt 〈◊〉 less●… th●…n i say . the declaration of the desparate 〈◊〉 made since , by the sayde 〈◊〉 forces , for winning of the ●…ld 〈◊〉 . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of this par●… would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his friends . forgat not presently to write thereof into 〈◊〉 , spai●… , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 vnto 〈◊〉 hys great 〈◊〉 hope 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to 〈◊〉 the stronge towne of o●…-end , but 〈◊〉 he had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with greater wr●…th against 〈◊〉 towne then at any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 with his collonels and captaines , what course 〈◊〉 might best take in this so waighty a cause , and reuenge this 〈◊〉 done to him and his whole estate . after much 〈◊〉 and debating ( contrarie to the opinion of some of his 〈◊〉 approoued , captaines , and councellors ) it was concluded , that withall his forces , a desperate attempt should be made at one in●…ant , as well vpon the trenches and counterscarps without the ●…owne , as vpon the 〈◊〉 hauen , for the winning of the 〈◊〉 ●…wne , or at the least wise of the sand hill : the order of which enterprise with the day , and time being nowe resolued vpon , 〈◊〉 wallo●… , germaines , & others as had before mutined in diuers places , were with money paci●…ed and commaunded to the campe , ladders , shouels , spades , pickaxes , and all other necessaries were prouided . in the meane time the archduke ( to helpe the errour of his former writing , & perswading himselfe that the towne should not be able to withstād y● furie of this forcible enterprise ) sent posts into all places ( as before ) advertising his friends againe of this resolution , and that he made no doubt , but within ten or fourtéen dayes to haue the towne at his commaund . on monday therefore , being the 〈◊〉 . day of december last an. 1601 , being the day appointed for this great attempt , an italian ( who was among the rest appointed in y● first ranks to begin this charge , at the ●…ld hauen , and knowing the action to be most desperate , and therefore smale hope left him euer to returne with his life ) ●…ed from the enemies campe , and with his rapier in his mouth swoome into the hauen , and being receaued into the towne , declared vnto the lord generall , that the same day about 3 of the clock in the after-noone , when the water was ebbed from the walls , the enemie would with all his forces make his attempt both at the ●…ld hauen , and at y● works without the 〈◊〉 with ten thou●…and men , and that he was ●…ed thither , to 〈◊〉 his life as is before ●…ayd : declaring farther ; that it was resolued to renue the assault the two next ●…aies following , & affirmed that if they were the first day valiantly replused , there was no doubt to be had that the 〈◊〉 would bee brought to the like banquet theother two daies ▪ sir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( iudging ●…fore that the enemie had some such intent , by reason that he did all the same day as in y● night before continue shooting against the sand-hill and por●… dupied ) had alredie giuen order to the captaines for the ●…ing of the walls , trenches , and counterscarps , and caused péeces of ordinance to be remoued , and planted 7 great 〈◊〉 péeces vpon the ●…ance of the hauen , which were well laden with square and 〈◊〉 shot , not omitting any things that a wise and vigilant commander ought in so waightie a cause to ●…esée , incouraging his people to play the parts of good soldiers , and to bestow their shot well , and among the thickest of the enemies when they should make their approach . when the houre appointed was come , and the water fallen , as is before written , the enemie marched towardes the ould hauen 40 men abre●… , the formost rancks carried shouels , spades , and pick-axes , the next carried ladders , after them ●…wed targets , armed men , and muskets , all marched 〈◊〉 with such resolution , as if they had made accompt to haue 〈◊〉 no resistance at all , but they were as gallātly , & with like cor●… re●…ed , & at al places answered with losse of their best blo●…d , as well without the towne , as at the old 〈◊〉 , where the murthering 〈◊〉 caused the enemies to fall , as rotten ripe apples from the trées in a mighty storme . and although they could not enter the hauen , but they must goe in water vp to the knees , they pressed forward , and those which came behind , put forward the formost : but sodenly ( as sir frauncis veere had before ordained ) twoo sluces were opened , the one giuing way to the land waters , and the other to the waters of the ditches about the towne , by reason whereof many of the enemies ( not able to kéepe their footing ) were drowned , and the others stoode in water vp to their nauels , so that their shot serued to no vse , for y● their ●…der 〈◊〉 hereby wet , but were forced to fight with their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the fight continued on both sides with great furie , and ●…esolution , vntill the darknes of the euening forced them to retire , whereof they were not a little glad , for the slaughter was verie great on the enemies side , most 〈◊〉 , dutches and other nations to the number of 1500 , besides many that were wounded . many of the enemies had made 〈◊〉 of bread and chéese tyed behind them to their girdles with a péece of match , thinking therwith to help themselues for a day or two ( if néede should so require ) after they had gotten the sand hill as they made full accompt , and there to secure themselues from the shot of the towne for a time , vntill they might with greater force and opportunitie obtaine the ould towne . in this assault at all places , there were not aboue 40 of the towne souldiers staine and hurt : the lords name be blessed therefore . in this assanlt the enemies horsemen were appointed to follow the footmen at the héeles , and were commanded by the duke not to suff●…r them to retire , but to force thē still forward on their enterprise , which they forgot not to accomplish : but as it should seeme not altogither with their owne securitie , for some of the horses with their saddells and bridels haue ●…ince 〈◊〉 taken vp at sluce , flushing , west ▪ cappell , and other places of zeland , as it pleased the winde and 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 them . the lord generall slept little the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but was busied in 〈◊〉 and repairing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…ding to the t●…e was re●…e , doubting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would the next day renue his attempt , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 ●…ted not any good will , 〈◊〉 could not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 so vnkinde an 〈◊〉 : yet such as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of fla●…ders report that y● 〈◊〉 had appointed 〈◊〉 ●…day la●…●…ast being the xij ▪ day of this moneth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vpon 〈◊〉 towne withall his forces , and to that end had prouided 2000 ▪ 〈◊〉 of proofe . 〈◊〉 the enemies souldiers vnwilling to come 〈◊〉 desperate 〈◊〉 . haue denyed there seruice , so that a mutinie is 〈◊〉 in the enemies campe , 200 and 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 apprehended & 〈◊〉 of the ring-leaders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof wee shall shortly 〈◊〉 further . in the meane time let all good christians prayse god for these his wonderfull victories , and with humble and heartie prayer without ceasing , de●…re him to continue these his louing fauours towardes his 〈◊〉 afflicted church . and contrarywise to confound and ouerthrowe all the deseings of this obstinate and bloud-thirstie archduke , with all others his adherents and partakers , who séek and practise all meanes possible ( as ●…es both by day and night ) to 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 the bloud of the little flocke of iesus christ , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a14335-e140 he 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 himselfe at table . articles of peace, union, and confederation, concluded and agreed between his highness, oliver, lord protector of the common-wealth of england, scotland & ireland, and the dominions thereto belonging, and the lords, the states general of the united provinces of the netherlands, old style, in the year of our lord god, 1654 treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands, 1654 apr. 15 england and wales. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a35075 of text r21538 in the english short title catalog (wing c7040). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a35075 wing c7040 estc r21538 12121565 ocm 12121565 54436 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35075) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54436) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 89:10, 1901:17) articles of peace, union, and confederation, concluded and agreed between his highness, oliver, lord protector of the common-wealth of england, scotland & ireland, and the dominions thereto belonging, and the lords, the states general of the united provinces of the netherlands, old style, in the year of our lord god, 1654 treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands, 1654 apr. 15 england and wales. cromwell, oliver, 1599-1658. england and wales. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands, 1654 apr. 15. united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. [1], 291-312 p. printed by william du-gard and henry hills ..., london : 1654. "printed and published by his highness special command" item at 89:10 identified as wing c7040. item at 1901:17 identified as a3861. both wing numbers cancelled in wing (2nd ed.); item "not separately published." reproduction of original in yale university library. eng great britain -foreign relations -netherlands -sources. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain -sources. a35075 r21538 (wing c7040). civilwar no articles of peace, union and confederation, concluded and agreed between his highness oliver lord protector of the common-wealth of england, england and wales 1654 5824 14 0 0 0 1 0 41 c the rate of 41 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 david karczynski sampled and proofread 2007-07 david karczynski text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion articles of peace , union and confederation , concluded and agreed between his highness oliver lord protector of the common-wealth of england , scotland & ireland , and the dominions thereto belonging . and the lords the states general of the united provinces of the netherlands . old style , in the year of our lord god , 1654. printed and published by his highness special 〈◊〉 . london , printed by william du-gard and henry hills , printers to his highness the lord protector , 1654. articles of the peace . i. it is agreed , concluded , and accorded , that from this day forward there shall be a true , firm and inviolable peace , more sincere friendship , and nearer alliance , union and confederation than heretofore , betwixt the common-wealth of england , and the states general of the united provinces of the netherlands , and the respective lands , countries and cities , without distinction of places , under their obedience , and the people and inhahitants of them , respectively of what quality and condition soever they be . ii. item , agreed , that from henceforth all enmity , hostility , discord , and war betwixt the said two commonwealths , their people and subjects , shall cease , and each party shall hereafter abstain from all offences , spoils , depredations , and injuries by sea , land and fresh-waters in all their respective lands , countries , dominions , places , or governments whatsoever . iii. item , that all offences , injuries , charges and dammages , which either party hath sustained by the other since the 〈◊〉 of may , in the year one thousand six hundred fifty two , shall be taken away and forgotten in such manner as that hereafter neither party shall pretend any maner against the other for or upon occasion of any the aforesaid offences , injuries , charges and dammages ; but that there shall be a perfect abolition of all and every of them untill this present day . and all actions for the same shall be held and reputed void and null . iv. that all prisoners of both sides of what condition , or in whatsoever place they be , shall be set at liberty , without ransom or consideration given for them . v. that the two common wealths shall remain confederate friends , joyned and allyed together for the defence and preservation of the liberties and freedom of the people of each against all whomsoever , who shall attempt the disturbance of either state by sea or land , or be declared enemies to the freedom and liberty of the people living under either of the said governments . vi . that neither of the common-wealths shall make . do . art . treat of , or attempt any thing against the other , or the people of either , in any place either at land or sea , or in any the havens , creeks , precincts , or fresh-waters of either , upon any occasion whatsoever . nor that either of them , or the people of either give , yield , or afford any aid , counsel , favour , or assent that any thing shall be done , treated of , or attempted by any other whomsoever , to the injury and wrong of the other , or the people of either , but shall expresly and with effect contradict , gainsay , oppose , and really hinder an whomsoever abiding or dwelling within either of the common-wealths respectively , who shall be under their power that art , do , treat of , or attempt any thing against either of the common-wealths . vii . that neither of the common-wealths , or the people abiding , inhabiting , or dwelling within either of them respectively , or within their power , shall yield give , or afford any aid counsel or favour to the enemies or rebells of either , but shall expresly really and with effect hinder any inhabiting , dwelling or abiding within either of them or within their power , from giving any aid or assistance unto such enemies or rebells , by men , shipping , arms , ammunition , money , uictuals , or otherwise by sea or land ; and all such ships , arms , ammunition , money , goods , or uictuals , of or belonging to any person or persons whatsoever , that shall be provided , employed , or made use of , contrary to the intent of this article , shall be confiscate and forfeited to the respective common-wealths . and the person or persons who shall wittingly and willingly do , attempt , counsel , or be employed therein , shall be declared enemies to both common-wealths , and shall suffer the pains and penalties of treason within the common-wealth where the offence shall be committed . and to the end there may be a specification made of what goods shall be deemed , prohibit , or contraband , commissioners may in convenient time be appointed to determine herein provided in the mean time that this extend not to the impeachment of any thing contained in the present article . viii . that the two common-wealths shall truly and sincerely assist each other , as need shall require , against the rebells and enemies of either , at sea and land , with men & ships , at the costs and expences of the party requiring the same , in such proportion and manner and upon such terms and conditions as the two states shall agree , and the present occasion require . ix . that neither of the common-wealths , or the people of either shall receive into any of their iurisdictions , countries , lands , ports , creeks , or precincts , any person or persons , that art or shall be declared by either of the common wealths to be enemies , rebells or fugitives of the other ; nor shall give , yield or afford to any such declared enemy , rebell or fugitive within the places aforesaid , or other-where , though out of their territories , countries , lands , ports , creeks , or precincts , any aid , counsel , lodging , entertainment , souldiers , ships , money , arms , ammunition or uictuals . nor shall either of the states permit such enemies , rebells or fugitives to be received by any person or persons whatsoever into their iurisdictions , countries , lands . ports , creeks , or precincts , nor shall suffer any aid , counsel , lodging , entertainment , souldiers , ships , money , arms , ammunition , or uictuals to be given , yielded or afforded unto such enemies . rebels or fugitives , but shall expresly and effectually oppose , withstand , and really hinder the same . x. item , it is agreed , that it either of the said common-wealths shall by their publique and authentick-letters , give notice , signify , or declare to the other common wealth any person or persons , to be , and have been their enemie or enemies , rebel or rebels , fugitive or fugitives , and that they are , or reside within the others iurisdictions , territories , dominions , lands , ports or pretincts , or therin he hid , or shelter themselves ; then that common wealth which shall receuve such letters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which such notice shall be giuen , and declaration made concerning such rebels , enemies or fugitives , shall within the spare of twenty eight daies to be reckoned immediately from the day of the aforesaid notice given , charge and command such enemy or enemies . rebel or rebels , fugitive or fugitives to withdraw and depart out of their iurisdictions , territories , dominions , lands , and precinets , and every of them . and if any such enemy , rebel or fugitive shall not withdraw and depart , as aforesaid within the spare of fifteen daies after such charge and command given , that he or they shall be punished with death and loss of land and goods . xi . that no rebel or declared enemy of the common-wealth of england , shall be received into any of the castles , towns , ports , creeks , or other places privileged , or not privileged , which any person of what degree and quality soever he be , or shall be , hath , or hereafter shall have and possess by any citie whatsoever , within the dominions and iurisdictions of the united provinces ; nor shall be suffered by any person of what degree and quality soever to be received thereinto , or abide therein . neither shall the lords the states general of the united provinces , permit or suffer in any of the places aforesaid , any assistance , counsel , or favor , in ships , men , money , uictuals , or in any other manner to be given by any person , of what degree and quality soever to any such rebel , or declared enemy , but shall openly , and e●●●●●● prohibite and hinder the same . and if any person or persons of what degree and quality soever living or remaining within the iurisdictions of the united provinces , or under their power , do to the contrary hereof : then all & ●●ery such person and persons so doing ; as aforesaid , shall for their respective lives , forfeit and lose all such castles , towns , uillages , lands , and other places , which they or any of them shall at such time have or pretend to have , by any title whatsoever . and likewise that no rebel or declared enemy of the states of the united provinces shal be ●●●ved into any of the castles , towns , ports , or other places privileged , or not privileged , which any person or persons of what degree or quality soever he or they be , have or shall have , hold or possess within the common-wealth of england , or dominions thereof , by any title whatsoever ; nor be suffered by any person or persons to be received thereinto or abide therein . neither shall the common-wealth of england , permit or suffer , in any of the places aforesaid , any counsel , assistance or favor in ships , men , mony , uictuals , or in any other manner to be given by any such person or persons of what degree or quality soever he or they be , to any such rebel or declared enemy , but shall openly and expresly prohibite and hinder the same . and if any of the people of the common-wealth of england , or under their power , shall do or attempt any thing to the contrary hereof : that every such person or persons , shall for their respective lives , forfeit and lose all such castles , towns , uillages , lands and other places , which they or any of them shall at such time have or pretend to have , by any title whatsoever . xii . that the common-wealth of england , and the people and inhabitants thereof , and the said united provinces , and the subjects and inhabitants thereof , of what quality or condition soever they be , shall be bound to treat each other on both sides with all love and friendship : that they may come by water or by land , into each others lands , towns , or uillages , walled or unwalled , fortified or unfortified ; their havens , and all their respective dominions in europe with freedom and security , and in them remain and continue as long as they please , and there without hinderance buy uictuals for their necessary use . and may also trade and traffique , and have commerce in any goods or commodities they please , and the same bring in and carry out at their pleasures , paying always the customs that shall be setled , and saving always all and singular the laws and ordinances of either common-wealth respectively . yet so that the people and inhabitants of either , using commerce in the countries and dominions each of other , shall not be constrained to pay any greater customs , tolls , or tributes then according to such proportion as other strangers exercising commerce in the same places pay . xiii . that the ships and uessels of the said united provinces , as well men of war as others meeting with any of the ships of war of this common-wealth in the british seas shall strike their flag and lower their top-sail in such manner as hath ever been at any time practised heretofore under any former government . xiv . item , for the greater freedom of commerce and navigation , it is agreed , that neither of the said common-wealths shall receive into any of their havens , cities or towns , or pernut , or suffer that any of the people or inhabitants of either of them respectively do receive , keep , harbor or give any assistance or relief unto any pirats or sea robers , but shall cause both the said pirates and robers , and also their receivers , concealers and assistants to be prosecuted , apprehended , and condignly punished , for terror to others . and all ships , goods and merchandize , by them piratically taken , and brought into the ports of either state , that shall be found in being yea , though they have been sold , shall be restored to the right owners , or made good to them , or such as have their letters of attorney or procuration to claim the same ; due proof of the proprietors being first made in the court of admiralty according to law . xv . that if either the common-wealths of england , or the united provinces of the low-countries shall hereafter make any treaty of amity , alliance or friendship with any other common-wealth princes , or states , the one shall comprehend the other , and the dominions therein , if they shall desire to be comprehended : and of all such treaties each shall be bound to give notice to the other . xvi . that if it shall happen that during the amity , confederation and alliance , any thing shall be acted or attempted by any of the people or inhabitants of either of the said parties against this treaty , or any part thereof , either by land or sea , or other waters , this amity , confederation & alliance between the said common-wealths shal not be herby interrupted or broken off , but shal continu & remain in its ful & whole power only in such case those particular persons , who have offended against the said treaty , shall be punished and no other , and that justice shall be done , & satisfaction made to all persons concerned within twelve months after demand thereof made , upon all such persons who shall have don any thing against this treaty , by land or sea , or other waters in any part of europe , or any place within the straights of gibralter , or in america , or upon the coasts of africk , or in any lands , islands , seas , creeks , bayes , ribers , or any other places on this side the cape of good-hope . and in all places whatsoever as aforesaid , beyond the said cape , within 18. months next after demand of iustice , shall so as aforesaid be made : and in case the persons so as aforesaid offending , shall not appear and submit themselves to justice , and make satisfaction within the terms respectively here before limited , the said persons shall be declared enemies to both commonwealths , and their estates , goods , and effects whatsoever , shall be confiscate and employed to a due and full satisfaction for the wrongs by them done , and their persons be liable to such further punishment , when they shall come within the power of either state , as the quality of their offence shall deserve . xvii . that the people of the commonwealth of england & the dominiōs thereof , may freely unmolested , & securely travel in & through the countries , & singular the dominions of the united provinces in europe , by land or by water , to any place in them , or beyond them , and pass by any of their towns , garisons , or forts in any places within the netherlands whatsoever , or ●●●●●re , in any of their dominions in europe , to follow their traffique in all places there : as also their facters and servants armed or unarmed ; but if armed , not above forty men in company , as well without as with their goods and merchandizes whither they please . and likewise the people and inhabitants of the united provinces of the netherlands may enjoy the same liberties in all the dominions of the commonwealth of england in europe . they and either of them observing and conforming in such their trade and traffique to the laws and ordinances of each commonwealth respectively . xviii . item , agreed , that if the merchant ships belonging to the people and subjects of our or the other side , shall through tempest , pirates , or any other necessity , be driven into port within the dominions of either , it shall be free for them to depart thence securely with their ships and merchandize , without payment of any customs or other duties , provided they break not bulk , or expose any thing to ●●le , nor shall they be subjected to any trouble or visitation , so be it they receive not aboard any persons or goods , nor shall do any thing contrary to the laws , statutes & customs of that place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into port as aforesaid . xix . that the merchants , masters , pilots , or mariners of either commonwealth , their ships , goods , wares , and merchandizes , shall not be seized or arrested in the lands , ports , havens , and rivers of the other , by vertue of any general or particular command , for any warlike or other service , except upon inevitable necessity , and upon just satisfaction for the same , provided that hereby shall not be excluded the arrests and seizures in the ordinary way of law & justice of each commonwealth respectively . xx . that the merchants on both sides their factors & servants , as also the shipmasters and other seafaring men may as wel traveling and returning by ships over the seas and other waters , as in the havens of each other , and going on shoare , carry and use for the defence of themselves and their goods , all sorts of arms for defence and offence ; but being come to their several lodgings or inns , they shal lay down their arms there , and so leave them til they go again to the ship , or on board . xxi . that the men of war of either common-wealth , meeting or overtaking any merchant ship or ships at sea , belonging to the other , or to the people or inhabitants thereof , holding both one course , or going both one way , shall be bound , so long as they keep one course together , to take them under their protection , and to defend them against all and every that shall attempt upon them . xxii . that if any ship or ships of the people or inhabitants of either commonwealth , or of a ne●ter , shall be taken in the havens of either vp any third party , being none of the people or inhabitants of either common-wealth ; they , in or from whose havens and liberties the said ships shall be taken , shall be bound together with the other party , to endeavor that the said taken ship or ships may be followed , brought back , and restored to the owners , but all at the charges of the proprietors or interessed . xxiii . that searchers and other officers of that nature on both parts , shall , in execution of their offices , regulate themselves according to the laws of each commonwealth respectively , and shall not leavy on take more than they are allowed by their commission or instructions . xxiv . that in case any wrong or injury be done by either commonwealth , or by the people or inhabitants thereof , against the people or inhabitants of the other , either against any the articles of this treaty , or against common right , there shall yet no letters of repr●●●● mark or counter-mark , be granted by the one or the other commonwealth , till first iustice be there sought in the ordinary course of law ▪ and in case that iustice be there revoked or delayed , then , that demand be made thereof from the 〈◊〉 power of the commonwealth , whose people or inhabitants have suffered wrong , or from such as the suprenie power shall depute , to that common-wealth where iustice is as aforesaid denied , or delaid , or to such power as shall bee by them appointed to receiv such demands , that all such differences may bee composed amicably , or in the ordinary cours of law . but if there shall bee yet delay , and that iustice bee not don , nor satisfaction given within three moneths after such demand made , that then letters of reprizall , marque or countermarque may bee granted . xxv . that all persons on either side that shall go out to sea upon particular commissions shal bee bound before they take out their commissions to put in good & sufficient security by responsible men not of the ships company , before the iudges of the court whence the said commission is issued , that they shall do no wrong or injury to the people or inhabitants of either side . xxvi . that the people of either side shall have free access to each others ports and may there stay and thence depart not onely with their merchants ships & such as are laden , but also with their shipsof war , whether belonging to the state or to such as have obtained particular commissions , whither they shall arrive either by stress of weather , or to avoid the danger of the sea , or for repairing their ships , or for provision of victuals , so bee it they exceed not the number of eight ships of war when they com in of their own accord , nor that they continue or make stay in the havens or about the ports , longer than for the reparation of their ships , buying in of victuals , or for provision of other necessaries . and whensoever any greater number of ships of war than is above specified shall have occasion of access into those ports , then shall it not bee lawful for them to make any entrance , without first obtaining leav for this purpose from those to whom the said ports belong , unless they bee constrained by weather or any other force or necessity for avoiding the danger of the sea . and when it shall so happen , they shall presently make known the caus of their coming to the governor or chief magistrate of the place and shall make no longer stay there then the governor or chief magistrate shall permit ▪ and during their stay in those ports they shal commit no hostile act , nor do any thing to the prejudice of the said ports . xxvii . that the lords the states general of the united provinces shall take care that iustice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon those who were authors or abettors of the murther committed upon the english in ●mboyn● ▪ as the common-wealth of england was pleased to ●●alifie it , if any of them bee yet alive . xxviii . wheras certain english ships and goods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seized and detained within the dominion of the king of denmark , since the 18. day of may in the year 1652 : it is on both sides concluded , accorded and agreed , and the lords the states general have obliged themselvs , as they also do by these presents , that restitution shall bee made of all & singular the english ships & goods , deteined as aforesaid , and remaining yet in specie ; together with the true and just price of such as are sold , imbezled , or otherwise disposed of , within fourteen days after the arrival of the merchants and masters interessed therein , or their assigns , for the receiving of them . and also that damages bee given for the losses sustained by the english , by reason of the said detention ; according to what shall bee arbitrated and awarded by edward winslo , james russel john becx , william vander cruyssen , arbitrators indifferently chosen , as well on the part of the lord protector , as the said states general ( the form or instrument of which arbitration is already agreed upon ) to examine and determine the demands of the merchants , masters and owners , to whom the said ships , goods , and damages appertain . which arbitrators are to meet at gold-smith's hall here in london , the 27. of june next , old style , or sooner if it may bee ; and shall the same day make solemn oath before the iudges of the high court of admiralty of england , that they will proceed without respect or relation had to either state , or any particular interest whatsoever . and moreover , the foresaid arbitrators shall from the first day of august next , unless they agree upon sentence sooner , bee shut up in a chamber by themselvs , without fire , candle , meat , drink , or any other refreshment , till such time as they come to an agreement concerning the matters referred to them : and the sentence which they shall award shall bee obligatory to both parties . and the states general of the united provinces do firmly oblige themselvs by these presents , to execute and perform the same ; as also , to pay such sum of moneys here at london , as the said arbitrators shall adjudg to bee paid , for the use of the said owners , to such person or persons as the protector shall nominate , within 25. dayes after adjudication made . and the said states general shal , within two dayes after the instruments of ratification of the said articles of peace are mutually delivered , pay here at london the sum of 5000 li. sterling , towards the charges of the merchants , masters , or their assigns , for their iourney to denmark , and the sum of 20000. rix doll●●● to such persons as his said highness shall appoint , within six dayes after the arrival of the said persons there , for the use of the merchants , masters and owners , towards repairing their ships , and fitting them for sea . which said sums shall bee accounted in part of paiment of such sum , as shall beé awarded by the said arbitrators . and that caution and security bee given ( the form of which caution is already agreed upon ) by sufficient and responsible men , living here in london , and binding themselvs in an obligation of one hundred and forty thousand pounds sterling ( which obligation is to bee delivered at the same time with the instrument of ratification ) that restitution shall bee made according to the premisses and that the submission and payment as well of the 20000. rix dollars , as of such sum , or other things , as shall bee adiudged and determined , as aforesaid , shall on their part bee duly performed . and if all and singular the conditions bee not really and effectually performed on the part of the lords the states general in manner and time aforesaid , then the said obligation shall be forfeited , & the said sum of one hundred & forty thousand pounds sterling shall be paid to such person and persons as his highness shall noinmate , to the end the losses of the merchants , masters and interessed may bee satisfied . xxix . item , that whereas certain questions and differences have arisen between the common wealth of england and the king of denmark , by reason of the detention of the ships and goods mentioned in the former article and the states general of the united provinces have undertaken the restitution of the said ships and goods , and agreed to give security and caution for the dammages in the manner exprest in the former article ; it is agreed and concluded that the same being done and performed , all questions strifes , wrongs and acts of hostilitie between the said common-wealth and king , by reason of the said detention , shall cease and be for ever forgotten , in such manner , that the said king with his kingdoms and dominions shall , as a friend , bee comprehended and included in this treaty and confederation , so as to be restored to the same friendship and alliance with either common-wealth in which formerly he was , before the said detention , & as if it had never been . as also his deputies and ambassadors shall be admitted with like honor as the deputies and ambassadors of other states are being friends and allies . xxx . item , agreed , that , at the time of the deliverie of the instruments of ratification , four commissioners shall bee nominated on both sides to meet here at london , upon the eighteenth day of may next old style , who shall bee authorized and impowred , as also by these presents they are authorized and impowred to examin and determin all the losses & iniuries which either side alleges to have sustained from the other since the yeer one thousand six hundred and eleven , unto the eighteenth day of may , 1652 old style , as well in the east indies , as in greenland , mus●● , brazil , or in any other place : the 〈◊〉 which are to be delivered into the commissioners nominated as above , before the said eighteenth day of may under this restriction , that after the said day prefixed no new allegations shall bee admitted . and if the above-said commissioners shall not within three moneths space , to bee accounted from the said eighteenth day of may , come to an agreement , concerning the differences aforesaid , delivered in writing and expressed in particular , that in such case the aforesaid differences shall be submitted , as by these presents they are submitted , to the judgment and arbitration of the protestant cantons of swisterland , who by an instrument for this purpose ( the form of which is already agreed upon ) shall bee desired to take upon them that arbitration , and appoint like commissioners impowred and instructed to give final judgment thereupon within six moneths next following after the expiration of the three moneths aforesaid . and whatsoever the said commissioners or the major part of them , shall award and determin within the said six moneths , shall oblige both parties , and be performed accordingly . xxxi . it is also agreed , that both parties shall firmly and truly perform and observe this present treaty , and every article and thing conteined and concluded therein ; and shall caus the same to bee performed and observed by their respective people , subjects and inhabitants . xxxii . for better security that this peace and confederation shall bee truly and sincerely performed on the part of the lords the states general , their people and subjects , it is agreed and concluded , and the lords the states general , do by these presents agree and firmly oblige themselvs , that all and singular , whom , either they the states general , or the states provincial , shall at any time elect , constitute , or appoint captain general , chief governour , or stadtholder , commander of their army or forces at land , or admiral of any of their fleets , ships , or forces at sea , shall confirm by oath this treaty , and all the matters and things therein contained , and shall promise by oath to observe , and as much as in him or them lyes , inviolably to perform and keep one 〈◊〉 . and as 〈◊〉 as concerns them , command the same to bee performed and put in execution , and take care that they bee performed and executed by others accordingly . xxxiii . lastly , it is agreéd , that the present treaty , and all & singular the matters and things therein contained & agreed on , shall , within fifteen dayes next ensuing , or sooner , if it may bee , be confirmed and ratified in due and authentick form , by the said lord protector , and the said states general of the united provinces by their letters pattents under their great seals , and that instruments of ratification shall bee delivered interchangeably , within the time aforesaid . and furthermore , that this treaty and consederation shall immediately after delivery of the 〈◊〉 , bee published according to the 〈◊〉 solemnity , and in the 〈◊〉 accustomed ; and that all acts of hostility shall ceason both sides from that time . a brief character of the low-countries under the states being three weeks observation of the vices and vertues of the inhabitants. brief character of the low-countries under the states felltham, owen, 1602?-1668. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a41079 of text r14367 in the english short title catalog (wing f648). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 56 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a41079 wing f648 estc r14367 12336224 ocm 12336224 59790 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41079) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59790) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 211:1) a brief character of the low-countries under the states being three weeks observation of the vices and vertues of the inhabitants. brief character of the low-countries under the states felltham, owen, 1602?-1668. [6], 100 p. printed for henry seile, london : 1652. attributed to owen felltham. cf. wing; bm. two pirated editions published earlier with titles: three moneths observations of the low-countries, especially holland, 1648; and a true and exact character of the low countreyes, especially holland, or, the dutchman anatomized and truly dissected, 1652. reproduction of original in british library. eng netherlands -social life and customs. netherlands -description and travel. a41079 r14367 (wing f648). civilwar no a brief character of the low-countries under the states. being three weeks observation of the vices and vertues of the inhabitants. felltham, owen 1652 10604 4 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-06 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2004-06 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief character of the low-countries under the states being three weeks observation of the vices and vertues of the inhabitants — non seria semper . london , printed for henry seile . 〈◊〉 to the reader . as i live gentlemen i am amaz'd how any piece could be made such minc'd-meat as this ha●●h been by a twice-printed copy , which i find flying aroad to abuse the author , who long since , traveling for compaenies-sake with a friend into the low. countrys would needs for his own recreation write this essay of them as he then found them : i am sure as far from ever thinking to have it publique , as he was from any private spleen to the nation : or any person in it ; for i have moved him often to print it , but could never get his consent , his modesty ever esteeming it among his puerilia , and ( as he said ) a piece too light for a prudentiall man to publish : the truth is , it was meerly occasional in his youth , and the time so little , that he had for observation ( his stay there not being above three weeks ) that it could not well be expected he should say more ; and though the former part be joculary and sportive , yet the seriousness of the latter part , renders the character no way injurious to the people . and now finding some ruffled feathers only presented for the whole bird , and having a perfect copy by me , i have presumed to trespass so much upon the author as to give it you ( in vindication of him ) so as i am confident it was dressed by his own pen . and after i have begged his pardon for exposing it without his warrant , i shall leave you to judge by comparing this and the former impressions , whether or no he hath not been abused sufficiently . three weeks observations of the low-countries ; especially holland . they are a general sea-land . the great bog of europe . there is not such another marsh in the world ; that 's flat . they are an universall quagmire , epitomiz'd , a green cheese in pickle . there is in them an aequilibrium of mud and water . a strong earthquake would shake them to a chaos , from which the successive force of the sun , rather than creation , hath a little e mended them . they are the ingredients of a black pudding , and want only stirring together . marry 't is best making on 't in a dry summer , else you wil have more bloud than grist ; and then have you no way to make it serve for any thing , but to tread it under zona torrida , and so dry it for turfs . sayes one , it affords the people one commodity beyond all the other regions ; if they dye in perdition , they are so low , that they have a shorter cut to hell than the rest of their neighbours . and for this cause , perhaps all strange religions throng thither , as naturally inclining towards their center . besides , their riches shewes them to be pluto's region , and you all know what part that was which the poets did of old assign him . here is styx , acheron , cocytus , and the rest of those muddy streames that have made matter for the fablers . almost every one is a charon here , and if you have but a naulum to give , you cannot want or boat or pilot. to confirm all , let but some of our separatists be asked , and they shall swear that the elizian fields are there . it is an excellent country for a despairing lover : for every corner affords him willow to make a garlandon ; but if justice doom him to be hang'd on any other tree , he may in spight of the sentence live long and confident . if he had rather quench his spirits than suffocate them , so rather chuse to feed lobsters than crows ; t is but leaping from his window , and he lights in a river or sea ; for most of their dwellings stand like privies in moted houses , hanging still over the water . if none of these cure him , keep him but a winter in a house without a stove , and that shall cool him . the soyl is all fat , though wanting the colour to shew it so ; for indeed it is the buttock of the world , full of veines and bloud , but no bones in 't . had s. steven been condemn'd to suffer here , he might have been alive at this day ; for unless it be in their paved cities , gold is a great deal more plentiful than stones , except it be living ones , and then for their heaviness you may take in almost all the nation . t is a singular place to fat monkies in . there are spiders as big as shrimps , and i think as many . their gardens being moist , abound with these . no creatures ; for sure they were bred , not made , were they but as venemous as rank , to gather herbs were to hazard martyrdome . they are so large , that you would almost believe the hesperides were here , and these the dragons that did guard them . you may travail the country though you have not a guide : for you cannot baulk your road without the hazard of drowning . there is not there any use of a harbinger . wheresoever men go the way is made before them . had they cities large as their walls , rome would be esteemd a bable . twenty miles in length is nothing for a waggon to be hurried on one of them , where if your fore-man be sober , you may travail in safety , otherwise , you must have stronger faith than peter had , else you sink immediately . a starting horse indangers you to two deaths at once , breaking of your neck , and drowning . if your way be not thus , it hangs in the water , and at the approach of your waggon shall shake as if it were ague-strooken . duke d' alva's taxing of the tenth penny frighted it into a palsey , which all the mountebanks they have bred since could never tell how to cure . 't is indeed but a bridge of swimming earth , or a flagg somewhat thicker than ordinary , if the strings crack your course is shortned , you can neither hope for heaven nor fear hell , you shall be sure to stick fast between them , marry if your faith flow purgatory height , you may pray if you will for that to clense you from the mud shall soyl you . t is a green sod in water , where if the german eagle dares to bath himself , he 's glad again to pearch that he may dry his wings . some things they do that seem wonders . 't is ordinary to see them fish for fire in water , which they catch in nets and transport to land in their boats , where they spread it more smoothly than a mercer doth his velvet when he would hook in an heir upon his comming to age . thus lying in a field , you would think you saw a cantle of green cheese ' spread over with black butter . if aetna be hells mouth or fore-gate , sure here is found the postern . 't is the port-esquiline of the world , where the full earth doth vent her crude black gore , which the inhabitants scrape away for fuel , as men with spoones do excrements from civit cats . their ordinary packhorses are all of wood , cary their bridles in their tails , and their burdens in their bellies . a strong tyde and a stiff gale are the spurs that make them speedy . when they travel they touch no ground ; and when they stand still they ride ; and are never in danger but when they drink up too much of their way . there is a province among them , where every woman carries a cony in a lambskin . 't is a custom and not one that travelse ver leaves it behind her . now guess if you can what beast that is , which is clad in a fur both of hair and wool . they dress their meat in aqua caelesti , for it springs not as ours from the earth , but comes to them , as manna to the israelites , falling from heaven . this they keep under ground till it stinks , and then they pump it out again for use . so when you wash your hands with one hand , you had need hold your nose with the other ; for though it be not cordial , 't is certainly a strong water . the elements are here at variance , the subtile over swaying the grosser , the fire cōsumes the earth , and the air the water , they burn turffs , and drain their grounds with windmills ; as if the cholick were a remedy for the stone ; and they would prove against philosophy the worlds conflagration to be natural , evē shewing thereby that the very element of earth is combustible . the land that they have they keep as neatly as a courtier does his beard . they have a method in mowing . t is so intervein'd with waters and rivers , that it is impossible to make a common among them . even the brownists are here ata stād , only they hold their pride in wrangling for that which they never wil find . our justices would be much at ease although our english poor were still among them : for whatsoever they do they can break no hedges . sure had the wise men of gotham lived here , they would have studyed some other death for their cuckow . their ditches they frame as they list ; and distinguish them into nooks , as my lord majors cook doth his custards . clense them they do often ; but 't is as physicians give their potions , more to catch the fish , than cast the mud out . though their country be part of a mainland , yet every house almost stands in an island . and that though a boor dwell in it , looks as smug , as a lady that hath newly lockt up her colours , and laid by her srons . a gallant masquing suit sits not more compleat , than a coat of thatch though of many years wearing . if it stand dry 't is imbraced by vines , as if it were against the nature of a dutch-man not to have bacchus his neighbour . if you find it lower seated , 't is only a close arto rin a plump of willowes and alders ; pleasant enough while the dog-daies last ; but those past once , you must practise wading , or be prisoner till the next spring . only a hard frost , with the help of a sledge , may release you . the bridge to this is an outlandish plank with a box of stones to poize it withall , which with the least help turns round , like the executioner when he whips off a head . that when the master is over , stands drawn , and then he is in his castle . t is sure his fear that renders him suspitious . that he may therefore certainly see who enters , you shal ever find his window made over his door . but it may be that is to shew you his pedigree ; for though his ancestors were never known , their arms are there ; which ( in spight of heraldry ) shall bear their atchievment with a helmet for a baron at least . marry the field perhaps shall be charged with 3. basquets , to shew what trade his father was . escutcheons are as plentifull as gentry is scarce . every man there is his own herald ; and he that has but wit enough to invent a coat , may challenge it as his own . when you are entred the house , the first thing you encounter is a looking glass . no question but a true embleme of politick hospitality ; for though it reflect your self in your own figure , t is yet no longer than while you are there before it . when you are gone once , it flatters the next commer , without the least remembrance that you ere were there . the next are the vessels of the house marshalled about the room like watchmen . all as neat as if you were in a citizens wives cabinet ; for unless it be themselves , they let none of gods creatures lose any thing of their native beauty . their houses , especially in their cities , are the best eye-beauties of their country . for cost and sight they far exceed our english , but they want their magnificence . their lining is yet more rich than their out-side ; not in hangings , but pictures , which even the poorest are there fur-nishtwith . not a cobler but has his toyes for ornament . were the knacks of all their houses set together , there would not be such another bartholmew-fair in europe . their artists for these are as rare as thought ; for they can paint you a fat hen in her feathers ; and if you want the language , you may learn a great deal of dutch by their signes ; for what they are they ever write under them . so by this device hang up more honesty than they keep . coaches are as rare as comets ; and those that live loosely need not fear one punishment , which often vexes such with us : they may be sure , though they be discovered , they shall not be carted . all their merchandise they draw through the streets on sledges ; or as we on hurdles do traitors to execution . their rooms are but severall land boxes : if so , you must either goe out to spit , or blush when you see the map brought . their beds are no other than land-cabines , high enough to need a ladder or stairs . up once , you are walled in with wainscot , and that is good discretion to avoid the trouble of making your will every night ; for once falling out else would break your neck perfectly . but if you die in it , this comfort you shall leave your friends , that you dy'de in clean linnen . whatsoever their estates be , their houses must be fair . therefore from amsterdam they have banisht sea-cole , lest it soyl their buildings , of which the starelier sort are sometimes sententious , and in the front carry some conceit of the owner . as to give you a taste in these . christus adjutor mens ; hoc abdicato perenne quaero ; hic medio tutius itur . every door seems studded with diamonds . the nailes and hinges hold a constant brightness , as if rust there were not a quality incident to iron . their houses they keep cleaner than their bodies ; their bodies than their soules . goe to one you shall finde the andirons shut up in net work . at a second , the warming pan muffled in italian cut-work . at a third the sconce clad in cambrick . and like a crown advanced in the middle of the house , for the woman there is the head of the husband , so takes the horn to her own charge , which she sometimes multiplies , and bestowes the increase on her man . t is true , they are not so ready at this play as the english ; for neither are they so generally bred to 't , nor are their men such linnen-lifters . idleness and courtship has not banish't honesty . they speak more , and doe less ; yet doth their blood boil high and their veins are full , which argues strongly that ' when they will they may take up the custome of entertaining strangers . and having once done it , i believe they will be notable , for i have heard they trade more for love than money , but 't is of the sport not the man , and therefore when they like the pastime they will reward the gamester ; otherwise their gross feed and clownish breeding hath spoiled them for being nobly minded . and if you once in publick discover her private favours or pretend to more than is civil , she falls off like fairy wealth disclosed , and turns like beer with lightning to a sowreness , which neither art nor labour can ever make sweet again . but this i must give you on report only ; experience herein hath neither made me fool nor wise . the people are generally boorish ; yet none but may be bred to a statesman , they having all this gift not to be so nice-conscienced but that they can turn out religion , to let in policy . their countrey is the god they worship . war is their heaven . peace is their hell , and the spaniard is the devil they hate . custome is their law , and their will reason . you may sooner convert a jew than make an ordinary dutch-man yield to arguments that cross him . an old baud is easilyer turned puritan , than a waggoner perswaded not to bait thrice in nine miles . and when he doth , his horses must not stirre , but have their manger brought them into the way , where in a top-sweat they eat their grass , and drink their water , and presently after hurry away . for they ever drive as if they were all the sonnes of nimishi , and were furiously either pursuing an enemy or flying him . his spirits are generated from the english beer , and that makes him head-strong . his body is built of pitckled herring . and they render him testy : these with a little butter , onyons & holland cheese are the ingredients of an ordinary dutchman ; which a voyage to the east-indies , with the heat of the equinoctiall consolidates . if you see him fat he hath been rooting in a cabbage ground and that bladdered him . viewing him naked you will pray him to pull of his masque and gloves , or wish him to hide his face , that he may appear more lovely . for that and his hands are aegypt , however his body be europe . he hath exposed them so much to the sun and water as he is now his own disguise , and without a vizard may serve in any antimasque you put him in . for their condition they are churlish as their breeder neptune : and without doubt very antient ; for they were bred before manners were in fashion . yet all they have not , they account superfluity , which they say mendeth some , and marreth many . they should make good justices ; for they respect neither persons nor apparell . a boor in his liquord slop shall have as much good use as a courtyer in his bravery ; nay more ; for he that is but courtly or gentile , is among them like a merlyn after michaelmas in the field with growes . they wonder at and envy ; but worship no such images . marry with a silver hook you shall catch these gudgeons presently . the love of gain being to them as naturall as water to a goose , or carrion to any kite that flies . they are seldome deceived ; for they trust no body ; so by consequence are better to hold a fort than win it ; yet they can do both . trust them you must if you travel . for to ask a bill of particulars is to purre in a waspes nest ; you must pay what they ask as sure as if it wereth ' assesment of a subsidy . complement is an idlenes they were never trained up in , and 't is their happiness that court vanities have not stole away their minds from business . their being sailors and souldiers have marred 2 parts already , if they bath once in court oile they are painted trapdores . and shall then let the jewes build a city whe e harlem mere is and after cosen 'em on 't . they shall abuse a stranger for nothing , andafter a few base terms scotch one an other to a carbonado , or as they do their roaches when they fry them . nothing can quiet them but money and liberty , yet when they have them they abuse both ; but if you tell them so you awake their fury ; and you may sooner calm the sea than conjure that into compass again . their anger hath no eyes . and their judgement doth not flow so much from reason as passion and partiality . they are in a manner all aquatiles : and therefore the spaniard calls them water dogges . to this though you need not condiscend ; yet with-all you may think they can catch you a duck as soon . sea-gulls do not swim more readily : nor more hens from their nest run sooner to the water . every thing is so made to swim among them , as it is a question if elizeus his ax were now floating there , it would be taken for a miracle . they love none but those that do for them ; and when they leave off , they neglect them . they have no friends but their kindred ; which at every wedding , feast among themselves like tribes . all that help them not , they hold popish ; and take it for an argument of much honesty to rail bitterly against the king of spain . and certainly this is the badge of an ill nature , when they have once cast off the yoke , to be most virulent against those to whom of right they owe respect and service . grateful dispositions , though by theirlords they be exempt from service , will yet be paying reverence and affection . i am confident that had they not been once the subjects of spain , they would have loved the nation better . but now cut of dying duties ashes all the blazes of hostility and flame . and t is sufficien ground to contemn their eternal hate , to know the world remembers , they were once the lawful subjects of that most catholique crown . their shipping is the babel which they boast on for the glory of their nation . t is indeed a wonder , and they will have it so . but we may well hope they will never be so mighty by land , least they shew us how doggedly they can insult where they get the mastery . t is their own chronicle business , which can tell you that at the seige of leyden , a fort being held by the spanish , by the dutch was after taken by assault . the defendants were put to the sword , where one of the dutch in the fury of the slaughter , ript up the captains body , and with a barbarous hand tore out the yet living heart panting among the reeking bowels , then with his teeth rent it still warm with blood into gobbets , which he spitted over the battlements , in defiance to the rest of the army . oh tigers breed ! the scythian-bear could nere have been more savage , to be necessitated into cruelty , is a misfortune to the strongly tempted to it ; but to let spleen rave , and mad it in resistless blood , shewes nature steepd i' th livid gall of passion ; and beyond all brutishness displays the unnoble tyranny of a prevailing coward . their navies are the whip of spain , or the arm wherewith they pull away his indies . nature hath not bread them so active for the land as some others : but at sea they are water-devils , to attempt things incredible . in fleets they can fight close , and rather hazard all then save some , while others perish : but single , they will flag and fear like birds in a bush when the sparrow-hauks bells are heard . a turkish man of war is as dreadfull to them as a a falcon to a mallard ; from whom their best remedy is to steal away . but if they come to blowes , they want the valiant stoutness of the english , who will rather expire bravely in a bold resistāce , than yield to the lasting slavery of becoming captives to so barbarous an enemy . and this shews they have not learned yet even pagan philosophy , which ever preferred an honourable death before a life thralled to perpetuall slavery . their ships ly like high woods in winter : and if you view them on the northside you friez without hope , for they ride so thick , that you can through them see no sun to warm you with . sailers among them are as common as beggars with us . they can drink , rail , swear , niggle , steal , and be lowsie alike ; but examining their use , a mess of their knaves are worth a million of ours : for they in a boisterous rudeness can work , and live , and toil , whereas ours will rather laze themselves to poverty ; and like cabages left out in winter , rot away in the loathsomeness of a nauseous sloth . almost all among them are seamen born , and like frogs can live both on land and water . not a country uriester but can handle an oar , steer a boat , raise a mast , and bear you out in the roughest streights you come in . the ship she avouches much better for sleep than a bed . being full of humours , that is her cradle , which luls and rocks her to a dull phlegmatickness , most of them looking like a full grown oyster boild . slime , humid air , water , and wet dyet , have so bagg'd their cheeks , that some would take their paunches to be gotten above their chin . the countries government is a democracy , and there had need be many to rule such a rabble of rude ones . tell them of a king , and they could cut your throat in earnest . the very name carries servitude in it , and they hate it more than a jew doth images , a woman old age , or a non-conformist a surplice . none among them hath authority by inheritance , that were the way in time to parcel out their countrie to families : they are chosen all as our kings chuse sheriffs for the counties : not for their sin of wit , but for the wealth they have to bear it out withall ; which they so over-affect that mynhere shall walk the streets as usurers go to baudy houses , all alone and melancholie . and if they may be had cheap , he will daub his faced cloke with two penni-worth of pickled herrings which himself shall carrie home in a string . a common voice hath given him preheminence , & he loses it by living as he did when he was but a boor . but if you pardon what is past , they are about thinking it time to learn more civilitie . their justice is strict if it cross not policie : but rather than hinder traffique tollerates any thing . there is not under heaven such a den of several serpents as amsterdam is , you may be what devil you will , so you push not the state with your horns . t is an university of all religions , which grow here confurdly ( like stocks in a nursery ) without either order or pruning . if you be unsettled in your religion , you may here trie all , and take at last what you like best . if you fancie none , you have a pattern to follow , of two , that would be a church by themselves . t is the fair of all the sects , where all the pedlers of religion have leave to vent their toies , their ribands , and phanatick rattles . and should it be true it were a cruel brand which romists stick upon them . for ( say they ) as the chameleon changes into all colours but white : so they admit of all religions but the true . for the papist only may not exercise his in publick yet his restraint they plead is not in hatred but justice : because the spaniard abridges the protestant . and they had rather shew a little spleen , than not cry quit with their enemy . his act is their warrant ; which the●●●●etaliat justly . and for this reason rather than the dunkirks they take shall not dy , amsterdam having none of their own , shall borrow a hangman from harlem . now albeit the papists do them wrong herein , yet can it not excuse their boundles tolleration , which shews they place their republick in a higher esteem than heaven it self and had rather cross upon god than it . for whosoever disturbs the civil government is lyable to punishment : but the decrees of heaven . and sanctions of the deity , any one may break uncheck'd , by professing what false religion he please . so consulary rome of old , brought all the straggling gods of other nations to the city , where blinded superstition paid an adoration to them . in their families they all are equals , and you have no way to know the master and mistress , but by taking them in bed together . it may be those are they : otherwise malky can prate as much , laugh as loud , be as bold , and sit as well as her mistress . had logicians lived here first , father and son had never passed so long for relatives . they are here individuals , for no demonstrance of duty or authority can distinguish them , as if they were created together , and not born successively . and as for your mother , bidding her goodnight , and kissing her , is punctual blessing . your man shal be saucy , and you must not strike ; if you do , he shall complain to the schont , and perhaps have recompence . t is a dainty place to please boies in : for your father shall bargain with your school-master not to whip you : if he doth , he shall revenge it with his knife , and have law for it . their apparel is civil enough and good enough : but very uncomely ; and hath usually more stuffthan shape . only their huykes are commodious in winter : but t is to be lamented , that they have not wit enough to lay them by when summer comes . their women would have good faces if they did not mar them with making . their ear-wyers have so nipt in their cheeks , that you would think some faiery , to do them a mischief , had pincht them behind with tongs . these they dress , as if they would shew you all their wit lay behind , and they needs would cover it . and thus ordered , they have much more forehead than face . they love the english gentry well ; and when souldiers come over to be billetted among them , they are emulous in chusing of their guest , who fares much the better for being liked by his hostess . men and women are there starched so blew , that if they once grow old , you would verily believe you saw winter walking up to the neck in a barrel of indigo : and therefore they rail at england for spending no more blewing . your men among them is elseclad tolerably , unless he enclines to the sea-fashion : and then are his breeches , yawning at the knees , as if they were about to swallow his legs unmercifully . they are far there from going naked , for of a whole woman you can see but half a face . as for her hand that shews her a sore labourer ; which you shall ever find as it were in recompence loaden with rings to the cracking of her fingers . if you look lower shee 's a monkey chain'd about the middle , and had rather want it in diet , than not have silver links to hang her keyes in . their gowns are fit to hide great bellies , but they make them shew so unhansome that men do not care for getting them . mary this you shall find to their commendation , their smocks are ever whiter than their skin . where the women lyes in , the ringle of the door does penance , and is lapped about with linnen , either to shew you that loud knocking may wake the child ; or else that for a moneth the ring is not to be run at . but if the child be dead there is thrust out a nosegay tyed to a sticks end ; perhaps for an emblem of the life of man , which may wither as soon as born ; or else to let you know , that though these fade , upon their gathering , yet from the same stock the next year a new shoot may spring . you may rail at us for often changing ; but i assure you with them is a great deal more following the fashion ; which they will plead for as the ignorant laity for their faith . they will keep it because their ancestors lived in it . thus they will rather keep an old fault though they discover errors in it , than in an easiy change to meet a certain remedy . for their dyet , they eat much and spend little : when they set out a fleet to the indies , it shall live three moneths on the offals , which we here fear would surfeit our swine : yet they feed on 't , and are still the same dutchmen . in their houses roots and stock-fish are staple-commodities . if they make a feast & ad flesh , they have art to keep it hot more daies , than a pigs-head in py corner . salt meats , and sowre cream , they hold him a fool that loves not , only the last they correct with sugar , and are not half so well pleased with having it sweet at first , as with letting it sowre that they may sweeten it again , as if a woman were not half so pleasing being easily won , as after a scolding fit she coms by man to be calm'd again . fish indeed they have brave and plentiful ; and herein practice hath made them cooks as good as ere lucullus his latter kitchin had , which is some recompence for their wilfulness , for you can neither pray nor buy them to alter their own cookery . to a feast they come readily , but being set once you must have patience . they are longer eating meat than we preparing it . if it be to supper you conclude timely when you get away by day-break . they drink down the evening starre , and drink up the morning starre . at those times it goes hard with a stranger , all in curtesie will be drinking to him , and all that do so he must pledge : till he doth , the fill'd cupps circle round his trencher , from whence they are not taken away till emptyed . for though they give you day for payment , yet they will not abate the sum . they sit not there as we in england , men together , and women first , but ever intermingled with a man between ; and instead of march panes , and such juncates , t is good manners if any be there , to carry away a piece of apple py in your pocket . the time they there spend , is in eating well , in drinking much , and prating most . for the truth is , the compleatest drinker in europe is your english gallant . there is no such consumer of liquor as the quaffing off of his healths . time was the dutch had the better of it ; but of late he hath lost it by prating too long over his pot . he sips , and laughs , and tells his tale , and in a tavern is more prodigal of his time , than his wine . he drinks as if he were short winded ; and as it were eates his drink by morsels , rather besieging his brains then assaulting them . but the english man charges home on the sudden , swallowes it whole , and like a hasty tide , fills , and flowes himself , till the mad brain swims , and tosses on the hasty fume . as if his liver were burning out his stomach , and he striving to quench it , drowns it . so the one is drunk sooner , and the other longer . as if striving to recover the wager , the dutchman would still be the perfectest soker . in this progress you have seen some of their vices , now view a fairer object . solomon tels of four things that are small and full of wisdome , the pismire , the grass-hopper , the coney , and the spider . for providence they are the pismires of the world : and having nothing but whatgrafs affords them ; are yet for almost all provisions , the store-house of the whole of christendome . what is it which there may not be found in plenty ? they making by their industry all the fruits of the vast earth their own . what land can boast a privilcgethat they do not partake of ? they have not of their own enough materials to compile one ship ; yet how many nations do they furnish ? the remoter angles of the world do by their pains deliver them their sweets . and being of themselves in want , their diligence hath made them both indies neerer home . they are frugal to the saving of eg. shels , and maintain it for a maxime , that a thing lasts longer mended than new . their cities are their mole-hills ; their schutes and flyboats , creep and return with their store for winter . every one is busie and carries his grain ; as if every city were a severall hive , and the bees not permitting a drone to inhabit . for idle persons must find some other mansion . and lest necessity bereave men of means to set them on work , there are publique banks that ( without use ) lend upon pawns to all the poor that want . there is a season when the pismires fly , and so each summer they likewise swarm abroad with their armies . the ant sayes one , is a wisecreature , but a shrewd thing in a garden or orchard . and truly so are they ; for they look upon others too little , and upon themselves too much . and wheresoever they light in a pleasant or rich soyl , like suckers and lower plants , they rob from the root of that tree which gives them shade and protection , so their wisdome is not indeed heroick or numnial ; as courting an universall good ; but rather narrow and restrictive ; as being a wisdome but for themselves . which to speak plainly , is descending into craft ; and is but the sinister part of that which is really noble and coelestiall . nay in all they hold so true a proportion with the emmet , as you shall not find they want so much as the sting . for dwelling in rocks they are conies . and while the spanish tumbler playes about them , they rest secure in their own inaccessible berries . where have you under heaven , such impregnable fortifications ? where art beautifies nature , and nature makes art invincible : herein indeed they differ ; the conies find rocks , and they make them . and as they would invert the miracle of moses , they raise them in the bosome of the waves . where within these twenty years , ships furrowed in the pathlesocean , the peacefull plough now unbowels the fertile earth , which at night is carried home to the fairest mansions in holland . every town hath his garrison : and the keyes of the gates in the night-time , are not trusted but in the state-house . from these holds they bolt abroad for provisions , and then return to their fastneses replenished . for war they are grasshoppers , & without a king , go forth in bands to conquer kings . they have not only defended themselves at their own home , but have braved the spaniard at his . in anno 1599 , under the command of vander does , was the grand canary taken . the chief city sackt ; the king of spain's ensigns taken down , and the colours of his excellency set up in their room . in the year 1600 the battel of nieuport was a gallant piece , when with the loss of a thousand or little more , they slew 7000 of their enemies , took above a 100 ensigns , the admirall of arragon a prisoner . the very furniture of the arch duke 's own chamber and cabinet , yea the signet that belonged to his hand . in 1607. they assailed the armado of spain in the bay of gibraeltar , under covert of the castle and towns ordnance , and with the loss of 150 , slew above 2000 , and ruined the whole fleet . certainly a bolder attempt hath ever scarce been done . the indian mastiff never was more fierce a gainst the angry lion . nor can the cock in his crowing valour , become more prodigall of his blood than they . there hardly is upon earth such a school of martiall discipline . t is the christian worlds academy for arms ; whither all the the neighbour-nations resort to be instructed ; where they may observe how unresistable a blow , many small grains of powder will make being heaped together , which yet if you separate , can do nothing but sparkle and die . their recreation is the practice of arms ; and they learn to be souldiers sooner than men . nay as if they placed a religion in arms , every sunday is concluded with the train'd band 's marching thorough their cities . for industry , they are spiders , and are in the palaces of kings . of old they were the guard of the person of the roman emperor , and by the romans themselves declared to be their friends and companions . there is none have the like intelligence ; their merchants are at this day the greatest of the universe . what nation is it where they have not insinuated ? nay , which they have not almost anatomized , and even discovered the very intrinsick veins on 't ? even among us , they shame us with their industry , which makes them seem as if they had a faculty from the worlds creation , out of water to make dry land appear . they win our drowned grounds which we cannot recover , and chase back neptune to his own old banks . all that they do is by such labour as it seems extracted out of their own bowels . and in their wary thrift , they hang by such a slender sustentation of life , that one would think their own weight should be enough to crack it . want of idleness keeps them from want . and t is their diligence makes them rich. a fruitfull soil encreaseth the harvest . a plentifull sunne augmenteth the store ; and seasonable showres drop fatness on the crop we reap . but no rain fructifies more than the dew of sweat . you would think being with them you were in old israel , for you find not a begger among them . nor are they mindfull of their own alone ; but strangers also partake of their care and bounty . if they will depart , they have money for their convoy . if they stay , they have work provided . if unable , they find an hospitall . their providence extends even from the prince to the catching of flies . and lest you lose an afternoon by fruitless mourning , by two of the clock all burials must end . wherein to prevent the wast of ground , they pile coffin upon coffin till the sepulchre be full . in all their manufactures they hold a truth and constancy : for they are as fruits from trees , the same every year that they are at first ; not apples one year and crabs the next ; and so for ever after . in the sale of these they also are at a word , they will gain rather than exact ; and have not that way whereby our citizens abuse wise , and cozen the ignorant ; and by their infinite over-asking for commodities proclaim to the world that they would cheat all if it were in their power . the depravation of manners they punish with contempt , but the defects of nature they favor with charity . even their bedlam is a place so curious , that a lord might live in it ; their hospital might lodge a lady : so that safely you may conclude , amongst them , even poverty and madness do both inhabit handsomly . and though vice makes every thing turn sordid , yet the state will have the very correction of it to be neat , as if they would shew that though obedience fail , yet government must be still it self , and decent . to prove this they that do but view their bridewell will think it may receive a gentleman though a gallant . and so their prison a wealthy citizen . but for a poor man t is his best policy to be laid there , for he that cast him in must maintain him . their language though it differ from the higher germany , yet hath it the same ground , and is as old as babel . and albeit harsh , yet so lofty and full a tongue as made goropius becanus maintain it for the speech of adam in his paradise . and surely if there were not other reasons against it , the significancy of the antient teutonick might carry it from the primest dialect . stevin of bruges reckons up 2170 monasillables , which being compounded , how richly do they grace a tongue ? a tongue that for the general profession is extended further than any that i know . through both the germanies , denmark , norway , sweden , and sometimes france , england , spain . and still among us all our old words are dutch , with yet so little change , that certainly it is in a manner the same that it was 2000 years ago , without the too much mingled borrowings of their neighbour nations . the germans are a people that more than all the world i think may boast sincerity , as being for some thousands of years a pure and unmixed people . and surely i see not but their conduction by tuisco from the building of babel , may passas unconfuted story , they yet retaining the appellation from his name . they are a large and numerous people having ever kept their own , and transported colonies into other nations . in italy were the longobards ; in spain the gothes and vandalls ; in france the franks or franconians ; in england the saxons : having in all these left reverend steps of their antiquity and language . it is a noble testimony that so grave an historian as tacitus hath left still extant of them , and writen above fifteen hundred years ago . deliberant dum fingere nesciunt : constituunt dum errare non possunt . they deliberate when they cannot dissemble : and resolve when they cannot erre . two hundred and ten years he reckons the romans were in conquering them . in which space on either side were the losses sad and fatal . so as neither the samnites , the carthaginians , the spaniards , the gaules , no nor the parthians ever troubled them like the germans . they slew and took prisoners several commanders of the highest rank , as carbo , cassius , s. caurus aurelius , cervilius cepio , and m. manlius . they defeated five consulary armies , and varus with three legions , yet after all this he concludes , triumphati magis quam victi sunt , they were rather triumphed over than conquered . to confirm this , the keeping of their own language is an argument unanswerable . the change whereof ever follows upon the fully vanquished , as we may see it did in italy , france , spain , england . and this he speaks of the nation in general . nor was the opinion of the romans less worthy in particular concerning these lower provinces which made them for their valor and warlike minds , stile them by the name of gallia belgica , and especially of the batavians , which were the hollanders and part of guelders . you may hear in what honorable terms he mentions them , where speaking of the several people of germany he saies , omniumharam gentium virtute praecipui batavi . nam nec tributis contemnuntur nec publicanus atterit : exempti oneribus & collationibus , et tantum in usum praeliorum sepositi , velut tela atque arma bellis reservantur . of all these nations the principal in valiant vertue are the batavians : for neither are they become despicable by paying of tribute , nor oppressed too much by the farmor of publick revenues ; but free from taxes and contributions of servility ; they are specially set apart for the fight , as armour and weapons only reserv'd for war . all this even at this day they seem to make good : for of all the world , they are the people that thrive and grow rich by the war , like the poropisce that plays in the storm , but at other times keeps sober under the water . war , which is the worlds ruin , and ravins upon the beauty of all , is to them prosperity and ditation . and surely the reason of this is their strength in shipping , the open sea , their many fortified towns , and the country by reason of its lowness and plentifull irriguation becoming unpassable for an army when the winter but approaches . otherwise it is hardly possible that so small a parcell of mankind , should brave the most potent monarch of christendome , who in his own hands holds the mines of the wars sinews , money , and hath now got a command so wide , that out of his dominions the sunne can neither rise nor set . the whole seventeen provinces are not above a thousand english miles in circuit . and in the states hands there is not seven of those . yet have they in the field sometimes 60000 souldiers , besides those which they alwaies keep in garrison , which cannot be but a considerable number neer thirty thousand more . there being in the whole countries above two hundred wall'd towns & cities . so that if they have people for the war , one would wonder where they should get money to pay them ; they being when they have an army in the field at a thousand pound a day charge extraordinary . to maintain this , their excize is an unwasted mine , which with the infinitness of their trafick , and their untired industrie , is by every part of the world in something or other contributed to . the sea yields them by two sorts of fish only , her rings and cod , ●● sixty thousand pound per annum ; for which they go out some times seven or eight hundred boats at once , and for greater ships they are able to set out double the number . their merchandise amounted in guicciardines time to fourteen millions per annum . whereas england which is in compass almost as large again , and hath the ocean as a ring about her , made not above six millions yearly : so sedulous are these bees to labour and inrich their hive . as they on the sea , so the women are busie on land in weaving of nets , and helping to add to the heap . and though a husbands long absence might tempt them to lascivious wayes : yet they hate adultery , and are resolute in matrimonial chastity . i do not remember that ever i read in story , of any great lady of that nation , that hath been tax'd with looseness . and questionless t is their everbeing busie makes them not have leisure for lust . t is idleness that is cupids nurse ; but business breaks his bow , and makes his arrowes useless . they are both merchants and farmers . and there act parts , which men can but discharge with us . as if they would shew that the soul in all is masculine , and not varied into weaker sex as are the bodies that they wear about them . whether this be from the nature of their country , in which if they be not laborious they cannot live ; or from an innate genius of the people by a superiour providence adapted to them of such a situation ; from their own inclination addicted to parsimony ; from custome in their way of breeding ; from any transcendency of active parts more than other nations ; or from being in their country , like people in a city besieged , whereby their own vertues do more compact and fortifie ; i will not determine . but certainly in generally they are the most painfull and diligent people on earth : and of all other the most truly of vesp asians opinion , to think , that exre qualibet bonus odor lucri ; be it raised from what it will , the smell of gain is pleasant . yet they are in some sort gods , for they fet bounds to the sea : and when they list let it pass them . even their dwelling is a miracle . they live lower than the fishes . in the very lap of the floods , and incircled in their watry arms . they are the israelites passing through the red sea . the waters wall in them , and if they set open their sluces shall drown up their enemies . they have strugled long with spains pharoah , and they have at length inforced him to let them go . they are a gideons army upon the march again . they are the indian rat , knawing the bowels of the spanish crocodile , to which they got when he gap'd to swallow them . they are a serpentwreathed about the legs of that elephant they are the little sword fish piicking the bellies of the whale . they are the wane of that empire , which increas'd in isabella , and in charles the 5th . was at full . they are a glass wherein kings may see that though they be soveraigns over lives and goods , yet when they usurpe upon gods part , and will be kings over conscience too , they are somtimes punisht with loss of that which lawfully is their own . that religion too fiercely urg'd is to stretch a string till it not onely jars , but cracks ; and in the breaking , whips ( perhaps ) the streiners eye out . that an extreme taxation is to take away the hony , while the bees keep the hive , whereas he that would take that , should first either burn them , or drive them out . that tyrants in their government , are the greatest traitors to their own states . that a desire of being too absolute is to walk upon pinacles and the tops of pyramides , where not only the footing is full of hazard , but even the sharpness of that they tread on may runne into their foot and woundthem . that too much to regrate on the patience of but tickle subjects , is to press a thorne till it prick your finger . that nothing makes a more desperate rebell than a prerogative inforced too far . that liberty in man is as the skin to the body not to be put off , but together with life . that they which will command more than they ought , shall not at last command so much as is fit . that moderate princes sit faster in their regalities , than such as being but men , would yet have their power over their subjects , as the gods unlimited . that oppression is an iron heat till it burns the hand . that to debar some states of antient priviledges ; is for a falcon to undertake to beat a flock of wild-geese out of the fens . that to go about to compell a sullen reason to submit to a wilful peremptoriness is so long to beat a chain'd mastife into his kennell , till at last he turns and flies at your throat . that unjust pollicy is to shoot as they did at ostend into the mouth of a charged canon to have two bullets returned for one . that he doth but indanger himself , that riding with too weak a bit provokes a head strong horse with a spur . that t is safer to meet a valiant man weaponless , than almost a coward in armor . that even a weak cause with a strong castle , will boil salt blood to a rebellious itch. that t is better keeping a crazy body in an equal temper , than to anger humors by too sharp a physick . that admonitions from a dying man are too serious to be neglected . that there is nothing certain that is not impossible . that a cobler of ulushing was one of the greatest enemies that the king of spain ever had . to con●●lu●●e , the country it self is a moted castle keeping a garnish of the richest jewels of the world in 't ; the queen of bohemia and her princely children . the people in it are jews of the new testament , that have exchanged nothing but the law for the gospel : and this they rather profess than practise . together a man of war riding at anchor in the downs of germany . for forrein princes to help them is wise self-policy . when they have made them able to defend themselves against spain , they are at the pale , if they enable them to offend others they go beyond it . for questionless were this thorne out of the spaniards side he might be feared too soon to grasp his long intended monarchy . and were the spaniard but possessed lord of the low-countries , or had the states but the wealth and power of spain , the rest of europe might he like people at sea in a ship on fire ; that could only chuse whither they would drown or burn . now , their war is the peace of their neighbours . so rome when busied in her civil broiles , the parthians lived at rest ; but those concluded once , by caesar next are they designed for conquest . if any man wonder at these contraries , let him look in his own body for as many severall humors . in his own brain for as many different fancies . in his own heart for as various passions ; and from all hese he may learn , that there is not in all the world such another beast as man . finis . the treaty and alliance between the commissioners of the most christian king of france and navarre on one part, and the extraordinary ambassadors of the states general of the united-provinces of the low-countries on the other concluded and signed at paris the 27 april, 1662. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands 1662 apr. 27 france. 1662 approx. 68 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a40376 wing f2052a estc r28244 10456164 ocm 10456164 45120 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40376) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45120) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1384:44) the treaty and alliance between the commissioners of the most christian king of france and navarre on one part, and the extraordinary ambassadors of the states general of the united-provinces of the low-countries on the other concluded and signed at paris the 27 april, 1662. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands 1662 apr. 27 france. france. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands, 1662 april 27. 36 p. [s.n.], london printed : 1662. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -sources. netherlands -history -1648-1714. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the treaty and alliance between the commissioners of the most christian king of france and navarre , on one part , and the extraordinary ambassadors of the states general of the vnited-provinces of the low-countries on the other . concluded and signed at paris the 27. april 1662. london , printed in the year . 1662. the treaty and alliance , &c. the affection , which the most christian king hath alwaies had for the good and prosperity of the state of the united provinces of the low countries , following the example of the kings his predecessors ; and the passion ; which the lords the states general of the said provinces have alwayes preserved for the grandeur of france , together with the sentiments of acknowledgment for the considerable obligations and advantages , they have received from thence , have in such a manner maintained the good understanding between his majesty and the said lords states , and such a free and perfect correspondence between their subjects for many years passed , that it might be hoped , that the same would be continued by it self , without need of confirming the precedent confederations by any new treaty : yet notwithstanding , since his majesty will omit nothing of what may strengthen and perpetuate the ancient bond , and the said lords the states general wish to make it straighter , having for that end besought his said majesty by their extraordinary ambassadors for a renovation of alliance , to the maintaining of the peace , which his majesty and the said lords states have at present with all potentates and states of europe , and to the regulating the interests of particular subjects of the one and the other , as to commerce , navigation and sea affairs , by such laws and conventions , as are most proper to prevent all inconveniences , that might alter the good correspondence ; the lords , john baron of gent , lord of osterweed , lieutenant of the fiefs and primat of the country of foquement ; conrard of buningen , counsellour of the city of amsterdam , justus huybert counsellour and pensionary of the city of zricksee , and william borreel baron of vrenhove , vrendie , lord of ●tel and , duinb●ke and ●ere●●m , &c ▪ extraordinary ambassadors of the said lords states of the united provinces of the low countries , have to this effect exhibited to the ministers of his majesty their powers , whereof a copy is here beneath inserted , for the negotiation and conclusion of the said alliance ; whereupon his majesty having been pleased to nominate my lord peter seguier count of gien , duke of villemur , peer and chancellor of france , and the lords , nicholas of neufville , duke of villeroy , peer and marshall of france , knight of his majesties orders , and chief of the counsel royal of the exchequer , henry august of lomenie , count of brienne and montbrun , and michel tellier marquess of louvoy , lord of chavigny , both counsellors , ministers and secretaries of state and of his majesties commands , and commanders of his orders ; huge of lionne marquess of fresne , lord of berny , and also counsellor and minister of state , and commander of the said orders , and louys henry of lomenie , count of brienne , and baron of pongy , counsellor also and secretary of state and of his majesties commands , and john baptista colbert , counsellor of his majestie in all his counsels , and intendant of his treasury , for commissioners on his part , with power . ( whereof they have presented the original , and whereof a copy is here beneath transcribed ) to confer and treat concerning the said alliance , and to conclude it with the said ambassadors : it hath been agreed upon between the said lords commissioners in the name of his majesty on one part , and the said lords plempotentiaries of the lords the states general on the other , as follows : i. there shall henceforth be between the king and his successors kings of france and navarre and his kingdoms on one part , and the lords the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , and their states and lands appertaining and their subjects on the other , reciprocally a sincere , firm and perpetual amity and good correspondence , as well by sea as by land , in all things , and every where , as well without as within europe . ii. moreover , there shall be between his majesty and his successors kings of france , and his kingdoms , and the said lords states general and their states and lands appertaining , a straight alliance and faithfull confederation , to maintain and preserve mutually one another in the tranquillity , peace , amity and neutrality by sea and land , and in the possession of all the rights , franchises and liberties , which they enjoy or have right to enjoy , whether they are acquired to them , or may be acquired by them , by the treaties of peace , amity and neutrality , that have been formerly made , and that may be hereafter made joyntly and by a common concert of the other kings , republicks , princes and towns , yet all within the extent of europe only . iii. and so they promise and oblige themselves to warrant to one another not only all the treaties , which his majesty , and the said lords the states general have already made with other kings , republicks , princes and states , which are to be exhibited from both sides before the exchange of the ratifications ; but also all those , they may hereafter make joyntly and with common endeavours ; and to defend , assist and keep one another reciprocally in the possession of the lands and places , that belong at the present , and that hereafter shall belong as well to his majesty and his successors kings of france , as to the said lords the states general , by the said treaties , or within which the said states general have their garrisons , in what part of europe soever the said lands , towns and places be situated , in case that in all , what hath been before mentioned , his majesty and the said lords the states general come to be troubled or attackt by any hostility or open war. iv. the reciprocal obligation of mutual assistance and defence is also understood for the preserving and maintaining his said majesty , and the lords states general , their countries and subjects , in all their rights , possessions , immunities and liberties , as well of navigation , as of trade and fishing , and others whatsoever , by sea and by land , which shall be found to appertain unto them by common right , or to be acquired by treaties made or to be made in the manner abovementioned , towards and against all kings , princes , republicks or other soveraign states , in this sort , that if to the prejudice of the said tranquility , peace , amity and neutrality , present or future , his majesty or the said lords the states general , come to be hereafter attackt , or in any other way whatsoever troubled in the possession and enjoyment of the states , lands , towns , places , rights , immunities and liberties of trade , navigation , fishing , or others whatsoever , which his majesty or the said lords the states general do at the present enjoy or shall have right to enjoy , either by common right , or by the treaties already made or that may be made , as above , his majesty and the said lords the states general , being advertised of it and required one of the other , shall joyntly do what possibly they can , to make the trouble and hostility cease , and to repair the wrongs or injuries , that may have been done to either of the allies . v. and in case the said attacking or trouble be followed by an open rupture , he of the two allies , that shall not be attackt , shall be obliged to break , four moneths after the first requiring made by him , who shall be in a rupture already : during which time he shall use all endeavours by his ambassadors or other ministers to mediate an equitable accommodation between the assaylant or disturber , and the assailed or troubled ; and yet notwithstanding shall give , during the said time , a puissant succour to his ally , such as shall be agreed upon by separate articles between his majesty and the said lords the states general , which , though no mention be made of them in the present treaty , shall be kept and observed , as if they were there inserted or written ; it remaining notwithstanding , after the said time of four moneths expired , at the choice of him of the allies , that shall be in rupture , to continue to enjoy of the fruit of the same succours , in case the conjuncture of the time and the constitntion of his affairs might make him to prefer the effect thereof before the open rupture of his ally . vi. the reciprocal warranties being in this manner established and promised , when one of the allies shall be attackt or troubled , if the state of the united provinces should come so to be , and should find themselves obliged to enter into open war , his majesty shall likewise be obliged to break with the aggressour or troubler , and to employ all his power and all his forces , when it shall be judged fit , to reduce the common enemy to an honest safe and equitable accommodation with france and the said united provinces . vii . and in this case , the forces of his most-christian majesty and of the said lords the states general , shall act joyntly or separately according to what shall be then more particularly agreed upon between his said majesty , and the said lords the states general , who are to advise and resolve together about the most proper means to discommode the common enemy , by way of diversion or otherwise , to the end , as hath been said , the sooner to reduce him to an accommodation . viii . the like to what is contained in the two immediately preceding articles , shall be done by the said lords the states , in case france be attackt or troubled in the manner above mentioned . ix . when once open war shall be found with the two allyes , according to the present treaty , there may not afterwards , by either of the two allyes , be made any suspension of arms with him , that shall have been declared and owned a common enemy , but joyntly and with common consent . x. but if it fall out , that a negotiation be entred upon , for the treating of peace or truce of some years , the same shall not be begun by one of the allyes without the participation of the other , and without procuring for him and at the same time , when for himself , the power and security required and necessary to send his ministers to the place of the said treaty ; and without giving successively from time to time a communication of all that shall pass in the said negotiation , and neither one nor the other shall pass to the conclusion of the said peace or truce , without comprehending his ally and making him to be restored , if he so desire it , into the possession of the countries , lands and places , and enjoyments of the rights and immunities , which he held and enjoyed before the war ; and without stipulating from the common enemy for the ally the same immunities , exemptions and other prerogatives , as for himself , unlesse the allyes agree about it otherwise . xi . it shall be permitted to him of the allyes , that shall be attackt , to leavy all sorts of soldiers and marriners , within the state of the other alley , yet so that it be done in due form , and that it may be done without a considerable prejudice of him , in whose state the said leavies shall be made . xii . if there should fall out by inadvertency , or otherwise , some non-observations or contraventions to the present treaty from his said majesty , or the said lords the states general , and their successors , or others , that shall also hereafter have entred into this alliance , it shall nevertheless subsist in its whole force , without coming for that cause to a rupture of the confederation , amity and good correspondence , but the said contreventions are presently to be repaired , and if they proceed from the fault of some particular subjects , they alone shall be punished and chastised for it . xiii . and the better to assure for the future the commerce and friendship between the subjects of the said king , and the said lords the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , it hath been accorded and agreed upon , that in case hereafter there fall out an interruption of amity or a rupture between the crown of france and the said lords the states of the united provinces of the low countries ( which god forbid ) there shall alwayes be six moneths time , after the said rupture , given to the subjects of either side to withdraw themselves with their estates , and to transport them where they shall think fit : which shall be permitted them to do ; as also to sell and transport their goods and moveables with all freedom , without any bodies power to give them any hindrance , or to proceed , during that time of six moneths , to the making of any seizure of their estates , and less to the arresting of their persons . xiv . and forasmuch as his majesty and the said lords the states are at the present in peace and good correspondence with all the kings , republicks , princes and states of europe , they have thought fit expresly to declare , that they understand not , that this allyance obliges them to break at the present or to enter into war with any of the said kings , republicks , princes and states . xv. in vertue of the present alliance , as well his majesty , as the lords the states general , shall faithfully procure and advance the good and prosperity of one another , by all support , aid , counsels and real assistances , upon all occasions , and at all times , and they shall not consent to any treaties or negotiations , that may bring dammage to one or the other , but shall break and divert them , and give reciprocally with care and sincerity notice of them as soon as they shall know of it . xvi . the subjects of his said majesty , and those of the said lords the states general , shall not exercise any kind of hostility , nor violence , for the time to come , one against the other , as well at sea as land , or upon the rivers , roads and sweet waters , under what name or pretence soever . and so likewise the subjects of his majesty shall not have power to take any commissions for being private men of war , or letters of mart , from princes or states , that are enemies of the said lords the states general , much less to trouble or any way annoy them by vertue of such commissions , or letters of mart , nor so much as go out with them , under pain to be pursued and punished like pyrats . which shall reciprocally be observed by the subjects of the united provinces in reference to the subjects of his majesty : and to this end , as often as it shall be required , by either part , there shall be in the territories under his majesties obedience , and in the united provinces , most express and most strict ● prohibitions published and renewed , by no means to use such commissions or letters of mart , under the before-mentioned pain , which shall be severely executed against all offenders herein , besides the entire restitution and reparation , to which they shall be obliged towards those , to whom they have caused any damage . xvii . all letters of mart , that heretofore may have been granted for what cause soever , are delared null , and there shall hereafter none of them be given by either of the said allies to the prejudice of the subjects of the other , unless it only be in case of manifest denyal of justice , which shall not be counted to be verified , if the request of him that demands the said letters of mart , be not communicated to the minister , that shall be found upon the place of that state , against whose subjects they should be given , to the end that within the terme of four moneths , or sooner , if possible , he may inform of the contrary , or procure the fulfilling of justice , that shall be due . xviii . neither shall the particular subjects of his majesty be sued or arrested in their persons and goods for any thing , that his majesty may owe ; nor the particular subjects of the said lords the states general , for the publick debts of the said states . xix . the subjects and inhabitants of the countries under the obedience of his majesty , and the said lords the states general , shall live , converse and frequent one with the others in all good amity and correspondence , and shall enjoy amongst them the liberty of commerce and of navigation in europe , in all the limits of the states of either , of all sorts of merchandises and commodities , whereof the trading and transportation is not generally and universally prohibited to all , as well subjects as strangers , by the laws and ordinances of the states of either . xx. and to this effect , the subjects of his majesty and those of the said lords the states general may freely frequent with their commodities and ships , the countries , territories , towns , ports , places and rivers , of either state , to carry and to sell there to all persons indifferently , to buy , traffick , and transport all sorts of wares and commodities , whereof the coming in or going out and transporting shall not be forbidden to all subjects of his majesty or of the said lords the states general , without that this reciprocal freedom shall be limited and restrained by any priviledge , grant , or other particular concession ; excepting only oyls of whales , which the subjects of the said lords the states general shall not carry and sell in france , to the prejudice of the priviledge granted to the company established for the catching of whales and the selling of the said oyls , as long the time , expressed in the said priviledge , by the king already given , shall last : in the mean-while , the subjects of either shall notwithstanding pay all what is due by custome , and other impositions , that may be laid on by his majesty and his successors , or by the said lords the states general , within the countries under their obedience in europe , without that the said subjects of either side shall be obliged to pay greater or other dues , charges , customs or impositions whatsoever upon their persons , goods , commodities , ships or fraights thereof , directly or indirectly , under what name , title or pretext whatsoever , than those , that shall be paid by the proper and natural subjects of either . xxi . the ships of war of either , shall alwayes find the roads , rivers , ports and havens , free and open to enter , go out , and ride at ancher as long as they shall need it , without being visited ; yet with this condition , that they shall with discretion cease to do so , and shall not give any cause of jealousie by a too long and affected stay , nor otherwise , to the governors of the said places and ports , to whom the captains of the said ships shall give notice of the cause of their arrival and of their stay . xxii . the ships of war of his majesty , and of the said lords the states general and those of their subjects , that shall have been armed as men of war , shall with all freedom carry the prises , they shall have taken from their enemies , whither they shall think good , without being obliged to any dues either by the admirals , or the admiralty , or any others : without also that the said ships or the said prises , entring into the havens or ports of his majesty , or of the said lords the states general , may be arrested or seised upon , nor that the officers of the places shall take notice of what the prises are worth , which may go out and be most freely brought to the places expressed in the commissions , which the captains of the said ships of war shall be obliged to shew : and , on the contrary , there shall not be given any refuge or retreat in their havens or ports to th●se , that shall have taken prises from the said subjects of his majesty , or from the said lords the states general ; but being therein entred by necessity of storm or danger at sea , they are to be sent away as soon as it shall be possible . xxiii . the subjects of the said lords the states general shall not be reputed aubains in france , and shall be exempt from the law of aubaine , and have power to dispose of their goods by testament , donation or otherwise , and their heirs , subjects of the said states , being in france as well as elsewhere , shall obtain their successions , even ab intestato , though they have not got any letters of naturalization , without that the effect of this graunt shall be contested with them , or they hindred therein under the pretence of any right or prerogative of provinces , towns or private persons : and the subjects of the said lords the states may likewise , without the said letters of naturalization settle themselves with all liberty , in all the towns of the kingdom , there to drive their commerce and traffick , yet without having power , there to acquire the right of free denizons , unlesse they have obtained letters of naturalization from his majesty in good form : and those of the united provinces shall generally be treated as his own and natural subjects , and not be counted strangers . and all what is contained in the present article shall be observed , in respect of the kings subjects , in the countries under the obedience of the said lords the states . xxiv . the ships laden by one of the allies , passing before the coasts of the other , and staying in the roads or ports by storm or otherwise , shall not be constrained there to unload , or to sell their commodities , or a parcel thereof ; nor obliged to pay any customs , unlesse they there discharge any of their commodities voluntarily and of their own accord . xxv . the masters of ships , their pilots , officers , souldiers , marriners , and other seamen , the ships themselves or the commodities and wares , they may be loaden with , shall not be seised nor arrested by vertue of any general or particular order of whomsoever , or for what cause or occasion soever , nor even under the pretence of the conservation and defence of the state : and generally nothing shall be taken from the subjects of either side , but by the consent of those , to whom it shall belong , and by paying ready mony for the things , that shall be desired of them : wherein notwithstanding it is not understood to comprehend the seisures and arrests , made by order and authority of justice , and by the ordinary wayes and course thereof , and for legal debts , contracts and other legitime causes , for the sake whereof it shall be proceeded according to law and the formes of justice . xxvi . all the subjects and inhabitants of france shall with all safety and liberty exercise their navigation and traffick in all the kingdomes , countries and states , that are and shall be in peace , amity or neutrality with france , without that they shall be troubled or disquieted in this liberty by the ships , galleyes , frigots , boats or other sea-vessels , belonging to the said lords the states or to any of their subjects , upon occassion of the hostilities , which hereafter might fall out between the said lords the states general and the said kingdoms , countries and states , or any of them , that are or shall be in peace , amity , or neutrality with france . xxvii this transport and this traffick is to be extended to all sorts of commodities , except those of contrebande . xxviii . by this kind of commodities of contrebande is only understood to be comprehended all kinds of firing arms and other assortments thereof , as canons , carriages , musquets , mortars , petards , bombes , granado's , saucidges , forks , bandiliers , pouder , match , saltpetre , balles , piques , swords , morions , casques , curasses , hallebards , javelins , horses , horse-saddles , pistols , pistol-cases , belts , and other assortments serving for the use of war. xxix . there shall not be comprehended in this kind of commodities of contrebande , corn , or other grains , all manner of pulse , oyles , lents , salt , nor generally all what belongs to the food and sustentation of a town ; but they shall remain free as all wares and commodities , not comprehended in the precedent article , and the transportation of them shall be permitted , even to the places , that are enemies to the said lords the states , except to the towns and places that are besieged , blocked up or surrounded . xxx . for the execution of what is abovesaid , it hath been agreed , that it shall be done in manner following : that the ships and boats with the wares of the subjects of his majesty , being entred into some havens of the said lords the states , and willing to pass to those of the said enemies , shall be obliged only to shew to the officers of the haven of the said lords the states , whence they shall depart , their pastports , containing the specification of the charge of their ships , attested and marked with the ordinary sign and seal , and acknowledged by the officers of the admiralty of the place , whence they go first , with a declaration of the place , whether they are bound ; all in the ordinary and accustomed forme ; after which exhibition of their passports in the form aforesaid , they shall not be molested , searched , detained nor retarded in their voyages , under what pretence soever . xxxi the same shall be observed in respect of the french ships and boats , that shall go into any roads of the lands under the obedience of the said lords the states , without being willing to enter into the havens , or in case they enter there , without being willing to disembarque or to break their charges ; which shall not be obliged to give account of their carga , but in case there be a suspition , that they carry to the enemies of the said lords the states , commodities of contrebande , ashath been said above . xxxii . and in case of apparent suspition , the said subjects of his majesty shall be obliged to shew in the ports their passeports , in the forme above specified . xxxiii . that if they were entred into the roads , or were met at sea by some ships of the said lords the states , or by private men of war , their subjects ; the said ships of the united provinces , to avoid all disorder , are not to approach nearer to the french , then at the distance of a canon shot , and they are to send their little boat or chalupe aboard of the french ships or boats , and to cause only two or three men to enter , to whom the pass-ports and sea-letters are to be shown by the master or patron of the french vessel in the manner before specified , according to the formul of the said sea-letters , which shall be inserted at the end of this treaty : by which pass-ports and sea-letters it may appear , not only what is his lading , but also the place of his abode and residence , and the name as well of the master and patron , as the ship it self ; to the end that by these two means it may be known , whether they carry commodities of contrebande , and it may sufficiently appear , what is as well the quality of the said ship , as that of the master and patron : to which pass-ports and sea-letters entire faith and credit is to be given ; and to know the better their validity , and that they may not in any way be falsified and conterfeited , there are to be given certain marks and contre-seals of his majesty and the said lords the states general . xxxiv . and in case the said french vessels and boats , bound for the havens of the enemies of the said lords the states , there be found by the forementioned means some wares and commodities of those , that are above declared to be of contrebande , and prohibited , they are to be unloaden , denounced , and confiscated before the judges of the admiralty of the united provinces , or other competent judges , yet without seizing or confiscating in any manner the ship and boat , or other goods , wares and commodities , that are free and permitted , found in the same vessel . xxxv . it hath further been accorded and agreed upon that whatsoever shall be found laden by the subjects of his majesty in a ship of the enemies of the said lords the states , although they be not wares of contrebande , shall be confiscated with all that shall be found in the said ships without exception or reserve ; but on the other side also , all shall be free , what shall be , and be found in the ships appartaining to the subjects of the most christian king , though the loading or part thereof belong to the enemies of the said lords the states , except the wares of contrebande , in reference to which , it is to be regulated according to what hath been ordered in the precedent articles . xxxvi . all the subjects and inhabitants of the said united provinces shall reciprocally enjoy the same rights , liberties and exemptions in their traffick and commerce , in the ports , roads , seas and states of his said majesty , what hath just now been said , shall be enjoyed by the subjects of his majesty in those of the said lords the states , and in the open sea : it being to be understood , that the equality shall be every way reciprocal on either side ; and even in case , that hereafter the said lords the states should be in peace , amity and neutrality with any kings , princes and states , that should become enemies to his majesty ; each of the two parties being reciprocally to use the same conditions and restrictions , expressed in the articles of the present treaty , that regard traffick and commerce . xxxvii . and the more to assure the subjects of the said lords the states , that no violence shall be done to them by the said vessels of war , prohibition shall be made to all captains of the vessels of the king , and to other subjects of his majesty , not to molest nor to annoy them in any thing whatsoever , under pain of being punished and engaged in their persons and goods for the dammages and interests , suffered and to be suffered , to the last restitution and reparation . xxxviii . and for this cause , shall hereafter all captains and armed men be obliged , every one of them , before their depart , to give good and solvable caution , before competent judges , of the sum of fifteen thousand livers tournois , to answer every one of them in solidum of the ill deportments , which they may commit in their courses , and for the breaches made by their captains and officers , of the present treaty , and of the ordinances and edicts of his majesty , that are to be published by vertue and conformably to the disposition of the same , under pain of a forfeiture and nullity of the said commissions and leaves : which shall likewise be practised by the subjects of the lords the states general . xxxix . if it should fall out , that any of the said french captains should take a vessel laden with the said commodities of countreband , as is said , the said captains shall not cause to be opened or broken , the trunks , mails , balls , budgets , tonns , or chests , or to be transported , sold or changed , or otherwise alienated ; but that first , they shall be set on shoar in the presence of the judges of the admiralty , and an inventary be made by them of the said commodities , found in the said vessels , unless that the goods of countrebande making but a part of the carga , the master or patron of the ship should think good and agree to deliver the said countreband-goods to the said captain , and to pursue his voyage ; in which case the said master or patron shall in no wise be hindred from persuing his course and the design of his voyage . xl. his majesty desiring , that the subjects of the said lords the states general may be treated , in all the countries under his obedience , as favourably as his own subjects , shall give all the orders necessary to make all judgments and decrees , that are to be given upon the prises , that shall have been taken at sea , to be rendred with all justice and equity , by persons un-suspected and dis-interest in the matter in question ; and his majesty is to give precise and effectual orders , that all the decrees , judgments and orders of justice already given or to be given , may speedily and duly be executed according to their forms . xli . and when the ambassadors of the said lords the states general , or any other of their publick ministers , that shall be at the court of his majesty , shall make complaints of the said judgments , that shall have been given , his majesty shall cause a review to be made of the said judgments in his counsel , to examine , whether the orders and precautions , contained in the present treaty , shall have been followed and observed , and to provide for it according to reason : which is to be done within the space of three moneths at most ; and yet notwithstanding , neither before the first judgment , nor after that of the revision , shall the goods and commodities , that shall be reclaimed , be sold or unladen , unless it be by the consent of the interessed parties to avoid the spoiling of the said commodities . xlii . when a process shall be made in the first and second instance , between those , that shall have taken prises at sea , and those that are interessed therein , and that the said interessed persons shall come to obtain a judgment or decree favourable , the said judgment or decree is to have its execution under caution , notwithstanding the appeal of him that shall have taken the prise , but not on the contrary . and what is said in the present and precedent articles to cause good and speedy justice to be rendred to the subjects of the united provinces concerning the prises taken at sea by the subjects of his majesty , is to be understood and practised by the lords the states general in respect of the prises made by their subjects upon those of his majesty . xliii . his majesty and the said lords the states general shall have power at all times to cause to be built or fraighted , within the countries of one and the other , such number of ships , whether for war or trade , as they shall think good ; as also to buy such quantity of ammunition of war , as they shall need ; and they are to employ their authority , that the said bargains of ships and buyings of ammunition be made bonâ fide and at a reasonable rate : but neither his majesty nor the said lords the states general are to give the same permission to the enemies of one another , in case the said enemies be attacking or invading . xliv . it happening that the ships of war , or of merchants , be east away by storm or other accident upon the coasts of either of the allyes , the said ships , tacklings , goods and wares , and what shall be saved , or come of it , if the said things , being perishable , have been sold , all of it being reclaimed by the proprietors , or others , charged and impowred by them , within a year and a day , shall be restored without form of process , paying only the reasonable charges , and what shall be ordered between the said allyes for the duties of saving ; and in case of contervention to the present article , his majesty and the said lords the states general promise , effectually to employ their authority to cause with all severity to be chastised those of their subjects , that shall be found guilty of the inhumanities , that have been sometimes committed , to their great regret , in the like rancontres . xlv . his majesty and the said lords the states general shall not receive nor suffer their subjects to receive , within any of the countries under their obedience , any pirats or such as go with one or more false commissions , whosoever they may be , but they shall cause them to be pursued , and punished , or driven out of their ports : and the ships robbed , as the goods taken by the said pyrats and false-commissionated men , that shall be in being , are to be presently and without forme of process freely restored to the proprietors that shall reclaim them . xlvi . the inhabitants and subjects of one and the other part , shall have power , every where within the lands under the obedience of the said king and of the said lords the states , to cause themselves to be served by such advocates , procters , notaries , and sollicitors , as shall seem good to them : unto which also they shall be commisionated by the ordinary judges , when need shall be , and when the said judges shall be demanded it . and it shall be permitted to the said subjects and inhabitants on either side , to keep in the places where they shall make their aboade , books of their traffick and correspondence , in that language which they shall think good , without being , for this cause , disquieted or searched . xlvii . the said lord king , as also the said lords the states general , shall have power to establish , for the conveniency of their subjects , trafficking in the kingdomes and states of one another , consuls of the nation of their said subjects , which shall enjoy the rights , liberties and franchises , that appartain to them , for the exercise of their employment : and the establishment thereof shall be made in such places , where by common consent it shall be judged necessary . xlviii . his majesty and the said lords the states general shall not permit , that any vessel of warr , nor any other , set out by the commission and for the service of any prince , republick or town whatsoever , come to make any prise within the ports , havens , or any rivers belonging to them , upon the subject of either . and in case this happen , his majesty and the said lords the states general , shall employ their authority and their forces to cause restitution or reparation to be made according to reason . xlix . one of the allyes shall not assist the attacking enemies of the other , present or future , neither by sea nor by land , neither with men , nor money , victuals , ammunition , ships , or other things , that might strengthen them , conserving notwithstanding the free course of trade and navigation between the subjects of one allie with the enemy of the other , conformably to the precedent articles . l. and to the end , that as well his said majesty , as the said lords the states general , may be wholly assured of the effect , and real and vigorous execution of the present confederation , they declare , that they have no treaty nor agreement contrary to this confederation , that may hinder them in any wise from a sincere executing the present treaty in all its points and articles . li. the present treaty of alliance as well , as of commerce , navigation and sea affairs , shall last twenty and five years , beginning from the day of the signature : yet so to be understood , that if peradventure an entry were made into an actual performance of the warranty , by rupture or assistance in favour of one's ally , by vertue of this treaty , before the expiration of the said twenty and five years ; the treaty shall continue and subsist in its force and vigour in all its points , until an end be made of the war in the manner above specifi'd . lii . the ratifications of this treaty are to be given in good form , and exchanged by one and the other part , within the space of three moneths , to reckon from the day of the signature . caesar duke of vandosme , mercaeur , beaufort , pentbieure and estampes , prince of anet & martigues , peer and great master , chief and surintendant general of the navigation and traffick of france and the countries reconquered : to all those , that shall see the present letters , greeting : we give notice , that we have given leave and permission to ............ master and conductor of the ship , called .......... of the town of ........... of the burthen of ........ tonnes or thereabout , being at present in the port and haven ........... , to go to ......... laden with ............ who , after that visitation shall have been made of his ship , before his departure shall take oath before the officers , that exercise the jurisdiction of maritime causes , how that the said vessel belongs to one or more subjects of his majesty , whereof the formul shall be set down here beneath ; as also , that he will keep , and cause to be kept , by those of his equipage , the orders and rules of sea-affairs , and cause record to be made , signed and certified , containing the names and sirnames , the birth and aboade of the men of his equipage , and of all those , that shall embarque themselves , which he shall not take on board without the knowledge and permission of the officers of marine affairs : and that in every port and haven , where he shall enter with his ship , he will shew to the officers and judges of the sea affairs the present leave , and give them a faithful report of what shall have been done and passed during his voyage : and that he will carry the flaggs , armes and colours of the king , and ours , during his voyage . in witness wherof we have set down our signe and seal to these present , and cause them to be countersigned by the secretary of marine affairs .......... act ......... the day ...... one thousand six hundred ...... it was signed caesar de vandosme ; and lower , by my lord ; signed matarel , and sealed with the seal of the armes of the said lord admiral . a formul of the act concerning the oath . morice ........ of the admiralty of ...... we certify that ....... master of the ship named in the pasport above mentioned , hath taken the oath therein expressed . act ....... the ......... day of ...... a formul of the letters , that are to be given , in the sea townes and ports of the vnited provinces , to the ships and boats , that will go out to sea , following the above-mentioned article . to the most serene , most illustrious , illustrious , most potent , most noble , noble , honourable and prudent lords , emperours , kings , republicks , princes , dukes , counts , barons , lords , consuls and sherieffs , counsellors , judges , officers , justiciaries and regents of all good towns and places , as well ecclesiasticks as seculars , who shall see or read these patents ; we the consuls and regents of the town ......... give notice that ........... master of the ship ........... appearing before us , hath declared by a solemn oath , that the ship named ......... big of about ............... tonnes , of which he is at the present master , belongs to the inhabitants of the united provinces , as god should help him , and as we should gladly see the said master of the ship assisted in his just affairs , so we beseech you all in general and in particular , where the said master with his ship and commodities shall arrive , that you would please to receive him beningly , and to treat him as it ought to be , suffering him , upon the usuall rights of customes and expences , in , through , and neer your ports , rivers and domaines , letting him sail , passe , frequent and traffick there , and where he shall find it for his purpose ; the which we shall willingly acknowledge . in witness whereof we have here set to it the seal of our town . ls the copy of the letters of plenipotence of the most christian king for the lords commissioners of his majesty for this treaty . louys , by the grace of god king of france and navarre , to all , that shall see these present , greeting . the affection and respects , which our dear and great friends , allies and confederates , the lords the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , testifie unto us upon all occasions , having made them resolve to depute to us the lords , jean baron of gent , lord of osterwede , lieutenant of the fiefs , and primate of the country of fauquement , conrard de buningen , counsellour of the city of amsterdam , justus de huybert , counsellour and pensionary of the town of ziricksee , all deputies in their assembly from the provinces of gueldres , holland and zeland , their ambassadors extraordinary , for joyntly with the lord william borreel knight , baron of vrenhove , vrendie , lord of steeland , duinbeke , peer-boom , &c. their ambassador ordinary , upon the occasion of the conclusion of the peace between us , and our dear and most beloved brother and uncle the king of spain , and of our marriage , to give us , by their congratulations and civilities , marks of the sence they have what concerns us ; they have also given them order , to make overtures to us of uniting themselves with us anew , by treaties of amity and confederation and commerce , suitable to the constitution of the time and of affairs , that may assure the lastingness of the peace , by a good and firm union between our states and theirs , and establish a mutual correspondence between our subjects , to make them taste the fruits thereof with advantage . whereof the said ambassadors having made declaration , we are very willing to hearken thereunto , and desirous to bring to it , what can be expected from us in this occurrence , we have thought fit , for the negotiating of these treaties to commit it to persons recommendable for their dignities , their sufficiencies and their own merits , and for this end , we have believed , we could not make a better and more worthy choice , then of the persons of our dearly-beloved and trusty , the lord seguier count of gien , knight , chancellour of france ; of our dear and well-beloved cousin the marshal duke of villeroy , and of our beloved and trusty counsellors in our counsels the lords counts of brienne and tellier , ministers and secretaries of state ; and of the lord marquess of lyonne , minister also of state , all commanders of our orders , and of the lord count of brienne the son , secretary also of state and of our commands ; and of the lord colbert counsellor in all our counsels and intendant of our treasury , of whom the experience and dexterity in the management of the most important affairs , and the fidelity and affection to our service , are equally known to us. to them , for these causes and others moving us thereunto , by the advice of our counsel , where were the queen our most honoured lady and mother , our dear and most beloved only brother the duke of orleans , and other princes of our blood , great and considerable personages of our counsel ; and by our certain knowledge , full power and royal authority , have given , and by these present , signed with our hand , do give full power , order and commission to hear , confer , negotiate , and treat in our name with the said lords ambassadors extraordinary and ordinary of the said lords the states general , instructed with powers sufficient for the same , of the conditions of a treaty of alliance and confederation , commerce , navigation , and marine affairs ; such as they shall judge to be most beneficial and sutable to the common good of our states and affairs , to agree about them , to resolve , decree and conclude them , and to sign the articles of them ; promising upon the faith and word of a king , to hold for agreeable , firm and stable all , what by the said lords seguier knight , chancellor of france , and by our said cousin the duke of villeroy , and by the said lords the counts of brienne , tellier , lyonne , brienne the son , and colbert , all together , or by the greatest part , in case of absence , and sickness or lawfull impediment , of any of them , shall have been agreed upon and signed , and to ratifie it in the best forme , that may be , and to deliver of it the letters of ratification , in the terms and the manner , that shall have been prescribed and regulated by the said treaty . for , such is our pleasure : in witness whereof we have caused our seal to be annexed to these present : given at paris the tenth day of april , in the year of grace , one thousand six hundred and sixty one , and of our reign the eighteenth . signed , louys , and lower upon the turning in of the paper , by the king , philippeaux , and sealed upon the double fringe of the great seal of yellow wax . the copy of the letters of plenipotence of the lords the states general of the vnited provinces of the low countries , for their ambassadors extraordinary for this treaty . the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , to all that shall see these present , greeting . having given proof of the affection , we have for the tranquility of christendom , in the peace , that hath been lately concluded in the north , we think we ought to make it firm , by treating with the most-christian king a streight , good , sincere , lasting and mutual amity , union and alliance , for the reciprocal defence and conservation of the states and subjects of one another , of their liberties , and franchises , particularly in the matter of sea-affairs , navigation and traffick , and generally of all their common interests against all those , that would trouble or hinder them in it , by sea or land. to which being willing to bring all what can be expected from us , we have resolved to send into france an extraordinary ambassy , composed of persons of quality , to treat in our name with the said king , or with the commissioners , which his majesty shall please to name for this purpose . and knowing , that for this end we can make no better choyce , then of the lords jean baron of gent lieutenant of the fiefs , and primate of the country of fauquemont , conrard de beuningen counsellor of the city of amsterdam , and justus de huybert counsellor and pensionary of the town of ziricksee , all deputies in our assembly from the provinces of gueldres , holland and zeeland , as well for the great knowledge , they have of publick affairs , as of that , which we have of their sufficiency , prudence and fidelity , we , for these reasons and others moving us thereto , have given and do give by these presents , full power , authority , commission and special command , to the said lord of gent , beuningen , and huybert , and to every one of them in particular , in case by reason of sickness or other impediment they could not all be present at the treaty , for , from us and in our name , in the quality of ambassadors extraordinary , joyntly with the lord william borreel , lord of duinbeke , &c. our ambassadour in ordinary at the court of france , to make and conclude the said treaty of defensive allyance , marine affairs , navigation and commerce with the said most christian majesty , separately , or joyntly with the king of great brittain , and for that effect to conferre with his majesty , or with the commissioners , which he shall please to name ; as also to agree , promise , resolve , conclude and decree together all what shall be thought fit and necessary for the common good of france and this republick , yea and to compose and signe a treaty of it , to make and pass such instruments , acts and promises in good and due forme ; and generally to do all what we should do , if we were there present , even when a more special command should be necessary : promising sincerely and bona fide , to hold for good and to keep firme and stable all what the said lords ambassadors shall promise , agree upon , act , resolve and signe in the said treaty , to observe , accomplish and execute it inviolably , and never , whether directly or indirectly , in any wise whatsoever , to go against it ; but to cause our letters and ratifications of it to be expedited in the most authentick forme that can be , and when it shall be necessary . given at the hague in our assembly under our great seal , of our secretary of state , the fifth of october , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred and sixty . signed p. swanenburg , and lower upon the turning in of the paper , by order of the said lords the states generall mr. ruysch , and sealed upon the double fringe of the great seal of yellow waxe . in faith whereof , we , the commissioners and ambassadours above said , in vertue of our respective powers , have in the said names signed these presents with our ordinary seals , and have caused the seals of our armes to be put to it . at paris the 27 of april 1661. l s sequier . l s villeroy . l s de lomenie . l s tellier . l s de lionne . l s de lomenie . l s colbert . l s j. van gent. l s c. van beuningen l s j. van huybert . l s w. borreel . articles agreed upon , between the most christian king of france and navarre , and the lords the states general of the united provinces , serving for explication of the fifth article , as also of the third and fourth of the treaty of alliance of his majesty with the said lords the states general , concluded and decreed this day . i. the case of the above said fifth article hapning , the said lord king and his successors , shall be obliged to assist the said lords the states general of the united provinces , all and every time they shall be attackt or troubled , as it is more largely expressed in the said treaty , with a succours of twelve thousand foot , well armed , under such regiments , companies , colonels and other officers , as his said majesty shall think fit , and judge most proper for such an assistance , and he is to deliver and entertain the said succours at his own charge , for the service of the said lords the states general , all the time that he shall not be obliged to enter into rupture , according to the treaty and the said article of the same . also the lords the s●●●●s general shall be obliged reciprocally to assist the said lord king every time he shall be attackt or troubled in manner aforesaid , with a succours of six thousand foot , well armed , under such regiments , companies , collonels and other officers , as the said lords the states general shall think fit , and judge most proper for such an assistance , and they are to deliver and entertain them at their own charge , for the service of said lord king , all the time that they shall not be obliged to enter into rupture , according to the treaty and the said article of the same . ii. he that shall openly be attackt in manner abovesaid , shall have the liberty to take the succours either wholly in souldiers , or wholly in money , or a part of it in souldiers , and a part in ships , armes , ammunitions of warr , money , or other things proper for the use of war ; so that a thousand souldiers shall be rated at ten thousand livers a moneth , according to the course of the bank of amsterdam , counting twelve moneths in a year : and the payment thereof shall be made in the beginning of every moneth by equal portions ; in this manner , that in case the payment be made partly or wholly in money , the money is to be delivered at paris or amsterdam respectively : but in case the performance be made partly or wholly in ammunitions of warr , ships or other things proper for the use of war , the assisted shall be obliged to go himself and demand and receive the said ammunitions of war , or ships in the country of him , that is to assist or to furnish the succours . iii. when the succours shall be delivered in souldies , they are altogether to be submitted to the command and order of him to whom they shall be sent , to serve himself of them and to transport them to the places , he shall think good , by water and land , into the field , to seiges , to the guarding of places , and wherever either necessity or advantage shall require it . with this reserve notwithstanding , that these companies shall not be altogether separated from one another , but that they shall remain together under their ensignes ; at the least to the number of two or three hundred souldiers of every regiment . iv. after that the formed succours of souldiers shall be sent by the assistant , and received by the assisted , it shall be in the power of the assisted to supply the vacant offices , unto that of ensignes inclusively , beginning from the chief ; provided that the persons , upon whom the vacant offices shall be conferred , be chosen out of the troupes of the succours . v. when the necessity of affairs shall make it to be judged and known that the promised and accorded succours ought to be augmented , the said lord king and the lords the states general shall labour to agree together concerning it . vi. though in the treaty of the defensive allyance , accorded and concluded this day , between the commissioners of the most christian king , and the ambassadors extraordinary and ordinary of the states general of the united provinces , it be agreed upon , that the warranty , stipulated in the third and fourth article , shall extend it self to the whole state of the said united provinces , and to all the places , where they have their garrison , his majesty notwithstanding , in confideration of the alliance , which he hath with the lords , the elector of collen , and the duke of newbury , understands not to be obliged to the said warranty , in case that the said elector or duke , each a part and separately come to attack first the town of rhynburg , and the other the town of ravestein , with his own forces only : but , in case he there make use of the aid or assistance of any other potentat , prince , or state , whether in men , mony , or other manner whatsoever , directly or indirectly , or in case they act both joyntly , that in that case of assistance or conjunction the aforesaid warranty shall be obligatory in respect of the said princes , as it is against all others , without that the present exception shall be understood to extend it self to any case not expressed therein , to the prejudice of what is agreed upon in the said treaty . vii . forasmuch as the treaty of peace made between the king of portugal and the lords the states general of the united provinces is not yet ratified , and the warranty is not to be extended but to such treaties , as are passed in good and due form , it hath been agreed upon , that his majesty shall not be obliged to any warranty towards the said king of portugal , but after the said treaty made , or other , that may be made to finish the war , which they are at the present engaged in , be ratified as the other treaties , according as it is agreed . which articles shall have the same force and vigour , as if they were in serted in the body of the said general treaty passed this day . given at paris the 27. of april 1662. signed . l s seguier . l s villeroy . l s de lomenie . l s tellier . l s de lyonne . l s de lomenie . l s colbert . l s j. van gent. l s c. van buningen . l s j. van huybert . l s w. borreel . an article a part , touching the imposition of fifty sols per tonn upon the strangers-ships going out of the ports of france . it hath been stipulated on the part of the most christian king , and consented unto , by the lords the states general of the united provinces of the low countries , that the equality , that is to be precisely observed in regard of the subjects of either ally with the natives , in matter of customs , charges , impositions , according to the 20 th . article of the treaty of allyance , this day concluded , shall not derogate from the imposition of fifty sols per tonn , established in france upon stranges-ships ; and that the subjects of the lords the states of the united provinces shall be obliged to pay the same , as all other strangers , unless his majesty , upon the remonstrances , which hereafter may be made unto him from the said lords the states , in examining them with that great affection , wherewith his majesty is pleased to honour them , dispose otherwise thereof : but from this time forth necessary orders are to be by his majesty issued , to this end that the said imposition of fifty sols shall not be exacted from the ships of the subjects of the said united provinces but once for every voyage , in going out of the ports of his kingdom , and not in entring into it ; and that the said ships laden with salt , shall not pay but the half of the said fifty sols , on condition , that the said lords the states , thinking it fit to put the like imposition upon the ships of strangers in their country ( which shall remain free unto them ) are not to exceed , ●● regard of the subjects of his said majesty , the tax of what their subjects pay in france : the said 20 th ▪ article remaining as to all other customs , charges , and impositions present or to come , in its entire force and vigour , without its being to be limited or exceeded by any other exception or restriction , but what is here above expressed . which article apart , is to have the same force and vigour , as if it were inserted in the body of the said treaty general passed this day . given at paris the 27. of april . 1662. signed . sequier . villeroy . de lomeny . tellier . de lyonne . de lomeny . colbert . j. van gent. c. van beuningen . j. van huybert . w. borreel . finis . the dutch suruay vvherein are related and truly discoursed, the chiefest losses and acquirements, which haue past betweene the dutch and the spaniards, in these last foure yeares warres of the netherlands, with a comparatiue ballancing and estimation of that which the spaniards haue got in the dutchies of cleeue and iuliers, with that which they haue lost vnto the dutch and persians, in brasilia, lima, and ormus. vvhereunto are annext the mansfeldian motiues, directed vnto all colonels, lieuzanant-colonels, sergeant majors, priuate captaines, inferiour officers, and souldiers, whose seruice is engag'd in this present expedition, vnder the conduct and commaund of the most illustrious prince ernestus, earle of mansfield. w. c. 1625 approx. 70 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a17500 stc 4318 estc s107365 99843067 99843067 7775 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a17500) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 7775) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1129:27) the dutch suruay vvherein are related and truly discoursed, the chiefest losses and acquirements, which haue past betweene the dutch and the spaniards, in these last foure yeares warres of the netherlands, with a comparatiue ballancing and estimation of that which the spaniards haue got in the dutchies of cleeue and iuliers, with that which they haue lost vnto the dutch and persians, in brasilia, lima, and ormus. vvhereunto are annext the mansfeldian motiues, directed vnto all colonels, lieuzanant-colonels, sergeant majors, priuate captaines, inferiour officers, and souldiers, whose seruice is engag'd in this present expedition, vnder the conduct and commaund of the most illustrious prince ernestus, earle of mansfield. w. c. crosse, william, b. 1589 or 90, attributed name. [8], 36 p. printed by edward all-de, for nathaniel butter, at london : 1625. sometimes attributed to william crosse. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large 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subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mansfeld, peter ernst, -graf von, 1580-1626. netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -early works to 1800. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the dvtch svrvay . wherein are related and truly discoursed , the chiefest losses and acquirements , which haue past betweene the dutch and the spaniards , in these last foure yeares warres of the netherlands , with a comparatiue ballancing and estimation of that which the spaniards haue got in the dutchies of cleeue and iuliers , with that which they haue lost vnto the dutch and persians , in brasilia , lima , and ormus . vvhereunto are annext the mansfeldian motiues , directed vnto all colonels , lieutenant-colonels , sergeant majors , priuate captaines , inferiour officers , and souldiers , whose seruice is engag'd in this present expedition , vnder the conduct and commaund of the most illustrious prince ernestvs , earle of mansfield . at london printed by edward all-de , for nathaniel bvtter . 1625. to the right honovrable thomas lord cromwell , baron of oukeham in rutland-shire , vicount lecall in the kingdome of ireland , and one of his maiesties honourable priuie councell in that kingdome : and colonell of a regiment of foote vnder the most illustrious prince ernestvs earle of mansfield , w. c. wisheth that happinesse which he himselfe desireth . right honorable , i made bold to consecrate vnto your most iudicious censure , this dutch suruay or ballance , which if it proue waight in the ballance of your estimation , and appeare in the triall as free from errour as it is from partiality , the author shall thinke his endeuours fortunate . the motiues which inuited me to this dedication , were first of all your knowne zeale to equity and religion ; for the sacred priuiledges whereof , the netherlanders haue fought most resolutely for many yeares together to the wonder of their friends , to the terrour and astonishment of their mortall enemies : so that if we shall admire the greatnes of the heluetian cantons raised out of the ruines of the house of austria , or the fortune of the venetian cōmon-wealth , erected out of the reliques of the romane empire declining in italy , we may iustly wonder at the swelling power of this estate , ordayned by god in this latter age , to checke the greatnes of castile , whose seuere and rigorous dealing made them first to quit the yoake , and vindicate their liberty from philips tyrannie and oppression . the next motiue which imboldned me to this attempt , was your gracious promise made vnto me by the mediation of a noble gentleman , for farthering me with a place according to my calling , in this new intended iourney : which if i may enioy vnder your honors fauour and commaund , i hope that god will so assist me with his grace , that the bent of my meane endeuours shall wholy tend to the seruice of god , my country , and your honoured selfe . vnto this discourse is added , besides a briefe encouragement vnto those , who are designed for vndertakers in this expedition vnder count mansfield ; the which i doe not , because i thinke their resolutions to neede the spurre , for ours commonly are so forward , that they neede the bridle , but that those spirits who are either ignorant or iealous of the motiues , may rectif●e their mindes by the knowledge and consideration of them . thus desiring your honours fauourable acceptance , i leaue and rest , your most obliged seruant . vv. c. to the reader . gentle reader , thou maist behold in this discourse a true suruay of those more remarkable losses and acquirements which haue past betweene the dutch and the spaniards , since the expiration of the last truce , which ended with the beginning of the yeare 1621. thou maist behold also a true counterpoise or comparatiue ballancing of the same , wherein it doth most plainely appeare , that the dutch haue not onely not beene loosers in these latter and time neerer warres of the netherlands , but for diuers aduantageous respects , haue beene victorious against their potent and most redoubted enemies , who vnder the colourable pretence of the burgonian title , sought to infringe the liberties of these countries , contrarie to the auncient customes , freedomes , and priuiledges of the same . to this relation is annexed a briefe encouragement vnto all those , who either as voluntaries or by way of imprest , are ingage in this expedition of count mansfield . in the censure of both these , let thy iudgement be milde and fauourable , and not according to the common current of the disaffected and spaniolized english , whose reports are so farre from truth & equity in these and other traditions , that they wholy encline to partiality and detraction : for my part i know the candour and integritie of my owne thoughts , and how free they are from any bending inclination or report , being vnwilling that any knowne truth , though it were in giuing the diuell his due , should be wronged by any fabulous or counterfeit adumbrations . the conscience of this , armes me against the danger of their malicious aiaculations , and makes me hopefull of the impartiall readers best construction , which if i may obtaine , i shall for euer rest happy for this their good estimation . the dvtch svrvay . that historicall faith which proceedeth from the irradiation of report , as it is oftentimes grounded vpon the marble foundation of truth : so is it many times built vpon the sandy base of misprision , errour and coniecture : and this doth happen either through the malignity of our owne will , which doth facilitate the beliefe of those things , which we with willing affectation doe desire , for qua volumus facile credimus , or through the vanity of false intelligence , which makes vs conceiue chimaraes for idaeas , falshoods for truths , doubtfull probabilities for manifest and assured demonstrations . a conclusion not onely true in all histories whatsoeuer , either auncient or moderne , whereas the eare but not the eye giues information , but most especially verifiable in the present subiect of this relation & discourse : for although within the reuolution of these last sixe yeares , the sword hath beene put into the papall hand , and by their powerfull instruments of spaine & austria , bohemia hath beene repossest , and contrary to the cucustomes and priuiledges of the same , of an electiue kingdome , hath bin mad absolute and successiue , although the paltz by the politique ayre of their verball treaties and illusions , hath not onely beene taken , but most iniuriously kept away from frederick , the most worthy and vndoubted palatine thereof ; and though the valtoline besides , hath been spoiled , and despoiled from the grisons , a people free , and so acknowledged from the prescription of antiquity : yet let the spaniolized english say what they will , and let their rumour blaze what it can to the contrary : the spaniards haue not onely not beene victorious , but haue suffered many and most remarkable losses by the dutch , in these latter and time-neerer warres of the netherlands . in the dilucidation whereof i meane not to instance in the losse of men , money , munition , and shipping , which like our haire growe out againe vpon euery new reinforcement and supply , but in those dammages , which are most solid and substantiall , as the losse of townes , cities , lands , and territories , which like an arme or legge cut off , sildome or neuer growe out againe , to the vse and interest of their first possessors , especially they being seized by the dutch or spaniards , whose talents are of a strong retentiue power , and who know to keepe that , which they haue once gotten and acquired , as well as any nations in christendome whatsoeuer : so that if we shall comparatiuely ballance the spanish acquisitions in the dutchies of iuliers and cleaueland , with their bleeding detriments , sustained in brasilia , lima , and ormus : wee shall see the former to bee exceeded by the latter , beyond the paralell and degrees of all comparison . for the better light and manifestation whereof , we must vnderstand thus much , that those parcels which philip the 4. now holdes in cleeue and iuliers , were not plumes aunciently belonging to that new spread eagles backe of spaine , but fastned on like icarus wings , vpon the halfe-naked skin of that austrian pullet now growne bigger , then the dam it selfe , by the sticking waxe of philip the seconds policies and pretences . by these meanes following your philippick proiects vpon these now and new inthralled seigneuries , were brought and wrought almost to the full period , and non datur vltra of his desires . william the last , duke of cleaues , of that name who deceased at duisseldorp , in the yeare of our lord god 1592. married his sonne iohn william vnto iaqueline , the daughter of the marquesse of baden , a woman infamously famous for her dissolute and licentious life ; and the censure of her imprisonment for the same , for bringing in of the spaniards vnto those countries , and for making of your cleuian simplicity , first acquainted with the snaffle of the castilian rule and gouernment . but these , both the father and the sonne dying without heires male , the inheritance descended to two pretended heires female . the one married vnto the marquis of brandenburge , a reformed protestant , the other married vnto the prince of newenburge , a romane catholique . both these fight for the bone , whilst a third and fourth take away the flesh : for notwithstanding diuers admonitions and cautions to the contrary from some of their fastest friends , who were iealous of their good , and studious of the common peace and tranquility of their dominions ; the newenburger strengthens himselfe with partisans of the same faction and religion , and drawes vnto his succours : the king of spaine , the emperour of germanie , with other austrian princes and potentates . the brandeburger vseth a draught of the same policie , and inuites the states of the lowe countries , the kings of england and france vnto his succour and assistance . an experience which shall proue hurtfull both to the one and to the other , as the sequell shall declare : for the spaniards hauing seized vpon weezell , rhinebercke , duisseldorpe , and other places of the dutchie , keepe them vpon pretence of their charges , and assurance of their frontier . the dutch hauing surprised rees , embricke , cleeue , goffe , and gulicke , man these townes with their owne garrisons , vpon the consideration of the same and other pretences . gulicke was a thorne in albertus foote , and an eye-sore in the castilians light . vanderbercke must plucke this out , being generall of the spanish forces in their cleuian expedition , which began vnder his command in the midst of august 1622. that yeare being the next after the expiration of the truce , the enemies were very strong , as hauing three armies in the field , one in flaunders besieging sluce , vnder the commaund of inigo de borges , and the bishop of gaunt , another houering about goffe and zantom , commaunded by the marquis spinola , which attended the motions of our nassauian armie , lying then as in our durtie quarters of dornicke , and this third which beleguerd gulicke , vnder the conduct of the earle of monts , commonly called henry vanderberke . this citie is the metropolis of the dutchy of iuliers , vnto which it giues his name seated vpon the riuer of roer , in a fruitful cuntry , which stretcheth frō thence vnto the bankes of the dent. it was well fortified and defended , for besides the olde fortifications which were found at the first reducement of this place , there were new rauelins and halfe moones made by the directions of the prince of orange , and for their defence there lay fourteene companies of foote , english , dutch and french within the walls , vnder their gouernour signieur pethan , besides thomas villers troupe of horse , which was reputed to be one of the brauest in all the netherlands . but although it were well manned , and strongly fortified , yet for want of victuals it must yeeld to the power of the conquerour : for the prouision and store of the magazine growing tainted , by commission from the states pithan , makes sale of it , vnto those merchants that would giue most for it . spinola vnderstanding of this by the nuntioes of his intelligence , before it could be re-victualed by the states , sends henry vander barke to besiege it with an armie of sixteene thousand men , both horse and foote , consisting of diuers nations , as italians , spaniards , french , and almaines . vpon their first approches , and before all the aduenues and passages were blockt vp , some of the captaines , amongst whom captaine haydon , and captaine aishley , were most forward , presented their seruice vnto the gouernour , and offered him vpon his leaue to victuall the towne aboundantly from the prouisions of the country : the season of the yeare seruing fitly for it , it being as then about the beginning of haruest , the counsell was good and wholsome , and might haue wrought the preseruation of gulick , if it had beene apprehended and executed in time . but pethan obliging himselfe too strictly to his commission , reiecteth the proffer , pretending that hee durst not doe it as hauing no warrant for this designe . in the meane time count henricke well husbanding this occasion , sits downe before the towne , intrencheth himselfe strongly , and drawes his approches close to our vtter works , for the better planting of his cannon . thus pethan sees his errour , and too late seekes to redresse the same . then hee resolues vppon a sally which might haue wrought some good effect , if it had beene sooner enterprized . in this conflict our men surpriz'd and sleighted one of the enemies fortifications , charged them home to their teeth , and hauing got some proportion of spoiles and victuals , made their retreat good vnto the ports , with the losse only of captaine bassenheime , and sixe and thirty of their horsemen : amongst the rest young captaine haydons valour was most remarkable ; he was captaine of a foote company , yet vpon that day he seru'd on horse-backe . one of the enemies aduauncing himselfe before the grosse of their troupes , dares any of our side proudly to the combat . haydon accepts it , and charging him with his pistoll , kill'd the challenger vpon the place , and after that being recharg'd by a second , he falls backe to the body of our troupes in safety . the fortune of this skirmish did but tye the squib to the bulls tayle , encreasing our appetite and their anger . vpon this they batter our rampiers furiously with the cannon , and salute the defendants with often vollies of their musket shot . our men answere them with balls of the same mettall . amongst the midst of these reuolets , passing with a doubtfull successe of fortune betweene the besiegers and the besieged , there chanced a casuall fire to be kindled in the spanish quarters . our fire-men plye this place with their shotte both great and small , and worke some remarkable dammage vpon the enemies . but these exploites could not alay the biting smart of our hunger , which now began to rage and raigne in euery quarter : for the towne prouisions being spent , and the magazins wasted , things vnusuall , and vnaccustomed to the palate , were deuoured ; as dogs , cats and the like . this inforcement caused pethan to demaund a parlee about the midst of ianuarie : notwithstanding his first promise to vander berke , that he would not hearken to the motion of that accord till easter . for this purpose three captaines were sent out of the ports vnto their campe , the one an english man , the other two french & dutch. after some difficulties , the agreement was consummated vpon these conditions following . first , that the spaniards should not bring the inquisition into the dutchie of iuliers ▪ nor make any alteration in matters of religion . 2. that the captaines and souldiers should depart vpon honourable termes , with their armes fixt , colours flying , drums beating , and their wiues , children and goods . 3. that their ordnance and munition should remaine in the towne . 4. that their armourers , smithes , and gunners , might haue liberty freely to depart with the souldiers . 5. that the gouernour and captaines might haue horse and waggons , with a sufficient conuoy to conduct them to nimeghen , and that their sick & wounded might stay vntill they were recouered , and then to haue waggons to conduct them to the same place . 6. that the captaines and souldiers should haue a whole yeares liberty , to sell their lands if they had any . 7. that the captaines and souldiers which were in any other place of the dutchie , should haue leaue to come thither , and bring their wiues and children . 8. that the armes and commodities belonging to the towne and castle , should be left behinde . 9. that all records and auncient writings in the towne and castle , should remaine there still . 10. that the souldiers should not be arrested for debt . 11. that the beds which the souldiers had brought into the towne , should be restored to their owners . 12. that the electour of brandeburghs officers and ministers should execute their offices for the space of one whole yeare then next ensuing . 13. that the citizens might depart the citie , and dispose of their goods within one yeare . 14. that there should be two hostages giuen on either side , vntill the articles were performed , all which being signed and sealed by the gouernour , hee should send a copie of it to the prince of orange , and be bound to yeeld the place , if they were not releeued within 12. dayes , with 300. waggons at the least : which time being expired , and no reliefe comming from dornicke or else-where . vanderberke sent 600. waggons to transport their baggage , wishing the gouernour to hasten his departure : who sending the keyes vnto the earle , departed with all his goods and souldiers , leauing two hostages behinde , vntill the waggons were returned . pethan vpon his comming to the hague , was arrested by order from the states , and the prince of orange was confined as prisoner to his owne house , hauing a guard of muskettiers set ouer him , and his dignities which he enioyed in that common-wealth , were suspended for a time , vntill he should cleare himselfe , and giue a iust account of his actions . thus you see the losse of gulicke conquered some fifteene yeares before , by the valour of the states forces , ioyntly with the succours of foure thousand english , vnder the commaund of that noble and well experienced commander generall cecill ; and now re-conquered by the spaniards , more by the power of hunger , then the powerfulnes of their armes : which losse came not solitarie and alone , but was aggrauated with the society of another , though of lesse consequence and importance : and this was the surprise of lulstorff , blankenburge , and monawe , small garrisons held by brandenburge , in the dutchie of iuliers , and the taking of goffe , a little towne in cleaueland , seated vpon the south side of the rhine , almost opposite vnto rees , which makes the second losse of townes or territories , sustained by the states , in these last warres of the netherlands . this place was of no great importance , onely it made the westerne parts of cleeue , pay some small contribution to the electour of brandenburge . it was meanely fortified , and but weakely manned ; and therefore vpon the spinolians first approches & summons , it yeelded to the stronger , the souldiers of the garrison departing vpon conditions of honor . afterwards by directions from their counsell of warre , they fortified it with a rampier , counterscarfe , and some other outer works , so that it is now become a peece of some reasonable defence . his excellencie the prince of orange carying argus eyes vppon all your spanish proiects ; before their workes were well setled , marcht thither in the latter end of summer 1623. intending to take the towne by an onslate . in his armie there were my lord of essex , my lord wriotheslie , sonne to the earle of southampton , with diuers other noble voluntiers from england , fraunce , and else-where . but he dealt with an enemie , whose eyes were as good as his hands : for they hauing notice of his comming , fore-layd the passage , and resolued preuention to the vtmost . the prince viewing their forces thus facing of our armie , and lodged besides in a place of aduantage : after a long alto , wherein he braued the foes , retired his troupes from the enterprise of goffe , which still groanes vnder the yoake of the castilian gouernement and oppression . the third losse which the states of the vnited prouinces haue receiued , and that since the taking of gulick and goffe , hath beene the surprisall of papenmuch , a strong sconce , built by the confederates in a certaine iland of the rhine , betweene coleine and bonne , an imperiall towne , heretofore surprized by sir martin skencke , in the yeare 1587. the spaniards knew what a bridle skenks sconce ( a fort built vpon that nooke of land ) where the rhine deuideth it selfe into two branches , making the peniusula of grauen worke , had been to their projected designes vpon cleeue , geldres , and friseland , they could not suffer a snaffle of the same mettall , and making , in the mouth of the bishop of colein , a creature of spaine , and wholly deuoted to the house of austria . besides , the possessing of it did concerne them much , for the transportation of their forces from or into the lower circles of the empire , and for victualing of rhineberke , weezell , and other places , by the commodity of the riuer . these motiues incited spinola to send thither an armie of sufficient strength and number , for the conquest of this important citadell . these troupes were commaunded by the prince of chimay , and one bree , lieutenant generall vnto the prince of newenburge . they raised small forts , commonly called redouts vpon euery passage , drew their approches within a conuenient distance , and brought some peeces of the greater size from iuliers for the battery : and besides , they built two small ships of warre , not drawing much water vpon the rhine , to this intent that all the land passages being stopt , & the aduenues by water being also shut vp , time and hunger ( two powerfull instruments , much made vse of by the fabian generals of spaine ) might worke the conquest and deliuerance of this place . the euent answered their expectation : for the defendants being prest with this vnresistable difficulty , surrendred vp the sconce about the latter end of the yeare 1622. vpon condition to depart with bagge and baggage . and thus you see a full suruay of those greater and more substantiall losses , which the states haue suffered , since the expiration of the last twelue yeares truce , from their ancient and sworne enemies of spaine . the relation of their victories followes , suparlatiue to their dammages , both for the respect of honour , and the waight of their importance : and these may be reduc'd vnto two heads , vnto their victories acquired at rishame and ormus , ilands seated vpon the coast of persia , and aunciently belonging to that kingdome , or to their conquests in brasilia and peru , prouinces of the new world , discouered by americus , from whence it tooke his name , for the vse of ferdinand and isabella , their children , heires , and successours . for although in the conquest of the fore-said ilands , the dutch as well as our english , were but auxiliaries vnto the persians , yet because they were pars magna laboris , they had i say a great share in the labour and danger of this exploit , by way of reducement , and not improperly , it may bee fylde amongst the number of their atchiuements . this rishame or rhisme is a small iland , distant from ormus some foure leagues , and separated from thence by a small fret of the sea , commonly called the sound of balsora . the portingals had built a strong castle in it , manned with three hundred christians , and fiue hundred negroes , commanded by rufero their gouernour . our fleete vpon the 24. of ianuarie 162● , came within shot of the castle , and plied the defendants with diuers peales of ordinance , and by the fauour of our shipping and cannon , gaue meanes to the persian , to land ten thousand of his souldiers . these mahometan troupes were commaunded by one of their sultans , for so they call their lords , a man of great valour and conduct , as the sequele shall make good . vpon their first landing they play the terriers , put themselues into the earth , & bring their approches within a neere distance . rufero terrified with this strait assignement , as being inuironed both by land and water , and hauing no element to helpe him , but the all-common ayre , and the fire of his cannon , demaunds a parlee : to hinder farther effusion of blood it was graunted . but the conditions proposed were dislikt by the assailants : for the portugall wholy ayming at the preseruation of ormus , and sleighting that of rhisme , because he saw no possibility to keepe it , offers presently to surrender the castle , vpon condition that his men , both spaniards and blacks , might haue free liberty to passe ouer vnto ormus . any man that had but poliphemus eye , might see through the mist of this pretence . our captaines , blight , weddall , and mr. monnox , men much honoured for this seruice , were apprehensiue enough to conceiue the aduantage of this proposition . therefore they reiect it , and fall to their battery againe , so that waighing neerer to the castle , they bestowe seauen or eight hundred great shot vpon the curtin and bulwarkes . the persians likewise from the land side , draw their rowling trenches within a stones cast , and ply the castellans with vncessant vollies of their small shot , who answered them with the like , and flung diuers pots of wilde-fire and granadoes into their workes , which did them much hurt . the terrour of this caused a second parlee ; wherein rufero offers to surrender the place vpon these cautions following , that he might depart to ormus with his armes and munition , and race the walls of the castle downe to the ground . this second motion being reiected like as the former , we saluted them afresh with the thunder of the same curtesie . but the defendants seeing themselues thus distressed on all sides , yeeld at the last vppon these conditions . that they should depart with bagge and baggage , and all other things that they had , their armes , munition , and ordnance expected , and that the souldiers , as well blackes as others , should be transported vnto muskat , a towne which the portingals hold vpon the arabian shore , onely some of the principals were to be detayned aboord our shippes , and to be disposed of as occasion should require ; so the castle of rhisme was surrendred vnto the persians the 30. of ianuarie 1621. and all the articles were performed on both sides , sauing that the sultan caused some fourescore of the captiue negroes to be murdered , contrary to the dignity and faith of his promise . after the conquest of rhisme , the christian fleete set saile for ormus , and the persian land forces wasted ouer in 200. boates , made for that purpose . this iland was made tributary to the portugals anno 1606. who taking aduantage of the persian troubles , and their neglect of maritine affaires , fortified themselues strongly in this place , which they kept to their great profit and honour aboue fourescore yeares , vntill after the death of sebastian , and the conquest of portugall , it was vnited together with the terceraes , ginnie , brasilia , and the east indies , vnto the kingdome of spaine . although it were barren , and had little or no fresh water , yet was it reasonable well inhabited , and payd for their customes yearely to the king , being a mahometan 140000. seraffs , with whom the spaniards cried at the least halfe share . it is seated in the persian gulph , opposite to combrene , on the maine land of persia , and in respect of the commodious scituation , it stands fitly for the traffique of arabia , persia , and india . of this iland the arabians vse to say . si terrarum orbis quaqua patet annulus esset , illius ormusium gemma decusque foret . which we may english thus : if the world a ring were , then the precious stone of that rich ring were ormus i le alone . the present sophie being sensible of this thorne , which so long had stucke in his predecessours foote , resolues vppon a remedy befitting the greatnesse of his designe . and euer since his acquaintance with sir robert sherlie , resoluing vpon the conquest of this iland , now vndertakes it with the auxiliarie forces of the dutch and english , and that land armie which subdued rhisme , now re-inforced with new supplies from the continent . the 10. of february 1621. the persians landed 3000. of their men , who marched straight vnto the towne , which being a place of no great defence , they tooke it , without any resistance at all ; the portugals & the moores retiring themselues into the castle with their goods and treasure . vpon this the christian fleete plies the forte , and the enemies frigats which lay vnder the lee thereof with their ordnance : and the mahometans land their whole armie , plant their batteries , and mount their cannon , which they had borrowed from the christians . and that they might with more expedition and facility , make themselues maisters of this peece : they vndervndermined the wall at least tenne foote right in , and placed fortie barrels of powder in the mine , which being sprung vpon sunday , the 17. of the same moneth , made a breach of some twentye foote broad at least . presently vpon this , th' assailants present themselues brauely to the breach , and seeking to gaine their passage to the top of the ruines , are as resolutely repuls'd by the defendants : who salute them with stones , powderpots , tarlin , and musket-shot ; and make good the breach from noone to night , against all commers ; notwithstanding the furie of the artillery , and the continuall vollies of musket bullets , which fell in as thicke as haile amongst them . the portugals lost two cullers displaid one after another , with some of their forwardest men , & their battlements and barricadoes made of cotton sackes , were much torne and defaced with the furie of our ordinance . the persians lost not fortie men out-right , but some three hundred or more were wounded and burnt , part of whom afterwards perished . the 20. day in the morning , there came out of the castle two aged men with a youth , and three or foure negroes attending them , who were presently conueyed by sea ( to the intent that they might not view our workes ) to the house of dabul , whereas the sultan attended by diuers cushel bassaes , and his guard of arabians , went to meete , and treat with these portugals . but this taking no effect , they desired leaue of him to goe ouer to combreane to the sophie , which was granted them . but when they came ouer , he would condiscend to nothing without the consent of the christians . the spanish delegates being thus dismist , the persians sinke thēselues in their mines againe , and after they had made the vault capacious enough , they lodged 55. barrels of powder in it , and ram'd vp the hole which gaue entrance to this mine , with timber , stones , and morter . it tooke fire about sixe of the clocke earely in the morning , being the 2. of aprill , and blew vp most of the westerne bulworke , with such violence and impetuositie , that the stones of this worke were blowne at least sixe hundred paces from the place . this mine was sprung contrary to the intentions of the dutch and english in the time of the parlee , and that by the directions of the persian generall , who was blemisht with treacherie for doing of this acte . for at that time there were many portugals walking vpon the wall where the blow was giuen ; foure or fiue of whom were blown vp and slaine . the 14. of aprill the persians blew vp the 3. mine , vpon the east side of the castle , yet would they not as yet enter , because they were working of another on the west side , which they sprung the 17. of the same month . the mahometan souldiers vpon this entered , and possest themselues of the westerne bulworke , and seeking to force the portugals barricadoes , were by them repulst with great slaughter . the persian sultan seing his men retire , comes to the foote of the breach , and with his sword in his hand ready drawne , makes them renue the assault againe : in which conflict , the valour of one portugall was most remarkable , who with his sword and buckler , fought vpon the point of the breach , and forceably repulst the assailants . but marke how fortune proues a step-dame to his valour : he charging freely vpon one of them with his rapier , thrust it into one of their wooden bucklers and before he could free the point , hee was charged by three or foure of the persians , and cut in pieces by them . within two or three dayes after this assault , the sophie passed ouet from combreane vnto the iland of ormus , where he shewed that magnificence & munificence ( befitting one of ismaels successors ) vnto the souldiers and officers of the army . the besiegded seeing no hope of succours , and that themselues were disabled in their defences , by mines , batteries , and assaults , yeelded the castle vpon these conditions . 1 that they might depart with bagge and baggage , without any armes , sauing their swords and rapiers . 2 that the sicke and wounded should be left in the towne , and lookt vnto by chirurgions . 3 that aswell these as those that were sound , should be conueyed vnto muskat , a mountain town of arabia , by the robert and sherling , two english ships . thus this castle and iland the 24. of aprill were yeelded to the sophie by the auxiliary meanes of the dutch and english , after it had bene possest by the portugals and spaniards an hundred and eighty yeares . the second losse which the spaniards haue suffered since these last warres of the netherlands , hath beene the taking of the towne and part of todos los sanctos , in brasilia . this countrey is limited on the south with riedo la plate and chile , on the north with guiana , on the east with the ocean , and on the west with the mountaines of peru , called the audes , which deuideth the countrey of ieru●aua , as the apemine doth italy , and as taurus and caucasus doe asia . the people which inhabit these steepe and craggie mountaines , are more barbarous then other americans , as being taunie all ouer their bodies , going altogether naked , and liuing without houses or bedding : those of the vally are more temperate and ciuill , as partaking the qualities and temperature of the climate : the earth of the vallies , is fatte , greene , and alwayes flourishing ; abounding with sugar , mace , and your brasilian wood , vsed in europe for your dying of reddes ; the trees wherof are of exceeding bignesse , wherein nature proues the architect , for diuerse large families which dwell in the bodies and branches of them . this land was first discoueted by pedro aluari caprioli , at the expences of emanuel king of portugal , anno 1500. afterwards it was more exactly suruayed by americus vespucius , next by giouanni de empoli a florentine , anno 1503. afterwards by iohn stadius a dutch-man , anno. 1554. and by the edict of that monster of man-kinde ( pope alexander the sixt ) it was appropriated to the portugals ; the rest of america being allotted to the castilians . the chiefest citties of this prouince are , 1 fernambuco . 2 ascensio . 3 todos los sanstos , otherwise called st. saluador . this towne stands vpon a bay of the same name , vnto which the riuer of reall dischargeth it selfe , and hath fernambuco an hundred miles to the northward , and it lyes from the equinoctiall fifteen degrees to the southward . it was reasonable strong , and thought by the portugals ( who are generally ouer-weening in their owne conceits , both of themselues and their owne strength ) to be tenable against any forces whatsoeuer . the journey being resolued on by the west indian company of the netherlands , they put to sea the 22. of december 1623. from texell a port of holland , with a fleete of thirtie ships , well furnished with armes , lead , powder , ordinance , and other warlike munition . iacob willeks , a man of good experience in maritine matters , commanded for the sea , and the lord of dorte commanded all the land-forces . the lord generall hauing ouer-sayled the admirall , had beene before the towne three dayes before , being the 6. of may 1624. and hauing exchanged some shot with the castle , went to sea againe , as resolued to seeke out their admirall willekes , and the rest of the company . this attempt gaue an alarum to the spaniards , who coniecturing as the truth was , that more numbers followed these , & that for some designe vpon this p●●ce , prepared themselues for their defence , with all preuention and prouision possible . they mounted eight pieces of ordinance vpon a battery of free-stone , the slaues of the towne ( aswell christians as others ) were commaunded to the rampier , and raised two new batteries by the direction of the vize-roy , who was also very carefull to see the men mustered and ezercised in their armes according to the manner of the castilian discipline , the number of whom amounted to some 5500. men , whereof the intants made 4000. and the souldiers 1500. they of the land battered our shippes furiously from the castles , and vpon one of the three was the vize-roy himselfe , with his sonne , and the greatest part of the gentry . our admirall in the meane time sayled vp & downe in the bay , resoluing how hee might land his troups with best aduantage ; for this respect , he imbarks 1600. of his best and choicest men in foure of the tallest shippes , and commanding the rest to follow slowely , he enters the bay the 9. of may 1624. comming neare the enemies batteries , he caused all their ordinance to be discharged on their castles and platformes , and landing some hundred men with their loug-boats , they took the batteries presently : the marriners doing very good seruice in this assault with their boate-hookes . vpon this the defendants hang out a flagge of truce , and most of them quit the foresaid places . but the vize-roy , persists resolute in defence of that breach , whereupon himselfe was ingag'd , and though hardly prest by the dutch , he fights it out to the vtmost with some of the brauest caualeroes of the town . but when he saw at the last , himselfe forsaken of all sides , he fled towards his own pallace : but in the way our marriners & soldiers ceazed vpon his person ; who putting his sword into his sheath , deliuered these words vnto thē : i haue beene faitbfull vnto my king , and if my men had not so basely forsaken me , your forces should not haue taken the castle so soone . vpon the surrender of the castle , all the lesser forts yeelded themselues , and acknowledged the fortune of the canqueror ; the which was the more happy in this respect , because it was accomplished with little effusion of christian blood , there being not slaine aboue forty common souldiers , and one captaine . the tenth day of may , the netherlanders went to surprise the towne , but when they approached neere the ports , they perceiued that it was abandoned by the inhabitants , so that our souldiers entred without any resistance . the pillage was great in coyne , plate , iewels , and other rich moueables , which the souldiers tooke out of the houses , store-houses , and cellars . moreouer , there were taken 12000. chests of sugar , thirty ships laden with rich marchandize , which lay in the harbour , and eight shippes more of the spaniards , which arriued there since , not hauing notice of the dutchmens fortunes and proceedings . the third maine losse which the spaniards haue sustained since the expiration of the last truce , hath beene at lima , a famous emporian and hauen towne in peru. this prouince was first discouered by francisco pisarro , afterwards marquis of antillo , and diego de almagro , afterwards honoured with the title of chiefe discouerer by the emperour charles the fift ; to whose vse it was first conquered by these aduentrous spaniards from atapalipa and his brethren , right pretenders and inheritours of the same . it hath on the east the perunian mountaines , on the west ma re pacificum , or del sur , on the north castilia aurea , and the riuer of peru , from whence the country taketh his name , and on the south it hath chila for his borders . the length of it is from the citie of pasto , vnto the prouince of chili , one thousand eight hundred leagues , as large as the leagues of castilia . this land is the seate of many wonders : thence groweth that odoriferous wood , whose barke being incided , distils a meruailous sweet liquor , wherewith if any annoint a dead body , the carkasse corrupteth not . neere to a cape or point of land , commonly called destahelena , there are found certaine springs of pitch or tarre , seruiceable for the calking & trimming of ships . here are riuers which runne all day , but stand still at night , the reason whereof is , because their current is maintained by the snowe , which melts a day time , but freezeth againe at night . it rayneth in the mountaines , but neuer in the plaines of peru , the assigned reason whereof is , that in the plaines , and neere the sea coast , there bloweth all the yeare long one only winde which the mariners call siluester , which runneth along with such forcible violence , that the cloudes and vapours can haue no rest in the middle region ouer the plaine country . besides other small townes which the christians haue in the plaines , they haue fiue principle cities . the first is called pi●to veio , which standeth very neere the equinoctiall : this citie is poore , and apt for diseases , yet hath it some mines of gold & emeraulds . fifteene leagues within the maine is another citie called st. michael , which in the indian speech they call pura . this is a pleasant soile and fruitfull , but there are no mines of golde nor plate . threescore leagues forward alongst the coast standeth another citie in a valley called trugillio , being distant from the sea two leagues . this citie is placed in a plaine plot neere to the reuers side , and is abundantly prouided of wheat , maiz , and cattell . it is also exceeding well built , and in it there are three hundred housholds of spaniards . the fourth chiefe citie is , that of aroquipa , commonly called the faire . the soile neere vnto it is healthfull , and aboundant of all kinde of victuals , standing some 12. leagues from the sea coast , vpon a riuer that is faire and nauigable , so that ships of good burthen may come vp to the walls of the citie , by which means it is thought the habitation of this towne will encrease . it doth not onely supply her owne necessities , but serues the citie of cusco , and the prouince of carchas , with all things needfull ; from which places there is great resort vnto aroquipa , by reason of the frequent contractation here , t for the golden mettall of potosi . the fifth principall citie exceeding all the rest in beauty , strength , and riches , is that of luma scituated in a valley of the same name , some fourescore leagues from trugillio . the country there-about is plentifull of corne , and many sorts of fruits and cattell : the building of this place is such , that all the streetes doe meete in a faire large place , from the which a man may see through euery streete into the fields . the dwelling is meruailous healthfull , because it standeth in a temperate climate , not afflicted too much with extremities of heate and colde : the hottest season of the yeare being more temperate then that of spaine . for in the time of their summer heate , there falleth euery day in the morning a sweete and cooling dewe , which is not hurtfull , but rather profitable for the health of man. for it being vsed by way of lotion , it is good for the head aches and other diseases . all spanish fruit groweth and prospereth well in this soile , especially orenges , lemonds , figges , pomgranates , and vines , wherof there had beene great abundance , if the frequent broyles and tumults betweene the spanish souldiers had not hindred the labour and plantation of the husbandmen . this citie is iudged to be the most pleasant dwelling of all the land , in respect of the commodity of the harbour , the great contractation of marchants , and the generall resort of the people of the maine land , who come thither from all parts , and buy their furniture and prouision . from the mines of this prouince , is brought great store of gold and siluer . the scituation of it is neere the midst of the land as yet discouered , for which cause the emperour charles the fifth , placed there a chauncerie royall , and iudges to decide his subiects causes , which also doth encrease the confluence of the people . it is seated two leagues from the roade , commonly called callee de lima , or the port of lima. le hermite generall of a fleete vnder the states of the vnited prouinces , knowing how much the gaining of this place might accommodate the hollanders , and incommodate the spaniards , resolues vpon the attempt . and being furnished with a sufficient number of shipping , and men befitting such an enterprise , he sets saile from the netherlands , and after a tedious nauigation through the straights of magellan , arriues at last in the south sea opposite vnto lima ; where hee makes his intention knowne to the companie , and then aduentures vpon the exploit : wherein fortune shewed her selfe so fauourable , that with little or no losse , he made himselfe master of the callee de lime , to the great terrour of the citie , which as some men report , hath since yeelded it selfe to the mercy of the hollanders . the conquerours got a great spoile in shipping , treasure , and other rich commodities , and haue since gotten two other places in the prouince of peruana . thus you haue seene a true suruay of those most remarkable losses and victories , which haue hapned betweene the hollanders and the spaniards since the last truce , which ended with the beginning of the yeare 1621. it followes , that after their expression we should iustly counterpoise , and ballance them : which if wee doe without nationall respect or partiall inclination , wee shall see the dutch acquisitions to exceede the spanish , and yet their losses to be farre inferiour vnto the others . for leauing out ormus out of the ballance , because it is now peculiariz'd vnto the persian , although it were won by the succours of the dutch and english : if wee counterpoize the conquest of saint saluador , and the part of lima ( omitting that of the cities as doubtfull ) with al the new acquisitions of spaine , we shall behold these to ouerway all those , which this nation hath of late acquired in cleeue and iuliers ; and this aduantage doth proceede not from one , but from diuers conditions and respects . for first of all , the profits of gulicke , & of the dutchie , with their extraordinarie fees and contributions , will not amount to aboue an hundred thousand duckats yearely , and allowing two thousand souldiers for the garrison of that signeurie , and euery man to haue fiue shillings a weeke for his pay , the annuall reuenue will hardly quit the charges , wheras rating the reuenues of brasilia at three millions of duckats , and allowing one third of this accrument to rise from fernambuco , & another from ascensio , todos los sanctos , with the territorie thereto adioyning , shall by this account bring a million yearely to the cantors of the netherlands . 2. papenmuch with the tolage of the rhine and ; goffe , with the contribution money drawne from the boores of west cleaueland , did hardly pay their owne garisons , but the keeping of the port of lima , may draw ( perhaps ) a plentifull contribution from the golden mines of chili and potosi , besides those spoiles that le hermite hath already gotten esteemed to bee an inestimable masse , and worth many tuns of gold . 3. the catholicke king payes fourescore thousand duckats vnto the prince of newenburge by composition , for the resignation of these two dutchies , but the states holde those new acquisitions in america , by the tenure of their sword , and by that ius acquisitum , which power and fortune haue giuen to the stronger . 4. the spanish king hath other competitours in cleaue & iuliers , besides the confederates of the seauen prouinces , as the house of brandeburge , and ( perhaps ) the posterity of the newenburger , may rowse themselues out of that lethargie , wherein the spanish pistolets haue put their sencelesse father , and lay clayme to that inheritance , which doth belong to them , or the brandeburger iure gentium : but the hollanders haue no other titular pretenders , to their new purchases in peruana and brasilia , but the house of spaine , vnto whom they haue seldome lost any thing , which they were once possest of , and whereas the sea could helpe them for many yeares together . 5. the losse of gulicke , goffe , and papenmuch , giues no other disaduantage to the states , they hauing rees , embricke , and skenkes sconce , betweene that and their neerest frontier ; but the possessing of these two places in the west indies , the one vpon the north , the other vpon the south sea , doe euen wast in the intermediate continent of america , and giue an entrance vnto those prouinces , whose golde hath battered the walls , and opened the gates of the strongest townes of christendome , for the spaniards . 6. and lastly , the inhabitants of cleaue and iuliers , doe not well like the hard and heauy hand of your castilian gouernment , no more then doe all the lower circles of the empire , as well knowing how these intruders haue impaired the germane liberty , and spur-gall'd bohemia and the palatinate almost to death : but the brasilians and peruuians , yea the very portugals themselues would willingly receiue the law from the dutch-men , whom they admire as much for their faire and gentle gouernement , as they hate the others for their rigour , tiranny , and oppression . the mansfeldian motiues , directed vnto all colonels , liuetenant-colonels , captaines , inferiour officers and other souldiers , which either as voluntiers , or by way of imprest , are ingaged to serue in this next expedition , intended by the grace of god vnder the conduct and commaund of the most illustrous and warlike prince ernestvs , earle of mansfield . honourable professors of armes , you may see in this dutch suruay or ballance , the swelling fortune of a triumphant state : you may beholde also a handful of netherlanders , with some few mercinary french and english , giue the checke to that kingdome , which so long hath stroue for the monarchie , supreame paramount of all christendome : let this president serue for our present encouragement ; and withall , let vs consider , that if those 7. prouinces ( thought to be but a morsell for the spaniards mouth , they being not as bigge as that part of england whch lyes northward beyond the trent ) could make their partie good for so many yeares together , against the catholique king , and his pack-horse the catholique bishop of rome : what shall not the vnited forces of england , france , denmarke , and the netherlands doe against pope , or emperour , austrian or bauarian , or any other christian potentate whatsoeuer ; the expected blessings of god , continuall supplies of meanes , and the vndoubted iustice of a good cause concurring therewithall ? in the prosecution whereof , let not the papall curses and fulminations , the vncharitable censures of your iesuitized english , nor the foolish presages of the speedewels ill speed , any thing deterre vs : for that royall ship which should haue transported ouer the count , was cast away by the default of the pilot , a man not well aquainted with those seas , a stranger vnto flushing , and possest ( as it is thought ) with a malicious resolution against the person of count mansfield . so that leauing any coniecture vpon this euent , befitting aswell a colledge of romane augurs , as it doth a conclaue of ignatius disciples , let vs discend nearer to the purpose , and accommodate our selues to the expression of these motiues , which may confirme the stronger , and strengthen the more doubtfull and weaker spirits ( if there be any such ) who are vndertakers in this new designed mansfeldian expedition . and first , concerning those motiues , your worthinesse may vnderstand that they may fitly be reduced vnto the number of three . the first whereof , is the sufficiency and conduct of that generall vnder whom you are to vndertake . the second is the meanes of prouision and preparation made for the vndertakers . the third motiue , is the cause conceaued , though not expressed , for which you are to vndertake and vndergoe this action . and first , concerning the generall , you are to fight vnder one whom neuer aduersity could deiect , nor euer prosperity could once erect beyond the temper of true command . you are to fight vnder such a commander , whom pistolets , promises , nor proscriptions ( the powerfull instruments to subiect staggering resolutions ) could once diuert from the tenour of his intendments . you are to serue vnder his banners , of whom we may boldly say thus , qui cum ab omnibus desertus erat , seipsum tamen non deserit , when he was forsaken by the two anhalts , ausberge , and other princes of the vnion , neuer forsooke himselfe , nor left the cause of the king of bohemia in the suds . are you to encounter with your enemies in campania ? vnder whose colours can you sustaine the shock of hostile opposition better then vnder his , who beate leopoldus men in their owne quarters at hagenawe , killed bawer the duke of bauariaes general in his lodging at heseldorff , & fought that memorable battell of fleury neere namurs , wherein fifteene thousand of his men vanquisht sixteene thousand of gonsaluo de cordabaes troupes , & 20000. boores of their party besides ? are you to make a retrait from the pursuing enemie ? is not this that braue conductor , who made that famous retraite from bohemia into the palatinate , and from thence vnto breda , a tract of sixe hundred english miles at least ? which considering the valour and aduantage of the pursuers , was not inferiour vnto that retraite of zenophons from out of persia , nor that of conons from aquilia into britannie . are you to besiege towne or fortresse ? consider then how the count forced pilsen , a principall towne in bohemia , which zischa anuo 1470. could not subdue , nor the hussites in their ten moneths siege , anno 1434. could not conquer ; and this he did being weakely accompanied , and beyond the expectation of humane reason . consider this besides , how that after the defeate of zablatti , he rallied his troupes in the winter season , wonne vodian , prachalis , and wintenberg , one after another , and though detained by christian of anhaults letters , he besieged pisack , a strong place , & of importance , & wonne this towne the sixth of december , inforcing nature as the said christian wrote vnto him . are you distressed for want of meanes and victuals , so that you haue nothing but the ayre and your swords to liue by ? remember how yee shall martch vnder that generall , who maintained an armie consisting of diuers nations and different humours , like another hanniball without mutinie , yet without pay for three yeares together , filling their panches & their purses with the plentifull spoiles of alsatia , metz , and triers , and with the abundant prouisions of emden , munster , and westphalia ? to be briefe , are you to actuate or endure any thing , remember this that you doe it vnder the fortune , valour , and good conduct of count mansfield . the second motiue which may serue to encourage vs , is the sufficient prouision of meanes prouided for this iourney , as men , munition , victuals , and money : the sinewes , by which warre is supported , and all martial enterprises are brought to a happy accomplishment . our men are those laconian walls of bones , which must make good this attempt against all opposition : and these are the chiefest nations , and flower of all christendome . the french haue beene held the best cauallerie of the world , seldome or neuer beaten , except it were by our english bils and bowes ; of these we shall haue sixe thousand carbins , and armed curaiciers . the germanes were held in the time of guichardine , the best foote of the world , and so much redoubted by the italians , that they durst not encounter with them , except they had foote companies of the same nation : and of these , we shall muster eight or ten thousand . our english in these latter times , haue bin reputed the best battalions of pikes in all christendome , and whom the spaniards in their ouer-valuing humor , will acknowledge onely to be seconds vnto themselues ; and of men fit to handle these armes , england sends forth twelue thousand . the vnexhausted mines of britanie , will furnish these braue troupes with lead and iron for their ammunition : our magazins will supply their wants with serpentine and corn-pouder for shot and batterie , and our friends of the continent will prouide waggons , horses , and other necessaries fit for the conuoy of such a royall army . money will not be wanting , nor i hope the mutinous sound of gelt will neuer be heard in our quarters , nor an electo chosē to reforme the same ; for besides the liberall contribution of diuers noblemen of england , forwarder of this enterprise , and the plentifull prouision of our parliament in that behalfe , fraunce and sauoy , germanie and venice , contribute towards the charges of this intended iourney . but is there any man who doubts the want of victuals , whose courage depends vpon his colon , and who neuer fights well , but when his paunch is full ? let this man whose thoughts are so vnsouldierlike , knowe , that besides our owne prouisions , which i hope wil be abundant and enough , france is contracted vnto vs with a new alliance , and the frontier of that kingdome , against the higher and lower germanie , runneth a tract of fiue hundred miles at least : so that in all reason it cannot be farre from the seate of our action . and can wee dreame then of want and scarcities , hauing such a plentifull friend to our neighbour , who without all peraduenture , will furnish vs with graine , beefes , muttons , and all other necessaries , which are fit for the maintenance and preseruation of an armie ? in the third and last place follow the causes , which may moue and incite vs to this enterprise , and these are of two sorts , either of policie or of religion . concerning the politique causes , i will enter no farther into their mysterie , then duty and modesty will giue mee leaue : for i know there is a sanctum sanctorum of policie ; there is an inner court of royall counsell , into which no man ought to enter , except assuerus put out the golden rod of his admission . onely i will giue this caution to those spirits who are ouer-curious after this inquest , and deliberate continually with themselues , whether the recouerie of the palatinate , or the reuenge of the bauarians and emperours wrongs be the causes of this expedition , i will giue i say that caution which his maiestie gaue in the last parliament : that no man should question , whether the empire , bauaria , or any other determinate place , should be the seate of this warre , since the discouery of this particular cannot chuse but preiudice the present seruice : for an enemie warn'd is arm'd , secrecie is the spirit of action , and this with an expedite deliuery , crownes all warlike exploits , with successe and glory . but concerning that point of religion , i will enlarge my speech more freely , and boldly maintaine notwithstanding any opposition to the contrary ; that this iourney is not pro focis alone , but pro aris , not for temporall respects onely , but for conscience , religion , and the propagation of the gospell concurring therewithall . and for the vindication of their wrongs , what task can be too hard ? what danger can be too difficult ? so that if we were to martch ouer the sandy deserts of arabia , ouer the vnpassable wildes and woulds of scithia or the frozen slowes of swethland and muscouia : if we were to encounter with famine , fire , and sword , nay with all the terrours of mortality , and that their fearefull consideration should terribilize their nature and condition , we should consider what christ suffered for vs , and suffer any thing , yea all things with patience , for his religion , truth , and gospell . our enemies haue made religion their stalking horse , and our backs their pack-horse : by which meanes they haue imposed a romish florentine tricke vpon our credulous confidence , and open breasted , meaning . it remaines for vs , that wee should recollect our strengths and spirits , make our reuenge as sensible as our iniuries are prouoking , and martch at length ouer their bellies , who haue rid pack-ridge so long vpon our backes . and to end , that our actions may pertake of externall glory here , and after this life of eternall glorification , let the seruice of god , our country , and the common cause , be the generall bent and scope of all our enterprises , fighting for dauids cause ; let vs arme our selues with dauids resolution , and let vs come against them , who came against vs with shield , sword , and speare , in the name of the lord of hoasts , the god of the hoast of israel ; and then hee that teacheth our fingers to fight , and our hands to wage the battell , shall breake the cheeke-bone of our enemies , and make them become like those princes which perished at endor , euen durt and dung vnder our feete . quod faxit deus . gentle reader , you shall vnderstand that since the writing and imprinting of this relation , goch hath beene recouered by the prince of oranges forces ; which makes the dutch acquirements by so much the greater , and the spanish losses since the expiration of the last truce , by so much the more grieuous in those countries of cleeue and juliers . finis . a memorial delivered to his majesty (july 21/31 1664) from the lord van-gogh, ambassador from the states general of the united provinces. translated into english. with the ansvver which his sacred majesty returned thereunto. united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. 1664 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65203 13339581 wing v91 estc r14800 13339581 ocm 13339581 99135 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65203) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99135) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 441:11, 1641-1700 , 2900:21) a memorial delivered to his majesty (july 21/31 1664) from the lord van-gogh, ambassador from the states general of the united provinces. translated into english. with the ansvver which his sacred majesty returned thereunto. united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. gogh, michiel van. charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 16 p. printed by j.g. for r. royston ..., london, : 1664. original title not traced. item at 441:11 imperfect: lacking his majesty's answer (p. 9-16). reproductions of originals in the bodleian library (441:11) and henry e. huntington library and art gallery (2900:21). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a memorial delivered to his majesty ( july 2● / 31 1664 ) from the lord van-gogh , ambassador from the states general of the united provinces . translated into english . with the ansvver which his sacred majesty returned thereunto . london , printed by j. g. for r. royston , book-seller to the kings most excellent majesty , 1664. the memorial of the dutch ambassador to his majesty . sir , the under-written ambassador of the states general of the united netherlands , your good friends and allies , having had the honor of several audiences with your majesty , and therein made known to you such orders as he hath from time to time received from his masters upon occasion of , and concerning divers affairs , and especially these following : to wit , seeing it is understood and perceived , that vessels of war are fitting and preparing on both sides , which if they go forth to sea and meet there together , might by some misunderstanding fall foul upon one another ; your majesty would therefore be pleased to keep back your fleet , and not suffer it to go to sea , as their lordships offer on their part to do ; the whole intent and design tending onely to the safety of both parties , and the prevention of the foresaid sinister encounters . moreover , whereas their lordships have been informed , that captain holmes with the vessels under his command hath now again ( as heretofore ) done very great and enormous injuries to the netherlandish company of the west-indies , by taking divers of their vessels upon the coast of africk , as also by making himself master of some places and forts belonging unto them , and namely amongst others of capo verde , &c. which is directly contrary , not onely to the treaty last concluded between your majesty and the states of the united provinces , but also to mutual amity and good neighbourhood : the said ambassador did therefore in the name of his superiors , demand restitution of the same , and that reparation might be made of the damages and interests , which the said company and other subjects of their lordships , who were concerned , have suffered thereby ; as also that the like proceedings and violences might be prevented for the future by an express order . in the third place , that their lordships being from day to day confirmed by certain intelligence coming from that coast , that the foresaid action of captain holmes had not onely been effected in the manner above specified , but also that he was intended to carry on his design further , by making incursions and seizing upon all the coast , and that for his better success therein , he expected a notable supply of ships from england , as the whole matter may be proved by the testimony and depositions of credible persons newly come from thence : which actions being without right , reason and equity , and which consequently cannot be endured , nor looked upon with a good eye , your majesty was entreated that it might be your good pleasure to command as well the said captain holmes , as others who were in that engagement , or are held to have been employed therein , not only to restore the foresaid forts and vessels so taken , and to repair the damages thereby suffered ( as reason requires ) but also that the ships which by report are now ready to set sail , or which may be fitting for that end , may by your majesties express command be prohibited and charged not to do or cause any other injury or damage to the said company , or to any other the subjects of the united provinces . fourthly , forasmuch as the poorand afflicted reformed churches in the valleys of piedmont have represented , that after the agreement made with his royal highness the duke of savoy some while since , they are again overwhelmed & ruined by exactions & charges required of them to defray the expences of the army which the said duke had commanded against them , which charges amounted to so high a sum , that it was impossible for them to make it up , for the reasons more at large alledged in their remonstrance ; therefore they have desired the intercession of the states general with your majesty , that your ambassador in the court of france may have order to procure from his most christian majesty ( as being mediator between his said royal highness and them ) as much favour and comfort to those poor afflicted churches as can possibly by any means be obtained . and finally , considering that the vessels coming from the united provinces into the rivers , streams and roads of this kingdom , are stopped there under pretence that there be persons and commodities on board which come from places infected with the plague , or at least suspected to be so , by which means the freedom of trade and passage is obstructed and disturbed , to the great prejudice of the inhabitants of both nations : the said ambassador therefore insisted thereupon , that the same might be remedied , or at least that the strictness of those orders might be mitigated in such measure as in reason shall be found convenient ; and that the rather , because , by the mercy of god , all the provinces in general are not infected with the contagion . to all that is above said , your majesty hath been pleased to answer in effect , to wit , upon the first point , touching keeping of the fleet from going to sea , that the numbers which were fitted and prepared on your majesties side being no way extraordinary , but onely for common and customary use , and without design of bringing any damage or inconvenience upon the inhabitants of the united provinces , the said vessels could not be kept from going to sea , because your majesties honour was engaged therein ; nevertheless that you would give such orders to the chief commander of your said fleet , that their lordships shall have no cause to apprehend any sinister encounters from it . as to the second , touching the action of captain holmes ▪ your majesty thought good to answer thereunto , that you had received no information of it , and that having given no order for his so doing , you would cause reparation to be made , if the matter proved to be true , and that the said captain holmes should be punished according as the case should require : nevertheless adding thereunto afterwards at another audience , that the west-india company had likewise done much damage to your majesties subjects upon the said coast , pretending to be masters thereof to themselves alone ; which thing ought to be considered also in its proper season , judging it unreasonable and unjust that the trade of the english upon that coast should continually be disturbed and hindred . and as to the third , your majesty was pleased to say as before , that you had received no information of holmes his actions in those parts ; and for so much as concerned the ships which are ready to set sail towards the coast of africk , that they were not in a condition to make any attempt there , being onely merchant-men , unto which there was added but one man of war for their convoy . for what regards the poor piemontoies , that you were sensibly touched with the miserable condition of those churches and people , and for that reason your majesty had already given order to your ambassador in france to contribute unto their relief and comfort in your name ; but forasmuch as at present there occurr some new difficulties concerning the said churches , your majesty would advise more particularly thereupon . and lastly , concerning the merchants ships which come from the united provinces into this kingdom , and are stopped without permission to land any where , because they are suspected to come from some place infected with the sickness , there being no distinction made between provinces and cities really afflicted with the said contagion , & those which are not so at all ; that your majesty having an extraordinary apprehension of that disease , had great reason to use all possible precaution against it ; notwithstanding , that the business should also be thought upon more fully . all which points abovesaid having been repeated by the said ambassador at his last audience , and instance thereupon made , that according to their lordships desires your majesty would be pleased to explain your self in writing , to put the minds of his superiors out of perplexity and disquiet ; and your majesty having to that purpose desired , that all should be comprized in a memorial for●… answer to be given thereunto in writing : the said memorial ( may it please your majesty ) is here most humbly presented , with like prayer , that such order may be taken therein , as that by a favorable answer ( which the said ambassador expects from your majesty ) he may be enabled to give his masters content . m. van-gogh . from chelsey , july 2● / 31 1664. batavia, or, the hollander displayed in brief characters & observations of the people & country, the government of their state & private families, their virtues and vices : also, a perfect description of the people & country of scotland. brief character of the low-countries under the states felltham, owen, 1602?-1668. 1672 approx. 69 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 47 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41077 wing f647 estc r13602 11834566 ocm 11834566 49755 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41077) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49755) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 28:29) batavia, or, the hollander displayed in brief characters & observations of the people & country, the government of their state & private families, their virtues and vices : also, a perfect description of the people & country of scotland. brief character of the low-countries under the states felltham, owen, 1602?-1668. weldon, anthony, sir, d. 1649? perfect description of the people and countrey of scotland. [4], 89 p. printed for g. widdowes ..., london : 1672. attributed to owen felltham. cf. bm. "a perfect description of the people and countrey of scotland" is a satire written by sir anthony weldon (p. [71]-89) and has special t.p. with imprint: london : printed for rich. lownds, 1670. the first authorized ed. of "batavia", published in 1652 with title "a brief character of the low-countries under the states" was preceded by a pirated ed. of 1648, "three moneths observations of the low countries, especially holland", reprinted in 1652 as "a true and exact character of the low countreyes, especially holland"; an ed. of 1699 has title "a trip to holland." reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -description and travel. netherlands -social conditions -early works to 1800. 2002-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion batavia : or the hollander displayed : in brief characters & observations of the people & country , the government of their ●tate & private families , their virtues and vices . also , a perfect description of the people & country of scotland . london , ●rinted for g. widdowes , at the green-dragon in st. paul's church-yard , 1672. to the reader . as i live gentlemen , i am amaz'd how any piece could be made such minc't meat as this hath been by a twice-printed copy , which i find flying abroad to abuse the author , who long since travelling for companies-sake , with a friend into the low-countreys , would needs for his own recreation , write this essay of them , as he then found them : i am sure as far from ever thinking to have it publick , as he was from any private spleen to the nation , or any person in it ; for i have moved him often to print it , but could never get his consent , his modesty ever esteeming it among his puerilia , and ( as he said ) a piece too light for a prudential man to publish : th truth is , it was meerly occasional in his youth , and the time so little , that he had for observation ( his stay there not being above three weeks ) that it could not well be expected , he should say more , and though the former part be joculary and sportive , yet the seriousness of the latter part renders the character no way injurious to the people . and now finding some ruffled feathers only presented for the whole bird , and having a perfect copy by me , i have presumed to trespass so much upon the author as to give it you ( in vindication of him ) so as i am confilent it was dressed by his own pen. and after i have begged his pardon for exposing it without his warrant , i shall leave you to judg by comparing this and the former impressions , whether or no he hath not been abused sufficiently . three weeks observations of the low countreys ; especially holland . they are a general sea-land . the great bog of europe . there is not such another marsh in the world that 's flat . they are an universal quag-mire epitomiz'd . a green cheese in pickle . there is in them an aequilibrium of mud and water . a strong earthquake would shake them to a chaos , from which the successive force of the sun , rather then creation , hath a little emended them . they are the ingredients of a black pudding , and want only stirring together . marry 't is best making on 't in a dry summer , else you will have more blood then grist ; and then have you no way to make it serve for any thing , but to tread it under zona torrida , and so dry it for turfs . sayes one , it affords the people one commodity beyond all the other regions ; if they die in perdition , they are so low , that they have a shorter cut to hell then the rest of their neighbours . and for this cause , perhaps all strange religions throng thither , as naturally inclining towards their ( enter . besides , their riches shews them to be pluto's region , and you all know what part that was which the poets did of old assign him . here is seyx , acheron , cecytus , and the rest of those muddy streams that have made matter for the fablers . almost every one is a charon here , and if you have but a naulum to give , you cannot want or boat or pilot. to confirm all , let but some of our separatists be asked , and they shall swear that the elizian fields are there . it is an excellent countrey for a despairing lover : for every corner affords him willow to make a garland on ; but if justice doom him to be hang'd on any other tree , he may in spight of the sentence live long and confident . if he had rather quench his spirits than suffocate them , so rather chuse to feed lob●●ers then crows ; 't is but leaping from his window , and he lights in a river or sea ; for most of their dwellings stand like privies in moted-houses , hanging still over the water . if none of these cure him , keep him but a winter in a house without a stove , and that shall cool him . the oile is all fat , though wanting the colour to shew it so ; for indeed it is the buttock of the world , full of veins and blood , but no bones in 't . had st. steven been condemn'd to suffer here , he might have been alive at this day ; for unless it be in their paved cities , gold is a great deal more plentiful then stones , except it be living ones ; and then for their heaviness you may take in almost all the nation . 't is a singular place to fat monkeys in . there are spiders as big as shrimps , and i think as many . their gardens being moist , abound with these . no creatures ; fo● sure they were bred , not made . were they but as venemous as rank , to gather herbs were to hazard martyrdom . they are so large , that you would almost believe the hesperides were here , and these the dragons that did guard them . you may travel the countrey though you have not a guide : for you cannot baulk your road without the hazard of drowning . there is not there any use of an harbinger . wheresoever men go the way is made before them . had they cities large as their walls , rome would be esteemed a bable . 20 miles in length is nothing for a waggon to be hurried on one of them , where if your fore-man be sober , you may travel in safety , otherwise you must have stronger faith then peter had , else you sink immediately . a starting horse endangers you to two deathe at once , breaking of your neck , and drowning . if your way be not thus , it hangs in the water , and at the approach of your waggon shall shake as if it were ague strucken . duke d' alva's taxing of the tenth penny frighted it into a palsey , which all the mountebancks they have bred since could never tell how to cure . 't is indeed but a bridge of swimming earth , or a flag somewhat thicker then ordinary , if the strings crack your course is shortned , you can neither hope for heaven nor fear hell , you shall be sure to stick fast between them . marry if your faith flow purgatory height , you may pray if you will for that to clense you from the mud shall soil you . 't is a green sod in water , where if the german eagle dares to bath himself , he 's glad again to pearch that he may dry his wings . some things they do that seem wonders . 't is ordinary to see them fish for fire in water , which they catch in nets and transport to land in their boats , where they spread it more smoothly then a mercer doth his velvet when he would hook in an heir upon his coming to age . thus lying in a field , you would think you saw a cantle of green cheese spread over with black butter . if aetna be hells mouth or fore-gate , sure here 's found the postern . 't is the port-esquiline of the world , where the whole earth doth vent her crude blackgore , which the inhabitants scrape away for fuel , as men with spoon 〈◊〉 excrements-from civit-cats . their ordinary pack-horses are all of wood , carry their bridles in their tails , and their burdens in their bellies . a strong tide and a stiff gale are the spurs that make them speedy . when they travel they touch no ground , and when they stand still they ride ; and are never in danger but when they drink up too much of their way . there is a province among them , where every woman carries a cony in a lambskin . 't is a custom , and not one that travels ever leaves it behind her . now guess if you can what beast that is , which is clad in a fur both of hair and wool . they dress their meat in aqua coelesti , for it springs not as ours from the earth , but comes to them as mann● to the israelites , falling from heaven . this they keep under ground till it stinks , and then they pump it out again for use . so when you wash your hands with one hand , you had need hold your nose with the other ; for though it be not cordial , 't is certainly a strong water the elem●nts are here at variance , the subtile overswaying the grosser . the fire consumes the earth , and the air the water . they burn turffs , and drain their grounds with wind-mills : as if the cholick were a remedy for the stone ; and they would prove against philosophy the worlds conflagration to be natural , even shewing thereby that the very element of earth is combustible . the land that they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 keep as neatly as 〈…〉 his beard . they ha 〈…〉 mowing . 't is so 〈…〉 water and rivers , 〈…〉 t it is impossible to make a 〈…〉 ommon among them . even the 〈…〉 ists are here at a stand , only they hold their pride in wrangling for that which they never will find . our justices would be much at ease although our english poor were still among them : for whatsoever they do , they can break no hedges . sure had the wise men of gotham lived here , they would have studied some other death for their cuckow . their ditches they frame as they list , and distinguish them into nooks , as my lord majors cook doth his custards . clense them they do often : but 't is as physicians ●●ve their potions , more to catch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then cast the mud out . 〈…〉 country be part of a 〈…〉 every house almost 〈…〉 and. and that though 〈…〉 it , looks as smug as a lady 〈…〉 newly lockt up her colours 〈…〉 by her irons . a gallant masquing suit sits not more compleat , then a coat of thatch though many years wearing . if it stand dry 't is embraced by vines , as if it were against the nature of a dutch man not to have bacchus his neighbour . if you find it lower-seated , 't is only a close arbor in a plump of willows and alders , pleasant enough while the dog-days last ; but those past once , you must practice wading , or be prisoner till the next spring . only a hard frost with the help of a sledge , may release you . the bridg to this is an out landish planck with a box of stones to poiz it withal , which with the least help turns round like the executioner when he whips off a head . that when the master is over●ands drawn , and then he 〈…〉 in his castle . 't is sure his 〈…〉 hat renders him suspicious . that he may therefore certainly see who enters , you shall ever find his window made over his door . but it may be , that is to shew you his pedigree , for though his ancestors were never known , their arms are there ; which ( in spight of heraldry ) shall bear their atchievment with a helmet for a baron at least marry the field perhaps shall be charged with three baskets , to shew what trade his father was . escutcheons are as plentiful as gentry is scarce . every man there is his own herald ; and he that has but wit enough to invent a coat , may challenge it as his own . when you are entred the house , the first thing you encounter is a looking gla●● no question but a true emb 〈…〉 politick hospitality ; for though it reflect your self in your own figure 't is yet no longer then while you are there before it . when you are gone once it flatters the next comer , without the least remembrance that you e're were there . the next are the vessels of the house marshalled about the room like watchmen . all as neat as if you werein a citizens wives cabinet ; for unless it be themselves , they let none of gods creatures lose any thing of their native beauty . their houses , especially in their cities , are the best eye-beauties of their countrey . for cost and sight they far exceed our english , but they want their magnificence . their lining is yet more rich then their outside , not in hangings but pictures , which ev 〈…〉 he poorest are there furnisht with . not a cobler but has his toys for ornament . were the knacks of all their houses set together , there would not be such another bartholomew fair in europe . their artists for these are as rare as thought , for they can paint you a fat hen in her feathers ; and if you want the language , you may learn a great deal of dutch by their signs ; for what they are , they ever write under them . so by this device hang up more honesty then they keep . coaches are as rare as comets ; and those that live loosely need not fear one punishment which often vexes such with us : they may be sure , though they be discovered , they shall not be carted . all their merchandise they draw through the streets on sledges ; or as we on hurdles do traitors to execution . their rooms are but several land-boxes : if so , you must either go out to spit , or blush when you see the map brought . their beds are no other then land-cabins , high enough to need a ladder or stairs . up once , you are walled in with wainscot , and that is good discretion to avoid the trouble of making your will every night ; for once falling out else would break your neck perfectly . but if you die in it , this comfort you shall leave your friends , that you di'd in clean linnen . whatsoever their estates be , their houses must be fair . therefore from amsterdam they have banisht sea-cole , lest it soil their buildings , of which the statelier sort are somtimes sententious , and in the front carry some conceit of the owner , as to give you a taste in these . christus adjutor meus ; hoc abdicato perenne quero ; hic medio tuitus itur . every door seems studded with diamonds . the nails and hinges hold a constant brightness , as if rust there were not a quality incident to iron . their houses they keep cleaner then their bodies , their bodies then their souls . go to one , you shall find the andirons shut up in net-work . at a second , the warming pan muffled in italian cut-work . at a third the sconce clad in cambrick . and like a crown advanced in the middle of the house , for the woman there is the head of the husband , so takes the horn to her own charge , which she sometimes multiplies , and bestows the increase on her man. 't is true , they are not so ready at this play as the english ; for neither are they so generally bred to 't , nor are their men such linnen-lifters . idleness and courtship has not banisht honesty . they speak more , and do less ; yet doth their blood boil high , and their veins are full , which argues strongly that when they will they may take up the custom of entertaining strangers . and having once done it , i believe they will be notable ; for i have heard they trade more for love then money , but 't is of the sport not the man , and therefore when they like the pastim they will reward the gamester ; otherwise their gross feed and clownish breeding hath spoiled them from being nobly minded . and if you once in publick discover her private favours or pretend to more then is civil , she falls off like fairy wealth disclosed , and turns like beer with lightening to a sowerness , which neither art nor labour can ever make sweet again . but this i must give you on report onely ; experience herein hath neither made me fool nor wise. the people are generally boorish , yet none but may be bred to a states-man , they having all this gift , not to be so nice-conscienced , but that they can turn out religion to let in policy . their countrey is the god they worship . war is their heaven , peace is their hell , and the spaniard is the devil they hate . custom is their law , and their will reason . you may sooner convert a iew , than make an ordinary dutch man yield to arguments that cross him . an old baud is easilier turned puritan , than a waggoner persuaded not to bait thrice in 9 miles . and when he doth , his horses must not stir , but have their manger brought them into the way , where in a top-sweat they eat their grass , and drink their water , and presently after hurry away . for they ever drive as if they were all the sons of nimshi , and were furiously either pursuing an enemy , or flying him . his spirits are generated from the english beer , and that makes him headstrong . his body is built of pickled herring , and they render him testy : these with a little butter , onions , and holland cheese , are the ingredients of an ordinary dutch man ; which a voyage to the east-indies , with the heat of the equinoctial consolidates . if you see him fat , he hath been rooting in a cabbage-ground and that bladdered him . viewing him naked , you will pray him to pull off his masque and gloves , or wish him to hide his face that he may appear more lovely . for that and his hands are egypt , however his body ●e europe . he hath exposed them so much to the sun and water , as he is now his own disguise , and without a vizard , may serve in any antimasque you put him in . for their condition they are churlish as their breeder neptune : and without doubt very ancient ; for they were bred before manners were in fashion . yet all they have not they account superfluity , which they say mendeth some , and marreth many . they should make good justices , for they respect neither petsons nor apparel . a boor in his liquord slop , shall have as much good use as a courtier in his bravery : nay more , for he that is but courtly or gentile , is among them like a merlyn after michaelmasi in the field with crowes . they wonder at and envy , but worship no such images . marry with a silver hook you shall catch these gudgeons presently . the love of gain being to them as natural as water to a goose , or carrion to any kite that flies . they are seldom deceived ; for they trust no body ; so by consequence are better to hold a fort then win it ; yet they can do both . trust them you must if you travel . for to ask a bill of particulars , is to purre in a wasps nest ; you must pay what they ask , as sure as if it were the assesment of a subsidy . complement is an idleness they were never trained up in , and 't is their happiness that court-vanities have not stole away their minds from business . their being sailors and souldiers have marred two parts already , if they bath once in court oyle they are painted trap-doors and shall then let the jews build a city where harlem mere is , and after cozen 'em on 't . they shall abuse a stranger for nothing , and after a few base terms scotch one another to a carbonado , or as they do their roaches when they fry them . nothing can quiet them but money and liberty , yet when they have them they abuse both ; but if you tell them so you awake their fury ; and you may sooner calm the sea , then conjure that into compass again . their anger hath no eyes ; and their judgment doth not flow so much from reason as passion and partiality . they are in a manner all aquatiles , and therefore the spaniard calls them water-dogs . to this , though you need not condiscend ; yet withal , you may think they can catch you a duck as soon . sea gulls do not swim more readily : nor more-hens from then nest run sooner to the water . every thing is so made to swim among them , as it is a question if elizeus his axe were now floating there , it would be taken for a miracle . they love none but those that do for them ; and when they leave off , they neglect him . they have no friends but their kindred , which at every wedding feast among themselves like tribes . all that help them not they hold popish ; and take it for an argument of much honesty , to rail bitterly against the king of spain . and certainly , this is the badge of an ill nature , when they have once cast off the yoke , to be most virulent against those to whom of right they owe respect and service . grateful dispositions , though by their lords they be exempt from service , will yet be paying reverence and affection . i am confident , that had they not been once the subjects of spain , they would have loved the nation better . but now out of dying duties ashes all the blazes of hostility and flame . and 't is sufficient ground to contemn their eternal hate , to know the world remembers , they were once the lawful subjects of that most catholick crown . their shipping is the babel which they boast on for the glory of their nation . 't is indeed a wonder , and they will have it so . but we may well hope they will never be so mighty by land , left they shew us how doggedly they can insult where they get the mastery . 't is their own chronicle business , which can tell you that at the siege of leyden , a fort being held by the spanish , by the dutch was after taken by assault . the defendants were put to the sword , where one of the dutch in the fury of the slaughter , ript up the captain 's body , and with a barbarous hand tore out the yet-lving heart panting among the reeking bowels , then then with his teeth rent it still warm with blood into gobbets , which he spitted over the battelments in defiance to the rest of the army . oh tigres breed ! the seythian bear could never have been more savage to be necessitated into cruelty , is a misfortune to the strongly tempted to it ; but to let spleen rave , and mad it in resistless blood , shews nature steep'd i' th' livid gall of passion ; and beyond all bruitishness displays the unnoble tyranny of a prevailing coward . their navies are the whip of spain , or the arm wherewith they pull away his indies . nature hath not bred them so active for the land as some others : but at sea they are water devils , to attempt things incredible . in fleets they can fight close , and rather hazard all then save some , while others perish : but single , they will flag and fear like birds in a bush , when the sparrow-hawks bells are heard . a turkish man of war is as dreadful to them as a falcon to a mallard ; from whom their best remedy is to steal away . but if they come to blows , they want the valiant stoutness of the english , who will rather expire bravely in a bold resistance , then yield to the lasting slavery of becoming captives to so barbarous an enemy . and this shews , they have not learned yet even pagan philosophy , which ever preferred an honourable death before a life thralled to perpetual slavery . their ships lie like high woods in winter : and if you view them on the north-side you frieze without hope , for they ride so thick , that you can through them see no sun to warm you with . sailers among them are as common as beggars with us . they can drink , rail , swear , niggle , steal , and be lowsie alike ; but examining their use , a mess of their knaves are worth a million of ours : for they in a boisterous rudeness can work , and live , and toil , whereas ours will rather laze themselves to poverty , and like cabages left out in winter , rot away in the lothsomeness of a nauseous sloth . almost all among them are seamen born , and like frogs can live both on land and water . not a countrey-uriester but can handle an oar , steer a boat , raise a mast , and bear you out in the roughest straits you come in . the ship she avouches much better for sleep then a bed . being full of humors , that is her cradle , which lulls and and rocks her to a dull phlegmatickness , most of them looking like a full grown oyster boil'd . slime , humid air , water , and wet dier , have so bag'd their cheeks , that some would take their paunches to be gotten above their chin . the countreys government is a democracy , and there had need be many to rule such a rabble of rude ones . tell them of a king , and they could cut your throat in earnest . the very name carries servitude in it , and they hate it more then a jew doth images , a woman old age , or a non-conformist a surplice . none among them hath authority by inheritance , that were the way in time to parcel out their countrey to families . they are chosen all as our kings chuse sheriffs for the counties : not for their sin of wit , but for the wealth they have to bear it out withal ; which they so over affect , that myn here shall walk the streets as usurers go to bawdy-houses , all alone and melancholy . and if they may be had cheap , he will daub his faced cloke with two penniworth of pickled herrings which himself shall carry home in a string . a common voice hath given him preeminence , and he loses it by living as he did when he was but a boor. but if you pardon what is past , they are about thinking it time to learn more civility . their justice is strict , if it cross not policy : but rather then hinder traffick tolerates any thing . there is not under heaven such a den of several serpents as amsterdam is , you may be what devil you will so you push not the state with your horns . 't is an university of all religions which grow here confusedly ( like stocks in a nursery ) without either order or pruning . if you be unsetled in your religion , you may here try all , and take at last what you like best . if you fancy none , you have a pattern to follow , of two , that would be a church to themselves . 't is the fair of all the sects , where all the pedlers of religion have leave to vent their toys , their ribands , and phanatick rattles . and should it be true , it were a cruel brand which romists stick upon them . for ( say they ) as the camelion changes into all colours but white : so they admit of all religions but the true ; for the papist only may not exercise his in publick : yet his restraint they plead is not in hatred but justice , because the spaniard abridges the protestant . and they had rather shew a little spleen , then not cry quit with their enemy . his act is their warrant , which they retaliate justly . and for this reason rather then the dunkirks they take shall not die , amsterdam having none of their own , shall borrow a hangman from harlem . now albeit the papists do them wrong herein , yet can it not excuse their boundless toleration , which shews they place their republick in a higher esteem then heaven it self : and had rather cross upon god then it . for whosoever disturbs the civil government is liable to punishment : but the decrees of heaven , and sanctions of the deity any one may break uncheck't , by professing what false religion he please . so consulary rome of old , brought all the stragling gods of other nations to the city , where blinded superstition paid an adoration to them . in their families they all are equals , and you have no way to know the master and mistress , but by taking them in bed together . it may be those are they : otherwise maiky can prate as much , laugh as loud , be as bold , and sit as well as her mistress . had logicians lived here first , father and son had never passed so long for relatives . they are here individuals , for no demonstrance of duty or authority can distinguish them , as if they were created together , and not born successively . and as for your mother , bidding her good night , and kissing her , is punctual blessing . your man shall be saucy , and you must not strike ; if you do , he shall complain to the schont , and perhaps have recompence , 't is a dainty place to please boys in : for your father shal bargain with your schoolmaster not to whip you : if he doth , he shall revenge it with his knife , and have law for it . their apparel is civil enough and good enough , but very uncomly , & has usually more stuffe then shape . only their huykes are commodious in winter ; but 't is to be lamented , that they have not wit enough to lay them by when summer comes . their women would have good faces if they did not mar them with making . their ear-wyers have so nip : in their cheeks , that you would think some fairy , to do them a mischief , had pincht them behind with tongs . these they dress , as if they would shew you all their wit lay behind , and they needs would cover it . and thus ordered , they have much more forehead then face . they love the englishgentry well ; and when soldiers come over to be billeted among them , they are emulous in chusing of their guest , who fares much the better for being liked by his hostess . men and women are there starched so blew , that if they once grow old , you would verily believe you saw winter walking up to the neck in a barrel of indigo : and therefore they rail at england for spending no more blowing . your man among them is else cl● tolerably unless he inclines to the sea-fashion : and then are his breeches yawning at the knees , as if they were about to swallow his legs unmercifully . they are far the●e from going naked , for of a whole woman you can see but half a face . as for her hand , that shews her a sore labourer ; which you shall ever find as it were in recompence loaden with rings to the cracking of her fingers . if you look lower ; she 's a monkey chain'd about the middle , and had rather want it in diet , then not have silver links to hang her keys in . their gowns are fit to hide great bellies , but they make them shew so unhandsom that men do not care for getting them . marry this you shall find to their commendation , their smocks are ever whiter then their skin . where the woman lies in , the ringle of the door does penance , and is lapped about with linnen ; either to shew you that loud knocking may wake the child , or else that for a month the ring is not to be run at . but if the child be dead , there is thrust out a nosegay tied to a sticks end ; perhaps for an emblem of the life of man , which may wither as soon as born ; or else to let you know , that though these fade upon their gathering , yet from the same stock , the next year a new shoot may spring . you may rail at us for often changing ; but i assure you with them is a great deal more following the fashion ; which they will plead for as the ignorant laity for their faith . they will keep it because their ancestors lived in it . thus they will rather keep an old fault though they discover errors in it , then in an easie change to meet a certain remedy . for their diet , they eat much and spend little : when they set out a fleet to the indies , it shall live three months on the offals , which we here fear would surfeit our swine , yet they feed on 't , and are still the same dutchmen . in their houses roots and stock-fish are staple-commodities . if they make a feast and add flesh , they have art to keep it hot more days , then a pigs-head in py-corner . salt meats and four cream they hold him a fool that loves not , only the last they correct with sugar , and are not half so well pleased with having it sweet at first , as with letting it four , that they may sweeten it again , as if a woman were not half so pleasing being easily won , as after a scolding fit she comes by man to be calmed again . fish indeed they have brave and plentiful ; and herein practice hath made them cooks as good as ere luculbus his latter kitchin had , which is some recompence for their wilfulness , for you can neither pray nor buy them to alter their own cookery . to a feast they come readily , but being set once you must have patience . they are longer eating meat then we preparing it . if it be to supper , you conclude timely when you get away by day-break . they drink down the evening . starre , and drink up the morning starre . at those times it goes hard with a stranger , all in courtesie will be drinking to him , and all that do so he must pledge : till he doth , the fill'd cups circle round his trencher , from whence they are not taken away till emptied . for though they give you day for payment , yet they will not abate the sum . they sit not there as we in england , men together , and women first , but ever intermingled with a man between : and instead of march-panes , and such juncates , 't is good manners if any be there , to carry away a piece of apple-py in your pocket . the time they there spend , is in eating well , in drinking much , and prating most . for the truth is , the compleatest drinker in europe is your english gallant . there is no such consumer of liquor as the quaffing off of his healths . time was the dutch had the better of it ; but of late he hath lost it by prating too long over his pot . he sips , and laughs , and tells his tale , and in a tavern is more prodigal of his time then his wine . he drinks as if he were short-winded ; and as it were eats his drink by morsels , rather besieging his brains then assaulting them . but the englishman charges home on the sudden , swallows it whole , and like a hasty tide , fills and flows himself till the mad brain swims , and tosses on the hasty fume . as if his liver were burning out his stomach , and he striving to quench it , drowns it . so the one is drunk sooner , and the other longer . as if striving to recover the wager , the dutchman would still be the perfectest soker . in this progress you have seen some of their vices , now view a fairer object . solomon tells of four things that are small and full of wisdome ; the pismire , the grashopper , the coney , and the spider . for providence , they are the pismires of the world : and having nothing but what grass affords them ; are yet for almost all provisions , the store-house of the whole of christendom . what is it which there may not be found in plenty ? they making by their industry all the fruits of the vast earth their own . what land can boast a priviledge that they do not partake of ? they have not of their own enough materials to compile one ship ; yet how many nations do they furnish ? the remoter angles of the world do by their pains deliver them their sweets : and being of themselves in want , their diligence hath made them both indies nearer home . they are frugal to the saving of egg-shels , and maintain it for a maxime , that a thing lasts longer mended then new . their cities are their mole-hills ; their schutes and flyboats creep and return with their store for winter : every one is busie and carries his grain ; as if every city were a several hive , and the bees not permitting a drone to inhabit ; for idle persons must finde some other mansion . and lest necessity bereave men of means to set them on work , there are publick banks , that ( without use ) lend upon pawns to all the poor that want . there is a season when the pismires fly , and so each summer they likewise swarm abroad with their armies . the ant , says one , is a wise creature , but a shrewd thing in a garden or orchard . and truly so are they ; for they look upon others too little , and upon themselves too much . and wheresoever they light in a pleasant or rich soyl , like suckers and lower plants , they rob from the root of that tree which gives them shade and protection , so their wisdom is not indeed heroick or numnial ; as courting an universal good ; but rather narrow and restrictive ; as being a wisdom but for themselves , which to speak plainly , is descending into craft ; and is but the sinister part of that which is really noble and coelestiall . nay in all they hold so true a proportion with the emmet , as yon shall not find they want so much as the sting . for dwelling in rocks they are conies . and while the spanish tumbler plays about them , they rest secure in their own inaccessible berries . where have you under heaven , such impregnable fortifications ? where are beautifies nature , and nature makes art invincible : here in indeed they differ : the conies find rocks , and they make them . and as they would invert the miracle of moses , they raise them in the bosom of the waves , where within these twenty years , ships furrowed in the pathless ocean , the peaceful plough now unbowels the fertile earth , which at night is carried home to the fairest mansions in holland . every town hath his garrison ; and the keys of the gates in the night-time are not trusted but in the state-house . from these holds they bolt abroad for provisions , and then return to their fastnesses replenished . for war they are grashoppers , and without a king go forth in bands to conquer kings . they have not only defended themselves at their own home , but have braved the spaniard at his . in anno 1599. under the command of vander does , was the grand canary taken . the chief city sackt ; the king of spain's ensigns taken down , and the colours of his excellency set up in their room . in the year 1600 the battel of nieuport was a gallant piece , when with the loss of a thousand or little more , they slew 7000 of their enemies , took above 100 ensigns , the admiral of arragon a prisoner . the very furniture of the arch duke 's own chamber and cabinet , yea , the signet that belonged to his hand . in 1607. they assailed the armado of spain in the bay of gibraltar , under covert of the castle and towns ordnance , and with the loss of 150 , slew above 2000 , and ruined the whole fleet. certainly a bolder attempt hath ever scarce been done . the indian mastiff never was more fierce against the angry lion. nor can the cock in his crowing valour , becom more prodigal of his blood then they . there hardly is upon earth such a school of martial discipline . 't is the christian worlds academy for arms , whither all the neighbour-nations resort to be instructed ; where they may observe how unresistible a blow many small grains of powder will make , being heaped together , which yet if you separate , can do nothing but sparkle and die . their recreation is the practice of arms ; and they learn to be souldiers sooner then men . nay , as if they placed a religion in arms , every sunday is concluded with the train'd-bands marching through their cities . for industry , they are spiders , and are in the palaces of kings . of old they were the guard of the person of the roman emperor ; and by the romans themselves declared to be their friends and companions . there is none have the like intelligence ; their merchants are at this day the greatest of the universe . what nation is it where they have not insinuated ? nay , which they have not almost anatomized , and even discovered the very intrinsick veins on 't ? even among us , they shame us with their industry , which makes them seem as if they had a faculty from the worlds creation , out of water to make dry land appear . they win our drowned grounds which we cannot recover , and chase back neptune to his own old banks . all that they do is by such labour as it seems extracted out of their own bowels . and in their wary thrist , they hang by such a slender sustentation of life , that one would think their own weight should be enough to crack it . want of idleness keeps them from want . and t is their diligence makes them rich. a fruitful soil encreaseth the harvest . a plentiful sunne augmenteth the store ; and seasonable showres drop fatness on the crop we reap . but no rain fructifies more then the dew of sweat. you would think being with them you were in old israel , for you find not a beggar among them . nor are they mindful of their own alone ; but strangers also partake of their care and bounty . if they will depart , they have money for their convoy . if they stay , they have work provided . if unable , they find an hospital . their providence extends even from the prince to the catching of flies . and left you lose an afternoon by fruitless mourning , by two of the clock all burials must end . wherein to prevent the wast of ground , they pile coffin upon coffin til the sepulchre be full . in all their manufactures they hold a truth and constancy , for they are as fruits from trees , the same every year that they are at first ; not apples one year and crabs the next ; and so for ever after . in the sale of these they also are at a word , they will gain rather then exact , and have not that way wherby our citizens abuse the wise and cozen the ignorant ; and by their infinite over-asking for commodities proclaim to the world that they would cheat all if it were in their power . the depravation of manners they punish with contempt , but the defects of nature they favor with charity . even their bedlam is a place so curious , that a lord might live in it ; their hospital might lodge a lady : so that safely you may conclude amongst them even poverty and madness do both inhabit handsomly . and though vice makes every thing turn fordid , yet the state will have the very correction of it to be neat , as if they would shew , that though odedience fail , yet government must be still it self and decent . to prove this , they that do but view their bridewel , will think it may receive a gentleman though a gallant . and so their prison a wealthy citizen . but for a poor man , 't is his best policy to be laid there , for he that cast him in must maintain him . tht is language though it differ from the higher germany , yet hath it the same ground , and is a sold as babel . and albeit harsh , yet so losty and full a tongue as made goropius becanus maintain it for the speech of adam in his paradise . and surely if there were not other reasons against it , the significan cyof the ancient teutonick might carry it from the primest dialect . stevin of bruges reckons up 2170 monosyllables , which being compounded , how richly do they grace a tongue ? a tongue that for the general profession is extended further then any that i know . through both the germanis , denmark , norway , sweden , and sometimes france , england spain . and still among us all our words are dutch , with yet so little change , that certainly it is in a manner the same that it was 2000 years ago , without the too much mingled borrowings of their neighbor nations . the germans are a people that more then all the world i think may boast sincerity , as being for fom thousands of years a pure and unmixed people . and surely i see not but their conduction by tuisco from the building of babel may pass as unconfuted story , they yet retaining the appellation from his name . they are a large and numerous people , having ever kept their own , and transported colonies into other nations . in italy were the longobards ; in spain the gothes and vandalls ; in france the franks or franconians ; in england the saxons : having in all these left reverend steps of their antiquity and language . it is a noble testimony that so grave an historian as tacitus hath left still extant of them , and written above fifteen hundred years ago : deliberant dum fingere nesciunt : constituunt dum errare non possant . they deliberate when they cannot dissemble : and resolve when they cannot erre . two hundred and ten years the romans were in conquering them . in which space on either side were the losses sad and fatal . so as neither the samnites , the carthaginians , the spaniards , the gauls , no nor the parthians ever troubled them like the germans . they slew and took prisoners several com. manders of the highest rank , as carbo , cassius , s. caurus aurelius cervilius cepio , and m. manlius ' they defeated five consulary armies , and varus with three legions , yet after all this he concludes , triumphati magis guam victi sunt . they were rather triumphed over then conquered . to confirm this , the keeping of their own language is an argument unanswerable . the change where of ever follows upon the fully vanqnished , as we may see it did in italy , france , spain , england . and this he speaks of the nation in general : nor was the opinion of the romans less worthy in particular concerning these lower provinces , which made them for their valor and warlike minds stile them by the name of gallie belgica , and especially of the batavians , which were the hollanders and part of guelders . you may hear in what honourable terms he mentions them , where speaking of the several people of germany , he says , omnium harum gentium virtute praecipui batavi : nam nec tribucis contemnuntur , reepublicanus atterit : exempti oneribu & collationibus , & tantum in usum praeliorum siposit , velut tela atque arma bellisreservantes , of all these nations the prineipal in valiant vertue are the batavians ; for neither are they become despleable by paying of tribute , nor oppressed too much by the farmor of publick revenues , but free from taxes and contributions of servility ; they are specially set apart for the fight , as armor and weapons only reserved for war. all this even at this day they seem to make good . for of all the world they are the people that thrive and grow rich by the war , like the porepisce , that plays in the storm , but at other times keeps sober under the water . war which is the worlds ruine , and ravins upon the beauty of all , is to them prosperity and ditation . and surely the reason of this is their strength in shipping , the open sea , their many sortified towns and the country by reason of its lowness and plentifull irriguation becoming unpassable for an army when the winter but approaches . otherwise it is hardly possible that so small a parcell of mankind , should brave the most potent monarch of christendom , who in his own hands holds the mines of the wars sinews money , and hath now got a command so wide , that out of his dominions the sun can neither rise nor set . the whole seventeen provinces are not above a thousand english miles in circuit . and in the states hands there is not 7 of those . yet have they in the field sometimes 60000 souldiers , besides those which they always keep in garrison , which cannot be but a considerable number neer thirty thousand more . there being in the whole countries above two hundred wall'd towns and cities . so that if they have people for the war , one would wonder where they should get mony to pay them ; they being , when they have an army in the field , at a thousand pound a day charge extraordinary . to maintain this , their excise is an unwasted mine , which with the infiniteness of their traffick , and their untired industry , is by every part of the world in something or other contributed to . the sea yields them by two sorts of fish only , herrings and cod , sixty thousand pound per annum ; for which they go out sometimes seven or eight hundred boats at once , and for greater ships , they are able to set out double the number . their merchandise amounted in guiceiardinis time to fourteen millions per annum . whereas england , which is in compass almost as large again , and hath the ocean as a ring about her , made not above six millions yearly ; so sedulous are these bees to labour and enrich their hive . as they on the sea , so the women are busie on land in weaving of nets , and helping to adde to the heap . and though a husbands long absence might tempt them to lascivious ways ; yet they hate adultery , and are resolute in matrimonial chastity . i do not remember that ever i read in story , of any great lady of that nation , that hath bin taxt with loosness . and questionless 't is their ever being busie , makes them have no leisure for lust 't is idleness that is cupids nurse ; but business breaks his bow , and makes his arrows useless . they are both merchants and farmers . and there act parts , which men can but discharge with us . as if they would shew that the soul in all is masculine , and not varied into weaker sex as are the bodies that they wear about them . whether this be from the nature of their country , in which if they be not laborious they cannot live ; or from an innate genius of people by a superiour providence adapted to them of such a situation ; from their own inclination addicted to parsimony ; from custome in their way of breeding ; from any transcendency of active parts more than other nations ; or from being in their country , like people in a city besieged , whereby their own vertues do more compact and fortifie ; i will not determine . but certainly in general they are the most painful and diligent people on earth : and of all other the most truly of vespasians opinion , to think , that ex re qualibet bonus odor lucri ; be it raised from what it will , the smell of gain is pleasant . yet they are in some sort gods , for they set bounds to the sea : and when they list let it pass them . even their dwellings is a miracle . they live lower then the fishes . in the very lap of the floods , and incircled in their watry arms . they are the israelites passing through the red sea. the waters wall in them , and if they set ope their sluces shall drown up their enemies . they have strugled long with spains pharaoh , and they have at length inforced him to let them go . they are a gideons army upon the march again . they are the indian rat , gnawing the bowels of the spanish crocodile , to which they got when he gap'd to swallow them . they are a serpent wreathed about the legs of that elephant . they are the little sword-fish pricking the belly of the whale . they are the wane of that empire , which increas'd in isabella , and in charles the fifth was at full . they are a glass wherein kings may see that though they be soveraigns over lives and goods , yet when they usurp upon gods part , and will be kings over conscience too , they are sometimes punisht with losse of that which lawfully is their own . that religion too fiercely urg'd is to stretch a string till it not onely jars , but cracks ; & in the breaking , whips ( perhaps ) the streiners eye out . that an extreme taxation is to take away the hony while the bees keep the hive , whereas he that would inke that , should first either burn them , or drive them out . that tyrants in their government are he greatest traitors to their own states . that a desire of being too absolute is to walk upon pinacles and the tops of pyramides , where not only the footing is ful of hazard , but even the sharpness of that they tread on may run into their foot and wound them that too much to regrate on the patience of but tickle subjects , is to press a thom till it prick your finger . that nothing makes a more desperate rebell than a prerogative inforced too far . that liberty in man is as the skin to the body , not to be put off , but together with life . that they which will command more than they ought , shall not at last command so much as is fit . that moderate princes sit faster in their regalities , than such as being but men , would yet have their power over their subjects , as the gods unlimited . that oppression is an iron heat till it burns the hand . that to debar some states of antient priviledges , is for a falcon to undertake to beat a flock of wild-geese out of the fens . that to go about to compell a sullen reason to submit to a wilfull peremptoriness , is so long to beat a chain'd mastiffinto his kennell , till at last he turns and flies at your throat . that unjust policy is to shoot as they did at ostend , into the mouth of a charged canon , to have two bullets returned for one . that he doth but indanger himself , that riding with too weak a bit , provokes a head-strong horse with a spur . that t is safer to meet a valiant man weaponless , then almost a coward in armor . that even a weak cause with a strong castle , wili boil salt blood to a rebellious itch. that 't is better keeping a crazy body in an equal temper , than to anger humors by too sharp a physick . that admonitions from a dying man are too serious to be neglected . that there is nothing certain that is not impossible . that a cobler of vlushing was one of the greatest enemies that the king of spain ever had . to conclude , the country it self is a moted castle , keeping a garnish of the richest jewels of the world in 't ; the queen of bohemia and her princely children . the people in it are jews of the new testament that have exchanged nothing but the law for the gospel ; and this they rather prosess then practice . together a man of war riding at anchor in the downs of germany . for forein princes to help them is wise self-policy . when they have made them able to defend themselves against spain , they are at the pale , if they enable them to offend others they go beyond it . for questionless , were this thorn out of the spaniards side , he might be feared too soon to grasp his long intended monarchy . and were the spaniard but possessed lord of the low. countreys , or had the states but the wealth and power of spain , the rest of europe might be like people at sea in a ship on fire : that could only chuse wherther they would drown or burn . now , their war is the peace of their neighbours . so rome when busied in her civil broils , the parthians lived at rest ; but those concluded once , by caesar next are they designed for conquest . if any man wonder at these contraries , let him look in his own body for as many several humors . in his own brain for as many different fancies . in his own heart for as various passions ; and from all these he may learn that there is not in all the world such another beast as man. finis . a perfect description of the people and countrey of scotland . london . printed for rich. lownds . 1670. a perfect description of scotland . first , for the countrey , i must confess it is good for those that possess it , and too bad for others , to be at the charge to conquer it . the air might be wholsom , but for the stinking people that inhabit it the ground might be fruitful had they wit to manure it . their beasts be generally small , women only excepted , of which sort there are none greater in the whole world . there is great store of fowl , too , as foul houses , foul sheets , foul linen , foul dishes and pots , foul trenchers , and napkins ; with which sort , we have been forced to say , as the children did with their fowl in the wilderness they have good store of fish too , and good for these that can eat it raw ; but if it come once into their hands , it is worse than if it were three days old . for their butter and cheese , i will not meddle with i at this time , nor no man else at any time that loves his life . they have great store of deer , but they are so far from the place where i have been , that i had rather believe , than go to disprove it : i confess , all the deer i met withal , was dear lodgings , dear horse-meat , and dear tobaco , and english beer . as sor fruit , for their grand fire adams sake , they never planted any ; and for other trees , had christ been betrayed in this country , ( as doubtless he should , had he come as a stranger ) judas had sooner found the grace of repentance , than a tree to hang himself on . they have many hills , wherein they say is much treasure , but they shew none of it ; nature bath only discovered to them some mines of coal , to shew to what end he created them . i saw little grass , but in their potrage : the thistle is not given of nought , for it is the fairest flower in their garden . the word hay is heathen greek unto them ; neither man nor beast knows what it means . corn is reasonable plenty at this time , for since they heard of the kings comming , it hath been as unlawful for the common people to eat wheat , as it was in the old time for any , but the priests , to eat shew-bread . they prayed much for his coming , and long fasted for his welfare ; but in the more plain sense , that he might fare the better : all his followers were welcom , but his guard ; for those they say are like pharaoh's lean kine , and threaten death wheresoever they come : they could perswade the footmen , that oaten cakes would make them long-winded ; and the children of the chappel they have brought to eat of them , for the maintenance of their voices . they say our cooks are too sawcy , and for grooms and coachmen they wish them to give to their horses no worse then they eat themselves ; they commend the brave mind , of the pensioners , and the gentlemen of the bed-chambers , which choose rather to go to taverns , then to be always eating of the kings provision , they likewise do commend the yeomen of the buttery and cellar , for their readiness and silence , in that they will hear 20 knocks , before they will answer one . they perswade the trumpeters that fasting is good for men of that quality ; for emptiness , they say , causes winde , and winde causes a trumpet to sound well . the bringing of heralds , they say , was a needless charge , they all know their pedigrees wel enough , and the harbingers might have been spared , s●●he●ce they brought so many beds with them ; and of two evils , since the least should be chosen . they wish the beds might remain with them , and poor harbingers keep their places , and do their office , as they return his hangings they desire might likewise be left as reliquos , to put them in mind of his majesty ; and they promise to dispense with the wooden images , but for those graven images in his new beautified chappel , they threaten to pull down soon after his departure , and to make of them a burnt offering , to appease the indignation they imagined conceived against them in the brest of the almighty , for suffering such idolatry to enter into their kingdom ; the organ , i think , will find mercy , because ( as they say ) there is some affinity between them and the bag pipes . the skipper that brought the singing men with their papistical vestments , complains that he hath been much troubled with a strange singing in his head , ever since they came aboard his ship . for remedy whereof the parson of the parish hath perswaded him to fell that prophane vessel , and to distribute the money among the faithful brethren . for his majesties entertainment , i must needs ingeniously confess , he was received into the parish of edinburgh , ( for a city i cannot call it ) with great shouts of joy , but no shews of charg for pageants ; they hold them idolatrous things , and not fit to be used in so reformed a place ; from the castle they gave him som pieces of ordnance , which surely he gave them since he was king of england , and at the entrance of the town , they presented him with a golden bason , which was carried before him on mens shoulders to his palace , i think , from whence it came . his majesty was convey'd by the younkers of the town , which were about 100 halberds , ( dearly shall they rue it , in regard of the charge ) to the cress and so to the high church where the only bell they had stood on tip toe to behold his sweet face ; where i must intreat you to spare him , for an hour i lost him . in the mean time to report the speeches of the people concerning his never-exampled entertainment , were to make his discourse too tedious unto you , as the sermon was to those that were constrained to endure it . after the preachment he was conducted by the same halberds unto his palace , of which i forbear to speak , because it was a place sanctified by his divine majesty , only i wish it had been better walled for my friends sake that waited on him . now i will begin briefly to speak of the people according to their degrees and qualities ; for the lords spiritual , they may well be termed so indeed , for they are neither fish nor flesh , but what it shall please their earthly god , the king , to make them . obedience is better then sacrifice , and therefore they make a mock at martyrdom , saying , that christ was to die for them , and not they for him . they will rather subscribe then surrender , and rather dispense with small things , then trouble themselves with great disputation ; they will rather acknowledge the king to be their head , then want wherewith to pamper their bodies . they have taken great pains and trouble to compass their bishopricks , and they will not leave them for a trifle ; for the deacon , whose defects will not lift them up to dignities , all their study is to disgrace them that have gotten the least degree above them ; and because they cannot bishop , they proclaim they never heard of any . the scriptures , say they , speak of deacons and elders , but not a word of bishops . their discourses are full of detraction ; their sermons nothing but railing ; and their conclusions nothing but herefies and treasons . for their religion they have , i confess they have it above reach , and god-willing i will never reach for it . they christen without the cross , marry without the ring , receiv the sacrament without reverence , die without repentance , and bury without divine service ; they keep no holy-days , nor acknowledge any saint but s. andrew , who they said got that honor by presenting christ with an oaten cake after his forty days fast . they say likewise , that he that translated the bible was the son of a maulster , because it speaks of a miracle done by barley-loaves , whereas they swear they were oaten cakes , and that no other bread of that quantity could have sufficedso many thousands . they use no prayer at all , for they say it is needless , god knows their minds without pratling ; and what he doth , he loves to do it freely . their sabbaths exercise , is a preaching in the forenoon , and a persecuting in the afternoon ; they go to church in the forenoon to hear the law , and to the crags and mountains in the afternoon to louz themselves . they hold their noses if you talk of bear-baiting , and stop their ears if you speak of a play : fornication they hold but a pastime , wherein mans ability is approved , and a womans fertility is discovered ; at adultery they shake their heads ; theft they rail at ; murther they wink at ; and blasphemy they laugh at ; they think it impossible to lose the way to heaven if they can but leave rome behind them . to be opposite to the pope , is to be presently with god ; to conclude , i am perswaded , that if god and his angels at the last day , should come down in their whiest garments , they would run away and cry , the children of the chappel are come again to torment us , let us flie from the abomination of these boys , and hide our selves in the mountains . for the lords temporal and spiritual , temporizing gentlemen , if i were apt to sp ak of any , i could not speak much of them ; only i must let you know they are not scottishmen , for assoon as they fall from the breast of the beast their mother , their careful fire posts them away for france , which as they pass , the sea sucks from them that which they have suckt from their rude dams ; there they gather new flesh , new blood , new manners , and there they learn to put on their cloaths , and then return , into their countreys , to wear them out ; there they learn to stand , speak , discourse and congee , to court women , and to complement with men . they spared for no cost to honor the king , nor no complemental curtesy to welcom their country-men ; their followers are their fellows their wives their slaves , their horses their masters , and their swords their judges ; by reason whereof , they have but few laborers , and those not very rich : their parliaments holo but three dayes , their statutes three lines , and their suits are determined in a manner in three words , or very few more , &c. the wonders of their kingdom are these ; the lord chancellor , he is believed ; the master of the rolls , well spoken of ; and the whole councel , who are the judges for all causes , are free from suspition of corruption . the country , although it be mountainous , affords no monsters but women , of which , the greatest sort ( as countesses , and ladies ) are kept like lions in iron grates ; the merchants wives are also prisoners , but not in so strong a hold ; they have wooden cages , like our boar franks , through which , sometimes peeping to catch the air , we are almost choaked with the sight of them ; the greatest madness amongst the men , is jealousie ; in that they fear what no man that hath but two of his sences will take from them . the ladies are of opinion , that susanna could not be chast , because she bathed so often . pride is a thing bred in their bones , and their flesh naturally abhors cleanliness ; their breath commonly stinks of pottage , their linen of piss , their hands of pigs turds , their body of sweat , and their splay-feet never offend in socks to be chained in marriage with one of them , were to be tyed to a dead carkass , and cast into a stinking ditch ; formosity , and a dainty face , are things they dream not of . the oyntments they most frequently use amongst them are brimstone and butter for the scab , and oyl of bays , and stave sacre . i protest , i had rather be the meanest servant of the two of my pupils chamber-maids , then to be the master-minion to the fairest countess i have yet discovered . the sin of curiosity of oyntments is but newly crept inro the kingdom , and i do not think will long continue . to draw you down by degree from the citizens wives , to the countrey gentlewomen , and convey you to common dames in sea-coal lane , that converse with rags and marrow-bones , are things o● mineral-race ; every whore i● hound ditch is an helena ; and the greasie bauds in turnmil street at greekish dames in comparison of these . and therefore to conclude , the men of old did no more wonder , that the great messias should be born in so poor a town as bethlem in judea , then i do wonder that so brave a prince as king iames , should be born in so stinking a town as edinburgh , in lowsie scotland . finis . insignia bataviæ, or, the dutch trophies display'd being exact relations of the unjust, horrid, and most barbarous proceedings of the dutch against the english in the east-indies : whereby is plainly demonstrable what the english must expect from the hollanders when at any time or place they become their masters / by elkanah settle. settle, elkanah, 1648-1724. 1688 approx. 78 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59322) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105372) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1158:11) insignia bataviæ, or, the dutch trophies display'd being exact relations of the unjust, horrid, and most barbarous proceedings of the dutch against the english in the east-indies : whereby is plainly demonstrable what the english must expect from the hollanders when at any time or place they become their masters / by elkanah settle. settle, elkanah, 1648-1724. 32 [i.e. 28] p., [1] leaf of plates : ill. printed for thomas pyke ...and are to be sold by the booksellers of london and westminster, london : 1688. inspired by the prospective invasion of william of orange--cf. pref. errors in pagination: 13-17 lacking in numbering only. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. 2005-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-06 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion depiction of torture whilst fam'd amboyna stands in deathless story ; a monument to the batavian glory ; oh dull mistaken page ; that poorly tells of feebler pagan cut-throat infidells : those demi-furies , with their punjer fame veile to our belgian more immortall nam● nor let us wonder , that y e neth'rland pride boasts it self nearer to the deuill allyed it lyes nigh'r hell than all y e world beside . insignia bataviae : or , the dutch trophies display'd ; being exact relations of the unjust , horrid , and most barbarous proceedings of the dutch against the english in the east-indies . whereby is plainly demonstrable what the english must expect from the hollanders , when at any time or place they become their masters . by elkanah settle . published with allowance . london , printed for thomas pyke in pall-mall ; and are to be sold by the booksellers of london and westminster . 1688. to the reader . reader , the following treatise of the dutch cruelties in the indies is here presented to your view ; like an old longfilenc'd fiend , now rais'd ab inferis , to walk abroad again , and new terrifie the trembling world. 't is an odd sort of entertainment you are call'd to , to hear of so hideous a story over again : but new generations are risen up ; and perhaps , as there are a sort of men in all ages , that will not believe there are ( or can be ) any such things as devils ; this history therefore treads the stage once more , to convert a greater piece of infidelity , viz. that there are ( and can be ) a more dreadful sort of compounds , than those other more immediate infernal subjects of lucifer ; viz. devils in flesh . and truly , this more than stupendious piece of horror , had it lain silent even for more than ages , ( though from a resurrection , if possible , after a thousand years ) it could not be forgotten . the marks of the beast in it are only peculiar to it self ; and to shew mankind its more particular characteristicks , i need but name its nativity , and say , 't is of the holland-breed . there is a certain bogg-land in the world , which , by the lowness of its situation , may justly claim the honour of being the sink of the universe ; and truly , as it had the credit of first founding it self upon revolt and rebellion against its natural soveraign , and afterwards setting up a sanctuary for all the outlaws of the world to find shelter and protection in ; possibly , if villany , treason , infamy , vagrance , and pyracy , &c. had weight enough , like other grosser bodies , to move towards the center , undoubtedly , in one universal c 〈…〉 flux , they fell down , and fixt and incorporated here. the history has this commendation , that the subject-matter of it , is an original ; and will continue so to the very period of the platonick-circle , unless the same hands attempt a fellow to it . if nero himself could revive again , and set-up for a saint , the project would be only feazible here ; for he could not well pick-up a convenienter foyl to his whole life , than this history : an history so truly extraordinary black , that it might serve for a shadow , even to set off the coursest , rough-cast pencil-work of butchery and massacre , that ever was dawb'd since the creation . the unimitable actors of this tragedy , perhaps , study'd the playing a part so deep , as if they had affected an applause from the very execration of posterity . the secret spring that set this dismal machine a-moving , was avarice . the english had gain'd a little footing , and trade amongst them ; and therefore , this false plot , put upon them , was a way-lay to ensnare them out of their lives , only to rob and riffle them of their money . the national dutch moloch , gold , requir'd their blood ; and his burning paws could not be satisfy'd , but with this extraordinary unexampl'd sacrifice . such were the hogan-engineers in this celebrated torture-work , and this scene their sometimes master-piece : and to come nearer even to our present face of affairs in or towards england ; possibly , this original amboyna-accomplishment , together with several later additional new acquir'd endowments , has equipt them out for the present great protestant intended reformers of england ; and really , for our present design'd invasion , there needs such principle to animate in such a cause . and truly , let religion , or what-ever other spetious declaration be the masque , the present invasion , duly examin'd , will be found resting upon the very same bottom , viz. interest . little old england is that fat spot of ground , so much a larger golden land of promise , than that poorer inconsiderable factory of amboyna ; that , if possible , greater villanies , a more impions cause , and blacker streams of blood , shall not be wanting to carry it . but , perhaps , the work may be tougher , than their flattering hopes have conceiv'd it ; when the edge of the english swords ; the justice of their cause ; the conduct of their martial soveraign ; together , with the favour of providence , the guardian of the throne , like the angel's flaming sword at the gate of paradise , standing drawn against them ; shall all joyn in our defence . true relations of the unjust , cruel , and barbarous proceedings of the dutch , against the english in the east-indies . after the fruitless issue of two several treaties ; the first , anno 1613. in london ; and the other , anno 1615. at the hague in holland , touching the differences between the english and dutch , in the east-indies : at last , by a third treaty , anno 1619. in london , there was a full and solemn composition made of all the said differences ; and a fair order set for the future proceeding of the supports of both companies in the indies , as well in the course of their trade and commerce , as otherwise . amongst sundry other points , it was agreed , that in regard of the great blood-shed and cost , pretended to be bestowed by the hollanders , in winning of the trade of the isles of the molluccos , banda , and amboyna , from the spaniards and portugals , and in building of forts for the continual securing of the same ; the said hollanders therefore should enjoy two third parts of that trade , and the english the other third ; and the charge of the forts to be maintained by taxes and impositions , to be levied upon the merchandize . wherefore , in consequence of this agreement , the english east-india company planted certain factories for their share of this trade ; some at the molluccos , some at banda , and some at amboyna . of the two former of these , there will be , at this present , small occasion to speak further ; but the last will prove the scene of a sad tragedy . this amboyna is an island lying near seran , of the circuit of forty leagues , and giveth name also to some other small islands adjacent . it beareth cloves ; for gathering , and buying in whereof , the english company , for their part , had planted five several factories ; the head , and rendevouz of all , at the town of amboyna ; and therein first master george muschamp , and afterward master gabriel towerson , their agents ; with directions over the smaller factories at hitto and larica , upon the same island ; and at lobo and cambello , upon a point of their neighbouring island of seran . upon these islands of amboyna , and the point of seran , the hollanders have four forts , the chief of all is at the said town of amboyna , and is very strong , having four points or bulwarks , with their curtains ; and upon each of these points six great pieces of ordinance mounted , most of them of brass . the one side of this castle is washed by the sea , and the other is divided from the land with a ditch of four or five fathom broad , very deep , and ever filled with the sea. the garrison of this castle consisteth of about 200 dutch soldiers , and a company of free burgers : besides these , there is always a matter of three or four hundred mardikers ( for so they usually call the free natives ) in the town , ready to serve the castle at an hours warning . there lie also in the road ( for the most part ) divers good ships of the hollanders , as well for the guard of the place by sea , as for the occasions of traffick : this being the chief rendezvouz , as well for the island of banda , as for the rest of amboyna . here the english lived ; not in the castle , but under the protection thereof , in a house of their own in the town ; holding themselves safe , as well in respect of the ancient bonds of amity between both nations , as of the strict conjunction made by the late treaty before-mentioned . they continued here some two years , conversing and trading together with the hollanders , by vertue of the said treaty . in which time , there fell out sundry differences and debates between them : the english complaining that the hollanders did not only lavish away much money in building , and unnecessary expences upon the forts , and otherwise , and bring large and unreasonable reckonings thereof to the common account , but also did , for their part , pay the garrisons with victuals , and cloath of coromondel , which they put off to the soldiers at three or four times the value it cost them ; yet would not allow the english companies part of the same charge , but only in ready money , thereby drawing from the english ( which ought to pay but one third part ) more than two thirds of the whole true charge . hereupon , and upon the like occasions , grew some discontents and disputes , and the complaints were sent to jaccatra , in the island of java major , to the council of defence of both nations , there residing : who also , not agreeing upon the points in difference , sent the same hither over into europe , to be decided by both companies here ; or , in default of their agreement , by the king's majesty , and the lords the states general , according to an article of the treaty of the year , 1619. on this behalf . in the mean time , the discontent between the english and dutch , about these and other differences , continued , and daily encreased ; until at last there was a sword found to cut in sunder that knot at once , which the tedious disputes of amboyna and jaccatra could not untie : and this was used in manner as followeth : about the 11th . of february , 1622. stile veteri , a japoner-soldier of the dutch , in their castle of amboyna , walking in the night upon the wall , came to the sentinel ( being a hollander ) and there , amongst other talk , asked him some questions , touching the strength of the castle , and the people that were therein . it is here to be noted , that those japoners ( of whom there is not thirty in all the island ) did , for the most part , serve the dutch as soldiers ; yet were not of their trusty bands , always lodged in the castle , but upon occasion called out of the town to assist in the watch. this japoner aforesaid , was ( for his said conference with the sentinel ) apprehended upon suspition of treason , and put to torture : whereby ( as some of the dutch affirmed ) he was brought to confess , that himself , and sundry others of his countrey-men there , had contrived to take the castle . hereupon other japoners were examined and tortured , as also a portugal , the guardian of the slaves under the dutch. during this examination , which continued three or four days , some of the english-men went to and from the castle upon their business , saw the prisoners , heard of their tortures , and of the crime laid to their charge , but all this while suspected not that this matter did any whit concern themselves , having never had any conversation with the japoners , nor with the portugal aforesaid . at the same time there was one abel price , chirurgeon of the english , prisoner in the castle , for offering , in his drunkenness , to set a dutch-man's house on fire : this fellow the dutch took , and shewed him some of the japoners , whom they had first most grievously tortured ; and told him , they had confessed the english to be of their confedracy for the taking the castle ; and that if he would not confess the same , they would use him even as they had done these japoners , and worse also . having given him the torture , they soon made him confess what ever they asked him . this was the 15th . of february , 1622. stilo veteri . forthwith , about nine of the clock the same morning , they sent for captain towerson , and the rest of the english that were in the town , to come to speak with the governor in the castle ; they all went , save one that was left to keep the house : being come to the governor , he told captain towerson , that himself , and others of his nation were accused of a conspiracy to surprize the castle ; and therefore , until further tryal , were to remain prisoners : they also took him that was left at home in the house , and the merchandize of the english there , into their own custody , by inventory ; and seized all the chests , boxes , books , writings , and other things out of the said house . captain towerson was committed to his chamber , with a guard of dutch soldiers : emanuel thompson was kept prisoner in the castle ; the rest , viz. john beomont , edward collins , william webber , ephram ramsey , timothy johnson , john fardo , and robert brown were sent . aboard the hollanders ships , then riding in harbour , some to one ship , and some to another , and all made fast in irons . the same day also the governor sent to the two other factories in the same island , to apprehend the rest of the english there : so that samuel colson , john clark , george sharrock , that were found in the factory at hitto ; and edward collins , william webber , and john sadler at larica , were all brought prisoners to amboyna , the 16th . of february . upon ▪ which day also john powl , john wetheral , and thomas ladbrook , were apprehended at cambello ; and john beomont , william grigs , and ephraim ramsey at lobo , and brought in irons to amboyna the 20th . of the same month. in the mean time the governor and fiscal went to work with the prisoners that were already there : and first they sent for john beomont and timothy johnson from aboard the unicorn ; who being come into the castle , beomont was left with a guard in the hall , and johnson was taken into another room ; where , by and by , beomont heard him cry out very pitifully ▪ then to be quiet a little while , and then loud again . after taste of the torture , abel price the chirurgeon , that first was examined and tortu●ed , ( as aforesaid ) was brought in to confront and accuse him ; but johnson not yet confes●ing any thing , price was quickly carried out , and johnson brought again to the torture ; where beomont heard him sometime cry aloud , then quiet again , then roar afresh . at last , after he had been an hour in this second examination , he was brought forth wailing and lamenting , all wet , and cruelly burnt in divers parts of his body , and so laid aside in a by place in the hall , with a soldier to watch him , that he should speak with no body . then was emanuel thompson brought to examination ; not in the room where johnson had been , but in another , something farther from the hall : yet beomont being in the hall , heard him roar most lamentably , and many times . at last , after an hour and half spent in torturing him , he was carried away into another room , another way , so that he came not by beomont thro' the hall. next was beomont called in , and being demanded many things , all which he denied with deep oaths and protestations , was made fast to be tortured , a cloath tied about his neck , and two men ready with their jarrs of water to be poured on his head : but yet , for this time , the governor bad loose him , he would spare him a day or two because he was an old man. this was all saturdays work , the fifteenth of february aforesaid . upon sunday the 16th ▪ of february , william webber , edward collins , ephraim ramsey , and robert brown , were fetcht from aboard the rotterdam to be examined . at the same time came samuel colson , william grigs , and john clark ; george sharrock , and john sadler , from hitto and larica , and were immediately , upon their arrival , brought into the castle-hall . robert brown , taylor , was first called in , and being tormented with water , confessed all in order as the fiscal asked him . then was edward collins called in , and told , that those that were formerly examined , had confest him as accessary in taking the castle : which , when he denied with great oaths and execrations , they made his hands and feet fast to the rack , bound a cloath about his throat , ready to be put to the torture of water : thus prepared , he prayed to be respited , and he would confess all ; being let down , he again vowed and protested his innocency ; yet said , that because he knew that they would by torture make him confess any thing , though never so false , they would do him great favour to tell him what they would have him say , and he would speak it to avoid the torture : the fiscal hereupon said , what , do you mock us ? and bid , up with him again , and so gave him the torment of water ; which he not long able to endure , prayed to be let down again to his confession : then he devised a little with himself , and told them , that about two months and an half before , himself , thompson , johnson , brown , and fardo , had plotted , with the help of the japoners , to surprize the castle . here he was interrupted by the fiscal , and asked , whether captain towerson were not of that conspiracy ? he answered , no. you lye , said the fiscal ; did not he call you all to him , and tell you , that those daily abuses of the dutch had caused him to thing of a plot , and that he wanted nothing but your consent and secrecy ? then said a dutch merchant , one john joost , that stood by ▪ did not you all swear upon a bible to be secret to him ? collins answered with great oaths , that he knew nothing of any such matter . then they bid make him fast again ; whereupon he then said , all was true that they had spoken . then the fiscal asked him , whether the english in the rest of the factories were not consenting to this plot ? he answered , no. the fiscal then asked him , whether the president of the english at jaccatra , or master welden , agent in banda , were not plotters , or privy to this business ? again , he answered , no. then the fiscal asked him , by what means the japoners should have executed their purpose : whereat , when collins stood staggering and devising of some prob●ble fiction , the fiscal helpt him , and said , should not two japoners have gone to each point of the castle , and two to the governors chamber-door , and when the hurly-burly had been without , and the governor coming to see what was the matter , the japoners to have killed him ▪ here one that stood by , said to the fiscal , do not tell him what he should say , but let him speak of himself : whereupon the fiscal ▪ without attending the answer to his former question , asked , what the japoners should have had for their reward ? he answered , a thousand ryals a piece . lastly , he asked him , when this plot should have been effected ? whereunto , although he answered him nothing ( not knowing what to dev 〈…〉 upon the sudden ) yet he was dismissed , and very glad to come clear of the torture , though with certain belief that he should dye for this his confession . next was samuel colson brought in , being newly arrived from hitto , as is before cited ; and was the same day brought to the torture ; who , for fear of the pain wherewith he saw collins come out , in such a case , that his eyes were almost blown out of his head , with the torment of water , chose rather to confess all they asked him ; and so was quickly dismissed , coming out weeping , lamenting , and protesting his innocency . then was john clark , that came with colson from hitto , fetcht in , an a little after was heard ( by the rest that were without in the hall ) to cry out amain : they tortured him with water and fire for the space of two hours . the manner of his torture ( as also of johnsons and thompsons ) was as followeth : first , they hoised him up by the hands , with a cord , on a large door , where they made him fast upon two staples of iron , fixt on both sides at the top of the door posts , haling his hands one from the other as wide as they could stretch : being thus made fast , his feet hung some two foot from the ground , which also they stretcht asunder as far as they could retch , and so made them fast beneath , unto the door trees , on each side : then they bound a cloth about his neck and face , so close that little or no water could go by : that done , they poured the water softly upon his head , until the cloath was full up to the mouth and nostrils , and somewhat higher ; so that he could not draw breath , but he must withal suck-in the water : which being still continued to be poured in softly , forced all his inward parts , came out of his nose , ears , and eyes , and often , as it were , stifling and choaking him ; at length took away his breath , and brought him to a swoond or fainting : then they quickly took him down , and made him vomit up the water . being a little recovered , they triced him up again , and poured in the water as before , always taking him down as he seemed to be stifled : in this manner they handled him three or four several times with water , till his body was swoln twice or thrice as big as before , his cheeks like great bladders , and his eyes staring and strutting out beyond his forehead : yet all this he bare without confessing any thing ; insomuch that the fiscal and tormentors reviled him , saying , that he was a devil , and no man ; or surely was a witch , at least had some charm about him , or was enchanted , that he could bear so much . wherefore they cut off his hair very short , as supposing he had some witchcraft hidden therein . afterwards they hoised him up as before , and then burnt him with lighted candles in the bottom of his feet , until the fat dropt out the candles , yet then they applied fresh lights unto him . they burne him also under the elbows , and in the palms of the hands ; likewise under the arm pits , until his inwards might evidently be seen . at last , when they saw he could of himself make no handsome confession , then they led him along with questions of particular circumstances , by themselves framed . being thus wearied and overcome by the torment , he answered , yea , to whatsoever they asked : whereby they drew from him a body of a confession to this effect ; to wit , that captain towerson had upon new-years-day last before , sworn all the english at amboyna to be secret and assistant to a plot that he had projected , with the help of the japoners , to surprize the castle , and to put the governor and the rest of the dutch to death . having thus martyred this poor man , they sent him out by four blacks : who carried him between them to a dungeon where he lay five or six days , without any chyrurgion to dress him , untill ( his flesh being putrified ) great maggots dropt and crept from him in a most loathsom and noisom manner . thus they finished their sabbath days work ; and it growing now dark , sent the rest of the english ( that came that day from hitto , and till then attended in the hall ) first to the smiths-shop , where they were loaden with irons , and then to the same loathsom dungeon , where clark and the rest were , accompanied with the poor japoners , lying in the putrefaction of their tortures . the next morning being munday the 17th . of february , old stile , william griggs and john fardo , with certain japoners , were brought into the place of examination . the japoners were first cruelly tortured to accuse griggs , which at last they did : and griggs , to avoid the like torture , confessed all that the fiscal demanded . by and by the like also was done by john fardo , and other japoners : but fardo himself endured the torture of water , and at last confessed whatsoever the fiscal asked him ; and so was sent back to prison . the same day also john beomont was brought the second time to the fiscals chamber ; where one captain newport a dutchman's son ( born in england ) was used as an interpreter . will. griggs was also brought in to accuse him ; who said , that when the consultation for taking of the castle , was held , then he ( the said beomont ) was present . beomont denied it with great earnestness and deep oaths . at last being triced up , and drenched with water till his inwards were ready to crack , he answered affirmatively to all the fiscals interrogatories : yet as soon as he was let down , he clearly demonstrated to capt. newport , and johnson a dutch merchant , then also present , that these things could not be so . nevertheless he was forced to put his hand to his confession , or else he must to the torture again , which to avoid , he subscribed ; and so had a great iron bolt and two shackles riveted to his legs , and then was carried back to prison . after this , george sharrock , assistant at hitto , was called in question ; who , seeing how grievously others were martyred , made his earnest prayer to god ( as since upon his oath he hath acknowledged ) that he would suffer him to make some such probable lies against himself , as the dutch might believe , and so he might escape the torment . being brought to the rack , the water provided , and the candles lighted , he was by the governor and fiscal examined , and charged with the conspiracy . he fell upon his knees , and protested his innocency . then they commanded him to the rack , and told him ; unless he would confess , he should be tormented with fire and water to death , and then should be drawn by the heels to the gallows , and there handed up . he still persisting in this his innocency , the fiscal bad him be hoised up . then he craved respite a while , and told them , that he was at hitto , and not in amboyna , upon new-years-day , when the consultation was pretended ; neither had been there since november before , as was well known to sundry of the hollanders themselves that resided there also with him . hereupon , they commanded him again to the rack : but he craving respite as before , now told them , that he had many times heard john clark ( who was with him at hitto ) say , that the dutch had done them many unsufferable wrongs , and that he would be revenged of them : to which end , he had once broken with captain towerson of a brave plot. at which word the fiscal and the rest were attentive , encouraging him to proceed . so he went on , saying , that john clark had intreated captain towerson , that he might go to maccasser , there to consult and advise with the spaniards to come with gallies , and rob the small factories of amboyna and seran , when no ships were there . here they asked him , what captain towerson said to this . he answered , that captain towerson was very much offended with clark for the motion ; and from thenceforth could never abide him . hereupon the fiscal called him rogue , and said he prated all from the matter , and should go to the torture . he craved favour again , and began another tale ; to wit , that upon twelfth-day then last past , john clark told him at hitto , that there was a practise to take the castle of amboyna ; and asked him , whether he would consent thereunto . whereupon he demanded of clark , whether captain towerson knew of any such business ? which , clark affirming ; then he ( the said sharrock ) said that he would do as the rest did . then the fiscal asked him what time the consultation was held ? he answered , in november last . the fiscal said , that could not be : for the consultation was upon new-years-day . the prisoner said as before in the beginning , that he had not been in amboyna since the first of decem. till now that he was brought thither . why then , quoth the fiscal , have you belied your self ? whereto the prisoner resolutely answered , that all that he had spoken touching any treason , was false and feigned , only to avoid torment . then went the fiscal out into another room to the governour , and anon returned , and sent sharrock unto the prison again . the next day he was called again , and a writing presented him , wherein was framed a formal confession of his last conference with clark at hitto , touching the plot to take the castle of amboyna : which being read over to him , the fiscal asked him , whethere it were true , or no ? he answered , no. why then , said the fiscal , did you confess it ? he answered , for fear of torment . the fiscal and the rest in a great rage , told him he lied ; his mouth had spoken it , and it was true , and therefore he should subscribe it . which as soon as he had done , he fell presently into a great passion , charging them bitterly to be guilty of the innocent blood of himself and the rest ; which they should look to answer for at the day of judgment : withall he grapled with the fiscal , and would have stopped him from carrying in the confession to the governor , with whom he also craved to speak ; but was instantly laid hold on , and carried away to prison . william webber , being next examined , was told by the fiscar , that john clark had confessed him to have been at amboyna on now years day , and sworn to captain towerson ' s plot , &c. all which he denyed , alledging , he was that day at larica : yet being brought to the torture , he then confessed , he had been at the consultation at amboyna upon new-years day , with all the rest of the circumstances in order as he was asked . he also further told them , he had received a letter from john clark ; after which was a postscript , excusing his brief writing at that time , for that there was great business in hand . but one renier a dutch merchant , then standing by , told the governour , that upon new-years day , the time of this pretended consultation , webber and he were merry at larica . so the governour left him , and went out . but the fiscal held on upon the other point , touching the postscript of clark's letter , urging him to shew the same . which when he could not do , though often terrified with the torture , he gave him respite ; promising to save his life , if he would produce that letter . then was captain towerson brought to examination , and shewed what others had confested of him . he deeply protesting his innocency , samuel colson was brought to confront him : who being told , that unless he would now make good his former confession against captain towerson , he should to the torture , coldly re-affirmed the same , and so was sent away . they also brought william grigs and john fardo to justifie their former confessions to his face . captain towerson seriously charged them , that as they would answer it at the dreadful day of judgment , they should speak nothing but the truth . both of them instantly fell down upon their knees before him ; praying him for gods sake to forgive them , and saying further openly before them all , that whatsoever they had formerly confessed , was most false , and spoken only to avoid torment . with that the fiscal and the rest offered them again to the torture : which they would not endure , but then affirmed their former confessions to by true . when colson ( who had accused captain towerson before ) was required to set his hand to his confession , he asked the fiscal , upon whose head he thought the sin would lie ; whether upon his that was constrained to confess what was false , or upon the constrainers . the fiscal after a little pause upon this question , went in to the governour then in another room ; but anon returning , told colson he must subscribe it : which he did ; yet withall made this protestation : well , quoth he , you make me to accuse my self and others of that which is as false as god is true : for , god is my witness , i am as innocent as the child newborn . thus have they examined all that belong to the english company in the several factories of the island of amboyna . the one and twentieth of february , they examined john wetheral , factor at cambello in the island of seran . he confessed , he was at amboyna upon new-years day : but for the consultation , whereof he was demanded , he said he knew of no other but touching certain cloath of the english company , that lay in the factories rotten and wormeaten , which they advised together how to put off to the best avail of their imployers . the governour said , they questioned him not about cloath , but about treason : whereof when he had protested his innocency , he was for that time dismissed . but the next day he was sent for again , and captain towerson brought to confront and accuse him , having before ( it seems ) confessed somewhat against him . but mr. towerson spake now these words only : oh mr. wetheral , mr. wetheral , speak the truth , and nothing but the truth , as god shall put into your heart . so captain towerson was put out again , and wetheral brought to the torture of water with great threats ; if water would not make him confess , fire should . he prayed them to tell him what he should say , or to write down what they would , he would subscribe it . they said , he needed no tutor : they would make him confess of himself . but when they had triced him up four several times , and saw he knew not what to say , then they read him other mens confessions , and asked him from point to point , as they had done others : and he still answered , yea , to all . next was called in john powl , wetherals assistant at cambello : but he , proving that he was not at amboyna since november ( save now when he was brought thither prisoner ) and being spoken for by one john joost , who had long been well acquainted with him , was dismissed without torture . then was thomas ladbrook , servant to wetheral and powl at cambello , brought to be examined : but proving that he was at cambello at the time of the pretended consultation , and serving in such quality , as that he was never acquainted with any of the letters from the agent of amboyna , he was easily and quickly dismissed . ephraim ramsey was also examined upon the whole pretended conspiracy , and particularly questioned concerning captain welden the english agent in banda , but denying all , and proving that he was not at amboyna at new-years-tide , being also spoken for by john joost , was dismissed , after he had hanged in the rack a good while , with irons upon his legs , and the cloath about his mouth . lastly , john sadler , servant to william griggs at larica , was examined ; and being found to have been absent from amboyna at new-years tide , when grigs and others were there , was dismissed . thus have we all their examinations , tortures , and confessions , being the work of eight days , from the 15. to the 23. of february . after which was two days respite before the setence . john powl , being himself acquitted , as before said , went to the prison to visit john fardo , one of those that had accused captain towerson . to him fardo religiously protested his innocency ; but especially his sorrow for accusing master towerson : for , said he , the fear of death doth nothing dismay me ; for , god ( i trust ) will be merciful to my soul , according to the innocency of my cause . the only matter that troubleth me , is , that through fear of torment i have accused that honest and godly man , captain towerson , who ( i think in my conscience ) was so upright and honest towards all men , that he harboured no ill will to any , much less would attempt any such business as he is accused of . he further said , he would before his death receive the sacrament , in acknowledgement that he had accused captain towerson falsly and wrongfully , only through fear of torment . the 25. of february , old stile , all the prisoners , as well the english , as the portugal and the japoners , were brought into the great hall of the castel , and there were solemnly condemned , except john powl , ephraim ramsey , john sadler , and thomas ladbrook , formerly acquitted , as aforesaid . captain towerson having been ( during all his imprisonment ) kept apart from the rest , so that none of them could come to speak with him ; writ much in his chamber ( as some of the dutch report , ) but all was suppressed , save only a bill of debt , which one tho. johnson , a free burgher got of him by favour of his keepers for acknowledgment , that the english company owed him a certain sum of money . in the end of this bill he writ these words : firmed by the firm of me gabriel towerson , now appointed to die guiltless of any thing that can be justly laid to my charge . god forgive them their guilt ; and receive me to his mercy . amen . this bill being brought to m. welden the english agent at banda , he paid the money , and received in the acknowledgment . william griggs ( who had before accused captain towerson ) writ these words following in his table-book : we , whose names are here specified ; john beomont merchant of loho , william griggs merchant of larica , abel price , chyrurgion of amboyna . robert brown , taylor , which do here lie prisoners in the ship rotterdam , being apprehended for conspiracy , for blowing up the castle of amboyna : we being judged to death this 5. of march , anno 1622 which we through ●orm●nt were constrained to speak that which we never meant , nor once imagined ; the which we take upon our deaths and salvation : they tortured us with that extream torment of fire and water , that flesh and bloud could not endure : and this we take upon our deaths , that they have put us to death guiltless of our accusation . so therefore we desire , that they that shall understand this ; that our imployers may understand these wrongs , and that your selves would have a care to look to your selves : for their intent was to have brought you in also : they askt concerning you ; which if they had tortured us , we must have confessed you also . and so farewell : written in the dark . this table-book was afterward● delivered to m. welden afore-named by one that served the dutch. samuel colson also , another that accused captain towerson , writ as followeth in the waste leaves of a book , wherein were bound together the common-prayers , the psalms , and the catechism . in one page thus : march 5. stilo novo , being sunday , aboard the rotterdam , lying in irons . understand that i samuel colson , late factor of hitto , was apprehended for suspicion of consperacy ; and for any thing i know , must die for it : wherefore , having no better means to make my innocency known , have writ this in this book , hoping some good english-men will see it . i do here upon my salvation , as i hope by his death and passion to have redemption for my sins , that i am clear of all such conspiracy ; neither do i know any english man guilty thereof ; nor other creature in the world. as this is true : god bless me . sam. colson . on the other side , upon the first page of the catechism , is thus written . in another leaf you shall understand more , which i have written in this book . sam. colson . in the beginning of the psalms and in the leaf so referred unto , is thus written , viz the japoners were taken with some villany , and brought to examination : being most tyrannuously tortured , were asked if the english had any hand in their plot. which torture made them say , yea. then was master tomson , m. johnson , m. collins , jonn clark brought to examination , and were burned under the arms , armpits , the hands , and soles of the feet , with another most miserable torment to drink water ; some of them almost tortured to death , and were forced to confess that which they never knew , by reason of the torment which flesh and blood is not able to endure . then were the rest of the english men called one by one ( amongst which i was one ) being wished to confess , or else i must go to torment ; withall caused m. johnson , who was before tormented , to witness against me , or else he should be tormented again ; which rather than he would endure , he said , what they would have , he would speak then must i confess that i never knew , or else to go to torment : which rather than i would suffer , i did confess that , which ( as i shall be saved before god almighty ) is not true , being forced for fear of torment . then did they make us witness against capt. towerson , and at last made capt. towerson confess all , being for fear of most cruel torment : for which we must all die . as i mean and hope to have pardon for my sins . i know no more than the child unborn of this business . written with my own hand the first of march , stilo novo . sam. colson . yet in another page were these words . i was born in new castle upon tyne , where i desire this book may come , that my friends may know of my innocency . sam. colson . this book he delivered to one that served the hollanders , who sowed it up in his bed , and afterward , at his oppertunity delivered it to mr. weld●n before named all these said writings are yet extant under the hands of the several parties , well known to their friends here in england . the 26th of february , stilo veteri , the prisoners were all brought into the great hall of the castle ( except captain towerson and emanuel tomson ) to be prepared for death by the ministers . the japoners now all in general , as some of them had done before in particular , cryed cut unto the english saying ; oh you english men , where did we ever in our lives eat with you , talk with you , or ( to our remembrance ) see you ? the english answered , why then have you accused us ? the poor men , perceiving they were made believe each had accused others , before they had so done indeed , shewed them their tortur'd bodies , and said , if a stone were thus burnt , would it not change his nature ? how much more we that are flesh and blood ? whilst they were all in the hall , cap towerson was brought up into the place of examination , and two great jarrs of water carried after him . what he there did or suffered was unknown to the english without : but it seemeth they made him then to underwrite his confession . after supper john powl , ephraim ramsey . th. ladbrook , and john sadler , who were found not guilty , as aforesaid , were taken from the rest , and put into another room . by and by also were samuel colson , and edward collins brought from the rest ; into the room where emanuel tomson lay : the fiscal told them , it was the governours mercy to save one of them three : and it being indifferent to him which of them were the man , it was his pleasure they should draw lots for it , which they did , and the free lot fell to edward collins ; who then was carried away to the chamber , where john powl and the rest that were quit , lodged , and samuel colson back into the hall. anon also john beomont was brought out of the hall into the chamber , where john powl , and the rest of the acquitted persons were , and was told , that he was beholding to peter johnson the dutch merchant of lobo , and to the secretary ; for they two had begged his life . so then there remained in the hall ten of the english , for captain towerson & emanuel tomson ( as is said before ) were kept in several rooms apart from the rest . to these that remained in the hall , came the dutch ministers , who telling them how short a time they had to live , admonished and exhorted them to make their true confessions : for it was a dangerous and desperate thing to dissemble at such a time . the english still professed their innocency , and prayed the ministers that they might all receive the sacraments , as a seal of the forgiveness of their sins : & withall , thereby to confirm their last profession of their innocency . but this would by no means be granted . whereupon samuel colson said thus unto the ministers ; you manifest unto us the danger of dissimulation in this case . but tell us , if we suffer guiltless , being otherwise also true believers in christ jesus , what shall be our reward ? the preacher answered , by how much the clearer you are , so much the more glorious shall be your resurrection . with that word , colson , started up , imbraced the preacher , and gave him his purse , with such mony as he had in it , saying , domine , god bless you : tell the governour , i freely forgive him ; and i intreat you , to exhort him to repent of his bloudy tragidy , wrought upon us poor innocent souls . here all the rest of the english signified their consent to this speech . then spake john fardo to the rest , in presence of the ministers , as followeth , my countrymen and bretheren , all that are here with me condemned to die , i charge you all , as you will answer it at gods judgment seat , if any of you be guilty of this matter , whereof we are condemned , discharge your consciences , and confess the truth for satisfaction of the world. hereupon samuel colson spake with a loud voice , saving , according to my innocency in this treason , so lord pardon all the rest of my sins : and if i be guilty thereof more or less , let me never be partaker of thy heavenly joys . at which words every one of the rest cryed out , amen for me , amen for me , good lord. this done , each of them knowing whom he had accused , went one to another begging forgiveness for their false accusation , being wrung from them by the pains or fear of torture . and they all freely forgave one another : for none had been so falsly accused , but he himself had accused another as falsly . in particular , george sharrock ( who survived to relate this nights passage ) kneeled down to john clark whom he had accused of the tale at hitto above mentioned , and craved forgiveness or his hands . clark freely forgave him , saying ; how should i look to be forgiven of god , if i should not forgive you , having my self so falsly accused captain towerson , and others ? after this , they spent the rest of the doleful night in prayer , singing of psalms , and comforting one another ; though the dutch that guarded them , offered them wine , bidding them drink lustick , and drive away the sorrow ; according to the custom of their own nation in the like case , but contrary to the nature of the english . upon the morrow morning , being the execution day , the 2● . of february ( stilo veteri ) john powel being freed ( as is abo●● recited ) came into the room where the condemned persons were , and found them at prayer . they all requested him to relate unto their friends in england , the innocency of their cause , taking it upon their deaths , that what they had confessed against themselves and others touching this crime , was all false , and forced by fear of torture . the same morning william webber was called again into the fiscals room , and there pressed to produce the letter , which he had before confessed to have received from john clark , in the postscript whereof some great business was intimated . they promised him his life , if he would deliver or produce them that letter : which although he did not , nor indeed could , yet at last they pardoned him , and sent him to the rest that were saved , and sharrock with him . that morning emanuel tomson understanding that john beomont was pardoned , made means to have him come and speak with him ; which with much ado he obtained . beomont found him sitting in a chamber , all alone , in a most miserable fashion ; the wounds of his torture bound up , but the matter and gore-blood issuing through the rollers . he took mr. beomont by the hand , and prayed him when he came into england , to do his duty to the honourable company his masters , to mr. robinson , and to his brother billingsley , and to certifie them of his innocency , which ( said he ) you your self know well enough . all things being prepared for the execution , the condemned were brought forth of the hall , along by the chamber were the quit and pardoned were , who stood in the door , to give and take the farewel of their countrey-men now going to execution . staying a little for this purpose , they praye● and charged those that were saved , to bear witness to their friends in england of their innocency , and that they died not traitors , but so many innocents , meerly murthered by the hollanders , whom they prayed god to forgive their blood-thirstiness , and to have mercy upon their own souls . being brought into the yard , their sentence was there read unto them from a gallery , and then they were thence carried unto the place of execution , together with nine japons , and a portugal ; not the ordinary and short way , but round about in a long procession through the town , the way guarded with five companies of soldiers , dutch and amboyners , and thronged with the natives of the island , that ( upon the summons given the day before by the sound of the drum ) flocked together to behold this triumph of the dutch over the english . samuel colson had conceived a prayer in writing , in the end whereof he protested his innocency : which prayer he read to his fellows the night before , and now also at the place of execution devoutly pronounced the same ; then threw away the paper , which the governour caused to be brought to him , and kept it . emanuel tomson told the rest , he did not doubt but god would shew some sign of their innoceny ; and every one of the rest took it severally upon their death , that they were utterly guiltless ; and so one by one with great cheerfulness suffered the fatal stroke . the portugal prayed over his beads very devoutly , and often kissed the cross , swearing thereupon , that he was utterly innocent of this treason : yet confessed , that god had justly brought this punishment upon him , for that having a wife in his own country , he had by the perswasion of the dutch governour , taken another in that country , his first being yet living . the japons likewise ( according to their religion ) shut up their last act with the like profession of their innocency . so there suffered ten english-men , viz. captain gabriel towerson , the agent of the english at amboyna ; samuel colson , factor at hitto ; emanuel tomson , assistant at amboyna ; timothy johnson , assistant there also ; john wetheral , factor at cambello ; john clark , assistant at hitto ; vvilliam griggs , factor at larica ; john fardo , steward of the house ; abel price , chirurgion ; and robert brown , taylor . the portugal also suffered with them ; his name was augustin perez ; he was born at bengala . the names of the japoneses that suffered ( if any be curious to know them ) were as followeth : hititso , born at firando . tsiosa , born at firando . sinsa , born at firando . sidney migiel , born at nagansacq pedro congie , born at nagansacq thome corea . born at nagansacq quiandayo , native of coraets . tsabinda of tsonketgo . zanchoe of fisien . besides these , there were two other japoneses , the one named soysino , born at firando ; and the other sacoube , of the same place : the former of which being tortured , confessed both to have been privy to this pretended treason , and to have offered his service / unto the english to aid them in taking of the castle : and the latter confessed to have had knowledg of the consultation of the other japons to this purpose . but neither of them was executed , nor so much as condemned . the reason whereof was not known to the english that were saved . they had prepared a cloth of black velvet for captain towerson's body to fall upon ; which being stained and defaced with his blood , they afterwards put to the account of the english company . at the instant of the execution , there arose a great darkness , with a sudden and violent gust of wind and tempest , whereby two of the dutch ships riding in the harbour , were driven from anchor , and with great labour and difficulty saved from the rocks . within a few days after one vvilliam dunckin , who had told the governour , that robert brown the english taylor , had a few months before told him , he hoped , that within six months the english should have as much to do in the castle of amboyna , as the dutch : this fellow coming upon an evening to the grave where the english were buried , being all ( save captain towerson ) in one pit , fell down upon the grave ; and having lien there a while , rose up again stark mad , and so continued two or three days together , and then died . forthwith also fell a new sickness at amboyna , which swept away about a thousand people dutch and amboyners ; in the space wherein , there usually died not above thirty at other seasons : these signs were by the surviving english referred to the confident prediction of emanuel tomson above-named , and were by the amboyners interpreted as a token of the wrath of god , for this barbarous tyranny of the hollanders . the next day after the execution , being the eight and twentieth of february , stilo veteri , was spent in triumph , for the new general of the dutch then proclaimed , and in publick rejoycing for the deliverance from this pretended treason . the day following , being the first of march , john beomont , george sharrock , edward collins , and vvilliam vvebber , were brought to the governour ; who told vvebber , beomont , and sharrock , that they were pardoned in honour of the new general ; and collins , that he was to go to jaccatra , there to stand to the favour of the general . so the governour made them drink wine with him , and courteously dismissed them : willing them to go and consult with the rest that were saved , who were fit to be placed in the several factories . vvhich done , and their opinions reported to the governour , he accordingly commanded each to his place , adding that he would thenceforth take upon him the patronage and government of the engglish companies business . to which purpose he had within a few days past , opened a letter which came from the english president at jaccatra , directed to captain towerson ; being as he said ) the first english letter that ever he intercepted ; further saying , that he was glad that he found by that letter , that the english at jaccatra were innocent touching this business . the governour and fiscal having thus made an end at amboyna , dispatched themselves for banda , where they made very diligent enquiry against captain vvelden the english agent there ; yet found no colour nor shadow of guilt to lay hold on ; but at last entertained him with courteous speeches , professing to be very glad that they found him , as well as the english at jaccatra , to be without suspition of this treason ( as they term it . ) captain vvelden perceiving the disorder and confusion 〈◊〉 ●●e english companies affairs at amboyna , by means of this dealing of the dutch ; forthwith hired a dutch pinnace at banda , and passed to amboyna ; where instantly upon his arrival , he re called the companies servants , sent ( as before ) by the dutch governour to the upper factories . having enquired of them , and the rest that were left at amboyna , of the whole proceedings lately passed , he found by the constant and agreeing relation of them all , that there was no such treason of the english as was pretended : as also understanding what strict command the governour had given to the surviving english not once to talk or confer with the countrey people concerning this bloody business , although the said country people every day reproached them with treason , and a bloody intention to have massacred the natives , and to have ripped up the bellies of women with child , and such like stuff , wherewith the dutch have possesed the poor vulgar , to make the english odious unto them . the said m. vvelden therefore finding it to sort neither with the honour and profit of the english company , his masters , to hold any longer residence in amboyna , he took the poor remnant of the english along with him , in the said hired pinnace for jaccatra ; whither the governour had sent john beomont , and edward collins before , as men condemned , and left to the mercy of the general . when this heavy news of amboyna came to jaccatra , and the english there , the president forthwith sent to the general of the dutch , to know by what authority the governour of amboyna had thus proceeded against the english , and how he and the rest of the dutch there at jaccatra , did approve these proceedings . the governour returned for answer , that , the governor of amboyna's authority was derived from that of the lords states general of the united neatherlands ; under whom he had lawful jurisdiction both in criminal and civil causes , within the destrict of amboyna ; further , that such proceedings was necessary against traitours , such as the english executed at amboyna , might appear to be by their own confessions : a copy whereof he therewith sent to the english president ; who sent the same back to be authentically certified , but receiv'd it not again . hitherto hath been recited the bare and naked narration of the progress and passage of this action , as it is taken out of the depositions of six several english factors ; whereof four were condemned , and the other two acquitted in this process of amboyna : all , since their return into england , examined upon their oaths in the admiralty court. the particular of captain towerson's , as also of emanuel tomson's examination and answers , are not yet come to light , by reason that these two were kept apart from all the rest , and each alone by himself ; nor any other of the english suffered to come to speak with them , except only that short farewel , which john becmout took of tomson the morning before the execution before mentioned . the like obscurity is yet touching the examinations and answers of diverse of the rest that are executed ; being , during their imprisonment , so strictly lookt to , and warded by the dutch , that they might not talk together , nor mutually relate their miseries . but because the hollanders defend their own proceedings by the confessions of the parties executed , acknowledging severally under their hands , that they were guilty of the pretended crime ; it will not be amiss to recollect and recal unto this place , as it were unto one sum and total , certain circumstances dispersed in several parts of this narration ; whereby , as well the innocency of the english , as the unlawful proceedings against them , may be manifested . first therefore it is to be remembred , that the japons were apprehended , examined , and tortured three or four days , before the english were attached ; and the same as well of their apprehension , as torture , was rise and notorious in the town of amboyna , and the parts adjoyning . tomson , in this interim , and the very first day of the examination of the japon , went to the castle to ask leave of the governour to land some rice , and brought back the news with him to the english house of the cruel handling of these poor japons . this had been item enough to the english , if they had been guilty , to shift for themselves : whereto also they had ready means by the curicurries or small boats of the amboyners , which lie along the strand in great number , wherewith they might easily have transported themselves to seran , to bottoom , or to maccassar , out of the reach and jurisdiction of the dutch ; but in that they fled not in this case it is a very strong presumption , that they were as little privy to any treason of their own , as suspicious of any treacherous train laid for their bloods . in the next place let it be considered , how impossible it was for the english to atchieve this pretended enterprise . the castle of amboyna is of a very great strength ( as is before declar'd ) the garrison therein two or three hundred men , besides as many more of their free burgers in the town . what their care and circumspection in all their forts is , may appear , not only by the quick alarm they now took at the foolish question of the poor japan , made to the sentinel above recited ; but also by that which a little before happened at jaccatra , where one of their souldiers was shot to death for sleeping in the watch . durst ten english men ( whereof not one a souldier ) attempt any thing upon such a strength and vigilancy ? as for the assistance of the japans , they were but ten neither , and all unarmed as well as the english : for , as at the seisure of the english house , all the provision therein found was but three swords , two muskets , and a half a pound of powder : so the japans ( except when they are in service of the castle , and there armed by the dutch ) are allowed to have no arms , but only a catan , a kind of short sword : and it is forbidden to all the dutch , upon great penalty , to sell any hand gun , powder or bullets to the japans or amboyners . but let it be imagined , that these 20 persons english and japans , were so desperate as to adventure the exploit ; how should they be able to master the dutch in the castle , or to keep possession when they had gotten it ? what second had they ? there was neither ship nor pinnace of the english in the harbor . all the rest of the japans in the island , were not twenty persons , and not one english more . the nearest of the rest of the english were at banda , forty leagues from amboyna ; and those but nine persons , all afterwards cleared by the governour , and fiscal themselves from all suspition of this pretended crime , as were also the rest of the english at jaccatra . on the other side , besides the strength of the castle and town of amboyna , the hollanders have three other strong castles , well furnished with souldiers in the same island , and at cambello near adjoyning . they had then also in the rode of amboyna 8 ships and vessels , namely the rotterdam of 1200 tun , the unicorn of 300 tun , the free-mans vessel of 100 tun , the calck , of 60 tun , captain gamals junck of 40 ●un , the flute of 300 tun , the amsterdam of 1400 tun , and a small pinnace of about 60 tun ; and all these well furnished with men and ammunition . it is true that the stories do record sundry valiant and hardy enterprises of the english nation , and holland is witness of some of them , yea , hath reaped the fruit of the english resolution ; yet no story , no legend scarcely reporteh any such hardiness , either of the english or others , that so few persons so naked of provisions and supplies , should undertake such an adventure upon a counter-party , so well and abundantly fitted at all points . but let it be further granted , that they might possibly have overcome all these difficulties ; yet to what end and purpose should they put themselves into such a jeopardy ? they knew well enough , that it was agreed between both companies at home , that the forts in the indies should remain respectively in the hands of such , as had possession of the at the date of the treaty , anno 1619. and that the same was ratified by the kings majesty , and the lords states general . they know likewise , and all the world takes knowledg of his majesties religious observation of peace and treaty with all his neighbours , yea , with all the world : what reward then could these english hope for , of this their valor and danger ? certainly none other than that which is expresly provided by the treaty it self , that is , to be punished as the disturbers of the common peace and amity of both nations . but let these english-men have been as foolish in this plot , as the hollanders will have them ; is it also to be imagined that they were so graceless , as when they were condemned , and seriously admonished by the ministers to discharge their consciences , yet then to persist in their dissimulation , being otherwise of such godly behaviour , as to spend the time in prayer , singing of psalms , and spiritual comforting one another , which the dutch would have have had them bestow in drinking , to drive away their sorrow ? let colsons question to the minister be considered : his and the rests offer and desire to receive the sacrament , in sign and token of their innocency ; their mutual asking forgiveness for their like false accusations of one another forced by the torture ; tomsons last farewel to beomont ; colsons prayer , and his writing in his prayer-book ; fardo's farewel to powel ; also his conjuring ●xhortation to his fellows , to discharge their consciences , and all their answers thereunto ; craving god's mercy or judgment , accord●ng to their innocency in this cause ; their general and religious profession of their innocency to their countrey-men , at their ●ast parting with them ; and finally , the sealing of this profession with their last breath and blood , even in the very article of death , and in the stroke of execution . what horrible and unexampled dissimulation were this ? if some one or more of them had been so fearfully desperate , yet would not there one amongst ten be found to think of the judgment to come , whereunto he was then instantly summone● without essoin , bail , or mainprise ? what ? had they hope of reprieve and l●fe , if they kept their countenance to the last ? yet what hope had tomson and the rest , when captain towerson's head was off ? nay what desire had tomson and clark to live , being so mangled and martyred by the torture ? they were executed one by one and every one several took it upon his death , that he was guiltless . now to blanch and smooth over all this rough and barbarous proceeding ; it is here given out , that the governour and fiscal found such evidence of the plot , and dealt so evenly in the process , that they spared not their own people , having used some of their native hollanders , partakers of this treason , in the same manner as they did the english . but this as well by the relation here truly and faithfully set down , grounded upon the sworn testimouy of six credible witnesses , as also by other sufficient reports of diverse ( lately come out of those parts ) appeareth to be 〈◊〉 meer tale , not once alledged by any in the indies in many months after the execution , but only invented and dispersed here for a faucus an● a fair colour upon the whole cause , and to make the world believe , tha● the ground of this barbarous and tyrannous proceeding was a true crime and not the unsatiable covetousness of the hollanders , by this cruel treachery to gain the sole trade of the molluccos , banda and amboyna , which is already become the event of this bloody process . to add hereunto by way of aggravation , will be needless ; the fact is so ful● of odious and barbarous inhumanity , executed by hollanders upon the english nation , in a place were both lived under terms of partnership and great amity , confirmed by a most solemn treaty . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59322-e1250 abel price examined , emanuel thompson examined . robert brown examined . edward collins examined . samuel colson examined . john clark examined . william griggs examined . john fardo examined . john beomont examined . george sharrock examined . william webber examined . gabriel towerson examined . john wetheral examined . john powl examined . thomas ladbrook examined . ephraim ramsey examined . john sadler examined . a trip to holland being a description of the country, people and manners : as also some select observations on amsterdam. felltham, owen, 1602?-1668. 1699 approx. 52 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41087 wing f659 estc r225871 13031593 ocm 13031593 96761 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41087) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96761) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 738:24) a trip to holland being a description of the country, people and manners : as also some select observations on amsterdam. felltham, owen, 1602?-1668. ward, edward, 1667-1731. [4], 12 p. s.n.], [london : 1699. a reissue of feltham's "a brief character of the low-countries under the states", in imitation of ward's "trip to jamaica". cf. troyer, h.w. ned ward of grubstreet ... cambridge, mass., 1946, p. 26. has been attributed to ward. cf. a catalogue of the library of ... john henry wrenn. austin, tex., 1920. v. 5, p. 101. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -description and travel. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-04 jennifer kietzman sampled and proofread 2003-04 jennifer kietzman text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trip to holland , being a description of the country , people and manners : as also some select observations on amsterdamc his motto jason and the fleece who had a notable head-piece , ( who tho' agross one of 't would boast himself a wit , like quixots host inlaid with brass , and for his crest a ship , display'd with back and breast , on billow rampant with fullsails ermin'd with cod , and herring scales . dutch hudibrass . printed in the year , 1699. the preface to the reader . certainly a trip to holland may be as grateful as one to jamaica ? i am sure the dutch can furnish one with as good a subject as any english colony whatsoever and if i am not so witty as the plantation author i am certain i am somewhat wiser . he takes the liberty of abusing his own fellow subjects , and consequently beshits his own nest , but i fall upon a nation which shits upon all the world beside , if over witting it may be called so , and i think nasty terms are fitly apply'd to such nasty people . i am afraid our west-india poet is some transported fellon , who being sent to the plantation for a venture , lit on a bad master , and with a true new-gate courtisie to revenge his spleen on one house , he squirt his excrement against a whole island . but no more of his trip : it has sold very well , and it 's my business to sell mine if i can , and like a true author preface it heartily , or the ignorant puppy my chap will never buy it . for unless a a writer now-a-days , like a dutch painter , sets the name under the beast he has drawn , the devil a bit , does the reader know what he means ; and indeed some of our modern compositions , as our aesops , &c. have as much occasion for a key to let you into their meaning , as myn heer van butterbox his picture has for a name to be written under it . in short gentlemen , i am resolv'd to get rid of my commodity , which will stick upon my hands , unless i give such an account of it as may make it saleable . and saith right or wrong i can satisfie the reader it shall not want my commendation . what a plague would he have , if what follows won't please him ? here 's * collection of all bartholomew-fair in one single dutch-man , and fool , knave , and monster , is but part of the medly ofwhich he is compos'd . to talk with him is present deafness , and to deal with him is no other than to be certainly cheated : to eat with him is to save the charge of a vomit , and to lie with him is to put you in mind what occasion you have the next day for an apothecary . for if you chance to escape the itch , the lice will overtake you , if you go to make application to one of their women by knocking at her fore-door she immediatly claps her a — se , and points to the postern ; and to offer to do any thing the right way , is immediatly to be told you are in the wrong : to conclude , all things are so irregular , as to think only of order , is to forget the people we are about to treat of , and to declaim against rebellion , is to put 'em in mind to whom they owe their allegiance , which is a far greater sin amongst them than rebellion it self . but that the reader may be no longer detain'd at the threshold , let him ( if he has money ) put his hand into his pocket and pull out six-pence , which will admit him into the house , otherwise he is no man for our turn , for he can't imagine that we who are about to show him the mercenary'st beasts in the world , will be such asses our selves as to do it for nothing . let the gentlemen therefore that have a mind to see the raree-show , down with their money , and take their places , for we are just going to begin , whilst those-who cannot produce the ready , may march off , for we are for no such customers . a trip to holland . having in the month of august last past , some earnest occasions which call'd me to holland , i accordingly took coach for harwich , in order to embark . but arriving there too late for the packet-boat , which had set sail some time before , i was forc'd to lay hold on an opportunity , which gave me an insight into the manners of that country i was going to pay a visit to . it happen'd a dutch smack was weighing anchor for helvoetsluys , and the long-boat staying for the master who was drinking at a publick-house , i was told by some persons on the key , that he had taken in some passengers , and would gladly accept of my company too . pursuant therefore to the directions which were given me , i went up to the sign of the amsterdam , where he was drinking , and asking for him , had admision into his company . but lord when i had the first sight of the beast how i was in a surprize ! he had no less than half a pint of brandy in his hand , which he had infallibly swallow'd without any other ceremony , had he not thought it more breeding to defer the execution of it ( for his country manner of drinking is no other than down-right murdering the liquors they gorge down ) till he had first saluted me . which was a manner of complimenting which i amidst a thousand extravagancies had hitherto been ignorant of . for being fearful of losing his liquor should he set it down , and solicitous lest his addresses should not be tim'd soon enough , up he made towards me and hit me such a cursed slap on the chaps with his damn'd phiz , that tho time has worn off the mark of the blow he gave me with his intended kiss , yet i shall always retain the memory of the stink it left behind it . he was as well acquainted in less than a minute with me as the best friend i left behind me at the rose-tavern in london , and without asking me my business , after having sputter'd out a little dutch , which was as much as to say , my dear friend here 's to you , down went the half pint at one draught , which was fill'd up to the brim for me to do the same . but i having been us'd more to hippolito's and chaves his chocolet-house than any distillers whatsoever , and by consequence more conversant with the looking-glass , than glasses which held such distructive liquors to the face in 'em , beg'd his excuse by the wry faces i made to him for that was the only way i had to let him into my meaning , since my friends had educated me more like a christian than to teach me abominable dutch , but the skipper for his part answer'd me in worse grimaces than i made him , and was so importunate with his sputterings which i understood not till a chaplain to a regiment during the war in flanders , and who was going to fetch his wise from thence , told me 't was his country fashion , and if i would be civily us'd , and design'd to be a passenger , submission to his temper was the only means to acquire it ; and though such a reception to a gentleman of my appearance ( for i must tell you i look'd like no small fool ) might savour of rudeness , yet it was myn heer 's chief accomplish ment and grace , who serv'd every one after that manner , whom he had an esteem for . the parson having acquainted me with his own resignation in drinking three full pints of this f●ea-killing medicine , i e'en forgave the puppy his intolerable stinking kiss , and up i top'd a draught , which ne'er a beau in covent-garden would have submitted to but my self , and which i should have had the grace to have refus'd , had not the urgency of my concerns joyn'd with the entreaties of my spiritual adviser prevail'd over me . i had no sooner dispers'd this emblem of hell amidst my guts , but our heavenly ambassador had whip'd off his supernaculum , a way of drinking customary to our military clergy . i immediately look'd in his face , to see whether the vehemency of that flood of liquor , had drove out no carbuncle ; already enquiring for a looking-glass , in order to mortifie those , which i did not doubt but i had encourag'd , with a patch . but the man of the house told me in short , he had no such wry fac'd company , who kept to his house , that should ask for any such foppish instrument ; and i must say this in sir crape's defence ; he had perform'd to a miracle , for the devil a bit could a pimple be seen in his face , it being all over but one continued carbuncle , and one must have us'd the same means to find it out , as astronomers do in searching for motes in the sun , for nothing under a telescope could have satisfied you in your enquiry after it . but enough of the soul-saving , but body-destroying parson , my business is with the skipper , and a plague on him , for he ply'd me so with liquor , that all mount aetna would have been but a spark to what i had in my guts . in short , i began very much to repent me of my journey , and could have wish'd my friend had rather liv'd , who left me the legacy i was going for , than i had fallen into such an execrable society . but since i was come so far , and it could not be long before the ship went off , i comforted my self with the short continuance of these hellish proceedings , and endeavour'd to make the glass stand still by telling the master of the vessel by my vallet my interpreter , that i was come to be his passenger . he answer'd he knew that , tho' how he should , encreas'd my wonder , since he had ply'd me so by drinking to me , that i had not time to tell him ; but it seems these skippers are such intolerable soakers , that no body will bear the fatigue of their conversation by land , but those who must have their company by water . when heaven 's be prais'd in came the boats-crew , who without any ceremony with their hats on their heads , sat down by their commander , and told him all things were ready for our departure . good god! what an alteration did these fellows make in me , who could not but think my self almost in a state of damnation before their coming ! every one was a good genius to me , tho' they had all , like their ill favour'd master , the appearance of euil ones . four and twenty hours would compleat my deliverance , for whatever came on 't i was resolv'd to make my return in an english vessel . but one damn'd ceremony was to be encountred with still , myn heer must have a bumper to our good voyage , and the parson cry'd blessings attend the cup , which i agreed to , but was forc'd to go out , to ease my stomach which was over-charg'd before . at last , tho the liquor over came me , all obstacles were over-come too , and we got aboard ; where i was conducted into my apartment which was like our li●tle-ease at guild-hall , there was small fear of falling out of my bed , for the tenement i had taken up was nothing else , and less , of being made light-headed by the waves , since the brandy had discharged the weight from my brain before : in short i fell asleep , and kept in that lazy posture till my man came to give me notice we were in sight of helvoe●sluys , which made me put off my close bodied coat the cabin , and come above deck , from whence to my no small surprize , i saw at least two or three hundred boats making towards us . every one was for making a market of us , when for as much as i could see , all the passengers equipage besides my own , might have been landed in a hand-basket . i had now nothing to do , but to ask my blockhead , the skipper , what he must have for my passage , which he had like to have prevented me in , by demanding it from me , for they are as hasty for their money , as they are for their drink , and they 'll as soon abate you a spoonful or two in your glass , as they will half a skilling of their first demands , in fine , the price was seven pistols , which i to get rid of his company paid down readily , tho i knew the exaction . having left my spark , whose conversation had made me so uneasie , i made towards the land in a pair of oars , first bargaining with the two sco●erkins my boatmen for a ducatoon : indeed , they perform'd their parts like any water-rats , and put me a shore with such expedition , as one might perceive the love they bare to the ducatoon , by the hast they made to finger it . being on the land ( if we may call a country which is half water so ) the first inn of any tolerable appearance which i met with , was the sign of the angel , which i could not but admire at in a place where all the inhabitants bear the characters of meer devils . here i put in , as thinking by the sign they must be something better than dutchmen that dwelt in it , but i was soon undeceiv'd by the first sight of the master of the house , who came with his hat on his head , and ask'd my business . i resolv'd him by my man , for his language was heathen greek to me , and being very hungry , bespoke two or three dishes , as scotch-collops , fowls , &c. lord , sir , crys my servant , do you intend to be ruin'd , there are at least thirty taxes laid on the several ingredients with which the several sances are to be made . however , i was resolv'd to try the experiment , and according to his words , found such a reckoning , as a candidate for a parliament might have treated a mayor and his whole corporation with . sèveral complements pass'd here , as distasteful as those my skipper paid . but to detain my reader no longer from the general observations , i made of the whole country , let it suffice , if i tell him i took sledge , for they travel here in the same manner as our criminals take a journey to tyburn in , for the hague , and having ended my business in a day or two , i spent three weeks in visiting the several provinces , on which he may take the following remarks . they are a general sea land , the great bog of europe ; and there is not such another marsh in the world that 's flat . they are an universal quagmire epitomized . a green cheese in pickle . there is in them an aequilibrium of mud and water . a strong earthquake would shake them to a chaos , from which the successive force of the sun , rather than creation , hath a little amended them . they are the ingredients of a black pudding , and want only stirring together . marry , 't is best making on 't in a dry summer , else you will have more blood than grist : and then have you no way to make it serve for any thing , but to tread it under z●na torrida , and so dry it for turfs ? says one , it affords the people one commodity beyond all the other regions , if they die in perdition , they are so low , that they have a shorter cut to hell than the rest of their neighbours . and for this cause , perhaps all strange religions throng thither , as naturally inclining towards their center . besides , their ●●●ches shew them to be pluto's region , and you all know what part that was which the poets did of old assign him . here is styx , acheron , cocytus , and the rest of those muddy streams that have made matter for the fablers . almost every one is a charon here ; and if you have but a naulum to give , you cannot want a boat or pilot. to confirm all , let but some of our separatists be asked , and they shall swear , that the elezian fields are there . it is an excellent country for a despairing lover ; for every corner affords him a willow to make a garland on ; but if justice doom him to be hang'd on any other tree , he may , in spight of the sentence , live long and confident . if he had rather quench his spirits than suffocate them , rather chuse to feed lobsters than crows ; 't is but leaping from his window , and he lights in a river or sea ; for most of their dwellings stand like prives in moted houses , hanging still over the water . if none of these cure him , keep him but a winter in a house without a stove , and that shall cool him . the soil is all fat , though wanting the colour to shew it so ; for indeed it is the buttock of the world , full of veins and blood , but no bones in 't . had st. steven been condemned to suffer here , he might have been alive at this day , for unless it be in their paved cities , gold is a great deal more plentiful than stones , except it be living ones ; and then for their heaviness , you may take in almost all the nation . 't is a singular place to fat monkeys in . there are spiders as big as shrimps , and i think as many . their gardens being moist , abound with these . no creatures ; for sure they were bred , not made . were they but as venomous as rank , to gather herl ; were to hazard martyrdom . they are so large , that you would almost believe the hesperides were here , and these the dragons that did guard them . you may travel the country , though you have not a guide ; for you cannot baulk your road , without the hazard of drowning . there is not there any use of an harbinger . wheresoever men go , the way is made before them . had they cities large as their walls , rome would be esteem'd a bawble ; 20 miles in length is nothing for a wagon to be hurried on one of them , where , if your fore-man be sober , you may travel in safety , otherwise you must have stronger faith than peter had , else you sink immediately . a startling horse endangers you to two deaths at once , breaking of your neck and drowning . if your way be not thus , it hangs in the water , and at the approach of your waggon , shall shake as if it were ague-strucken . duke d' alva's asking of the tenth penny , frighted it into a palsie , which all the mountebanks they have bred since , could never tell how to cure . 't is indeed but a bridge of swiming earth , on a flag somewhat thicker than ordinary ; if the strings crack , your course is shortned ; you can neither hope for heaven , nor fear hell ; you shall be sure to stick fast between them . marry if your faith flow purgatory height , you may pray if you will for that to cleanse you from the mud that shall soil you . 't is a green sod in water , where , if the german eagle dares to bath himself , he 's glad again to perch , that he may dry his wings . some things they do that seem wonders . 't is ordinary to see them fish for fire in water , which they catch in nets , and transport to land in their boats , where they spred it more smoothly than a mercer doth his velvet , when he would hook in an heir upon his coming to age. thus lying in a field , you would think you saw a cantle of green cheese spread over with black butter . if aetna be hell's mouth , or fore-gate , sure here 's found the postern . 't is the port esquiline of the world , where the whole earth doth vent her crude black gore , whick the inhabitants scrape away for fuel , as men with spoons do excrements from civet-cats . their ordinary pack-horses are all of wood , who carry their bridles in their tails , and their burdens in their bellies . a strong tide and a stiff gale are the spurs that make them speedy . when they travel , they stand still , they drink up too much of their way . t●●● is a province amongst them , where every woman carries a concy in a lamb skin . 't is a custom , and not one that travels ever leaves it behind her : now guess , if you can , what beast that is , which is clod in a fur both of hair and wool. they dress their meat in aqua coelesti ; for it springs not as ours , from the earth , but comes to them as manna to the israelites , falling from heaven . this they keep under ground till it stinks , and then they pump it out again for use . so when you wash your hands with one hand , you need to hold your nose with the other ; for tho' it be not cordial , 't is certainly a strong water . the elements are here at variance , the subtil overswaying the grosser . the fire consumes the earth , and the air the water . they burn turfs , and drain their ground with windmills ; as if the cholick were a remedy for the stone : and they would prove against philosophy , the world's conflagration to be natural ; even shewing thereby , that the very element of earth is combustible . the land that the have , they keep as neatly as a courtier does his beard . they have a method in mowing . 't is so interven'd with water and rivers , that it is impossible to make a common among them . even the brownists are here at a stand , only they hold their pride in wrangling for that which they never will find . our justices would be much at ease , although our english poor were still among them ; for , whatsoever they do , they can break no hedges . sure had the wise men of gotham lived here , they would have studied some other death for the cuckow . their ditches they frame as they list , and distinguish them into no●ks , as my lord mayor's cook doth his custards . cleanse them they do often ; but it is as physicians give their potions , more to catch the fish , than cast the mud ●●t . though their country be part of a main land , yet every house almost lands in an island . and that though a boor dwell in it , looks as smug as a lady that hath newly lock'd up her colours , and laid by her irons . a galant masquing suit sits not more compleat than a coat of thatch , tho' of many years wearing . if it stand dry , 't is imbraced by vines , as if it were against the nature of a dutchman , not to have bacchus his neighbour . if you find it lower seated , 't is only a close arbour in a plump of willows and alders , pleasant enough while the dog-days last ; but those past once , you must practice wading , or be prisoner till the next sprink , only a hard frost , with the help of a sledge , may release you . the bridge to this , is an outlandish plank , with a box of stones to poise it withal , which with the least help turns round , like the executioner when he whips off a head. that when the master is over , stands drawn , and then he is in his castle . 't is sure his fear that renders him suspicious . that he may therefore certainly see who enters , you shall ever find his window made over his door . but it may be , that is to shew you his pedigree ; for though his ancestors were never known , their arms are there ; which ( in spight of heraldry ) shall bear their archievement , with a helmet for a baron , at least . marry , the field , perhaps , shall be charged with their baskets , to shew of what trade his father was . escutcheons are as plentiful as gentry is scarce . every man there is his own herald ; and he that has but wit enough to invent a coat , may challenge it as his own . when you are entred the house , the first thing you encounter is a looking-glass . no question but a true emblem of politick hospitality ; for though it reflect your self in your own figure ; 't is yet no longer than while you are there before it . when you are gone once , it flatters the next comer , without the least remembrance that you ever were there . the next , are the vessels of the house , marshall'd about the room like watchmen ; all as neat as if you were in a citizen's wife's cabinet ; for , unless it be themselves , they let none of god's creatures lose any thing of their native beauty . their houses , especially in their cities , are the best eye beauties of their country : for cost and sight they far exceed our english , but they want their magnificence . their lining is yet more rich than their out-side , not in hangings , but pictures , which even the poorest are there furnish'd with . not a cobler but has his toys for ornament . were the knacks of all their houses set together there would not be such another bartholomew-fair in europe . their artists for these are as rare as thought , for they can paint you a fat hen is her feathers ; and if you want the language , you may learn a gret deal of dutch by their signs ; for , what they are , they ever write under them . so by this device , hang up more honesty than they keep . coaches are as rare as comets ; and those that live loosly need not fear one punishment , which often vexes such with us ; they may be sure , tho they be discovered , they shall not be carted , all their merchandise they draw through the streets on sledges ; or as we on hurdles do traytors to execution . their rooms are but several sand-boxes : if so , you must either go out to spit , or blush when you see the mop brought . their beds are no other than land-cabins , high enough to need a ladder or stairs ; up once , you are walled in with wainscot ; and that is good discretion to avoid the trouble of making your will every night ; for once falling out , would break your neck perfectly . but if you die in it , this comfort you shall leave your friends , that you di'd in clean linnen . whatsoever their estates be , their houess must be fair ; therefore from amsterdam they have banish'd sea-coal , left it soil their buildings , of which the stateliet sort are sometimes sententious , and in the front carry some conceit of the owner ▪ is to give you a taste in these : christvs adiv●or m●vs hoc abdicato perenne pereo . hic me dio 〈◊〉 ●●vr . every door seems studded with diamonds . the nails and hinges hold a constant brightness , as if rust there were not a quality incident to iron . their houses they keep cleaner than their bodies , their bodies than their souls . go to one , you shall find the andirons shut up in net-work . at a second , the warming-pan mu●●●ed in italian cut work . at a third , the sconce clad in cambrick , and like a crown , advanced in the middle of the house ; for the woman there is the head of the husband , so takes the horn to her own charge , which she sometimes multiplies , and bestows the increase on her man. 't is true , they are not so ready at this play , as the english ; for neither are they so generally bred to 't ; nor are their men such linnen lifters . idleness and conrtship has not banish'd honesty . they speak more , and do less ; yet doth their blood boil high , and their veins are full , which argues strongly , that when they will , they may take up the custom of entertaining strangers : and having once done it , i believe they will be notable ; for i have heard , they trade more for love than money ; but 't is for sport , not the man ; and therefore , when they like the pastime , they will reward the gamester ; otherwise their gross fool and clownish breeding hath spoiled them from being nobly-minded . and if you once in publick discover her private favours , or pretend to more than is civil , she falls off , like fairy-wealth disclos'd , and turns , like beer with lightning , to a sowerness , which neither art nor labour can ever make sweet again . but this i must give you on report only ; experience herein hath neither made me fool nor wise. the people are generally boorish , yet none but may be bred to a states-man they having all this gift , not to be so nice-conscienced , but that they can turn out religion to let in policy . their country is the god they worship . war is their heaven . peace is their hell : and the spaniard is the devil they hate . custom is their law ; and their will , reason . you may sooner convert a iew , than make an ordinary dutchman yield to arguments that cross him . an old bawd is easilier turn'd puritan , than a waggon●● perswaded not to bait thrice in nine miles : and when he doth , his horses must not stir , but have their manger brought them into the way , where , in a top sweat they eat their grass , and drink water , and presently after hurry away ; for they ever drive as if they were all the sons of nim●●● , and were futiously either pursuing an enemy , or flying him . his spirits are generated from the english beer , and that makes him head-strong ▪ his body is built of pickled herring , and they render him testy ; these with a little butter , onions and holland cheese , are the ingredients of an ordinary dutchman ; which a voyage to the east-indies , with the heat of the aequinoctial consolidates . if you see him fat , he hath been rooting in a cabbage ground , and that bladdered him . viewing him naked , you will pray him to pull off his masque and gloves , or wish him to hide his face , that he may appear more lovely . for that and his hands are egypt , however his body be europe . he has exposed them so much to the sun and water , as he is now his own disguise , and without a vizard , may serve in any antimasque you put him in . for their condition , they are churlish , as their breeder neptune ; and without doubt , very antient , for they were bred before manners were in fashion ; yet all they have not , they account superfluity , which they say , mends some , and marrs many . they should make good justices ; for they respect neither persons nor apparel . a boor in his liquor'd slop , shall have as much good usage as a courtier in his bravery ; nay , more ; for he that is but courtly or gentile , is among them like a merlyn after michaelmas in the field with crows . they wonder at and envy , but worship no such images . marry , with a silver hook you shall catch these gudgeons presently ; the love of gain being to them as natural as water to a goose , or carrion to any kite that flies . they are seldom deceived ; for they trust no body ; so by consequence are better to hold a fort that , win it ; yet can do both . trust them you must if you travel ; for to ask a bill of particulars , is to put in a wasp's nest ; you must pay what they ask , as sure as if it were the assessment of a subsidy . compliment i● an idleness they were never trained up in ; and 't is their happiness , that court-vanities have not stolen away their minds from business . their being sailors and soldiers , have marr'd two parts already ; if they bath one in court oyl , they are painted trapdoors , and shall then let the iews build a city where harlem m●er i● , and after cozen em on 't . they shall abuse a stranger for nothing , and after a few base terms , scotch one another to a carbonado , or as they do their roches when they fry them . nothing can quiet them but money and liberty , yet when they have them , they abuse both ; but if you tell them so , you awake their fury ; and you may sooner calm the sea ; than conjure that into compass again . their anger hath no eyes ; their judgment doth not flow so much from reason , as passion and partiality . they are in a manner all aquatiles , and therefore the spaniards calls them water dogs . to this , though you need not condescend , yet withal , you may think they can catch you a duck as soon . sea gulls do not swim more readily ; nor moor-hens from their nest run sooner to the water . every thing is so made to swim among them as it is a question , if elizeus's ax were now floating there , it would be taken for a miracle . they love none but those that do for them , and when they leave off , they neglect them . they have no friends but their kindred , which at every wedding , feast among themselves like tribes . all that help them not , they hold popish ; and take it for an argument of much honesty , to rail bitterly against the king of spain . and certainly , this is a badge of an ill nature , when they have once cast off the yoke , to be most virulent against those , to whom of right they owe respect and service . grateful dispositions , though by their lords they be exempted from service , will yet be paying reverence and affection . i am confident , that had they not been once the subjects of spain , they would have loved the nation better . but now out of dying duty 's ashes arise the blazes of hostility and flame . and 't is sufficient ground to condemn their eternal haté , to know the world remembers , they were once the lawful subjects of that most catholick crown . their shipping is the babel , which they boast on for the glory of their nation , 't is indeed a wonder , and they will have it so . but we may well hope , they will never be so mighty by land , lest they shew us how doggedly they can insult , where they get mastery . 't is their own chronicle-business , which can tell you , that at the siege of leyden , a port being held by the spanish , by the dutch was after taken by assault ; the desendants were put to the sword , where one of the dutch , in the fury of the slaughter , rip 't up a captain 's body , and with a barbarous hand tore out the yet living heart , panting among the reeking bowels , then with his teeth rent it ; still warm with blood , into gobbets , which he spit over the battlements in defiance to the rest of the army . their natives are the whip of spain , or the arm wherewith they pull away his indies . nature hath , not bred them so active for the land , as some others ; but at sea they are water-devils , to attempt things incredible . in fleets they can fight close , and rather hazard all , than save some , while others perish ; but single they will flag and fear , like birds in a bush , when the sparrowhawk's bells are heard . a turkish man of war is as dreadful to them as a falcon to a mallard ; from whom their best remedy is to steal away : but if they come to blows , they want the valiant stoutness of the english , who will rather expire bravely in a bold resistance , than yield to the lasting slavery of becoming captives to so barbarous an enemy . and this shews , they have not learned yet even pagan philosophy , which ever prefer an honourable death before a life thrawl'd to perpetual slavery . their ships lie like high woods in winter ; and if you view them on the north side , you freeze without hope ; for they ride so thick , that you can through them see no sun to warm you with . sailers among them are as common as beggars with us . they can drink , rail , swear , niggle , steal , and be lowsie a like ; but examining their use , a mess of their knaves are worth a million of ours ; for they in a hoisterous rudeness can work , and live and toil ; whereas ours will rather laze themselves to poverty , and like cabbages left out in winter , rot away in the loathsomeness of a nauseous sloath. almost all among them are seamen born , and like frogs , can live both on land and water . not a country-vrister but can handle an oar , steer a boat , raise a mast , and bear you out in the roughest strai●s you come in . the ship she a vouches much better for sleep than a bed. being full of humours , that is her cradle , which lulls and rocks her to a dull phlegmatickness , most of them looking like full grown oysters boild . slime , humid air , water , and wet diet , have so bag'd their cheeks , that some would take their paunches to be gotten above their chin. the country's government is a democracy , and there had need be many to rule such a rabble of rude ones . tell them of a king ; and they could cut your throat in earnest the very name carries servitude in it , and they hate it more than a iew doth images , a woman old age , or a nonconformist a surplice . none among them hath authority by inheritance , that were the way in time to parcel out their country to families . they are chosen all as our kings chuse sheriffs for their counties ; not for their sin of wit , but for the wealth they have to bear it out withal ; which they so over-affect , that myn heer shall walk the streets as userers to go to bawdy-houses , all alone and melancholly . and if they may be had cheap , he will dawb his faced cloak with two pennyworth of picked herrings , which himself shall carry home in a string . a common voice has given him pre-eminence , and he loses it by living as he did when he was but a boor. but if you pardon what is past , they are about thinking it time to learn more civility . their justice is strict , if it cross not policy ; but rather than hinder traffick , tolerates any thing . there is not under heaven such a den of several serpents as amsterdam is ; you may be what devil you will , so you push not the state with your horns . 't is an university of all religions , which grow here confusedly ( like stocks in a nursery ) without either order or pruning . if you be unsettled in your religion , you may here try all , and take at last what you like best : if you fancy none , you have a pattern to follow , of two , that would be a church to themselves . 't is the fair of all the sects , where all the pedlars of religion have leave to vent their toys , their ribbons , and phanatick rattles . and should it be true , it were a cruel brand which romists stick upon them ; for say they , as the chamaleon changes into all colours but white ; so they admit of all religions but the true ; for a papist only may not exercise his in publick : yet , his restraint , they plead , is not in hatred , but justice , because the spaniards abridges the protestants . and they had rather shew a little spleen , than not cry quit with their enemy . his act is their warrant , which they retaliate justly . and for this reason , rather than the dunkirkers they take shall not die , amsterdam having none of their own , shall borrow a hang-man from harlem . now , albeit the papists do them wrong herein , yet can it not excuse their boundless toleration , which shews they place their republick in a higher esteem than heaven it self ; and had rather cross upon god than it . for , whosoever disturbs the civil government , is liable to punishment ; but the decrees of heaven , and sanctions of the deity , any one may break uncheck't , by prosessing what false religion he please . so consulary rome of old , brought all the straggling gods of other nations to the city , where blinded superstition paid an adoration to them . in their families they are all equals ; and you have no way to know the ma ster and mistress , but by taking them in bed together : it may be those are they , otherwise malky can prate as much , laugh as loud , be as bold , and sit as well as her mistress . had logicians lived here at first , father and son had never passed so long for relatives : they are here individuals ; for no demonstrance of duty or authority can distinguish them , as if they were created together , and not born successively . and as for your mother , bidding her good night , and killing her , is punctual blessings . your man shall be sawcy , and you must not strike ; if you do , he shall complain to the scout , and perhaps have recompence . 't is a dainty place to please boys in , for your father shall bargain with your schoolmaster , not to whip you , if he doth , he shall revenge it with his knife , and have law for it . their apparel is civil enough , and good enough , but very uncomely , and has usually more stuff than shape . only their huikes are commodius in winter : but 't is to be lamented , that they have not wit enough to lay them by when summer comes . their women would have good faces , if they did not marr them with making . their ear-wyers have so nipt in their cheeks , that you would think some fairy to do them a mischief , had pinch'd them behind with tongs . these they dress , as if they would shew you all their wit lay behind , and they needs would cover it . and thus ordered , they have much more fore-head than face . they love the english gentry well ; and when soldiers come over to be billeted among them , they are emulous in choosing of their guest , who fares much the better for being liked by his hostess . men and women are there starched so blue , that if they once grow old , you would verily believe you saw winter walking up to the neek in a barrel of indigo : and therefore they rail at england for spending no more blewing . a man among them is else clad tolerably , unless he incline to the sea fashion ; and then are his breeches yawning at the knees , as if they were about to swallow his legs unmercifully . they are far there from going naked ; for of a whole woman , you can see but half a face . as for her hand , that shews her a fore labourer ; which you shall ever find , as it were in recompence , loaded with rings , to the cracking of her fingers . if you look lower , she 's a monkey , chain'd about the middle ; and had rather want it in diet , than not have silver links to hang her keys in . their gowns are fit to hide great bellies , but they make em shew so unhandsome that men do not care for getting them . marry this you shall find to their commendation , their smocks are ever whiter than their skin . where the woman lies in , the ringle of the door does pennance , and is lapped about with linnen , either to shew you that loud knocking may waken the child , or else for a month the ring is not to be run at . but if the child be dead , there is thrust out a nosegay , tied to a stick 's end , perhaps for an emblem of the life of man , which may wither as soon as born ; or else to let you know , that tho' these fade upon their gathering , yet from the same stock , the next year a new shoot may spring . you may rail at us for often changing ; but i assure you , with them it is a great deal more following the fashion , which they will plead for as the ignorant laity for their faith ; they will keep it , because their ancestors lived in it . thus they will rather keep an old fault , tho' they discover errors in it , than in an easie change to meet a certain remedy . for their diet , they eat much , and spend little : when they set out a fleet to the indies , it shall live three months on the offals , which we hear fear would furfeit our swine ; yet they feed on t , and are still the same dutchmen . in there houses , roots and stockfish are staple commodities . if they make a feast , and add flesh , they have art to keep it hot more days than a pigs-head in pye-corner . salt meats and sower cream they hold him a fool that loves not , only the last they correct with sugar ; and are not half so well pleased with having it sweet at first , as with letting it sower , that they may sweeten it again ; as if a woman were not half so pleasing being easily won , us after a scolding sit she comes by a man to be calmed again . fish indeed they have brave and plentiful ; and herein practice hath made them cooks , as good as e're lucullus his latter kitchen had , which is some p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ce for their wilfulness ; for you can neither pray nor ●●y them to 〈◊〉 their own cookery . to a feast they come readily , but being set once , you most have patience . they are longer eating meat , than we are preparing it . if it be to supper , you conclude timely when you get away by day-break . they drink down the evening star , and drink up the morning star. at those times it goes hard with a stranger ; all in courtisie will be drinking to him ; and all that do so he must pledge ; till he doth , the fill'd cups circle round his tre●cher , from whence they are not taken away till emptied . for tho' they give you a day for payment , yet they will not abate the sum. they sit not there as we in england , men together , and women first ; but ever intermingled , with a man between : and instead of marchpanes , and such juncates , 't is good manners if any be there , to carry away a piece of apple-pye in your pocket . the time they spend there is in eating well , in drinking much and prating most . they sip , and laugh , and tell their tales , and in a tavern are more prodigal of their time than their wine . they drink as if they were short winded , and as it were eat their drink by morsels , rather besieging their brains than asfausting them . in short , to come to a conclusion , what they do is so far from being like other mens actions , that they are wholly the reverse of humanity , as they are the backside of the whole world. and the men of old did no more wonder , that the great massias was born in so poor a town as bethlem in iudec , than i do wonder that so brave a prince as king william should be born in such a land of beasts , as lowsie holland . of amsterdam . as amsterdam is the metropolis of the seven wicked provinces , so it is the chief in respect of the many vices which have taken sanctuary in it . to call a man an amsterdamer , is as much as to say , he is no christian , and to tell the place of his nativity , is enough to ingratiate himself with the most persecuting dioclesian . the king of iapan being a great enemy to christianity , would permit none that profess'd our saviour's doctrine , to traffick with his subjects without a previous oath , that they would not exercise their religion curing their continuance in his dominions ; several nations , amongst the rest , the english refus'd to comply with proposals so dishonourable to themselves and the holy religion they were instructed in : but the dutch from this place being resolv'd to have something to pamper their bodies which though they damn'd their souls for it , send instructions for their two heathenish deputies to sign whatever should be demanded of ' em . accordingly the two raskals , instead of owning themselves christians , signd the agreement by the m●●e of hollanders , which has ever since been a current name with those of iapan for a downright fellow subject , and infidel . this stands upon record , and they have worm'd out all other nations from that country's traffick by it . as to its situation the inhabitants call it the land of canaan , though instead of flowing with milk and honey it overflows , with nothing but water . the heavenly showers which add to the fertilty of other soils , takes from the fruitfulness of this , and god almighty has punished 'em with water in this life , since they are to have another element to torture 'em in the next . however , tho' it be not the land of canaan , it s certainly a land of promise , but if you look for performances , or an israelite in it without guile , you may chance to be never the near to your journey 's end . as its riches comes by its shipping , so the foundation of all its building , is laid upon huge piles of masts , and that which makes their floating houses move , is the only thing which renders those that are fix'd on land without motion . and though if a good strong tide ▪ would but bring their masts by the board ( as they call it ) there would be no occasion for a wind to drive 'em to sea , i 'll warrant ' em . every private house here looks like an ale-house and is painted with green red , and white , and they are so sensible of their country villanies , that every window has its iron grates , like our jayls , in order to keep the felon its owner out of harms way . an eminent surgeon who lives there , told me , that for the space of three years last past , notwithstanding the frequent quarrels which happen'd among 'em : he had none under his hands but such as were wounded in the back ; and if a man was but so fortunate as to get a scotch in the forehead , &c. he was immediately made an officer in the militia . they are as dextrous in flying from a foe , as they are in the pursuit of riches , and they hate the french religion , because the te deum is in it , which they have been so fortunate as to make use of against ' em . to go into one of their churches , is to catch cold , for there are so few people in 'em that their breath can never warm you : but their bawdy-houses are so crowded that half an hours staying there would save you the charge of a bagnio . they love ' all pictures but that of the king of spain , and if any one is desirous to end his days , the most expeditious way to effect it , is to hang up his head at his sign-post . their stadt-house , which is the most famous piece of building in the whole province , would be very fine were it not for the pitiful entrance into it , as indeed their buildings in general , were it not for the nasty inhabitants . if you talk with one of their preachers about religion , he diverts you to trade , and still thinks himself upon his first topick , which is the only truth he is guilty of , for though they differ in name , they are the same in substance . the king of england has a consul here , who makes some small figure , and fits in an eminent pew in the english church , where there is sorry preaching , a dull and tedious sermon , about an hour and three quarters long , and a few auditors , all presbyterians . the chancel is let out for a ioyner's shop , because they hate any thing that has the appearance of popery in it . the de wits were born here , those noted enemies of his present majesty of great britain , and there are yet some of that faction in this city , for which the english owe 'em no great thanks , and the remembrance of amboyna , and those horrid cruelties perpetrated on us there , may make us more cautious in our dealings with 'em for the future . they have publick stews or brothel-houses erected at the charge of the publick , and to see a magistrate come to receive the taxes laid on that which distinguish the female sex , is as common as to see a burgo-master with a rope of onions in his hand , or a judge shouldring a bunch of turnips . but i am so weary of this abominable town , the description of which must have tyr'd the reader , as well as my self , that i shall have said , all when i have told him . their religion , i mean the chief of the many which are tolerated there , is rank calvinis● , their manners downright brutishness , their dealings perfect knavery , their city a den of thieves , their exchange their church , and their church a wide covert place to take the air in , their buildings without gates , their hospitals without wounded people , their crimes without punishment , their assurances without honesty , and their heads without brains . and so much for amsterdam , whose sluces i wish opened , that the city might set fail , to some country more remote than at present that cursed place is in . which heaven permit , if pittying heaven can hear what ills we suffer , and what wrongs we bear , to be caress'd , defrauded , and betray'd , promis'd their friendship , tho' refus'd their aid , disgrac'd abroad , and fawn'd upon at home , is every neighbouring nations common doom . but thou , o land of europe's realms the chief , the guard of empires , and the world's relief , whose hands have rais'd 'em , and whose arms have bless'd their states to high and mighty from distress'd . britannia , thou ! ah ! thou canst chiefly show their guilt unmeasur'd as is now thy woe : and in thy sons from thy embraces torn behold their friendship , and beholding mourn , whilst in amboyna's cruelties are shown , crimes now their practice , as not then unknown . instructions from thy former harms receive , how far to trust 'em , and how far believe , interest will shorten what they promise long , when ne'er to trust is ne'er to suffer wrong . and if the wishes of thy son may joyn with those which either are , or should be thine , may'st thou once more thy antient rights regain , empress at land , and mistress of the main : no fleets but thine amidst the ocean ride , thy neighbour's terror , and thy countries pride ; whilst injur'd kings petition for thy aid , and thou thy own support , ar't that of others made . finis . treaty made between lewis xiv of france and the states general about the exchange and ransom of the prisoner of war together with the rates of prices of ransom from a general to a private soldier. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands 1691 jan. 4 france. 1691 approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49236 wing l3139a estc r222260 07940190 ocm 07940190 40561 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49236) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40561) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1210:4) treaty made between lewis xiv of france and the states general about the exchange and ransom of the prisoner of war together with the rates of prices of ransom from a general to a private soldier. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands 1691 jan. 4 france. france. treaties, etc. united provinces of the netherlands, 1691 jan. 4. 12 p. printed for randal taylor, london : 1691. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the 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p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -france. france -history -louis xiv, 1643-1715 -sources. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-01 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion treaty made between lewis xiv . of france , and the states general ▪ about the exchange and ransom of the prisoners of war . together , with the rates , or prices of ransom , from a general , to a private soldier . ☞ the same treaty is likewise in agitation , being proposed by the french king to the emperor , king william , and the rest of the confederate princes . licensed , april the 3d. 1691. james fraiser . london , printed for randal taylor , near stationer 〈◊〉 1691. we helie william de rochon , de la peyrouse , lord de la motte and de chateau●●ux , the king's lieutenant of maubeuge , and commander in the town of thuin , and its dependencies , in the name , and by order of his majesty : and james , baron de wassenaer , lord d' obdam , hensbrock , &c. nobleman of holland , major general of the horse of the united provinces , governor of william-stadt , &c. in the name and by order of the states general of the united provinces : have agreed upon the exchange and ransom of the prisoners of war , that have been or shall be made by the troops of the armies and garrisons of france , and those of the states general , one upon the other only ; and have concluded the present treaty , by vertue of a power given to us , in the following manner . first . that all prisoners , that shall be made of both sides , either in battels , taking towns , skirmishes , or other occasions , that may happen between the two nations , shall be rendred faithfully in a fortnight at the furthest , by an exchange of other prisoners of the same post , or others , in making compensation of more or less of the ransom , or shall pay the ransom , that shall be named hereafter , and shall be paid in french money . — and to prevent all disputes and difficulties , as well in regard of the post and quality of the officers of both sides , as the ransoms that shall be paid by each of them ; we have found necessary to specifie hereafter the employments and posts of each party , and the price of the said ransoms . the generals of the kings army , commanders in chief , and the mareschals of france , shall be exchanged for the captain general of the states general ▪ commanding in chief their armies , or shall pay — livers . 50000 the captain general of the kings armies . — 40000 livers . the lieutenant generals of the king's armies shall be exchang'd for those , that command the armies of the states general immediately after the general , or shall pay — 20000 livers . the great master of the ordnance of france for the general of the ordnance of the states general , or shall pay — 4000 livers . the mareschals de camp of the king army shall be exchang'd , or pay — livers . 4000 the collonel general of the horse shall be exchang'd for the general of the general of the horse , or the foot of the states , or pay — 4000 livers . the collonel general of the dragoons shall be exchang'd , if there be one , or shall pay — 3500 livers . the maistre de camp , general of the horse of france , shall be exchang'd , or pay — 3500 livers . the maistre de camp , general of the dragoons , shall be exchang'd or pay — 3000 livers . the commissary general of the french horse shall be exchang'd , or pay — 3000 livers . an intendant of the armies or provinces , for a deputy of the states in the field , or shall pay — 5000 livers . the commissioners under them — 1500 livers . a lieutenant general of the ordnance of france , shall be exchang'd for a lieutenant general of the ordnance of the states general , or shall pay — 1000 livers . a lieutenant general of the horse or foot shall be exchanged , or pay — 1500 livers . the major generals of horse or the foot , shall be exchang'd for major generals or commissary generals of the horse or the foot , or shall pay — 800 livers . the brigadiers of horse or foot , shall be exchang'd , or pay — 600 livers . a major of a brigade , for a major of a brigade , or shall pay — 300 livers . a marshal general of the qurters the army ; for a quarter master general , or shall pay — 500 livers . an adjutant of the marshal general of the quarters , and half a quarter master shall be exchanged , or pay — 100 livers . adjutant general 's of the king , or he dauphin — 500 livers . adjutant generals of the generals in chief , lieutenant generals and marshals de camp shall be exchanged or pay — 300 livers . quarter master generals of the horse shall be exchanged or pay — 200 livers . their adjutants shall be exchang'd or pay — 100 livers . the treasurer general of the extraordinary expences of war — 1500 livers . the first commissary of every army — 500 livers . the other lesser ones of the army and places — 50 livers . the general of the provisions shall be exchang'd for the proveditor or pay — 1000 livers . the first commissaries of the provisions of every army shall pay — 500 livers . the other commissaries and controllers of the provisions — 50 livers . the commissaries of war — 100 livers . the general provost shall be exchanged for the general provost , or shall pay 300 livers . the king's attorny for the fiscal of the council of war , or shall pay — 250 livers . the provost's lieutenant for that of the states , or shall pay — 100 livers . the clerks of the council of war , shall be exchang'd , or pay — 80 livers . the other officers and soldiers attending the council of war , each — 18 livers . out of this number we have agreed to accept those soldiers there shall be imployed to look for , and to seize ▪ thieves , malefactors , and others that have disobey'd their orders , which are allowed to go with all security from the number of four to fifteen , commanded by a brigadier , exempt , lieutenant , or the provost himself ; neither shall it be lawful to seize their horses and arms , being provided with good and sufficient orders of the generals , governors , commanders , or intendants of the armys or provinces , and they may take along with them the king's attorney , the fiscal , assessor , and clerk , to proceed against the criminals , in case it be required , upon condition , that they shall not approach nearer than two leagues to the enemys army , or places belonging to them . and in case that they are met with ▪ either above or under the said number , they may lawfully be made prisoners with their arms and horses , and obliged to pay the ransom specified in the present treaty . the wagen maistre general shall be exchang'd , or pay — livers . 150 his lieutenant . — 80 livers . the commissary general of the banks — 150 livers . his lieutenants , each — 50 livers . the conductors of one and the other , shall pay each — 10 livers . an auditor , or judge — 2● livers . the weght maistre general , or captain of the guides , shall be exchang'd , or pay — 80 livers . his lieutenant — 50 livers . his cornet — 35 livers . the guides on horseback , as troopers — 10 livers . the chief ingeniers — 500 livers . and the others a month of their pay , which shall be faithfully declared of both sides . the ordnance . a particular lieutenant or collonel of the ordnance shall be exchanged or pay — livers . 400 livers . the provincial commissary or lieutenant collonel of the ordnance shall be exchanged or pay — 250 livers . an ordinary commissary or major of the ordnance shall be exchanged or pay — 150 livers . a commissary extraordinary , gentleman of the ordnance , cadets or guards shall be exchanged or pay 30 livers . the captains of the bombardiers , miners , pioniers , watermen , cartmen , pontoons , and others depending from the ordnance shall be exchanged or pay — 50 livers . gunners , bombardiers , fire-workers , carpenters , farriers , pioneers , watermen , bridg-masters , and others shall pay as soldiers — livers . 7. 10 s. gensd'-arms . the brigadier of the gendarms — livers . 1100 the captains of the guards du corps of the king — 2000 livers . the captains lieutenant of the gendarms of the king — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenant of the light-horse — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenant of the scotch guards — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenants of the two companies of the musqueteers on horse-back — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenant of the english gendarms — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenants of the companies of gendarms , and the light-horse of the queen , the dauphin , the dukes of burgundy , anjou , and berry — 2000 livers . the captain of the guards of the duke of orleans — 2000 livers . the captain lieutenant of his gendarms and light horse — 2000 livers . the lieutenants of the king's guard du corps — 2000 livers . the under lieutenant of the gendarms — 2000 livers . the under lieutenant of the light-horse — 2000 livers . the under lieutenant of the two companies of the king's musqueteers — 2000 livers . the under lieutenant of the scotch guards — 1000 livers . the under lieutenant of the english gendarms — 1000 livers . the under lieutenant of the gendarms of the queen , the dauphin , the dukes of burgundy , anjou , and berry — 1000 livers . the under lieutenant of the gendars of the duke of orleans — 1000 livers . the major of the gendarms — 1000 livers . the ensigns of the king's guards du corps — 1000 livers . the ensigns and guidoon of the gendarms — 1000 livers . the ensign of the scotch troop — 1000 livers . the ensign and cornet of the musqueteers — 1000 livers . the ensign of the english gendarms — 1000 livers . the ensign of the gendarms of the queen — 1000 livers . the cornet of the light-horse of the guards — 1000 livers . the cornet of the light-horse of the queen — 1000 livers . the ensign of the gendarms of the dauphin , the dukes of burgundy , anjou and berry — 1000 livers . the lieutenants of the guards of the duke of orleans — 600 livers . the ensign of the gendarms — 600 livers . the cornet of the light-horse — 600 livers . the guidoon of the scotch gendarms — 600 livers . the guidoon of the english gendarms600 livers . the guidoon of the gendarms of the queen — 600 livers . the guidoon of the gendarms of the dauphin , the dukes of burgundy , anjou , and berry and of the duke of orleans — 600 livers . the major of the guard du corps — 600 livers . and concerning the exempts , quarter-master brigadeers , sou-brigadeers , guards du corps , gendarms , musqueteers , and others of the above mentioned troops , they are to give a month of their pay , or shall be exchang'd for persons of the same quality and caracter . and concerning also the company of granadeers on horse-back , of the king's guards , the officers and granadeers of the said company shall be exchang'd or give a month of their pay. french and suiss gaurds . the collonel of the french guards livers . 3000 the lieutenant collonel — 1500 livers . the major — 600 livers . the captains — 300 livers . the lieutenants , aid-majors , under lieutenants and ensigns and others to a soldier inclusive , a month of their pay. the provost , quarter-master , archers , and others belonging to the provostship of the french guards , a month of their pay. the collonel general of the suissers 4000 livers . the collonel of the suiss guards — 3000 livers . the captains , lieutenants and other officers soldiers of the suiss guards shall pay at the same rate as the french guards . guards of the captain general of the states . the officers , troopers , and soldiers of the regiments , troops , and companies of the guards , shall be exchang'd , or pay a month of their pay. horse . a collonel — livers . 400 a lieutenant collonel — 250 livers . a major — 220 livers . a captain — 200 livers . a lieutenant — 100 livers . an adjutant — 75 livers . a cornet — 75 livers . a quarter-master of the regiment — 75 livers . a quarter-master — 25 livers . brigadiers , or corporals — 22 l. 10 s clerks and troopers — 20 livers . the regiment of the cravattes . the royal english regiment . the royal regiment of piedmont . the germen regiment of count nassau . the said regiments shall be treated as the rest of the cavalry . dragoons . a collonel of dragoons — livers 350 a lieutenant collonel — 250 livers . a major — 200 livers . a captain — 150 livers . a lieutenant — 70 livers . an adjutant — 60 livers . a cornet — 55 livers . a quarter-master — 25 livers . a quarter-master of a regiment shall be exchang'd , or pay — 50 livers . a brigadier , or corporal — ●0 livers . dragoons — 18 livers . foot. a collonel — livers . 400 a lieutenant collonel — 250 livers . a major — 150 livers . a captain — 100 livers . a lieutenant — 40 livers . adjutant — 40 livers . quarter-master of the regiment — 35 livers . under lieutenant , or ensign — 25 livers . the serjeants — 15 livers . soldiers — 7 l. 10 s. the provost of the regiments of horse , dragoons , and foot shall be exchang'd , or pay — 40 livers . their lieutenants , clerks , and auditors shall be exchang'd , or pay — 20 livers . gentlemen cadets . the captains of the nine companies of cadets , shall be exchang'd , if some are to be found of the same post and character , or pay — livers . 150 the lieutenants — 80 livers . the sou-lieutenants , or ensigns — 60 livers . the sejreants — 20 livers . corporals — 12 livers . the cadets — 10 livers . the governors , commanders , the king's lieutenants , the majors and adjutants , and the captains of the gates , shall give a month of their pay , and if they have another place of a greater revenue , then they are to pay accordingly all french voluntiers that shall be in the king's army , of what quality and dignity soever , in case they are of the number of those , that live constantly at court , and that have no military imployments , they shall be exchang'd , or pay 2000 livers . and such voluntiers as shall have some imploy , either in , or out of the army , either in his majesties ▪ or states general , or some other foreign princes whatsoever , shall be exchang'd , or pay according to what is specified in this present treaty . the contents of these two articles shall be observed also in regard of the voluntiers , that shall be in the 〈…〉 the states general . the almoners , ministers , physicians , directors general , as well as particular , apothecaries , chyrurgeons and other officers belonging to the hospitals of the armys and places of war , as also women of what condition soever , children of twelve years of age , and under it , post-boys , messengers , foot-men , and servants shall be sent back without ransom . those that have the benefit of several imployments , shall only pay the ransom according to the greatest place they are in possession of , and shall be exchang'd accordingly , or pay their ransom . all officers of the ordonance , that are not comprehended in this treaty , beariug the same names with the officers of foot , shall without any difference , be exchang'd for the same ransom . all reformed officers shall only pay the fourth part of the ransom of the place , they have the title of . trumpets and drummers that shall reclaim the said prisoners , shall be sent back in three days , and if for some reason of war , they are kept longer , they shall be defrayed by those that do detain them . all officers and others , receiving pay , not included in this present treaty , and obliged to follow the armys , shall be ransom'd by paying one month of their pay , besides that it shall be lawful to the parties , to give one another notice of the officers , that have been omitted in this treaty , and to agree amongst them about it , after which it shall be faithfully observed in the same manner , as if it was actually included in this treaty . if a difficult shou'd arise , concerning the quality or the pay of some of the prisoners , it shall be removed by a certificate , which shall be faithfully given by the general of the army or the governour of the place , which the said prisoners shall belong to , without any other proof . it shall be prohibited of both sides to strip the prisoners . all souldiers , troopers , dragoons , and others , whose ransom is the same , shall have for their subsistance , during the time of their imprisonment three pence of french money , besides the bread of munition , and the serjeants are to have the double of it ▪ it is agreed on both sides , not to force any prisoners of war to be listed , and to prevent all disputes about it , those that shall be willing to serve him , whose prisoners they are , shall be obliged to give under their hand , that they have done it voluntary , without being forced thereunto . all officers may be treated in such a manner as they think fit , and shall find themselves in a condition to pay . all officers of both sides , that have been sent back upon their parole of honour , shall be obliged to return and surrender themselve prisoners , a fortnight after the ratification of this treaty , in case they have not before paid the ransom specified therein , as also the debts they have contratracted for their subsistance in prison , which they may do without being obliged to return , and shall be at liberty to serve as soon as they are acquitted of their creditors . as to the months of pay , mentioned in several articles , they shall be regulated of both sides according to what the king allows them , except the governours , commanders , the king's lieutenants , majors and adjutants , captains of the gates , officers troopers and soldiers of the guards , of the captain general of the states army , who shall pay according to the pay they receive from the states general . upon the conditions above mentioned , it is agreed to send back all prisoners from both sides , a fortnight after the ratification of the present treaty , by praying reciprocally , what they have spent for their subsistance during their imprisonment , and hereafter it shall be very exactly observed to render the prisoners as soon as they shall be reclaimed by paying the ransom of rendring some prisoners in an equivolent number , to the place , they possess . and to render all things easie , equally to both parties , an account shall be given of them every six months , if it be necessary . each party shall make a computation of the prisoners that he sends back , and shall take a receit from the commander of the place , where they are sent to , in order that after a full delivery of the prisoners , those of the two parties , that shall be in debt for it to the other , he may take care to satisfie them according to the ransom here above mentioned . all prisoners , horse as well as foot , that are or have been made so , since the declaration of the present war , by sea as well as by land , shall be returned from one side and the other , by satisfying he above mentioned articles , to the nearest place under his majesty's or the states general 's obedience . it shall be expresly prohibited of both sides , to make use of bullets of tin , or any other metal besides that of lead , as also all ramed bullets for flying parties . no pass-port shall be delivered by the generals , governour , or commanders of places to soldiers , to go out in parties under the number of nine men a foot , and fifteen of horse ; it being agreed , that those who shall be catch'd in arms under the said number , shall be punish'd with a hard prison of two months , and in case , they shall be convinced of murther or robbery , they shall be delivered into the hands of the justice , to be punish'd according to law , of which notice shall be given reciprocally , as also the reasons for so doing . yet this punishment shall find no place , in case a party after having lost some men in a skirmish with the enemy , shall be rencountred in a less number , then they went out from the army , or their garison , which shall be justified by the pass-port and certificate of the generals , governours , or commanders , from whom they got their leave , as also when a little troop has serv'd to convoy an officer , which will be justified by the same attestation . that in case some troopers , dragoons , or soldiers that are made prisoners , and that are , either wounded or sick to the danger of their life , shall be put into the hospitals , or other convenient places , in order to be cured ; it is agreed , that which the king or the states general give to the governours of the hospitals for the entertainment of the sick , shall be repaid besides their ransom , upon an ingenious declaration of both sides : that in case of one side or the other , under pretence of well treating the prisoners , they are put into inns or publick houses upon their own , or their captains charges , there shall be paid nothing , besides the ransom , except the three pence allowed 'em for their subsistance , and the bread of muniton , which of both sides shall be given daily to the troopers , cravattes , dragoons and soldiers , and the double to the serjeants . that the pass-ports of spain shall have place , and shall be respected by the troops of holland , of what nation soever , in the whole extent of the 〈…〉 from the sea till to the mosel french men being the bearers of them , and particularly intandants their deputies , receivers of contributions and confiscations , undertakers of forrage , expresses and post-boys , and the same shall be granted by france , to the receivers of contributions , of convoys , customs , and others of the same imployments and functions , as those here above mentioned from the side of france , in case it be required , that shall be estabish'd upon the frontiers of the spanish netherlands , by the states general , which shall have leave to go without any molestation to the towns and places of the said frontiers , provided they do not approach nearer than than two leagues of the places of the enemy , of one side and the other . it shall also be granted to prisoners , to give notice to their superiors of the place of their detention , and the governours and commanders shall assist them in it . that trumpets and drummers shall be sent back without ransom , except they have been taken with arms in their hands , in which case , trumpeters shall pay as troopers , and drummers as soldiers . this present treaty shall have place , and shall reciprocally be good for all the troops , as well of the king 's , as those of the states general , being actually in their pay , or not , of what nation soever , without exception , or exclusion , that shall stand under the orders of the princes and generals , that have , or shall have directly and naturally a command and authority over the armys and troops of his majesty , and their high and mighty lordships , acting by their orders ▪ and in their name , either joyntly , or separately , in what places , or conntrys soever , all the said troops shall have the benefit of this present treaty on both sides , and shall be exchang'd , or pay a ransom , according to the agreement made therein , which his majesty promises to approve , and to see it punctually observed and executed as the states general promise to approve the contents of the present article , and to see it punctually observed and executed by the princes and generals , as it is here above mentioned : the present treaty shall also have place , and shall be executed by his majesty during this present war , not only for the troops that are either in the king 's or states pay , of what nation soever but also in regard of all kings and princes , that are now actually in war against france , that within the time of two months , shall declare by an act of a good form , that they willing to conform themselves to his treaty , and promise the execution of it concerning prisoners , either of this side , or the other side of the sea , and his majesty does promise to see the said treaty executed , in regard of above mentioned kings and princes , that are in alliance with the states general , provided that within the limitted time , the said allies of the states general that are now in war against france ; do promise by an act in a good form , to conform themselves to the said treaty , during the present war , and as soon as the said act shall be delivered to the sieur de la motte , in order to send them to his majesty , he will permit to the prisoners of the said alley's that have promised to execute also the present treaty , to return either to their respective countries , or armies , by paying the ransom specified in the said treaty , according to the places , which they were in possession of , when they were made prisoners , and in case some difficulty shou'd arise , concerning the differency of the places in the king 's and the confederate princes armys ; notice shall be given to the sieur de la motte in order to compose it in such a manner as shall be most agreable to both parties . the contents of the foregoing article shall be of no prejudice to , nor cause any alteration in this treaty concerning the troops of the states general . that the present treaty about the exchange and the ransom of the prisoners of war on both sides , shall have place , and be thought good from the day of the date of the ratification , and shall be inviolably continued during the present war without the least interruption . and for the better assurance of the said treaty , we have promis'd reciprocally by vertue of the power , given unto us to get it ratified by his majesty , as well as the states general of the united provinces , within a fortnight , at the farthest from the date hereof : made at buillon , december the 29th . 1690. signed , la motte de la peyrouse . j. b. de wassenaer . the king 's warrant , translated out of the french . the king being informed that the states general of the unined provinces were inclinable to agree upon a treaty for the exchange and ransom of the prisoners of war , that have been or shall be made , either by his majesties armies or by those that are in his pay , in case his majesty was willing to harken to it ; and being ready to contribute on his side to the easiness and liberty of the said prisoners , his majesty being intirely satisfied with the conduct of the sieur de la motte de la peyrouse , his lieutenant in the government of maubeuge , concerning the soid treaty , which he has made and past in his name the 20th . of october last , with the commissaries , nominated by the catholic king , in a treaty of the same nature , in which he has given proves of his capacity and experience ; his majesty has ordered and deputed him to transport himself to bouillon , and to render himself there towards the second of december next , in order to negotiate , conclude , and sign in his name with the sieur baron de wassenaer , d' obdam , deputed to the same purpose by the said states general , by vertue of a sufficient power , and that shall be in good form , a general treaty about the exchange of the prisoners of war , thas have been or shall be made , since the beginning of this war , and the time of its continuation , by the troops of his majesty , and by those of the said states general , in what place soever , where the armies of his majesty and those of the states general have acted , or shall act hereafter , without exception , and man for man of the same post , and quality , and thot in case there shou'd be a greater number of prisoners of war of one side and the other ▪ the surplus shall be set at liberty , by paying the ransoms , which shall be agreed upon , and all conformably as much as shall be possible , to the last treaty of exchange and ransom , concluded and signed may the 20th . 1675. for the prisoners of war made by the armies of his majesty and those of the said states general , adding thereunto , or taking off from it what shall be thought , fit , and to be done by the said sieur de la peyrouse , for the said exchange and ransoms , all that he shall find necessary , and to the purpose , his majesty having given him , as he gives him by the present full power of it , promising upon the faith and parole of a king , to consent , and faithfully to keep all that shall be negotiated , premist , and signed in his name , by the said sieur de la peyrouse , by vertue of this present power , and to see it punctually exacted and observed on his side , without difficulty ; for such is his majesties will. given at versailles , november , the 19th . 1690 signed , lewis and lower le tellier . the warrant of the states general , translated out of the dvtch . the states general of the united provinces , to all those whom it may concern ; give to understand , that we have thought fit to depute and authorize , as we do depute and authorise by these presents , the heer baron of wassenaer , heer of obdam , major general in the service of our state , from vs and in our name , with those who by his majesty the king of france , are , or shall also be sufficiently authorized , to negociate , and to conclude a treaty about the excbange and ransom of the prisoners of war , that are , or shall be made hereafter , with all that depends from it , promising faithfully to approve , to ratifie , and to execute all that by the said baron of wassanaer , heer of obdam , shall be concluded and agreed upon in our name . given under the seal of the state at the hague , december the 11th . 1690. signed , g. sloot , by order from the high mentioned states general , f. fagel . the king's ratification , translated out of the french. the king , having seen , and attentively read the treaty here before mentioned , made , and concluded by the sieur de la motte , de la peyrouse , and in the name of the states general of the united provinces , by the sieur de wassenaer , de obdam , about the exchange and ransom of the prisoners of war that have been made , since it was declared , or shall be made hereafter , during this war , by the troops of france , and those of the states general , one upon the other ; and his majesty being pleased with the said treaty ▪ has approved , confirmed , and ratified , and does approve , confirm , and ratifie it ; and he has promised , and does promise upon the faith and parole of a king to keep it , to see it kept , and inviolately observed on his side , without the least infraction ▪ nor permit that it should be infracted in any manner whatsoever ; having for a mark of his good will , signed these present , with his own hand , and ordered his privy seal to be set to it . versailles , january the 4th . 1691. signed , lewis . ratification of the states general , translated out of the dutch . the states general of the united provinces , to all those whom it may concern , greeting , give to understand , that having seen and examined the treaty concluded at buillon , december the 29th . 1690. between the sieur de la motte , de la peyrouse , authorised thereunto by his majesty the king of france , and the heer baron of wassenaer , heer of obdam , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ed also thereunto by vs , concernin●●he ransom and exchange of both 〈◊〉 prisoners , as it is here above at ●●●ge mentioned . and having o●●erved , that 't is promis'd by the last article of it , that the said treaty should ●e ratified on both sides , within a fortnight after the 24th . of december past , it being the day of the begining of the treaty , we have accordingly approved and ratified the said treaty , as we do approve and ratifie it by these presents , promising faithfully to observe the present treaty and all the points and articles of it , to execute it , and to see it executed by all those whom it may concern . given under the seal of the state at the hague , january the 11th , 1691. w. de nassaw . by order from the high mentioned states general . f. fagel . finis . a iournall, and relation of the action, vvhich by his maiesties commandement edvvard lord cecyl, baron of putney, and vicount of wimbledon, admirall, and lieutenant generall of his maiestyes forces, did vndertake vpon the coast of spaine, 1625 wimbledon, edward cecil, viscount, 1572-1638. 1626 approx. 57 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a18298 stc 4892 estc s107636 99843333 99843333 8057 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a18298) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 8057) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1166:15) a iournall, and relation of the action, vvhich by his maiesties commandement edvvard lord cecyl, baron of putney, and vicount of wimbledon, admirall, and lieutenant generall of his maiestyes forces, did vndertake vpon the coast of spaine, 1625 wimbledon, edward cecil, viscount, 1572-1638. 33, [1] p. printed, [amsterdam?] : in the yeare, 1626. place of publication conjectured by stc. signatures: a-d⁴ e² (-a2). a2 may have been a preface. reproduction of the original in harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their 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michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -early works to 1800. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 jason colman sampled and proofread 2006-05 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a iovrnall , and relation of the action , vvhich by his maiesties commandement edvvard lord cecyl , baron of putney , and vicount of wimbledon , admirall , and lieutenant generall of his maiestyes forces , did vndertake vpon the coast of spaine , 1625. veritas premitur sed non opprimitur . printed in the yeare , 1626. the 8. of octob. being saterday wee set sayle about 3 of the clocke in the afternoone with a wind at north north east . vpon sonday the 9. about 6 of the clocke in the morning , we fell with my lord of essex my vice-admirall and those shippes that were put into famouth with him , and about 9 in the same morning , we discouered 7 sayle that were dutch shippes loaden with salt , the wind continued faire enough for vs all that day , to lye our course and till 12 at night . this day instructions were sent to all the admiralls , and to other officers , and to diuers other shippes . the 10 being monday we were becalmed . on tewsday the 11 in the morning i called a councell for the setling of instructions for a sea fight , as by the 7. and 10. artikle contained in them may plainely appeare viz : 7. art. if the enemies approach be in such sort as the admirall of the dutch & his squadron or my vice-admirall of the fleet and his squadron may haue opportunitie to begin the fight it shall bee lawfull for them so to doe vntill i come vsing the forme method and care foresaide . 10. art. if any shippe or shippes of the enemies doe breake out or flye , the admirall of any squadron that shall happen to be on the next , and most convenient place for that purpose shall send out a competent nomber of the fittest shippes of his squadron to chase , assault , and take such shippe or shippes breaking out , but no shippe shall vndertake such a chase without the commaund of the admirall or at least the admirall of his squadron . likewise it was ordred that 5 men should be put to a messe with the allowance formerly giuen for 4 and warrents directed to all the fleete to that ende . wednesday the 12 about 7 in the morning the winde came to north north west with faire weather , it serued well till 6 in the euening , the wind increasing so much that it was not sayle-worthy , yet being large we bore our foresayle and sprittesayle . the sea grew so high that we towed our long boate in peeces , and lost her , and the losse of long boates was generall , i thinke all within 2 houres one of another , so that there was not one saued throughout the whole fleete , and one catch was sunke , another by misfortune comming fowle of a shippe was likewise cast away with 3 of her men , the rest were saued , many shippes were in danger almost to despaire , the long robert of ipshwich was drownd with 138 land-men , 37 sea-men , the land-captaines lost in the wrack were fisher , & hackett a scotch captain , and gurling the captain of the shippe . besides these generall losses there was no shippe in her owne particuler that did not suffer more or lesse in this storme by leakes , losse of masts , and by casualties , and the like . in this tempest we had experience of the anne royall her selfe , her mastes grewe loose , the maine mast was in danger of rowling ouer board , two of her greatest peeces of 5000 weight a peece broke loose in the gunners roome , the danger was partly by the negligence of the officers , that did not see carefully to the fitting of these things while we lay in harbour , she would not hul at all . the separation caused by this tempest was so greate that on fryday the 14 at noone , we sawe but one shippe of the whole fleete , this day the storme began to cease . then we made observations , and found we were in the latitude of 44 and 8 minutes , and after recouered 20 sayle of shippes . the winde continued faire , and large with a gaile running some 7. leagues a watch , we steared away with a short course staying for the rest of the fleete . on saturday the 15. about 9 in the morning , we discouered more that made 33. at noone we were in the height of 42 and 6 minutes . on sonday the 16 bearing to the north east , we steared away southeast and by east to gaine the shoare , at noone we found our latitude 39 and 54 minutes . the southerne cape then being by computation south east , i gaue order to some shippes , to goe and looke out for prizes , and discouery , and to returne in the afternoone . now we began to make ready for extraordinary fight , and gaue the same order to those that were with me , and the rest , as by my generall instructions vnder my hand may appeare . the wind still continued north east , and the 17 on monday we were in 38 and 48 minutes , from the toppe was discouered land , which was the rocke of from lisbon bearing east and by north some 14 leagues from vs , i sent now forth againe to discouer the cape , with order not to discouer themselves , and to come backe againe with intelligence , this day we had a chase , but missed it . tuesday the 18 at noone our height was 37 and 36 minutes . this day i called a councell for the better resoluing what course to hold for reuniting the fleete much seperated by the late storme . this day the captaines brought in the seuerall complaints of theire defects , as sir beuerley newcombe captain of the dreadnaught that the vpper beames had been broken , and did in fowle weather giue way , and the sides of the ship opening receaued in so much water , that she was not able to subsist , sir william saint leger writte a lettre that he suspected the plague in his shippe , but it pleased god it proued not to be so . this day i gaue especiall order to all the captains , and maisters present to keepe more neare together , and to haile theire admirall euery morning reprouing theire former negligence , and misorder in that kinde , deliueringe them theire orders , which should haue been giuen according to the date , but we were hindred by the storme , wryting thus . the small time we haue beene at sea hath made me take notice of your disorderly sayling from your admiralls of the seuerall squadrons you may perceaue how the dutch squadron keepe themselues entire , and apart . this is therefore to require you to fall into your owne squadron to attend such directions as shall come from your admirall and not to depart without licence from him , or his officers to make one entire body , to sayle in the day time in faire and cleare weather a league or more from anothers squadron , and towards night to drawe neare , to followe lights in your seuerall places , and to take an especiall care that you doe not chase , but vpon a great possibilitie for hindring our speede or loosing of time while the wind is faire , and that you in the day time beare all the sayle you can to bring vs to the place desired , and if any chase , it shal be 2 or 3 of the best saylors in your squadron . dated the 11 of octob. commanding them to pervse theire other artickles euery day that they might be expert in them . wednesday the 19 in the morning we were in the height of the cape , and discouered 11 sayle of shippes , which we chased thinking they had beene enemie , but they proued to be of our owne , being the vice-admirall my lord of essex , also this day we discouered about 40 sayle more which had lost vs in the storme , being my lord denbigh , my lord de la ware , and others . at the same time my lord of denbigh mett with a small caruell a portugall that came from terceras we tooke him to haue beene our discouerer for the enemie . but he was only driuen by the storme from the terceras going to an island not farre distant called gratiosa he told vs the plate fleete was not come , but that 5 carrickes passed by that waye bound for lisbon some 14 dayes before that time , but that one of them was sunke , if we had come sooner out , they could not haue escaped vs. we vnderstood by those that came with my lord of essex that they made fiers along the coasts , and vp the countrie which when we drew nigher we discouered . thursday the 20 i called a counsell and lay all day by the lee to gather our shippes together that were missing . the businesse of the counsell was how to put into saint lucas according to the intent of a counsell held at plimouth where his majestie was present who vpon the doubtfullnesse there of the resolution thought good to referre it to our consideration vpon the place when wee should be arriued vpon better inquirie of the conueniencies & disaduantages both for going into the harbour & landing our armie . it was deliuered by the opinion of most of the maisters that the hauen of s. lucas is so barred as it is hard and dangerous both for the going in and comming out especially for shipps of burthen as his majesties are that they could not passe in nor out , but only in spring tides , in calmes seasons , and with fauoring windes nor ride safe all weathers without the bay. and it was obserued by others : that the most part of the maisters of the fleete will hardly aduenture to carrie theire shipps in or out at saint lucas in the best tydes and weather for want of perfect knowledge of the sands and shoales that are there , and the right vse of the landmarkes whereby that pott is to be gained and quitted in safetie . besides it was feared that if we should put the whole fleete into such a straight , we should be more apt to be blocked vp by our enemies then to annoy them , neither could any shippe come speedily out to haue encontred with the plate fleete our cheefe designe . then i demaunded both of the sea captains & maisters why they could not speake of this difficulties before his maiestie . their answere was , it is now in the deapth of winter & stormy , and that they did tell his maiestie that it was a barrd hauen and dangerous to all men , especially to those that had not often passed it , and that being vpon the place they could consider more perticulerly vpon the difficulties then discourse of it when they were farre of . so that i could say no more to them , being i was no great seaman , and that i was stricktly tyde to theire advice that did professe the sea. where vpon it being propounded by sir sam : argall that saint mary porte neare the bay of cadiz , and not farre distant from saint lucas was a lowe shoare and more fitt for the landing of our men then any place about saint lucas ( for we could find none there ) and that our shippes might haue good riding there out of the danger of cadiz , and that from thence we might march to saint lucas by land , which was not 12 miles distant . there vpon it was resolued and ordred by the advice of the councell of warre that the whole fleete should forthwith beare into the bay of cadiz & that the whole fleete should ancker before saint mary porte , as the fittest place to land in , and the earle of essex vice-admirall is assigned with his squadron to anckor first , and to leaue birth sufficiently for the rest of the fleete , and that my selfe , and the dutch admirall should anckor next , that i might the better giue directions both to the vice-admirall and reare-admirall who anckored some what short of me by order , to guard the whole fleete and to giue warning vpon all occasions if any enemie should approach . fryday the 21 we stood according to directions , the wind scanted vpon vs all that day , about 8 or 9 of the clocke at night the wind shifted westerly , we strucke a hull ( for that we could not put to leeward ) till towards day , which appearing we sett sayle , and had a sight of granado ouer cadiz , and bore in accordingly with a good saile the wind being betweene the west south west and the north west . saterday the 22 after this , resolution was taken , i gaue order as before when we discouered the rocke , that euery shippe should breake downe their cabines and cleare theire shippe of all impediments and to be ready to fight vpon all occasions according to their generall instructions giuen them to that purpose , for that we were to enter in at the bay of cadiz and knew not what ships might be there , and because of the tyde that serued vs to goe into the bay , i wrote to my lord of essex to make all the hast he could , and to hoyse vp all his sayles that we might saue as much of the tyde as we could , and that i would againe commaund his squadron to follow him , which i did but i must confesse they went the most vntowardly that euer i did see men , for they did not hoyse vp all their sayles as they were commanded . seeing the vice-admirall packe on all his , i followed as fast as i could , and cryed out to them to hoyse their sayles & advaunce , some of them increased theire sayles , but not much . but i could neuer learne by all the seamen in my shippe to know those shippes that were so backward and when i did inquire , euery man excused himselfe saying it was not he , and our businesse grew so hott that i could not immediately inquire after it any further not knowing the shippes one from another . this day we tooke 3 shippes that came from saint lucas which captain raymond brought in loaden with salt , wines , wooll , figges , raisins & some cutchaneale &c. who said they belonged to hamburgh and to calis , but were conceaued by much probabilitie to be dunkerks goods . in our approach into the bay we discouered 18 or 20 sayle of great and small shippes at anckor in the roade which proued to be the admirall of naples and 5 or 6 more that brought men and munition into cadiz , 6 other of the shippes came from brazeile & 5 or 6 more men of warre and marchants shippes , we made ready and prepared our shippe for fight , but such was the smalnesse of the gayle that it was 2 or 3 of the clocke before we could gett within the porcas , also there came out of saint mary port 15 sayle of gallyes whereof the duke of hermandina was commaunder ; 5 of the gallyes were by our shippes that came in forced to retire againe to saint mary port , the other 10 recouered puntall amongst their shippes and presently towed them vp toward port royall . and i was not so farre of , but i could see the spanish shippes that did cutt their cables by the haulse , shoote first at my lord of essex and he at them , so likewise did my lord of valentia and sir iohn chudeleigh . now when all the fleete came to anckor according to the orders that were giuen them , & that we did see these shippes fledde from vs. i immediately called a generall counsell to loose no time for it was late , and the opinion of the seamen was , that if i could but cleare the 2 fortes to secure the fleete to passe in safety , i might haue a ready way to vndertake the shipping . then i demaunded of them what kind of forts they were , they told me that 20 colliers with some of the dutch would beate them to dust before the morning , where vpon i & the counsell being caled did presētly resolue that the ships warned and commaunded should goe vp to the forts , and that they should receaue directions from my lord of essex that had order from me , and because of that i sent sir michel geere for the better dispatch to warne 20 of the next shippes that hee could meete with all , and to bring me theire names in writing , and sir thomas loue offred him a man to goe with him to write them downe to be the more sure of them , because i meant , if they had failed in a seruice of that importance to haue punished them seuerely . but he neuer came backe to me nor sent me any names , and when i sent to him to know the reason , he told the messenger , he had warned them , but he knew not theire names . after this i sent sir thomas loue to aduance the other shippes and to see whether the reare-admirall had anckored in a convenient place for the securitie of the fleete , & to haue an eye vpon the gallies that they should do no harme in the night , although there are some that are of opinion that they might haue beene stopped , but it seemes they are no great seamen , or els that few of the sea-men did vnderstand how to stoppe them , for when gallies can rowe against the wind i would faine know how shippes can do them any harme , or intercept them , and when they haue the wind with theire oares what shippe can fetch them vp , so that he that saith this ought first to learne thus much before he giue his opinion , he likewise had order from me to frustrate all stratagems of the enemie which might happen by sending fier amongst our shipps , and to commaund and admonish the rest of the commaunders to repaire to their seuerall places . at the same time i sent sir francis carew ( who was ready vpon all occasions ) to the dutch admirall to desire that 5 of his shippes might goe vp for the battering of puntall , and that i would send twentie of the fleete to assist them , which he graunted willingly , and sent them forthwith , it was by this time darke night and we could heare the report of the ordnance , and see the fier giuen on both sides and knew no other but that the twentie shippes warned by sir michel geere were all there at this , but sending to see what was done , word was brougt to vs that there was none there but the 5 dutch shippes which shewes the difference of men practised at sea , and of them that are not , i was much troubled here at . now vpon this neglect of sir michel geere i did instantly giue order that 40 sayle of shippes should be listed by name and commaunded to vse all diligence to gett vp to the fort betimes in the morning as by the list may appeare and by this warrant to that purpose viz : the admirall doth straightly charge & commaund all the commaunders of these shippes vpon sight of this or billets of it , that they be ready with theire shippes in the morning betimes to assaile the fort of puntall to land men according to directions and to pursue the shippes of the enemie with all diligence , and to follow such directions therein as shal be giuen to such as shal be appointed in that kind . aboard the anne royall at 10 of the clocke at night 22 of octob. 1625. more ouer i made choice & appointed 8 commaunders out of the rest , that if any of the kings shippes fall of , they might take theire place to lead vp the other ships as well against the fort as the spanish shippes & gallies . afterwards sir thomas loue and i did the same night aduise with certaine captains and maisters best experienced in that place , to perswade them to conduct vp the shippes , which they would not vndertake neither had any of them been at port royall or were perfect in the channell which was somewhat difficult for want of water . on sonday the 23 i was vp by 3 of the clock in the morning & after we had all receaued the communion aboard the anne royall which was a weeke before ordained by the chaplaines , i was vnwiling to differ so good a motiō being that it hindred no time and as soone as day came on , i commanded my maister to carry vp the ship to puntall , his answere was that there was not water enough to carrie her vp . where vpon to loose no time i tooke barge with sir thomas loue and those gentlemen that were with me in my shippe , and went from shippe to shippe crying out to them to aduance to puntall for shame , and vpon paine of theire liues , and those i could not speake with all , i sent sir thomas loue to , with as strickt a commaund as i could deuise , and finding some of them not very hastie . i saw no other way to bring them vp but by example , it made me goe to my lord of essex his shippe , and gaue directions to his lordship for his shippe to goe vp , & to bring her as nigh puntall as possibly we could , telling my lord that if we did not aduance , the rest would come at leasure , for that i did not see many make hast . where vpon my lord commaunded captain argall to hoyse sayle and as soone as we came nigh the fort they shotte our shippe twice together thorough and thorough the very midst of her within a foote at least of the water and mist no shippe they shott at , and kild as many commaunders of ours besides soldiers as we killed in all of theirs . the fort of puntall that i was told would be beaten to dust in a night did receaue 1700 shott and not one stone remoued out of his place , and we endeauored to gett vp all the shippes we could , that we might make the more hast to fire the spanish shippes , that were retired to port royall according to my instructions that i gaue the night before to batter puntall and to fier the ships at once as i haue shewne before . but i could not gett the shippes to come vp , and most of the kings shippes were on ground , and it was almost night before the fort would yeild , at lenght it was not to the shippes that it yeilded but to the landmen , and if the captain had no more reason then i could perceaue he deserued to haue beene hanged for yeilding that which we could neuer haue gorten without cannon , and we had no meanes to land ordnance ( wanting our long boates . and i dare say it before the best soldier , that for the bignesse of 100 foote square , i did neuer see a stronger nor better built , nor such a kinde of stone , that no bullett did it much harme . we plaid vpon it with all the shipps excepting the reare-admirals squadron till about 2 or 3 of the clocke in the afternoone . i finding that it would not batter and our honours were much ingaged , i told my lord of essex , and some other officers that were there in the shippe that we should loose our labours and neuer gett the forte if some men were not landed to take it in by a scallado and with granadoes . i could find no man to contradict it . and sir iohn burgh being next to me , i desired him that he would vndertake the seruice , he told me very willingly , and desired his owne regiment , i told him that would spend to much time , and that it were better to take some of the companies next him to make the more hast with which he was contented so , i sent to gett some 10 or 11 companyes , he asked me what directions i would giue . i directed him to land them as free from the canon as he could he made answer that directly to the scōce ( as he thought ) was best . i then replied that i left it to his discretion for that i knew him to be discreete enough , & that he must act it . but he sending some officers to land which were lost by that direction it was found the way that i had spoken of was the better . when he had landed his men very well , and had advaunced towards the land there did aduaunce some horse and foote with whome he skermidged and put them to retreate and afterwards advaunced towards the forte , when the soldiers in the forte whereof don francisco de bustiamente was captain saw our men aduaunce and theire men retire they hung out a white flagge or hand kercher , there vpon we parlied , and so the fort was yeilded vpon ordinarie conditions and we maisters of it . wherein was , only 8 peeces of ordinaunce whereof the dutch had two , and we 6 , and 10 or 15 barrells of powder . this day was wholly spent in bringing vp the shippes , landing our men and taking the forte , so that nothing could be done against the enemies shippes which was theire aduantage . it was about 9 of the clocke before the forte was ours at which time i tooke my leaue of my lord of essex , and went home assuring our selues that the shippes were our owne being maisters of the forte . vpon monday the 24 i went early in the morning about 6 of the clocke to my lord of denbigh , and spake thus to him : you are no ould seaman , and therefore i would desire you to make all the haste you can , and to gather all the seamen togither that are of the counsell & others , and to desire them to thinke of rhe best way how they might fier , or distroy those ships of the enemy , that fled from vs. there vpon he came backe with me , and promised to goe about that businesse without any delay , which he did very carefully , and punctually , that was according to my instructions , to giue preheminence to seamen in sea busiinesse , and vnto landmen in land affaires . now i made no account but as they said the shippes were our owne , and that because they made so sleight of it , they knew more then i did , how to sett vpon them . then i thought it not amisse to land some companies to secure sir iohn burgh , to preuent that neither the enemy from the towne , nor from the continent might ingage them vnwares . as also that the shippes might be the more empty , and free to assault the spanish ships and to refresh the soldiers , and for taking in of fresh water ; but with no designe of cadiz , for that it was deliuered to his maiestie before we went , that it was extraordinary fortified , ( as we found it when we came to viewe it ) & i hastened this preparation the rather that our ships might speedely putt in execution what course soeuer the seamen should resolue vpon . so order was giuen presently that all the troopes in my lord of essex his squadrō , & in mine , were immediately landed but few of the landmen of the rere-admiralls squadron were landed at all ; for they were kept ( that if we could haue found any meanes to be had for vndertaking of cadiz ) to be landed . after this most of the land officers of the feeld mett at the fort , and i tooke order for victualls for the soldiers on land , to be brought to puntall but i was much troubled at some of the officers , that the soldiers with sir iohn burgh had not carried biskett in their knapsackes , being that i gaue a generall order to the sergeant major generall , that when any soldier should land they should bring victualls with them , for that the knapsackes were ordained for nothing els , as i did keepe mine owne order my selfe , for that all my voluntary gentlemen , and seruants did carry their victualls in knapsacks , yea not so much as my chaplin , but carried his knapsacke . the officers of the feeld , and all considering what was to be done , and taking care for the prouision of the soldiers , sir michel gere comes in , and tould the counsell ; the enemy with many troopes were marching towards vs , vpon this i tould the rest of the counsell , if it were true , it would be more aduantage for vs to meete them farre off from the towne , then to stay till the towne and they should fall vpon vs both waies , where vpon euery one made himselfe ready , and i gaue order that the troopes should be ready to march , for that we had newes by one that did see them march . there vpon we marched , but when we had marched some 6 miles or there abouts , i called to some of the counsell of warre , & tould them ; it seemes that this alarme is false , and as the counsell of warre was gathering together , came in my lord of valentia whoe rid before to discouer , and tould vs , that the enimy was marching , then i commaunded the troopes to aduance , but no complaint made of any want of victuall , but by those that landed with sir iohn burgh , whoe in regard of that wāt had order to goe back . for they that would haue carried any , might haue had enough , there being store at the fort , besides the generall order i gaue , that no soldier should land without victualls . within 2 miles of the bridge , the soldiers began to crye , they had neither meate , nor drinke , and the day they marched was a very hott daye , here i rode before to quarter the army , and to discouer the avenues , and passages , and as i came backe one came to me and told me , there was somme wine in a seller , and that if it were deliuered out in order , it would serue to refresh the soldiers that wanted both bred , and drinke . but little did i thinke that all the cuntry was full of wine , & knowing of no more then of one seller , i gaue order , that euery regiment should haue a proportion of wine , which i did see deliuered with mine owne eyes . if euery officer had seene it as well distributed as they were directed , it would haue done them good , not harme . but when other magazines were discouered ( for the prouision for the west-indies was rhere ) there was no keeping of the soldiers from it , but the best way we could deuise , was to staue it , and lett the wine runne out , which sir william saint leger the sergeant major generall bestowed some time about ; but when this was done , the soldiers neuerthelesse would drinke it in the sand , & dirty places . now this disorder , made vs of the counsell of warre to consider that since the going to the bridge was no greate designe , but to meet with the enemy , & to spoile the cuntry , neither could we victuall any men , that should be left there , and that the gallies might land as many men as they would to cutt them off , & that when my lord of essex tooke cadis , coniers clissord , was taxed by sir francis vere ( which is yet to be seen in his discourse written by himselfe ) to mistake his directions , that were giuen him , to goe no farther then the troate of the land frō the town , which was not aboue 2 miles , where he might be seconded and relieued & be ready to relieue others , but he went to the bridge 12 miles off , so in regard there was no necessity , this disorder happening and want of victualls , we resolued to turne back againe , as wee did , and when the troopes were within 3 or 4 miles of the town ; i rode before to see if that which the slaues tould ( which rendred them selues to me ) were true ; that the bullworks were high , the town walls flankerd , and the dich was 20 foote deepe , cutt out of the rock , but that i could not see , the bullworks , and walls i did , which when cadiz before was taken there was no such thing . and i haue ben so long at the warrs , that i dare vndertake , that they whoe thinke that cadiz was to be taken cannot tell how to come to it , without canon , if there were none but women in it . for in our profession , there are but 3 waies to take any town , the first by surprize , the second by assault , & the third by approches , & we were no waies able to attempt it by any of theis meanes . now after i had visited as much as i could , the troopes being quartred ( which i did my selfe ) i desired the colonells to comme together , to conferre what was best to be donne , and to lett them know that now the troopes were quartred in a fitt place , if any out of his experience could thinke there were any way for vs to vndertake the town of cadiz , it would be a great honour to vs , and a seruice acceptable to our king , & state. when i propounded this , we were all on horseback standing round in a ring , but i found not one man of that opinion , that it was feaseable , so wee quartred that night . on tuesday the 25 in the morning there was a motiō sēt from sir tho : loue , that if we would march some 4 or 5 miles distant we might recouer some boates , that would serue our turne in steed of long boats , which we condiscended vnto for our cōmodity , & that the enemy should see , that we did not march back again to shunne them , so we marched forthwards againe , & brought those boates to the water side , and made as much spoile as it was possible for vs to doe , of masts , netts , and other prouisions for fishing and shipping for the west-indies fleet to a good valewe , especially the masts that would haue serued the greatest shippe the king hath . then we retorned to our old quarter . wednesday the 26 in the morning , the colonells mett at puntall to consider what we were best to doe ; but before we did any thing , i sent to sir samuell argall , to knowe what he had done touching the fiering of the enemies shippes , and that it seemed very strange to me that the exploite which was so easy , was not done , he sent me word that the reason whye he went no sooner was because of the winde and tyde , and that he thought he was not able to doe much , vnderstanding by a dutch boye that swam away from the enimy , that they had sunke diuers shippes , that it was not possible to doe any thing , which afterwards he discouered to be true , and if they had not ben blocked , i think it is a question amongst seamen , whether they could haue been assaulted , for that the place was so straight thar no more then two of our shippes could come in brest to them , and was the reason that the late lord of essex who tooke cadiz , could send no ships there to doe the enemy harme , but what they did them selues . this being deliuered to me in the company of the colonells , made vs all much greeued . where vpon it was thought fitte he should retire with the squadron , hauing resolued to imbarque our landmen , and to stay no longer in regard the time was now comme , that the plate fleete was expected . so order was giuen that euery regiment should imbarque accordingly , as they did quarter , and that the farthest regiment should make their retreate , fighting and retiring . but ( i know not how it happened ) some of the troopes were ingaged farther then they had order or reason , yet at length they came off without any great losse . i sent also maister ielf the maister gunner of the feeld to sir thomas loue , that some men might be sent to the fort to dismount the ordinance , and the 6 peeces were putt a board the conuertiue of his maiestie , i sent to him likewise for all the boates to reshippe our men . after i had seen all the troopes imbarqued , i found some horses left behind , i made the horseboates shippe them that night , though it were late , and gaue order that the fort should be kept all night till we were ready , and likewise commaunded the boates should be brought to receiue all the landmen , that had the watch in the fort that night . fryday the 28 about 2 in the afternoone all the fleet fell downe from the fort , and came to anckor without the diamond , a little belowe cadiz : one of the dutch men of warre being defectiue was burnt , the enemie sent a shippe full of wildfiere and combustible matters but we preuented it , tooke the shippe , and sunke it . there came 3 of the fleet vnto vs here , whoe were left behind in england and had not ben with vs before . after this , we tooke 2 things into our consideration , especially one , not to omitt the meeting with the plate fleete , if it were possible for vs to be so happy . the other was to haue landed at saint mary port , if the wind should not serue the fleet to goe out of the bay of cadiz , because we would loose no time but doe somewhat . but ( as ill luck was ) the wind came good euen as we were in counsell , and before we could fully conclude , allthough all was resolued to stand for the plate fleete . and if we had not taken the winde at that instant , it might haue ben , we had not come out in a long time , & being imbayed & in a great deale of danger , if a storme had taken vs , we had ben likely to haue ben driuen vpon a liegh shoare . the resolution in the bay of cadiz aboard the anne royall the 29 of octob. was . that the whole fleete shall presently sett sayle , and plye to the southward cape , and stand off to the westward 60 leagues from the land where i purpose to spend as much time as may be to looke for the spanish fleet , that comes from the west-indies , and to keepe your selues as neare as you can , in the latitudes of 37 and 37½ and in the latitude of 36 and 26½ , farther to the southward i intend not to goe . what other instructions shal be thought fitting you shall receiue as occasion presents , in the meane time charging all commaunders to obserue this directions , & to keepe company with me , and the fleet , and to looke out and seize vpon the subiects , and goods of the king of spaine , or other enemy . this afternoone a generall counsell was called , for the resoluing to send some the most defectiue shippes , with the horse ships , and the prizes , with some land sickmen , whereof there was great store . sonday the 30. we sett saile againe though with a contrary wind , this day we had 4 shippes in chace but could not fetch them vp . monday the last , the wind came westerly , yet could we not come forth of the bay. a generall counsell was called touching the diuers complaints of the defects of ships as the rainbowe , the golden cock , and others , wherefore it was resolued , that we should plye towards the isles of bayon , to take in fresh water , and repaire our defects as well as we could . this day tuesday the first of nouember & wednesday the 2 the wind was at north west faire wether . thursday the 3 the wind was at north east and by east , in the night we had a calme which continued all fryday , & by a generall consent ( though wee were in great want of water nor hauing much beer , which was our onely defect ) to stay till the 20 of november . but it pleased god so to lay his heauy hand vpon vs , that it made vs all astonished , for i could here of nothing , but that euery day there fell downe so many , and so sodenly , that they had not men enough to handle their sailes , and it is alwayes to be accounted 6 weekes to be allowed to any ship that is homewards bound . this day in the morning we discouered 3 sayle of shippes to windward the dreadnaught , being next vnto them , and being calme our barge was mand , and sent after them , whoe comming neere one of the shippes had spent her masts , and was towed by the others vntill the barge came vp , then the other 2 ships forsooke her , hauing pillaged , and cutt holes in her , but immediately after our men came a board she suncke , being laden with suger and tobacco , and the lyke , being therefore supposed to comme from brasiele , and the other 2 turkish mē of warr , that had formerly taken her , our barge came back to the dreadnaught & stayed there all night , and in the morning came vp to vs. nothwithstanding i had sundry times before strictly commaunded the captains and maisters to stay better by the fleet , which they obserued not , i did againe charge them once more to obserue their directions , that were prescribed them . againe diuers complaints were made of the wants , & defects of the ships , and increase of sicknesse . saterday the 5. the wind continued at north & north north east faire weather . sonday the 6 we tooke a turkishman of warre of argeere , whoe had taken 2 prizes one from braziele ioaden with suger , with a iury mast the other a scotchman one iohn isack dwelling at douer , whoe was fraughted with wood and iron from biskey for saint lucas by the king of spaines subiects , and had an extraordinary fraught promised for his voyage , which showes the great want , that the king hath of timber or shipping to carry it . the turke had not offred him any violence , but onely made prize of his goods , and promised the maister his fraught at argeere ; so i discharged him againe , taking out some english renegadoes that were willing to leaue him . the night following , the turke went away from vs with the braziele prize , the scotchmā stayed with vs still . monday the 7 we discouered 9 or 10 saile of shippes to the leward , we bore vp , and found them to be of our own fleet , whoe had carelesly lost company , which as now so diuers times before had occasioned vs to chase our own men , whereby our course was much hindred . tuesday the 8 a generall counsell was held , whereby it was ordred , that 6 of the coleships should presently goe for england , with 3 of the dutch prizes , & the horse-shippes , whereof captain pokinhorne being appointed admirall , had warrant , and instructions accordingly , but before their departure , the rainebow being found very defective , and the captain sir iohn chiduleigh being very sicke , went home admirall of theis shippes . one of the prizes called the readhart whereof hughe bullock tooke charge , was wanting this 2 dayes , and went for england without any order from me like an vnworthy person . likewise one of the hoye-shippes caled the trewe loue was not seen in the fleet since we came forth . this day and wednesday the 9 we being in the latitude of 37 , laye theise 2 daies at hull . thursday the 10 sir michel geere whoe had ben wanting 5 dayes came to vs whoe went willfully from vs , without leaue , and when his maister tould him of it , he beate him with a cudgell , which is against all discipline , and reason , his maister hauing had better commaund before , then euer he had . this day i gaue the captains their instructions , if we mett with the west-india fleet , how to dispose and order them selues . this day i sent aboard the dreadnaught for 10 tuns of beere that were putt into her for the vse of the anne royall , but the company aboard mutined , and would not deliuer it , neither would the captain and maister acknowledge who were the mutineeres , so that we wanted this iorny 50 tuns of beere which were carried for vs , which made vs liue many dayes vpon beueradge . fryday the 11 of november i called a generall counsell , where it was ordred , that the saint george of the kings , who had 150 sick men in her , for the safety of his maiesties shippe , and of those that were yet well , that euery shippe should spare them 2 men and take 2 sick men in their steed , which they did . this day the shippes that were to goe for england were dismissed , and sett saile a little before night . a soldier that belonged to the antony , of captain blague was duckt at the main yarde arme of the anne royall for being mutinous against the seamen . saterday the 12 and sonday the 13 faire wether , the wind north east . monday the 14 i called a counsell occasioned by the seuerall cōplaints made of many ships , especially the cōuertiue of his maiesties cōmaunded by captain porter , hauing but 20 sound men to handle their sailes , wherefore it was ordred that the reformatiō should send 6 mē aboard her , & one of the worst catches ( being by suruey found vnable to continue the voyage , & valewed at 55 pound ) was sunck & the men put into the conuertiue . likewise there were 6 men taken out of other ships & put aboard the talbott . captain burden which ship was in great want of men , and generally all the shippes complained of the like defects . tuesday the 15 and wednesday the 16 the wind northerly , & much wind . thursday the 17 the wind north west faire wether . we gaue chase to some shippes that were farre a head of vs , whome we found to be my lord of essex and some of his squadron whome we had not seen in many dayes before . nothwithstanding the often & great complaints before generally throughout , amōgst the rest came sir sam : argall from my lord of essex to lett me knowe in what bad estate his shippe was hauing but 15 in a watch to handle their sailes , desiring me that i would call a counsell , for that he imagined other ships were in as bad estate as he , what we resolued he would agree vnto . where vpon a counsell was called , at which counsell i forbore to make knowen the defects of the an royall , that were as much as any ship in the fleet , & made me the rather beleeue the generall complaints , as you shall vnderstand when i speake of my comming into ireland , & i desired to know how euery ones case stoode , & whether it were not possible for vs to haue gone for the isles of bayon . then sir samuell argall , & the rest of the best seamē that were present ( by whome we were to be guided ) gaue their opinion , that if we went for the islāds of bayō in this miserable estate we were now in , we might as well perish there as at sea , by reason we should find no relief there for our sick men , nor should we gett on shore there for water in any stormy wether ; and that wind which would carry vs for englād , would not serue to comme out of the islands of bayon , & that if the wind should shorten going for england , we might at the worst retorne for bayon , & that all men of experience did certainly affirme , that the plate fleet , did neuer comme after novemb. the counsell of warre vpon this necessity of sicknes , want of men & sundry cōplaints of want of beere & water & many leakes discouered , resolued vpon the 17 of nouember , to bend the course directly homeward , & putt into faimouth , plymouth or porthmouth , which could be first and most conveniently obtained , which resolution if we had not taken , we had endāgered the greatest part of the whole fleet . fryday the 18. saterday the 19. sonday the 20. and monday the 21 many violent gusts of wind , and raine . tuesday the 22 in regard of the contrary wind , and fearing a necessity , we came to a shorter allowance a board the anne royall . wednesday the 23. thursday the 24. fryday the 25. and saterday the 26 continuall vehement gusts of wind & raine , and saterday night the wether began to be more moderate . euer since our first setting forward for england , the fleet hath ben scattred more and more , so that this day we had but 4 ships in company with vs , which disorder would haue ben aduantageous for the enemy if they had sett vpon vs. sonday the 27 in the afternoone it began to blowe hard , and about 2 of the clocke in the afternoone , our foreyard broake in fower peeces and our foresaile rent . monday the 28 we tooke downe our maine misane mast and fitted it for a foreyard . tuesday the 29 our spritsaile rent , we were forced to take it downe , this day we had onely 2 shippes & one catch in our company . wednesday the 30 the winde west-south-west faire wether . thursday the first of december and fryday the 2 the winde being contrary we lay at leigh and fished our fore-mast which we feared the breaking off . saterday the 3 the wind northerly , fowle wether . sonday the 4 the wind southwest towards night more westerly , the sea ran exceeding high . monday the 5 the wind westerly , little wind . tuesday the 6 the wind at east , at night more southerly this night wee sounded and had 80 fathome water . wednesday the 7 thursday the 8 and fryday the 9 the wind easterly about 4 of the clocke in the afternoone vve discouered silly vvhich did beare south east , then vve stood about to the southward . saterday the 19 the vvind continued at east : the maister and the company vvere very earnest to goe for ireland , by reason the shippe vvas very leaky , the men vveake , and vve being to the leevvard of silly , and the vvind still contrary , and violent , and if we should haue ben driuen to the vvestvvard of ireland , vve might endanger the losse of the shippe , and our selues . vpon this necessity i condiscended there vnto , for that vve could not haue endured 4 dayes , such vvas her leake , and about 10 of the clocke before noone vvee bore vp . the 11 being sonday , the vvinde at east at 9 in the morning we discouered land at the going into corke , so vve stood to the vvestvvard , and at 3 in the afternoone came to an anckor at kinsall , where vve found his maiesties shippes the antelop , & the phenix whoe assisted vs with their boates to bring vs into the harbour . and this my ill fortune turned to good fortune both for the releef of his maiesties shippes , and the troopes and allthough i had but small store of mony ( not hauing with me at the first but 2000 pounds w ch was to victuall the shippes , and to releeue all necessities ) which if i had not had , we had ben all in a miserable case , yet i made shift to relieue the soldiers , and the officers ( saue only a shippe of captain butlers , who fell vpon the north-coast of ireland ) without bringing the king into debt , vntill my lord president villers of munster by order from your lordships receiued them into his charge , where we receaued newes that captain burleyes shippe was foundred in the sea , but most of the officers were saued , as they were here i came , comming for the coasts of ireland . here i came with 160 sick men in my shippe 130 cast ouer board , with a leake of aboue 6 foote water in the hould , and her leake was not in one place alone , but in many , for when she was in harbour she was not so leaky , but when she was at sea , she tooke in 3 foote of water in 24 howers , she was so ould and so decayed a shippe . monday the 12 the sick men were carried a shoare for their recouery and billetted . wednesday the 14 hauing landed our sick men , we carined our shippe , stopped her leakes , and mended her as well as time and place would permitt , we tooke in ballast , wood , water , beer , and other prouisions , and fitted our shippe for the first faire wind to be ready to sett saile . on sonday the 18 about 3 in the afternoone his maiesties shippe rhe constant reformatiō , came into this harbour , hauing spent both their fore-mast , and main-mast , and constrayned to cutt away their broken masts , yards , sailes and ropes , to preuent farther danger . the reformation being so defectiue , that she could not goe home till she were furnished with masts , and other necessaries , from england , for the ease of his maiesties charge we tooke out her men , and putt them into the aune royall , leauing her onely 120 men , whereof many were such sick men , as of our shippe must otherwise be left behind , not able to doe seruice , and victualled her out of the other ships for 4 moneths from the first of ianuary . the globe of london , whereof captain stokes was commaunder , being at an ancker in the harbour at baltemore , was by extremity of fowle wether driuen a shore , and cast away . i directed a commission to sir william hull , and others for the safe custody , of what could be saued in the behalf of the king , and the propriators . sir iohn chidly being with his maiesties shippe at crooke-hauen , ( who departed the 8 of november from vs , and was driuen into ireland ) there came in a small barque laden with iron from bilbowe , wherein also were 4 iesuites , he made stay of the barque and preests , and by my order brought them into england . the 19 of ianuary there came into kinsall a shippe from lisbon , loaden with salt 3 cheasts of suger , & some tobacco , and suspecting them to be dunkerkes goods , brought them for england . the dutch men aboard this ship whoe came from lisbon , and had serued the spaniard , did certainly affirme , that they sawe diuers letters from cadiz , that the fleete came in 4 daies after our comming out of cadiz bay , and that there were 100 caruells sent to haue stopped them , but that none of them could meete with the plate fleet , for they came by the coast of barbary . so that if any of 3 accidents had happined that followe , we had ben maisters of the spanish fleet . the first is if the counsell had condiscended to me to haue kept puntall for 14 dayes ; the second if the wind had not changed , as it did . the last , if the plate-fleete had kept the course they euer haue done theis 40 yeares , for they had no manner of newes of vs , and had then comme amongst vs , and if we had stayed in the bay , they had donne the like , but man proposeth and god determines . the same men affirme that in iuly last , there were not 4 barrells of powder in all lisbon . i remained in kingsall on ship-board ( saue onely that it pleased my lord president of munster , and the earle of corke to doe me the honour to fetch me to pohall , where i remained the holly-daies whilest my shippe was making ready ) till the 28 of ianuary winde bound . saterday the 28 i sett saile about 12 of the clocke from kinsall , there come out with vs six more of our fleete , the prize called the greyhound , and the shippe from lisbon . sonday the 29 about 3 of the clocke in the morning being a great storme , and the wind contrary at south south east we bore vp againe for ireland , the wether was so foggy and darke , that we durst not come neere the shore , but stood to the westward . monday the 30 about in the morning , the wether clearing vp we stood in for the shore , but about 10 in the fore noone it was raine and foggy wether , so we could not marke the land vntill we were to the leeward of crooke-hauen , which we could not recouer , but about 3 in the afternoone we came into beere-hauen , with foule wether , and much winde , all the shippes lost vs , but the next day ( onely the 2 prizes ) came in . i putt to sea three times against all seamens opinion , that desired to see a wind settled before we should goe out . but my desire was such not to loose any time , that i did not harken to any . from the 3 of february till the 19 we lay in beere-hauen , hauing the wind still contrary , and stormy wether . the 19 of february , the winde being at north faire wether we weyed anckor , and sett saile about noone , but so soone as we came out of the harbour , we found the wind north east , and the night following was very much wind , raine , haile , snowe , and the wind variable . monday the 20 about 1 in the morning we stood in againe for the shoare , and about two in the afternoone came to an anckor at crooke-hauen , with the wind at east , where we found the rainbowe of the kings , the dragon , and the prudence . finding the shippe very leaky , we mended her here the second time , the harbour being fitter then any other , for the carining her . here i staid till the 24 of february and then putt to sea againe , intending to haue come for porthmouth , but when we came vpon the coast there arose a great storme , and the vvether grewe very darke and foggy , that we could not marke the isle of weight , so we stood for the downs , where we arriued the last of february , and after our long stay came in 5 dayes 500 miles . a journal of the late motions and actions of the confederate forces against the french in the united provinces and the spanish netherlands with curious remarks on the situation, strength, and rarities of the most considerable cities, towns and fortifications in those countreys : together with an exact list of the army / written by an english officer who was there during the last campaign. english officer who was there during the last campaign. 1690 approx. 71 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a46308 wing j1099 estc r36213 15618844 ocm 15618844 104184 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a46308) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104184) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1151:7) a journal of the late motions and actions of the confederate forces against the french in the united provinces and the spanish netherlands with curious remarks on the situation, strength, and rarities of the most considerable cities, towns and fortifications in those countreys : together with an exact list of the army / written by an english officer who was there during the last campaign. english officer who was there during the last campaign. [4], 32 p. printed and are to be sold by richard baldwin ..., london : 1690. imperfect: print show-through. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of 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to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grand alliance, war of the, 1689-1697. netherlands -history -1648-1714. netherlands -description and travel. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-05 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a journal of the late motions and actions of the confederate forces against the french , in the united provinces , and the spanish netherlands . with curious remarks on the situation , strength and rarities of the most considerable cities , towns and fortifications in those countreys . together with an exact list of the army . written by an english officer , who was there during the last campaign . london , printed , and are to be sold by richard baldwin , near the black bull in the old-baily , 1690. to the reader . the war in which the confederates are at present engag'd against that disturber of all europe , the french king , having been of late the chief subject of discourse amongst all sorts of people ; nothing certainly can be more diverting , than to entertain the reader with a diary of the proceedings this last campaign in flanders ; wherein is very carefully and particularly set down , whatever may be thought worthy of remark . and , whereas in most histories , many things are taken meerly upon trust or hearesay , our author ( who was a person of worth and note , and had a considerable post in the army ) being an eye witness of every transaction ; the reader is not in the least danger of being impos'd upon , or of swallowing fables and falsities instead of truths . but , besides the military transactions , you have likewise here a topographical description of those places the army pass'd through in their march ; in which , the situation of the towns , their fortifications , buildings , curiosities , customs of the people , &c. are not omitted . and , what is still more inviting ; all those who are friends to the protestant interest , must needs take infinit pleasure in seeing that good agreement amongst the confederates ; which is no small presage of victory and future success . for , if the christians by their being vnanimous , strike terror and amazement amongst the infidels in hungary , venice , dalmatia , and wherever they come ; we need not doubt , but , if we take advantage of this happy juncture of affairs , and proceed as vnaimously as we have begun ; not only to rescue from slavery many of those poor creatures who groan under the french yoak , but so to humble that proud monster , as to make him beg leave to live quietly at home , without disturbing his neighbours , and dispossessing them of their dominions . a true relation of the actions and motions of the confederate army in brabant , anno. 1689. with a short historical account of holland and flanders . having left london at the same time with his grace the duke of ormond , in company of the honourable the earl of pembrook , embassador for holland , and the lord lazington , envoy to the duke of brandenburgh , who had one man of war and two yaughts for their convoy ; the first land we made , was the brill . bril , is surrounded with a water and a sodwork-fortification , which is very regular ; here we made no stay , but sailed with the greatest hast up the maze to rotterdam ; having by the way the diversion of seeing howse●dike , blackwall , lorden , skelden , and several other very pretty towns situated along the river . rotterdam , here we stay'd three days , and were diverted daily with viewing the admirable neatness and curious order of every thing , relating to the houses and streets of this fair city , where no carts are suffered , but sledds and wheelbarrows , that the pavements may not be endamaged : in the market-place of this town , is the statue of erasmus in brass : in the great church , is the monument of admiral du wit ; to the top of the steeple is one hundred and twenty steps . ships of large burthen , come up to most of the houses in the town ; for the conveniency of their passage there are several draw-bridges , which are raised to give way when their occasions lead them to bring them up or down . the banks of the rivers , which are the streets , are planted with lime and elm-trees , which give their shade in summer and shelter in winter , and are a very great ornament to the town ; the middle of whose streets , are very curiously paved with stone ; and the outside for two yards broad , with clinker-brick : their doors and window-shutters , are all painted green : their houses are neatly kept within , and placed in admirable order without : their men are tollerably fashionable , but their women are generally fat , burly and unsightly ; they all go in slippers , and their coats come down but half way their legs . here is a sumptuous stadhouse and exchange , and i think every thing that can contribute to the composing of a lovely , decent , rich , commodious city . on the 14th we went to delf , in order to see the hague . delf , to this place it is by water two leagues from rotterdam . our boat was drawn by a horse , rid by a boy , who trots him all the way , and in two hours time comes to his journeys end . there are about sorty of these boats ( which are much like your aldermens barges on the thames ) which will contain about forty passengers ; these boats are so ordered , that one of them is to go this course every half hour : there are likewise at delf other boats , which are obliged to go every hour to the hague . the buildings of this city are much after the same manner with rotterdam : here are two spacious churches , hung all round and richly beautified with coats of arms ; in the old church lyeth the body and monument of admiral van trump ; in the new church lyeth interred the body of william henrick van nassau● , first prince of orange ; as stately a monument as most in westminster . here are likewise interred three more princes and princesses ; over the door of the stadhouse are engraven these two latine verses , haec domus odit , amat , punit , conservat , honorat nequitiam , pacem , crimina , jura , probos . from delf to the hague is a league by water , and it costs two pence half peny the passage in one of the forementioned boats. hague , here is the prince of orange's court about a quarter of a league from the town ( for this is not a city , although it doth surpass several cities iin grandure . ) in a grove hard by , is a very fine mall . in the stadhouse of this town is the burgermasters chamber , wherein is placed the strappado : two leagues from this place is hounslerdike , where the prince hath a very stately pallace , whereunto appertaineth several rarities , among which is an ostridg and some indian oxen ; he hath likewise another fine pallace in the grove near the hague , in which is a very spacious hall adorned with several curious sculptures ; from the hague to skeeveline is a walk about two miles in length , paved all the way with clinker-brick . about half way is the heer bentings house , now earl of portland , whereunto appertaineth a very famous orange garden , with a large bird-cage which is sixteen rood long , and twelve foot broad : to the top of the great steeple of the hagus is three hundred steps , and in the church thereof is the monument of obdam , the famous admiral of the dutch fleet , who was blown up together with his ship as he was coming to an engagement with the english fleet. most of the gentry and nobility in this part of the country , have habitations in this town ; they use few coaches , but generally ride in an open kind of chariot , which defends them from neither wind nor sun ; the carriages thereof are not slung as in england , so that they are little better than a gilded car : the women appear very modestly ( or rather unmannerly coy ) not suffering a man so much as to touch their hands , without shewing a dislike thereunto . this town is likewise famous for a spin-house , in nature of a bridewell , which is for restraining of burgermasters daughters which lead lewd lives , upon discovery whereof they are confined to this house for a year and a day . and from hence we were ordered to breda , to joyn the troop of guards formerly gone thither ; in obedience to which we came back to rotterdam , and began our journey from thence on the twentieth , and in two days arrived at our journeys end , through a country where to see a stone is a miracle ; the land there seems lower than the sea , and i do believe so it is ; for , half the country would be overflown with the sea ; were it not for a great multitude of windmills that are kept constantly imploy'd in draining the land by a pretty kind of stratagem . there are several towns , and good entertainment on the road , wherein i observed no great superstition ( wherewith brabant is horribly pestered ) save in the matter of the stork , which they account lucky both to particular persons and the publick state ; they being possest with a fond conceit , that they have a secret instinct in them , which teaches them to abhor monarchy , and that therefore they will breed no where but in a free state ; and therefore they build their nests for them in the tops of their chimneys , where they delight to breed . but if they chance to breed on the top of a burgermasters chimney , they will rather choose to lose the benefit of the fire-place , than disturb this lucky bird ; the laws of the land protect them , and make it penal to destroy them ; for which there is a natural reason , especially in a country where frogs and toads do so much abound , of which vermin these birds are great destroyers : and of which sort of vermin , and provision for the storks , there is such plenty here , that if almost all the birds in the air were storks , they may be feasted in holland . breda , when we arrived there , we were surprized to ride over five or six draw-bridges , before we came to the town ; as soon as you enter the gates , which ( if a stranger , they will not suffer you to do without a great deal of caution ) you are carry'd to the governour , before whom you must give an account of your self : this is a large orderly city , only that they are not so curious in their houses , as they are in other parts of holland , though cleanly enough . it belongs entirely to the prince of orange : it is so well fortified , both by nature and art , that 't is even impregnable , besides the rampierts , which are all arched underneath with a strong brick arch , and are raised higher than the houses of the town , whereon is an enneagon ; there are two pair of outworks , each encompassed with a broad deep water ; on the government of this city do depend seventeen other towns of note in the province of brabant . this city was taken by a wile from the spaniard , by king williams grand-father ; our king hath a very fine castle and garden here . there is likewise a very remarkable steeple here , which is in height four hundred and thirty four steps , all of carved stone ; wherein is a delicate ring of bells , which chime every half hour , to give notice of the clocks going to strike , which strikes here so often ; these bells will readily and sweetly chime to any time . near to the top of this mighty structure , in a round ball , liveth a trumpeter and his whole family , which by reason of the height , seems to them that stand on the ground , to be no bigger than that you may grasp it in your arms : this trumpeter is to sound every night , after the gates are locked , to give an account that the city is safe . on the twenty seventh , the duke of ormond received a portent from prince waldeck , to march to the army , which was encamped at perway ; accordingly on the twenty eighth we marched to a city called lunehout . lunehout , here we were quartered at country houses , it being the custom of this country , to give free quarters to the souldiers on their march ; but the houses were forsaken by the inhabitants . in our march through this country , i observed that every little house had a hop-garden belonging to it ; the next day we marched to skell . skell , here i had the opportunity of waiting on the duke of ormond to antwerp . antwerp , this is reputed the chiefest town in all flanders ; the most beautiful , and the strongest situated ; for the better defence whereof , there is a strong cittadel , formed with five bastions ; some of the streets of this city are sixty paces broad ; in the middle of the great street is the statue of our saviour on the cross , carved at large and gilded ; at the entrance of the gates , and corners of every street , is carved the virgin mary with our saviour in her arms , and at the foot of them a place to kneel and worship : in this city are twenty five colledges , nunneries , and religious houses : no art can exceed the curiosity of the jesuits chappel in its structure and ornaments , which is wainscoated with all sorts of marble ; the roof is painted by the best hands : they were so free as to shew us all their riches , which they valued to two millions : they have for every holy day a several skreen to draw before their altar , which is richly painted and embroidered ; you may go from hence to any part of holland by water , so you may to brussels : here is likewise a nunnery furnished with english nuns , who appear extream civil , but are great bigots in their religion , and great athenians , as to news : from hence we went to lire . lire , which is two leagues from antwerp : here is another english nunnery . this town is not very strong , but is a good market town , where all provisions are plentiful and cheap ; next morning we went to reminian . reminian , here all the habitations were forsaken in a country full of standing corn , whose soil is very fertile , and all well tilled , yet we found a great scarcity of all manner of provisions , which we supposed the inhabitants had withdrawn , by reason of the army marching that way . we are now come into the land of idolatry , where the images of the virgin mary , st. ann and the cross are worshipped in every grove , under every green tree , and at every cross way ; the canaanites could never arrive to a greater pitch of idolatry ; so that this land can be so fitly likened to nothing as to a paradice inhabited with devils ; and to say the truth , for their complexion , the inhabitants , both men and women , may keep the feinds company , there being no such ill-favoured megre creatures in the whole universe , as are these walloons , who speak a broken french ; it is true , you may meet with a priest or a bacon-headed friar here and there that looks pretty plump and fat , the mobile being a kind of ill shap'd monsters , starved thereunto , 't is supposed by the covetousness of the clergy , who lord it over these poor creatures , and have engrossed to themselves all the fine houses and habitations , and i suppose all the riches and provisions in the country : the next day we marched through veltum to bissen . bissen , here we had the help of an ale-house for our refreshment , which is all the advantage we had beyond our former quarters , where we could get nothing for love or money : the next day we marched through lovaine . lovaine is a large uniform plentiful city , whither all the gentry do repair from the country , whilst the army is in the field . here are eighteen colledges and monasteries , among which are all orders of monks and fryers : in the great church of this town ( which is a very stately structure ) is painted the whole story of the bible in the glass . there is likewise the statue of our saviour riding on an ass . this church is much beautified with famous sculptures ▪ among the colledges , one of them is said to be of the most antient standing of any in the world ; which is all my short stay in this place would suffer me to observe , we being to march that night to gree and bee. gree and bee , the country began to be dangerous ; the bores or peasants being so bloody , rude , and surly , that as they find an opportunity , they knock what souldiers they can on the head , and butcher them , though they gain nothing thereby but their cloaths ; as they did two of the lord of oxford's regiment , which lurked behind us , and were never heard of after ; for which reasons we encamped in a meadow that night , and foraged our horses , but could get no meat but what we brought from lovaine : hence we marched the next day to perway , and joyned the army . perway , several branches of the army being not yet come in . here the army was encamped in one line , having fifteen great cannon , twenty six of a lesser sort , and twenty five small field-pieces , with four mortars , and thirty tin boats ; all the camp we found plenty enough of every thing , there being store of sutlers . here we staid till the ninth , and then marched in two lines , the pioneers having first cleared the way for us to sombreife . sombreife , here we encamped in two lines , and were joyned with some spaniards and brandenburghers , which to all appearance were stout likely men. here some of the lord of oxford's regiment began to mutiny about their pay ; whereupon one boad , their major shot , one of them trough the head , who died within three days , which quieted the mutiny , and the major was justified by the court marshal for what he did . here several irish men amongst the foot , having conspired to go over to the french army , were discovered , and shot to death by order of court marshal : we were encamped here until the fourteenth , and then marched to gerempont . gerempont , here we encamped in three lines , two of the army , and one of the baggage and artillery ; here were great parties commanded out every night , and frequent alarums , but nothing of action , saving that a party of the dutch , under the command of a lieutenant , run away from a french party , the commander whereof , and some of his men were taken by another party of ours ; but our lieutenant that fled was shot , and every tenth man of his men was hanged by order of court marshal . at the camp several souldiers were by a priest inveagled to desert our army and go over to the french , some whereof were taken in the act , and shot , but the priest made his escape . here the inhabitants of the country removed what they had into their churches , or rather temples of their gods , which alone are free from the plunder of the souldiers , having this motto on them ( altare privilegiatum . ) they keep their markets at their churches on the sabbath , where we might have champaign and rhenish wine plenty . hence i attended on the duke to charleroy . charleroy , here i had the opportunity of observing the strength of a most regular fortification , which is accounted the key of flanders ; it was two leagues distant from the camp ; in the town was a strong guard , and on the road to the camp were placed several guards . this place is memorable for nothing but that it is a good garrison , which was the design the french king had in building it : there is plenty of meadowing about the town , which makes it a good quarter for horse , and the neather part of the houses of the town are all stables , which occasions the uncleanliness of the streets . the governour entertained the duke ( after the spanish manner ) with all sorts of the best wine , and rode with us round the walls , which are raised so high , that none of the houses appear to any body without the city ; at this town i observed a great market of french horses , which had been lately taken from their army , and here exposed to sail by beat of drum. at the dukes departure he was complemented with the discharge of the great guns round the walls . thus we returned to the camp , where i was commanded on a party to brussels , to guard our new accoutrements to the camp , which were come thither out of england . brussels , this city was twenty miles from our camp ; the road lying through several great woods , made our passage dangerous , and gave us reason to expect an attaque from a french party which lay in ambush for us , but missed us . brussels is large , but not very strongly fortified , there being only a dry foss round the outworks ; within it are a hundred and twelve churches and chappels , among which are an english nunnery , and several other religious houses ; the private houses and streets are but too much furnished with images and crucifixes , which are most devoutly worshipped by the priest-ridden mobile . the great church here is sumptuously adorned , the outer isles being hung with tapestry and arras , which are raised on three large rows of marble pillars , compiled aster the dorick manner of architecture ; the rails , as you go up to st. ann's altar , are made of massie silver , so are the pillars of the altar , of which sort there are above a hundred in this church , which the spectators may say do all vie with one another for beauty and riches ; all the windows , which are very large and splendid , are glazed with painted glass ; before these altars , some ladies or other ( blinded with popish zeal ) are constantly prostrate , so that all i can say on their behalf , is , that they look like christians ; the men and women of this town appearing much more gentile and fashionable than those of holland ; whereof ( on a fair day ) you may see abundance in a walk which is in an handsome , natural , regular grove , leading to the governours pallace , which is likewise very great and splendid , having on one side thereof an exchange ; about it are divers magnificent statues , with curious gardens and water-words ; near the house is pitched a tent which was taken from the bassa before buda , it is very noble and rich , being all green silk without , and fine damask within , the lodging apartment thereof being wainscoated . in this town is an english academy , and before it lie encamped a thousand men , commanded by prince vadamont , for the better security thereof : it is said that camlets and lace are not cheaper in any part of the world than here . the inhabitants have good opportunities of education , saving the superstition of their wicked religion , and are extream civil to strangers , provided they intermeddle not with that . here is a great ordinary at two guilders , which is three shillings four pence english , where you may have excellent fare . here is likewise a market once a week for dogs , which they harness , and draw with them ( in small carts made for that purpose ) their heaviest lumber . here we staid till the twenty fourth , when we returned with our accoutrements to the camp , and on the twenty fifth , marched with the army , which encamped at monstrea . monstrea , here we encamped in four lines , and staid but one night , the french having forraged all that country . on the twenty sixth we marched to nevill . nevill , here we encamped in an oblique round , with the baggage and artillery in the middle . out of one of our parties , we lost a dutch major , and an english lieutenant , with five men ; and in the action , took and killed about fifty french●… a dutch ( forraging ) party lost thirty horses , which were taken from them by the french. the army had great out-guards , the french being round about them , and the country extream woody ; for the defence of this town , there is an old fortification , with several round towers thereon , not very strong ; in it is a very magnificent chappel , where ladies of noble descent , called channonesses , officiate instead of priests : they have a notable knack of singing out their devotion , wherein they are accompanied with flutes and organs . they entertained the duke of ormond with a ball , and in requital he treated them with a collation one evening at the camp ; their governess is a princess , without whom they stir not abroad ; they keep their coaches ( some with six horses ) and live very court-like . none are admitted into this society , but such as can evidence their extract to have been noble for thirteen past generations together . they are all great fortunes , and sometimes change this condition for a married state ; when they happen to do that , they leave a hundred pound per annum to the society . when they are a their devotion , they wear a white linnen vest , over which is a black veil lined with ermins , which trails ; at other times they dress well , are beautiful , civil and well carriaged . there are of this sort at brussels and monts , but are not so strict ; neither can they boast that their societies are so ancient as this . hence we removed the first of august , and encamped in four lines at tressinean . tressinean , here is the curiousest garden and wilderness in flanders , embellished with many rarities . the gentleman to whom this place belongs , is a protestant ; who was so fond of his fine garden and his house , which is likewise very considerable , that he gave all his money and substance to the french army , on condition that the houses and gardens might be spared ; by which means this sumptuous structure alone hath escaped the fury of the french army . at this place some lunenburghers , brandenburghers , and more spaniards joyned us , which compleated our army forty five thousand men. the next day we marched through a very dangerous pass , to fountaine laveck . marshero pont , here we remained only one night , having sent our pioneers ( covered with a strong guard ) to cut a passage for our army through the thick forrest of arden ; in the action the french attaqued them , but were repulsed with a considerable loss ; this forrest is noted to be the greatest forrest in europe , perhaps in the whole world ; beginning at brabant , it runs up into hungary , and is said to be eight hundred leagues in length : on the eighth instant we decamped and marched to hemsurry . hemsurry , here we were got three leagues into the french territories , and within two miles of the body of their army , encamped in a wood , with a line of circumvallation ; which is stronger in horse than ours ; but ours stronger in foot than theirs , and that considerably : at this camp we intrench'd our selves , and one of the french lieutenants of horse coming to view our camp , mistaking our out-guards for his own , came into hem , and was taken prisoner . sir richard brown , was this day run through the body by lieutenant collonel billensly , who was exasperated thereunto by some passionate ill language , which the other used , who dyed on the spot , and was the next day buried in the forrest . on the tenth , the french general sent a trumpet to ours , to desire the exchange of prisoners . on the eleventh we sent our forragers under the cover of five thousand horse and foot ▪ to forrage close by the enemy ; whereupon , the french. army was alarumed and drew out ▪ but would not be invited to leave the shelter of their woods ▪ there was that day some pickeering , but little hurt done ▪ and now we are resolved , since we cannot attaque the french army by reason of the strong situation of the place where they are encamped , that we will eat up the forrage round about them , and so starve them out of their entrenchments . thus we spent our time till the fourteenth , when we marched forward to bressea . bressea ▪ here we saw their army draw forth , but they did not offer to attaque us , though it was supposed the two armys would have had some brushing here ●the french army having received some considerable fresh supplies out of the garrisons ) but that night we decamp'd ; the french did not expect we would march so soon , having newly entrenched our selves , and our pioneers for a colour : but we cut a large pace , through a great wood , quite another way ; our vant-guard took 12 of their dragoons , and killed one . several diserters came in to us , on our march ; and in conclusion , we got beyond their army , and marching over boated bridges towards phillipville , we encamped on the 15th . at tillroy . villroy , here we were strongly posted , having on the rear a river , with a steep ascent on each side , and on the front some villages and shottoes , which we had garrisoned among which was wall-court , to which all the peasants of the country , to the number of five thousand had flocked , bringing with them all their provision and substance , thinking thereby to secure themselves , under cover of the french army ; whose general had commanded the inhabitants of the country , not to sell any provision to our army , on pain of death , and burning their houses , whereupon all provisions began to grow very scarce and dear ; whereat our general being enraged , sent two regiments of brandenburgh foot , to require admission into the town , and that they should bring their provisions to the camp , where they should receive the utmost value for them , which if they declined to do , he would batter the town about their ears : these proposals were with reluctancy condescended unto , and the brandenburghers accordingly posted in the town . this is the walled village which was ( more superstitiously than wisely ) so vigorously attaqued by the french army , on st. lewis's day , which is their kings birth day ; out of a fond conceit , that that day is always prosperous to their arms ; which day being on the sixteenth of this instant , proved the direct contrary , their rashness being the occasion of the loss of most of the principal officers of their army , besides 3000 sentinels killed in the field , and a number wounded , with the loss of not above 50 or 60 on our side , among which was only one officer of note , who was a major . the engagement began on a party of the dutch , who gave way on the first charge ; but , our english being there also , who were the guards ( that day ) for covering the forragers , on whom the design of the french army chiefly was ( and indeed if they could have passed that guard , they might have taken 5000 of them ) they bore the brunt of the battle , and by their bravery , gained the advantage of the gound ; which if the french could have got , they would have made use of it to our great damage . all this while the brandenburghers in wall-court , were not idle , but received the attaque made on them , with a great deal of courage , committing a great slaughter on the enemy ; who demonstrated a great deal of desperate valour to little purpose . this rancounter lasted ten hours , the cannons playing all that while on both sides ; theirs did us on mischief , but ours cut off several of their horse , and made lanes through their foot as they retreated ; which they did not do , till they saw the scotch regiment , and the english guards advance ; whereupon they sounded a retreat , and sent to our general for leave to bury their dead ; to which the general gave his consent , after having taken from them 12 of their cannon , not esteeming it adviseable to follow victory too far . in burying their dead they had the boars to assist them , for which reason , before we decamped , the general ordered their villages to be burnt , and gave the soldiers leave to plunder their churches , wherein they found great booty . the french army is now encamped within a mile of us , and our advance-guards can see their whole camp. in the fight , and after the fight , several deserters came in to us , who gave us account that a multitude of their best officers were slain , and that marshal de humiers , narrowly escaped ; one of his field officers being cut off by a cannon ball , whilst he was leaning on his shoulder . here we stay'd till the 19th , when we marched about two leagues , designing to encamp ; but the french being encamped too near us , and the place of our encamping , not strong , our general thought fit to change his measures , and so marched the army three leagues further , that day , a party of the french following us , but at a great distance . near our camp we received an alarum , that the french were in the rear of us ; whereupon , our general in half an hour put the whole army into an advantageous posture to receive them ; but finding the alarum to be false , and that it was only our own rear guard ; we marched to our camp , where we stay'd till the 22th : and being informed , that the enemy designed to get betwixt us and charleroy ; having likewise advice from the duke of lorraine not to engage them , we marched early that morning , without sound of trumpet , or beat of drum , through a very thick wood , having the evening before sent away our cannon and baggage toward the sombruff , after having forraged and ravaged , in the french territories . for three weeks through this wood the french followed us ; whereof having advice , and finding a little plain in the middle of the wood , our general there drew up the army , lined the wood , manned a shottoe , and turned our cannons upon them ; which their out guards perceiving , wall-court being fresh in their memory , they were perswaded to be so mannerly as to keep their distance . however , we marched in a retreating posture , relieving their rear , every half hour ; by this means , the english guards , who led the van in morning , marched in the rear in the afternoon : thus we marched over the sombruff by the help of four bridges , on copper boats , guarded with cannon ; as soon as we got over , we encamped at a place called jollie , by the river side . jollie , here we stayed till the 29th . but on the 27th . in the morning , by break of day , the french having raised two batteries over night , laid on us with ten pieces of cannon of twenty four pound ball from one battery , and eight pieces of eighteen pound ball , from the other battery ; but we were prepared for them , and had provided sixteen cannon to play against them , which were managed so well , that we did a great deal of execution , both on their battery , and guards , and attendants : we killed three of their eminent officers with one of our balls , and found several of their horses next day dead , near the batteries : of our side , we lost only two men and a woman ; a bomb fell among the officers of colloner hayle's regiment without doing any harm , the fuzze being stifled ; two more fell in a meadow near our guards , with the same success ; there likewise fell two hundred balls among our tents , which injured neither man nor horse . all the prejudice done , was , that some of the tents were torn , among which the duke of ormonds was one ; notwithstanding which , the duke stood his ground ( with the troop drawn up ) for three hours , in the heat of the cannon adoing , the general having forgot to send him orders to draw off , without which he was resolved , not to quit his post : this sort of game lasted from four in the morning till eleven , during which space of time , the cannons never ceased playing . in the end we constrained them to quit their battery , and we returned to our ground again , where we encamped that night , and the next day we marched to moutaine sur le samberg . mountaine sur le samberg , here we stayed till the 2d . of september , when we marched to our old camp , called vill de perway . vill de perway , here we were encamped in two lines , for two days , without any action ; the weather being very bad , many of our men fell sick of the flux , with eating of fruit , wherewith this country doth much abound : by this and other accidents , four regiments of our english foot , and two of dutch were so wasted , that it was thought fit to send them to winter quarters , with orders to send fresh forces , out of the garrisons , where they were to quarter , which forces joyned us at lombeck : on the 5th . we marched to jonep . jonep , here the weather was likewise very bad , and the ground we encamped on worse ; in which sad condition , we stayed till the 9th . and then marched to notre dame de hall. notre dame de hall , this is a large town of good trade , where is a sumptuous chappel , a jesuits colledge , with several religious houses ; this town pays 10000 guilders per annum , and a brass gun to the french , that they may be protected from the fury of their merciless army ; on the 15th . prince vademont's army of 15000 men joyned us , which moved us to remove to lombeck , to give them room on our right . lombeck , here the french army having begun to set the country on fire , 'twixt us and brussels , prince vademont detacqued 3000 horse out of his own army , and pursued them , who were followed by twice as many out-of our army , under the command of mouns . de bee : the spanish lieutenant general , prince vademont , came up with some of them , killed 120 , and brought 60 prisoners into brussels , with the loss only of three men , the rest fled ; whereupon he returned to the camp , where we remained till the 19th . when we marched to enghien . enghien , this town belongs to the duke of arcourt and prince of brand rambourge , where he hath an extraordinary mansion-house , and sumptuous garden ; some say it is as fine as versailes , the fame whereof hath brought several from paris , and other remote parts to see it ; it is likewise said , that the prince , before the war raged so much , kept two hundred workmen all the year imployed about it : the garden-plat which is well walled about , cannot be less than three hundred acres ; in one part thereof is a small deer-park , planted with several groves , of divers sorts of pleasant stately trees , as fir , walnut , chesnut , spruce-fir ; in the pleasure garden are 52 small statues in several postures , and eight very large guilded , besides what are in the hedges , which all run water : there are flower-pots betwixt every statue ; there are likewise four houses of waterworks ; in the middle of the park of mazes is a fountain , in an octogon , arched on sixteen pillars about twenty foot high ; on the top are eight great lions cut at large in stone ; under the freez are eight caesars heads ; the fountain is railed , and banastered about with marble ; the bottom being flagged , and the sides lined with the same , as are the other four houses of waterworks : from hence you see eight great walks , with elm hedges very curiously cut : joyning to which are eight labyrinths ; on the side of the walls are several regular groves , some in a triangle , some in a quadrangle : in this town are several convents of carmelites , and capuchines : here is also a nunnery , and a stately church curiously beautified with sculptures ; this town hath been walled , but is now demolished : here we stayed till the 22th . and then we marched to syllie . syllie , this day the french hearing of our decamping , left the ground where they were very strongly posted , in great disorder ; leaving behind them in the hurry , several carriages , barrels of bear , forrage , and other luggage : nevertheless we remained encamped at this place , till the 27th . and then marched in four lines to cambroug , where we encamped in two lines , prince vademont's army still keeping the right . cambroug , here the french army was encamped within a league and a half of ours ; who if they had a mind to shew fair play , need not want a delicate plain champion country for it ; there cannot be a pleasanter sort of a country , and more capable of improvement in the world : but the inhabitants are so given to superstition , and idolatry , that it is impossible any thing should prosper where they are . from our camp might be seen eleven churches , the country being wholly dedicated to religious houses , which cannot be termed any thing , so properly , as nests of idle idolatrous people , blind leaders of the blind , to whom the rest of the inhabitants are all slaves ; if it were not so , and if it would please god to bless them with peace , it would certainly be as pleasant , and plentiful , and perhaps as flourishing a country , as any in the whole world : the chief of these irreligious places , is the house from whence our camp derives its name ; it is walled round , situate in the midst of this plain by a river-side , 'twixt two of our garrisons , at h and monts . within these walls is a famous chappel , joyning to the cloyster , adorned with admirable carvings , and extraordinary painting ; in it are many rich altars , which they ( at last ) refused to let our guards see , because , said they , they have given offence in not kneeling , at the lifting up of the host ; but another chappel they were admitted into , where ( among other fopperies and trumperies ) i observed a little prayer , hanged up in latin , to be learnt of all that came thither to devotion ; the prayer was to this effect , that it would please the lady of cambrogue , for the sake of the five wounds , which her holy image suffered in that place , by the hands of an unsanctified jew , to grant five things ; namely , that in the hour of death , they may not want the company of a priest , whereby they may have the benefit of auricular confession , absolution , receiving the sacrament , and being anointed with oil : this is a carmelite convent ; they stamp little medals of silver , and sell them to the people , whom they perswade , shall by the wearing of them be kept from sickness , disasters , infection , or any power of the devil : this i heard one of them aver . in the larger of these two chappels is a great marble pillar , much like the cross in coventry , with all the popes and fathers of the church , engraven on it : there is likewise engraven , the expiration of our saviour on the cross , under which is drawn to the life two priests , laying him in his grave , with women weeping , all cut at large , in marble : here are likewise several large tombs ; one of them , which is indeed very rich , belongs to the family of enghion ; others lye in arches in the wall , cut at large , ( impailed ) in iron grates ; which though of stone , are very much defaced : which puts me in mind of juvenal , who says , that the very marble statues , and monuments must yield to the corroding nature of time , and pay a tribute to death . it is said , that the prince of orange's army being about to be betrayed into the hands of the french , by the treacherous contrivance of these fryars , he let his soldiers plunder the church and take away all they had , whereof there is now no sign , they having since admirably enriched themselves . during our stay here , i went to see ath. at h , this town lieth at the west end of this plain about a league and a half from the right of our camp , which stretcheth it self , when they are encamped , in two lines , at least a league ; the fortification thereof is a septagon , with out-works , answerable to every bastion ; it is pallisadoed and stakudoed with turrets on the walls , whereon are golden flower de luces , which sheweth that it was fortified by the french king , as was charleroy , but by the treaty of nimiguen was surrended to the spaniard : in the counterscarp are encamped a regiment of dragoons : in the town are quartered three italian , and two spanish regiments of foot ; on the walls and ramparts , rows of large flourishing lime-trees , which adorn the town and shelter the building thereof from bombs : you go over four draw-bridges before you enter the gates of the town , which is encompassed with a large wet ditch and a strong fossbray ; there are four gates to the town , and two port-cullis to every gate ; there is likewise a magnificent church with thirteen altars ; the great altar hath on it the ascention of our saviour , engraven with a great deal of cost and art ; on another is the passion of our saviour cut in brass : the work of this church , is most in brass , as is cambrogue in polished marble of all colours : this town is famous for good buff , which is sold , very cheap . on the fourth i waited on the duke of ormond to monts , in company of twenty of our guards . monts , this town is built on a hill , which is all surrounded with marshy ground ; the out-works are sod works , not very uniform ; the buildings and streets are large and handsome , as is the whole town , but the fortifications are irregular , and stronger by nature than art : it is surrounded with a wall , whereon are old-fashioned turrets , notwithstanding which , the situation of the place makes it really admirably strong . the french , in king charles the seconds time , laid siege to this town , but were beaten from it by the powers of the renowned earl of ossory . within this town ( on an hight ) is built a very high piramid , whence is a very great prospect , they say for seven leagues round : on the top are five round turrets which are made use of for prisons ; it is all built of carved stone : this town lies to the east end of the aforesaid place , and is from our camp four leagues ; in it are several churches , monasteries , nunneries , and other religious houses ; there are two very magnificent churches , one of the canons , the other of the canonesses ; the latter is in every particular much after the nature of them at neville , but the church is much more a splendid church , and most of the ladies are related to the king of spain , king william , or sisters to some of the german princes : here count horne invited the duke to a ball , where the canonesses after evening service , danced ( at their own house ) with the duke of ormond and his retinue . these ladies meddle not with consecrating the sacrament , which is left to the priest . there occurred unto me here a superstitious ceremony , namely , the carrying of the host in procession , attended with organs , voices , and other musick playing all the way , whilst priests went with their incense-pots fuming before it ; it exceeds any opera , which is a shew they much admire in these parts : in this church is placed on a pedestal in the middle of the isle , the image of the virgin mary crowned , with our saviour in her arms likewise crowned ; she is apparelled in a fine cloth of silver gown , and every one that comes thither to worship , makes a low bow to the ground , and kisses the hem of her garment . after all this view of their churches , which strive every way to exceed one the other in beauty and riches , wherein they come pretty near one the other , except that of antwerp , which exceeds the rest ; i can only lament that such noble structures should be dedicated to idolatrous uses . on the 5th . we turned back to combrogue , where we remained as long as we could get any forrage , which was all devoured for twenty miles round , betwixt the french army and ours , i believe i may say forty miles , without any great mistake ; at last there grew a real scarcity of horse meat . on the 6th . ten of the grenadeers belonging to our guard , unadvisedly went a forraging without a convoy ; three of them were killed by the french , five taken prisoners , and two escaped without horses or coats , which they had pulled off to work and make up their trusses . the peasant that belonged to the house where they forraged , brought the french upon them ; but this action was sufficiently revenged on the french , by the lunenburghers , who being a forraging with their carbines only , were set upon by some french soldiers disguised in boors frocks , but they received them so warmly , that they killed eight and twenty of them , and took about seventy prisoners , with very little loss . the day before we went to monts , we marched a detachment of eight thousand men towards the french camp , together with ten pieces of cannon ; when we came near their out-guards , we sent a lieutenant of horse with thirty men to fire on them , which he did , but they stirred not , neither returned their fire : it was near a wood , where it is supposed they had an ambuscado , and thought to trapan us ; however this alarum was so great a surprize unto them , that several of their sutlers run away from them , and several of their officers sent away their baggage : we waited about ten hours there to invite them to engage fairly , but they declined it ; the next day they decamped and marched towards tourney in order to send their troops to winter quarters , and in a few days after we began to disperse our army to the frontier garrisons , to wit , at h , monts , maestricht , gaunt , charleroy , brussels , &c. in conclusion we marched towards nevil , where we were discharged at nevil , on the when the duke took his leave in order to go for england , and the next day we marched , having free quarters all the way to breda , to winter quarters ; where we arrived on the twenty fourth , and met with an account that the granadeers who were taken by the french , had made their escape to newburgh , where they are taken up as deserters ; but we have sent for them , and in a short time do expect them with us , where we now remain laid up for the next campain . amsterdam , standeth on 0996 acres . leiden , containeth 0250 haerlem 0165 rotterdam 0160 dort 0130 delf 0130 the latter five 0835 so that amsterdam alone is bigger by 160 acres than the aforementioned five cities . there is one remarkable passage , that is , the burning of colonel billingsleys quarters : one evening , on our road to breda , from the camp , we were forced to stand all night drawn up on our guard , for fear of the boars rising against us ; it was accidentally done , but in this fire was consumed to the value of a thousand pound ; the parish-church being next to the house very narrowly escaped . a list of our army as it was drawn up at tillroy camp. horse-regiments , first line . names of their count. names of the chief commanders . colours of the soldiers cloaths . numb . men. dvtch , count bullengburg . red , lined white , dra. 0300 english , duke of ormond . red , lined blew , gran. 0060 english , duke of ormond . red , lined blew , guar. 0200 spanish , count dedamont . white , lined blew 0300 spanish , don quan degusti . white , lined white 0300 spanish , monsieur bay. white , lined white 0300 spanish , don martin de corduva . white , lined white 0300 dutch , wittenburgh . white , lined red 0300 dutch , prince waldeck . gray , lined red 0300 dutch , obdam . gray , lined scarlet 0300 dutch , min heer benting . white , lined blew 0300 german , overstrake . white , lined white 0400 dutch , lieut. col. webingha . white , lined blew 0400 english , oxford . white , lined scarlet 0400     total — 4160 foot regiments , first line . brandenb . brandorf . blew , lined white 0700 dutch , anholt . white , lined white 0700 dutch , rhinelscave . white , lined blew 0780 dutch , grafton barloe . white , lined red 0700 dutch , overston zalif . gray , lined red 0700 english , talmash-guards . red , lined white 1000 scotch , part of the guards . red , lined white 0700 english , fuzileers . red , lined yellow 0780 english , hales . red , lined white 0780 lunenb . obubermstoff . blew , lined red 0600 lunenb . hull . blew , lined pink 0600 dutch , dursling . white , lined red 0700 dutch , general de alva . — 0700 dutch , prince waldeck , red , lined red 0780 brand. prince cor. red , lined green 0700 dutch , count tilly. white , lined white 0700 dutch , buloe . gray , lined blew 0780     total — 12400 second line . dutch , morewitt . red , lin . white , drag . 0350 frizland , prince nassaw . blew , lined red 0300 dutch , baron de hinds . white , lined green 0300 dutch , baron de hay . white , lined red 0300 dutch , baron de saxon. red , lined pink 0300 dutch , holston . white , lined blew 0300 dutch , baron de guistle . — 0300 lunenb . overstbrang . gray , lined blew , 0400 dutch , count flodrop . white , lined red 0350 dutch , grafton nassaw . red , lined red 0300 dutch , erff. white , lined green 0300 hesse , wattlebrook . white , lined white 0350 dutch , nassaw . white , lined white 0300 spanish , dumong . white , lined white 0350 spanish , monduboy . white , lined white 0350 walloon , pettincore . white , lined white 0350 lunenb . frank. white , lined red 0480 lunenb . brankea . blew , lined blew 0350 lunenb . craw. blew , lined blew 0350     total — 6380 besides the brandenburgh horse which came to us to nottredam-hall , from the siege of ments which amounted to 6000 second line . names of their count. names of the chief commanders . colour of the soldiers cloaths . num. men. dutch , youg away . red , lined blew 0780 dutch , covert d'over isle . white , lined white 0780 dutch , min heer van fagall . red , lined yellow 0780 frizland , prince van nassaw . blew , lined red 0780 german , prince de berkovan . white , lined red 0780 lunenburg , count swenesive . blew , lined red 0780 english , offarrell , fuzileus . red , lined red 0780 english , fitz patrick . red , lined green 0780 english , churchill . red , lined buff 0780 english , hodges . red , lined red 0780 english , count shamburg . red , lined white 0780 dutch , amalisworth . gray , lined red 0650 dutch , min heer dutell . white , lined blew 0700 brandenburg , lord beaumont . red , lined black , plush 0780 lunenburg , major general burrier . white , lined red 0780 brandenburg , de hull . blew , lined red 0780 dutch , linstock . white , lined blew 0780 lunenburg , la mott. red , lined black 0780 lunenburg , little host . blew , lined red 0780 lunenburg , marquess de budavid . white , lined red 0780 dutch , winburg . white , lined red 0780     total — 16173 second line . names of their count. names of the chief commanders . colour of the-soldiers cloaths . num. mer. sept. the 2d . hoges , churchils , hales and offarrels regiments being wearied with toyl and sickness , were dwindled away to about 900 men , for which reason they were sent to breda , whence we were recruited on the 16th . with a regiment of sweeds blew , lined yellow 0780 dutch , regiment . white , lined white 0780       1560 likewise three regiments of dutch horse , and prince of friezlands guards 0900 0100   in all — 1000 a list of prince vademonts army , which joyned us at notredam-hall , where it encamped five hundred yards distant from the right of ours , on the 18th . of september , 1689. in two lines . horse-regiments . names of their count. names of the chief commanders . num. men. walloon , mouns . de puis . 350 walloon , le count de masting . 350 walloon , duke de 〈…〉 scourt , two regiments . 600 spanish , m 〈…〉 si 〈…〉 oude ▪ 300 almaigne , count de egmont . 300 almaign , baron de toursey . 300 spanish , ansiens . 300 spanish , lieutenant general count de sallizer . 300 spanish , le count de vatzzin lieutenant general de la troop de strangere . 300     3100 dragoons . names of their count. names of the chief commanders . num. men. walloon , mounsieur de vallauseire . 400 walloon , baronde . 400 walloon , mounsieur de villais . 400 spanish , mounsieur de castors . 350   in all — 4650 foot regiments . spanish , mounsieur marine . 700 mounsieur maudrick . 700 mounsieur agiare . 700 count de shiron . 700 noy elle . 700 sweeds , one regiment . 780 dutch , three regiments from gaunt . 2100   total — 6380 the total of the army when prince vademont had joyned us . horse . the first line . 4160 the second line . 6380 brandenburg , 6000 — 7000 dutch , 0900 — f●●izland guards , 0100 — v●udemonts horse . 4650   22190 foot. the first line . 12400 the second line . 16170 dutch recruits . 01560 prince vademonts . 06380   36510 total horse and foot 58701 finis . a terrible sea-fight related in the copie of letter sent to i.m. councellour, pensioner, and bailiffe to the citie of batavia : concerning the great fight betweene nine east india ships of the hollanders and three great gallions, which happened about goas bare in the east indies, the 20.30 of september, 1639. a. s. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a11214 of text s4867 in the english short title catalog (stc 21479.5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a11214 stc 21479.5 estc s4867 23980885 ocm 23980885 27051 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11214) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27051) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1840:14) a terrible sea-fight related in the copie of letter sent to i.m. councellour, pensioner, and bailiffe to the citie of batavia : concerning the great fight betweene nine east india ships of the hollanders and three great gallions, which happened about goas bare in the east indies, the 20.30 of september, 1639. a. s. individuell människohjälp (organization) [13] p. printed by thomas harper for nathaniel butter, london : 1640. signed at end: a.s. "with priuilegio." "imprimatur. philip. minutolius"--p. [13]. signatures: [a]² b¹ c⁴. reproduction of original in the british library. eng netherlands -history, naval. spain -history, naval -17th century. goa (india : state) -history. a11214 s4867 (stc 21479.5). civilwar no a terrible sea-fight: related in the copie of a letter sent to i.m. councellour, pensioner, and bailiffe to the citie of batavia. concerning a. s 1640 2879 5 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2002-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a terrible sea-fight : related in the copie of a letter sent to i. m. councellour , pensioner , and bailiffe to the citie of batavia . concerning the great fight betweene nine east india ships of the hollanders , and three great gallions ; which happened about goas bare in the east indies , the 20.30 . of september , 1639. god is my helper london , printed by thomas harper , for nathaniel butter . 1640. with privilege . a true relation of a great sea-fight between the hollanders and spaniards . after that we had set out sail from batavia's rode , the 15.25 . of iuly , 1639. we have speedily performed our voyage ( god be thanked ) as farre as to the baixos de padua , which are very dangerous rockes and sands ; but by the negligence of the captains and masters of the pinaces , little rotterdam and david , ( which were sent out before to cast out every houre the lead ) we were led with the whole fleet towards the said rockes ; insomuch that our commander , looking out by day , upon the bank behinde the gallerie , perceived a great alteration of the water ; wherefore he charged his pilot to cast out the lead ; which having done , found first of all fourteene , afterwards nine , and at last six fadomes of water , that we could see some of the rockes lie under water . the admirall perceiving this , made three or foure shots , to give warning to the fleet , and that the pinnaces should come backe againe : and thus sailed back again from thence , as they came thither , thanking god almightie for his gracious keeping and protection . from thence we set our course towards the malabaerish coasts ; which having got in sight , about cananor , and mont fremosa , we sailed along the wall ; where , in divers tides , we met with two small vessells of black-moores , but they had free passe of the directour barent pieters , one whereof was bound for cananor , & the other for calicut , which advertised us , that daman and dieu , being two strong forts , and belonging to the portugals , were besieged by the great mogoll , and they beleeved that daman was surrendered alreadie . after that the foresaid vessels had departed from our commander , we went on again in our voiage , and the 18.28 . of september , about evening , came in sight of us about goas bare , the pinnaces armuyen and valkenburg , which at night came aboord of the admirall , relating unto him the newes , which they had received upon wingurla ; because they had arrived upon wingurla about eleven or twelve daies before our comming . the next day after our commander calling together the generall counsell , communicated unto them that same , what he had understood by the principalls of the aforesaid pinnaces ; namely that three gallions lay in the bay of goa veille , under favour and safeguard of the fort mormagon , being not yet readie to go to sea & fight . further , he desired the councell to consider upon , what was best to do for the good and profit of the companie . after manie disputations and consultations , the councell departed againe from aboord in the evening , with order , that when the commander , two or three houres before day light , did light againe a candle , they , together with the militarie officers , should come aboord againe of the admirall . having met together again , they unanimouslie resolved to surprize the enemie without delay ▪ that he lay with the gallions under the protection and favour of the fort mormagon , the greatest difficultie was , that we knew not the depth or situation of the harbour : wherefore order was given , that the pinnace david should betake it self to the right , and the pinnace little rotterdam to the left hand , saile forward , and cast continually out the lead : having come close to the walls , some boats were set out to cast out the lead continually in like manner , and to give warning unto us . afterwards order was given , that the ship zierick-sea should saile out before : upon which the commander himselfe went : him followed armuyen , valckenburg , franiker , bredamme , and the ships new harlem , and middelburg , should come as nigh as possibly they could ; because the enemie lay so close under the wall , and the depth of the harbour was unknown unto us ; and the said ships drew so deep water , and had also in them the cargozoen for wingurla . in this order about noon , with the sea winde , we sailed towards the enemie ( being under sail , the vice-commander william tiberius , who died the same morning , was set without the ship ) having come under the fort , they shot most fiercely out of the fort , upon the fleet : but we answered them in like manner . seeing those of the fort verie perplext , and timerous , ( because we were not above a musket shot from the fort ) we sailed to and fro along a wall or trench , which was drawn towards another small bulwark , from whence they made likewise some shots . being come neere unto the ships , we found them to be the three great gallions ; namely , bon iesus , bon ventura , and s. sebastian : bon ventura lay ready for to fight , but not readie for sailing : the other two had none or few canons in them , lying yet without carriages , because they expected us not so soon : yet afterwards we heard , that many free men , together with some voluntiers , came out of goa to affoord their aid and helpe in the making ready of the aforesaid gallions , thinking to come out against the pinnaces armuyen and valkenburg , which they had first perceived , but missed of it . zierick-sea sailing out before , passed by the forts ; and the ships armuyen and valckenburg in like maner . the commander with his boat departing from the ship zierick-sea , gave order , that franiker and bredamme should make towards the gallion , bon ventura carrying about 80. brasse pieces of ordnance , let their anchors fall ; from which gallion they shot fiercely upon us , having come on the side of him , and being not halfe a musket shot from it , they shot crosse thorow and thorow our pinnace , that it looked like a window where the glasses are beaten out : and thus we continued above three hours long , shooting against the said gallion ; insomuch that the pinnace franiker received more shots then the whole fleet together : all the row horses , and pieces of ordnance in the sterne were shot in pieces ; insomuch that we could not make one shot more from the sterne against the enemy , what care soever i tooke , and what encouragement soever i gave to the remainder of our men ( because i my selfe in person went continually to and fro , and the shipper was upon the deckes ) for we had in that pinnace about 20 men kild , and about 40 wounded ; insomuch that after the fight , we had not men to man the boat : whereupon presently afterwards were sent unto us to aid us , 20 men from other ships . amongst the dead were divers of our officers ; as namely , the upper pilot , high boats-man , the cooke , the cookes mate , gunners mate , one or two quarter masters : and all the other officers for the most part , wounded : our shipper was hurt in his belly , in the head , and in one of his hands ; but god be thanked ) he hath recovered , and is now well againe ; i scaped free with a blew blow , and some other small hurts , i cannot give sufficient thankes unto god almightie for his gracious protection and keeping . bredamme next to us received the most shots , the shipper iohn symons symein was in the first beginning kild with a shot thorow his body . yet after this bloudy fight god almighty by his gracious help and assistance granted unto us the victory , unto whom is due all glory , praise , and thanksgiving now and for evermore . the pinnace little rotterdam , whilst we were shooting against bon ventura , laid aboord the gallion bon iesus , which lay before bon ventura , mastered the same , and set up the princes flagges ; because very few men were in her . our commander seeing this , went into the gallion called bon iesus , and called to the portugals in bon ventura , that they should have good quarter , if they would yeeld : whereunto they , as stout souldiers , would not condiscend nor heare of it upon no termes , but answered the commander , that he should do his best : whereupon our commander gave order , that the cable of bon iesus should be chopt off , which drove directly to the belly of bon ventura , so that his blind mast turned crosse our bon iesus . the admirall asking them the second time , whether they would yeeld , or else he would fire them both ; namely , bon iesus , and bon ventura . whereupon they answered , that they would not yeeld : whereupon the commander gave order , that bon ventura and bon iesus should be set on fire ; notwithstanding they desisted not with their fierce shooting , till at last the fire got into the●r gun-powder , and was blown up . bon iesus after that it was on fire , drove a little off from the other . whist all this passed , the gallion saint sebastian was likewise fired by the ship armuyen : so that all three together at once were on fire , without the losse of any of our pinnaces or ships , that the generall and councell of india had ordained the pinnaces , bredamme , little roterdam and david for fire ships . i am of opinion , if we should have laine with the pinnace franiker twenty paces neerer to the gallion , it would likewise have been in danger to be blowne up , because our fore-mast , and some ropes were likewise blowne up into the aire ; all our ropes and cords are spoiled , tha● they hung like cut yarne . after that bon ventura was blown up , some boats have been in the ferry-water , to knocke the portugals in the head that lay in the water : yet after that they had kild some of them , our commander bid them to give quarter ; insomuch that we got prisoners above 100 men , about 50 white , and 50 negroes , amongst which were two or three priests , and four lords of the crosse , or fedalges : the captaine of the gallion was likewise taken up : our commander entertaines the said lords and patres at his owne table in the cabinet . at night we tooke up again our anchors , and sailed againe out of the bay close under the fort mormagon , out of which divers shots were made , because they could very well see us by the flame of the burning gallions : yet at last we got out of their shot , and cast anchor within two or three leagues of the wall . the upper merchant , peter bad-neighbour is chosen by the councell vice-commander in place of the deceased tiberius . the second of october , new stile , sailing towards wingurla , we met two saile of ships , after which we pursued with the whole fleet ; but being our ships were so battered and spoyled , we were faine to desist from pursuing any further after them ; and order was given that we should goe with the pinnace franiker towards wingurla ; where we arrived the fourth of october . afterwards came newes that the pinnace bredamme had driven a small vessell to the wall ; out of which the portugals fled and made the vessell to leake : yet the bredammes boat comming in haste to it , got into it , and kept it above water with pumping , till all the goods , consisting of ivorie , or elephants teeth , and other goods , were taken out of it , which were brought aboord of the commanders ship . another gallion was pursued after the 2.12 . of october , by the pinnace armuyen , which the same night overtooke the gallion ; and after that our pinnace had fought a good while with it , it gave the slip againe , and escaped . by nine prisoners taken by the pinnace armuyen with the boat of the said gallion , we understand , that it had in her above 80 dead , but was manned with above 400 men , being the gallion which went last yeare towards daman : the other vessel that was chased to the wall , came out of mosambique . the 10.20 . of october the ships middelburg , armuyen and bredamme , received order to go towards cotcheyn to crosse there , and to lie in wait for the enemies vessels , which by this present might passe by goa ▪ the vice-roy within goa , is departed out of this life ; in whose place by election , succeeds don antonio teles , who last yeare was admirall of the enemies fleet the said vice-roy reports , that hee will come with all his fregats about 60 in number to visit us , which we long to see . there hath divers been aboord of the admirall , a priest borne at antwerp , to treat about the releasing of the prisoners ; but hitherto he hath effected nothing , what further herein will be done , time will shew ▪ after the departure of the d. caen , came hither upon wingurla , a mogoller , who was hired by the portugals to massacre the great governour mameth radia , together with all the hollanders , and some of the chiefest merchants ; for the execution whereof , hee should be rewarded with eleven or twelve thousand pageden , who ended his life as followeth : the aforesaid mogoller , with a traine of 25 persons , comming into wingurla himselfe , together with another mogoller , sitting on horse-back , came before the lodging of the great governour mameth radia , who , at that time , was come to wingurla to view his fregats : the mogoller asking for him , was answered by the mameths servants , that he lay and slept . at which the mogoller replied , that he himselfe must see it ; who going with another towards his chamber , ( because hee was well knowne , and had been alwayes very familiar with the governour ) opened the curtains , and found him playing with his childe . the mogoller drawing his sable , chopt off one of his hands , thinking to turne off the blow with it , as also gave him a great wound in the neck ; insomuch that he presently after died : from thence the mogoller rode towards the lodging , to massacre the netherlanders ; he was twice beaten backe from the moat : in the mean time an alarme rose amongst the governours people , which flockt together about foure hundred strong , kild fifteen or sixteen of the mogollers men , took prisoners three or foure . the mogoller betook himselfe to flight ; after whom they pursued with their naked sables : whereupon the said mogoller leaping with his horse into the water , thinking to swim over the river , was seen by some of the governours servants , which were in a house not farre from the shore ; they seeing their fellow-souldiers run with their naked sables after him , stopt him , and shot him with a peece down from the horse , the rest gave him many cuts and blowes after he was dead . given at wingurla , the 11.21 . of october . 1639. a. s. imprimatur . philip . minutolius . printed for nath. butter , august . 8. 1640. a copy of the resolution of the states provincial of freezland relating to the levyes under debate in the states general, fryday the 15/25 feb., 1684. friesland (netherlands). provinciale staten. 1684 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34519 wing c6229 estc r39393 18394254 ocm 18394254 107470 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34519) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107470) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1630:25) a copy of the resolution of the states provincial of freezland relating to the levyes under debate in the states general, fryday the 15/25 feb., 1684. friesland (netherlands). provinciale staten. 1 sheet (2 p.) printed at rotterdam, feb. 19, 1684, new style, by peter martin, and reprinted in london for walter davis ..., [london] : [1684?] caption title. imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng united provinces of the netherlands. -staten generaal. netherlands -history -1648-1714. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copy of the resolutoin of the states provincial of freezland , relating to the levyes under debate in the states general , fryday the 15. / 25. feb. 1684. the states of freezeland having seen and examined two messages from h. h. m. dated february 1684. tending to the end that h. e. m. with the first , would bring in their consent for levying 16000 men , upon which , this government , upon a serious consideration , and full agreement of all parties , concluded to bring in their advice , that h. e. m. cannot understand of what necessity or advantage it will be to agree to the said leveys ; but that it ought to be rather apprehended and lookt upon , as that which will tend to a ruining destructive war : to carry on which , this province do look upon themselves unable to bear their part , by reason of their being so much in arrear already ; as also by reason of the low prices of their corn , fat cattle , and their estates ; as also other inconveniences that attend them ; but especially , considering that the states are destitute of all alleys , from whence they may certainly expect any assistance ; and therefore it must be lookt upon as a matter of so much the more danger ; for that in the former war they received several assistances from others , and yet obtained no remarkable advantages against france : besides which , it ought to be considered , that the forces which are to be raised , will not be so easie to be attained , but if raised not of sufficient strength , to obtain a better peace from the k. of france , then he himself hath offered . as also it is considered and apprehended , and not without great reason , the unexpressable disasters which may befall this province in particular , from the french confederates , as being deprived of all the forces of this city for their defence , which will be little enough to oppose the french force in the netherlands , where the spaniards shew so little zeal in their conduct , and do hardly put any order in execution with earnestness , except such as may serve to ingage this state in a war , and have hardly one share of those troops ready which they ought to have , before this state was obliged to send them any assistance ; much less to think of a rupture for their sakes , it being notorious , that none of those alternatives are so considerable as to equalize the greatness of the danger to which this state must not only expose themselves , but all the spanish netherlands , by a war ; and not only england but the emperour , have already declared their ●i●●atisfaction , as also very unacceptable to this state , that his catholick majesty should publish a declaration of war , without accquainting his alleys therewith . the king of england hath also already declared , that it were better to accept of those alternatives , as so suddenly to engage in so destructive a vvar ▪ adding withal , that he is not obliged in such case to assist either us or spain . for all which reasons , vve think it best to desist from those leveys , and to let the spaniards see by that , that this state cannot think it good , that for preservation of a little , for which they take so little care of the whole , to expose themselves to such eminent dangers ; and therefore they do give their advice , that they be earnestly pressed to accept of one of the alternatives , and that such methods be used with all speed ; with conferences and treatys , as may tend to the securing of this state in a desired peace , and that the barreir may remain without danger . the states of this province do apprehend , that if a peace cannot be obtained , that then a truce for 20 years is more to be desired , then a vvar in the spanish netherlands ; especially considering , that in process of time , the emperour may be freed from his turkish vvar , and the k. of england from his national troubles , and so in a better capacity to secure the peace . thus concluded in our stadt-house . finis . printed at rotterdam , feb. 19. 1684. new stile , by peter martin , and reprinted in london for walter davis , in amen-corner . a late voyage to holland, with brief relations of the transactions at the hague, also remarks on the manners and customs, nature, and commical humours of the people; their religion, government, habitations, way of living, and manner of treating stangers, especially to the english. written by an english gentleman, attending the court of the king of great britain. english gentleman, attending the court of the king of great britain. 1691 approx. 55 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49689 wing l561a estc r213947 99826195 99826195 30590 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49689) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30590) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1761:25) a late voyage to holland, with brief relations of the transactions at the hague, also remarks on the manners and customs, nature, and commical humours of the people; their religion, government, habitations, way of living, and manner of treating stangers, especially to the english. written by an english gentleman, attending the court of the king of great britain. english gentleman, attending the court of the king of great britain. 40 p. printed for john humphreys, [london] : 1691. place of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng william -iii, -king of england, 1650-1702 -early works to 1800. netherlands -description and travel -early works to 1800. netherlands -history -1648-1714 -early works to 1800. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-02 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a late voyage to holland , with brief relations of the transactions at the hague , also remarks on the manners and customs , nature , and commical humours of the people ; their religion , government , habitations , way of living , and manner of treating strangers , especially the english . vvritten by an english gentleman , attending the court of the king of great britain . printed for john humphreys , 1691. the contents or table of general matters sect. i. the accidents that fell out in our voyage , with a more particular respect to his majesty , also of the treatment , and reception at the hague , &c. sect. ii. containing a description of the hague , and the king's pallaces , with the nature , humours , and treatment of the inhabitants . sect. iii. some further relations on the late affairs and transactions at the hague , with respect to his majesty , and the several princes . sect. iv. containing particular observations on the manners and customs , nature and commical humours of the dutch boars , or pesants ; the nature of their habitations , way of living , and manner of treating strangers , especially the english . sect. v. of the nature of the country in general , it 's scituation , the way of travelling , expences , &c. sect. vi. of the people of holland in general , their several ranks and degrees , with their manners , humours and dispositions . sect. vii . of their religion , the different and incredible number of sects among the people , particularly in amsterdam . sect. viii . of their way of trade , intreagues in over-reaching , and manner of increase in wealth , &c. sect. ix . of their millitary forces by sea and land , with their state revenues , &c. a late voyage to holland , &c. sect. i. the accidents that fell out in our voyage , &c. we departed from london thursday january 16th . 1690. about nine in the morning , and came that night to cittingbourn ; the next day , about noon , we came to margaret , in the isle of thanet ; and the same evening we went on board the frigat that carried his majesty's musick , which lay then in the road , with the rest of the fleet , commanded by admiral rooke : early the next morning , being saturday the 17th . the king arriv'd from graves-end , attended by the dukes of norfolk and ormond , the earls of devonshire , dorset and portland , and other grandees of the court : about noon , the signal being given from the admiral , the whole fleet consisting of twelve men of war , seven yatchs , and many tenders , set sail , with a fair gale. on tuesday the 20th , we came in sight of the coast of holland , near the island of goree , but the weather being darkned with foggs , and the shore choak'd up with heaps of ice , pil'd up one upon another , it was not for us to come near : however the king put himself into a shallop to get to the land , notwithstanding the danger that threatned him ; and when all the rest were terrified with the perils wherein his majesty ventur'd his person ; and the seamen themselves were not in a little terror , it was observ'd ; that he himself , was the only person , nothing at all dismay'd . in the mean time the foggs grew thicker and thicker , insomuch , that we who were in the man of war , soon lost sight of the shallop , where the king was ; and night coming on , his majesty was for ten hours expos'd to all the injuries of the air , and the waves of the sea , which fometimes came into the shallop ; so that the lords who were with him , had their cloaths all covered with ice : however the next morning his majesty landed in the island goree , and went into a country man's house , which had no more room to receive him , and all the lords of his train , than one miserable chamber and a kitchin ; but it was a welcome retreat after so great a hazard . after the king had shifted his linnen and his cloaths , and had been complemented by the magistrate of the island , who offered him his house , which his majesty refused , he took coach again in the same coach that brought him to the country mans house , and went aboard the shallop again , to land upon the firm continent ; but then he met with new difficulties , for the small vessel could not get near the shore for the ice ; so that two seamen were forced to take the king in their arms , and carry him to the shallop : at last his majesty , with our whole fleet of tenders , ( the men of war returning for england ) arriv'd at a place called orangie poldar ; here his majesty was complemented by the prince of nassau sarbrach , camp-marshall , the count of berka , the emperors extraordinary envoy , monsieur catonna , the spanish ambassador , the deputies of the states of holland , the prince of frizeland , count horn ; and several other persons of the highest quality , who attended him to houslaerdike , where he reposed himself for some hours . 't was thought his majesty would have continu'd here for some days , till all things were ready for the magnificent entry they were resolv'd to make for him. but he told them , he desired none of those honours , well knowing that the glory of a prince does not consist in appearing , but in acting . the king therefore went the same day to the hague , and arriv'd there about six in the evening , accompanied with the lords already mentioned , and surrounded with the guards of the body . and in regard the kings coming was in a manner a kind of surprize , his entrance was also without any ceremony . so that all that could be done in testimony of the publick joy , was only by some peals of cannon , and ringing the bells . nevertheless , the burgesses of the hague had prepared along time before for his majesty's publick entry , and had been at considerable charges to make a glorious appearance ; and all the towns adjoyning , had prepared to be present at the solemnity . in a word , all the holl●nders were willing to see the king in publick , and to assure themselves , with their own eye , that a prince , whom they love so infinitely , and of whom the common enemy had spread so many false reports , was still alive , and returned into their provinces , which obliged the states to entreat his majesty to make a publick entry ; which he refused a long time , that such ceremonies were but the loss of that time which he had resolved to spend altogether in action . at length all that they could obtain from the king was , that he would dine about a quarter of a league from the hague , at a house of the earl of portlands , and return in his coach through the midst of the burgesses , ranged in files , from the court to the end of the city , which was done on thursday , february 22d , about four of the clock in the afternoon , to the unexpressible satisfaction of the people , all the inhabitants of the towns round about being got together , and perhaps there never was seen at the hague such a vast concourse of people . i shall not spend time in describing all the particulars of this entry , which had nothing of extraordinary magnificence , except the three triumphant arches , which surpassed in beauty and magnificence , all that was ever made in france , under the reign of lewis xiv upon the like occasions . there you might see represented the principal actions of the king , in honour of whom they were erected , accompanied with several inscriptions and devices perfectly corresponding with the subjects to which they were applyed , and which appeared to be done by the hand of a master . there you might particularly see europe delivered from the gripes of her ravisher ; the liberty of holland defended and preserved ; that of england restored ; ireland subdued ; and the protestant religion maintained . the whole ceremony ended in the evening with fire-works in several places of the city , several peals of cannon and vallies of small shot discharged , as well by the burgesses , as by the regiment of trison which was in arms , with bonfires and fire-works , before the court : after all was over , they still continued giving several testimonies of their satisfaction to see once more a prince so highly beloved by the hollanders ; and in regard the whole proceeded from a sincere affection , there is a great probability that these rejoyceings will long endure . on the other side the king manifested an extraordinary goodness and affability to all societies , and private persons that came to kiss his hands . admiral tromp was one of this number , and his majesty honoured him with the command of the holland fleet for this summers expedition ; which was no sooner spread about the country , but you might sensibly perceive an augmentation of joy among the hollanders for the kings coming : his coach was environed with crouds of people that followed him where e're he went ; and by a thousand acclamations testified their satisfaction that william the conqueror would command their army by land ; and trump , who justly may be called a second neptune , was to command their fleet by sea : and here , for the present , i shall break off my relations of the transactions at the hague , and divert the reader with my observations on the place . sect. ii. containing a description of the hague . this curious village and most delightful place , the residence of that august senate , which has been , as it were , the arbiter of peace , and war to all europe , whose charms are so great , its buildings so stately and magnificent , and its streets so large , its shades so sweet , its inhabitants so civil , and so good natur'd , that one may call it the delight of the world ; it hath three very pretty and delightful meadows on the side of delph , and mountains of sand on the other side , to cover it from the rage of the ocean , which is not above half a league distant from it ; at the end of which is the small village called scheveling , which is inhabited chiefly with fishermen , where is a curious hard sandy shoar , admirably contrived by nature , for the divertisement of persons of quality ; and here in the summer time the states , foreign ambasadors , and their ladies , &c. in their coaches and six horses , ride on the sands for several leagues ; the road from the hague to this village is a late made way , cut through vast deep mountains of sand , paved through with curious stone , a work fit for the antient romans . that side which looks to leiden , hath a very pretty and large wood , with curious walks and groves , of oak , elm , and lyme-trees , where there is a park stored with variety of deer . the inhabitants take the air there in the summer season , with a divertisement capable to render them envy'd even among the gods , moved by this , that the pretty ladies , take their pleasure without fear of the fabulous plunder , so much celebrated by the greeks , whereby possibly they sometimes make them real and veritable . the counts of holland frequently kept their courts in this palace , chiefly moved thereunto by the pleasantness of the place , and its commodious situation for hunting ; our king ( when prince of orange , ) kept his court at this place , where he has a most stately palace , the back part of which , with the great hall , sufficiently testify its antiquity . there is on the side of it , a great square , in which place , on the side of the levant are three magnificent lodgments , built a few years since ; the doeles make the corner , whereof his present majesty , they say , lay'd the first stone : over against the other corner is another palace built by prince maurice of nassau , in which are to be seen the portraitures of all the kings in europe , with many curiosities brought from america . the voorhant frontispiece as well as the houses that face the court on the side of the vivier , make by far the pleasantest quarter of the hague , by reason of the large and spaciousness of the streets , and the number of trees that are planted there ; you may see great numbers of persons of quality of both sexes resort thither in the evening , some in their coaches , and some on foot. the cloyster of the jacobines which was built on the said voorhant , at this day still retains the name of the church of the cloyster . there is another church , built much after the form of the theater in oxon , and is of so admirable a piece of architecture without , that none within the seven provinces ( or scarce in the world ) is comparable to it ; there 's no pillars within ▪ so that the minister may be seen in every place of the church , by thousands of people without any impediment . the counts of holland's chapple which is in the court , is at this day a church for the french refugees ; there are two pretty places like squares , the one before , and the other behind the court , where all the houses resemble those of princes . the states of holland reside here , as well the councellors of the provincial court , as of the grand council . the cities of holland have built here very magnificent houses for their deputies , of which in my opinion that of leyden , is one of the best scituate and next the court. the ambassadors of princes , the states allies , have their residence here . the groote kirck , or great church is very fine , in the midst of which is to be seen the arms of the famous knights , the order of toyson d'ore , which plainly shews that they there celebrated the feast of the said toyson : the tower is very high , and its form is quadrangular , built with bricks , which may be seen at a vast distance : in fine , this place is , at all times , so well inhabited by gentry , and persons of the greatest quality ; that if we consider its splendour , the magnificence of its buildings and streets , the affluence of the nobles , and the pleasure of converse ; the hague is one of the prettiest courts , and the most agreeable in the universe . sect. iii. some further relations on the affairs & transactions at the hague . after the king came to the hague , few days past without the arrival of some princes , or other considerable persons , as well to have the honour to wait upon his majesty , as to confer with him about the present affairs . 't is true that most of the princes came incognito , as well to avoid the disputes of precedency , as to confer more familiarly together , and without the pesterment of formalities . the elector of brandenburgh , who lay at cleves for some time , in expectation of the kings coming , no sooner heard of his arrival by the courriers that were forthwith dispatched to give him notice thereof , but he hastened to the hague , where he arriv'd in cognito , the 24th of january , the duke of wirtenbergh , prince regent , during the minority of the heir , and the prince his brother arrived the 29th , and were admitted to the king a little time after . the count of windisgrats , from the emperor , arrived february 4th , and was immediately admitted to the king. the duke of bavaria arriv'd the 6th , about ten of the clock at night , and went to wait upon the king the next day about four a clock in the afternoon , with whom he had a conference of two hours long . the marquess of castanaga , governour of the spanish netherlands , arriv'd the next day with a jolly train , of which however but one part appear'd , because the princes were incognito . the landgrave of hesse cassel arriv'd the 11th , accompanied by the count of lippe , the baron of gars , and several other lords . the prince of commerci , general of the imperial forces , arriv'd the 15th . the duke , and one prince of courland , arrived the next day . the king regalio'd the greatest part of these princes , and was also pleased to accept of entertainments at some of their houses . it would be too long to make a recital of all these feasts . i shall only therefore mention two ; to shew what are the principal ceremonies observed upon such occasions . his majesty gave an entertainment to the elector of brandenburgh the 3d. of february , at his house in the wood ; the king had an hours conference with the elector , which being ended , they entered into a spacious dining room , where was a table and cloth lay'd , with one only single vermeil furniture , ( consisting of the gold plate , fine napkins , knife , fork , and spoon , ) and an elbow chair , where the king sat down ; after that a chair was brought for the elector , with a white sattin cushion , and a vermeil furniture laid him , like the kings . then the king commanded seats and furnitures to be brought for all the rest of the lords that were present , who were placed in this order : the elector on the kings right hand ; next to whom sat the duke of ormond , the earl of scarborough , monsieur colbar , and monsieur dankelman , the earl of portland sat at the lower end of the table , just opposite to the king ; the duke of norfolk on the kings left hand ; next to whom sat the count of denhoff , and then the general spaen closed that side of the table , next to the earl of portland : the first health was begun by the king , who whisper'd it softly to the elector , and the elector to the rest without naming it ; after that the king began several other healths , which he carried to the elector , and the elector to the rest without naming : the king and the elector were served each of them by a page , all people being put out of the room , with orders given to the guards , to let no body enter . the drums beat and the trumpets sounded when the king and the elector drank ; but not for any of the rest . the 5th of the same month the king dined with the elector of brandenburgh , who went out into the very street to receive him , and carried him into a spacious dining room , where the table was covered with eleven furnitures ; and in a short time after the meat was served up . the king sat in an elbow chair ; on the kings right hand sat the lord chamberlain , and then the earl of portland : on the left hand of the elector sate the duke of ormond , and then the other lords of the court , without any distinction of precedence ; and monsieur colber , performed the office of esq carver , the kings butler was also present to pour out the wine . the king was served by one of his pages , and two of his gentlemen stood behind his chair . when the king returned , the elector accompanied him , to the very boot of his coach. all these divertisements of entertainment , and pleasure , were intermixed with serious conferences , his majesty being unwilling to loose a moment of consultation for the general good of the confederate affairs : but all these conferences are kept so secret , that it is impossible to penetrate the knowledge of them ; nor shall we understand the conclusions but by the effects that will follow . the king has sat in the assembly of the states general , in that of the states of holland , and in the council of state , to all which bodies he expressed himself in most affectionate terms , which makes it appear , that his new dignity has no way lessened the love and affection which he had for those provinces . on the 1st . of march , the duke of zell arrived at the hague ; and the duke of wolfenbuttel , his brother , the tuesday following . the elector of bavaria went the same day to amsterdam . on the 6th , the king set out for loo , the duke of zell going in the coach with him , and the elector of bavaria follow'd the next day ; the day before the elector of brandenburgh and the langrave of hess● went strait home ; and the rest of the princes parted with mutual satisfaction , and my noble lord returning for england , i attended on him . sect. iv. containing particular observations on the manners , nature , and humours , of the dutch boars or pesants ; the nature of their habitations , and way of living . their soil ( where they inhabit ) is all fat , though wanting the colour to shew it so ; for indeed it is the buttock of the world , full of veins and blood , but no bones in 't . 't is a singular place to fat monkeys in . there are spiders almost as big as small shrimps , their gardens being moist , abound with them , and were they but venemous , to gather herbs , were to hazard martyrdom . you may travel among them though you have not a guide : for you cannot baulk your road without the hazard of drowning . there is not there any use of an harbinger . wheresoever men go , the way is made before them , where ( if your fore-man be sober , ) you may ●ravel in safety , otherwise you must have stronger faith than peter had , else you sink immediately . a starting horse endangers you to two deaths at once , breaking of your neck , and drowning . some things the bores do here that seem wonders . 't is ordinary to see them fish for fire in water , which they catch in nets , and transport to land in their boots , where they spraed it more smoothly , than a mercer doth his velvet , when he would hook in an heir upon his coming to age. thus lying in a field , you would think you saw a cantle of green cheese spread over with black butter . their ordinary pack-horses are all of wood , carying their bridles in their tails , and their burdens in their bellies . when they travel they touch no ground , and when they stand still they ride ; and are never in danger but when they drink up too much of their way . the elements are here at variance , the subtile overswaying the grosser . the pire consumes earth , and the air the water . they burn turffs , and drain their grounds with wind-mills , as if the cholick were a remedy for the stone ; and they would prove against philosophy the worlds conflagration to be natural , even shewing thereby that the very elements of earth is combustable . the land that they have , they keep as neatly as a courtier does his beard : they have a method in mowing . 't is so interven'd with water and rivers , that it is impossible to make a common among them . though their country be part of a main land , yet every house almost , that 's inhabited by the boars , stands in an island . and that though the boar dwell in it , looks as smug as a lady that hath newly lockt up her colours , and laid by her irons . a gallant masquing suit sits not more compleat , than a coat of thatch though many years wearing . if it stand dry 't is embraced by vines ; but if you find it lower seated , 't is only a close arbor in a plump of willows and alders , pleasant enough while the dog-days last . the bridge to this is a fir-plank with a box of stones to poiz it withal , which with the least help turns round like the executioner when he whips off a head : that when the master is over , stands drawn , and then he is in his castle : 't is sure his fear that renders him supicious ; that he may therefore certainly see who enters , you shall ever find his window made over his door . when you are entred the house , the first thing you encounter is a looking-glass ; no question but a true embleme of politick hospitality ; for though it reflect your self in your own figure , 't is yet no longer than while you are there before it : when you are gone once , it flatters the next comer , without the least remembrance that you e'er were there . the next are the vessels of the house marshal'd about the room like watch-men ; all as neat as if you were in a citizens wives cabbinet ; for unless it be themselves , they let none of gods creatures lose any thing of their native beauty . the linings of their houses is more rich than the out-side , not in hangings , but pictures , which even the poorest of the boars , are there furnish'd with : not a cobler but has his toys for ornament . were the knacks of all their houses set together , there would not be such another bartholomew fair in europe . their beds are no other than land-cabins , high enough to need a ladder , or stairs : up once , you are walled in with wainscot , and that is good discretion to avoid the trouble of making your will every night ; for once falling out , else would break your neck perfectly . but if you die in it , this comfort you shall leave your friends , that you died in clean linnen . you may sooner convert a jew , than to make an ordinary dutch-man yeild to arguments that cross him . a old bawd is easiler turn'd saint , than a waggoner perswaded not to bait thrice in nine miles . and when he doth , his horses must not stir , but have their manger brought them into the way , where in a top sweat they eat their grass , and drink their water , and presently after hurry away : for they ever drive as if they were all the sons of nimshi , and were furiously either pursuing an enemy , or flying him . they are seldom deceiv'd , for they trust no body ; so by consequence are better to hold a fort , than win it ; yet they can do both . trust them you must if you travel ; for to ask a bill of particulars , is to purr in a wasps nest , you must pay what they ask , as sure as if it were the assessment of a subsidy . complements is an idleness they were never train'd up in , and 't is their happiness , that court vanities have not stole away their minds from business . sailers among them are as common as beggars with us . they can drink , rail , swear , &c. but examining their use , a mess of their knaves are worth a million of outs , for they , in a boisterous rudeness , can work , and live , and toil , whereas ours will rather laize themselves to poverty , and like cabbages left out in winter , rot away in the loathsomeness of a nauseous sloth . most of them are seamen born , and like frogs can live both on land and water . not a country-uriester but can handle an oar , steer a boat , raise a mast , and beat you out in the roughest straits you come in . the ship she avouches much better for sleep than a bed . in their families they all are equals , and you have no way to know the master and mistress but by taking them in bed together . it may be those are they ; otherwise malky can prate as much , laugh as loud , be as bold , and sit as well as her mistress . their women would have good faces if they did not marr them with making . their ear-wyers have so nipt in their cheeks , that you would think some fairy , to do them a mischief , had pincht them behind with tongs . these they dress , as if they would shew you all their wit lay behind , and they needs would cover it . and thus ordered , they have much more for head than face . they love the english gentry well ; and when soldiers come over to be billeted among them , they are emulous in chusing of their guest ; who fares much the better for being liked by his hostess . the habit of the men is much after the tarpaullian fashion ; their breeches yawning at the knees , as if they were about to swallow his legs unmercifully . the women are far from going naked , for of a whole woman you can see but half a face : as for her hand , that shews her a sore labourer ; which you shall ever find ( as it were in recompence ) loaden with rings to the cracking of her fingers . where the woman lies in , the ringle of the door does pennance , and is lapped about with linnen , either to shew you that loud knocking may wake the child , or else that for a month the ring is not to be run at . but if the child be dead , there is thrust out a nosegay tied to a sticks end ; perhaps for an emblem of the life of man , which may wither as soon as born ; or else to let you know , that though these fade upon their gathering , yet from the same stock the next year a new shoot may spring . in short , they are a race of people diligent rather than laborious ; dull and slow of understanding , and so not dealt with by hasty words , but managed easily by soft and fair ; and yielding to plain reason , if you give them time to understand it . they know no other good , but the supply of what nature requires , and the common increase of wealth . they feed most upon herbs , roots , and milks ; and by that means , i suppose , neither their strength , nor vigor , seems answerable to the size , bulk , of their bodies . sect. v. of the nature of the country in general , its scituation , &c. four of these provinces . viz. that of holland , zealand , friezeland , and gromingven , are seated upon the sea , and make the strength and greatness of this state : the other three , with the conquered towns in brabant , flanders , and cleve , make only the out-works or frontires , serving chiefly for safety and defence of these . the soil of the whole province of holland is generally flat , like the sea in a calm , and looks as if , after a long contention , between land and water , which it should belong to : it had at length been divided between them : for to consider the great rivers , and the strange number of canals that are found in this province , and do not only lead to every great town , but almost to every village ; and the infinity of sails that are seen every where coursing up and down upon them ; one would imagine the water to have shared with the land ; and the people that live in boats , to hold some proportion with those that live in houses . and this is one great advantage towards trade , which is natural to the scituation , and not to be attained in any country , where there is not the same level and softness of soil , which makes the cutting of canals so easie work , as to be attempted almost by every private man ; and one horse shall draw in a boat , more than fifty can do by cart , whereas carriage make a great part of the price in all heavy commodities : and by this easie way of travelling , an industrious man loses no time from his business , for he writes , or eats , or sleeps , while he goes ; whereas the time of labouring or industrious men , is the greatest native commodity of any country . there is , besides , one very great lake of fresh-water still remaining in this province , by the name of harlem maer , which might as they say , be easily drained ; but the city of leyden having no other way of refreshing their town , or renewing the water of their canals , but from this maer , will never consent to it . another advantage of their scituation of trade , is made by those two great rivers of the rhyne , and mase , reaching up , and navigable , so mighty a length , into so rich and populus countries of the higher and lower germany ; which as it brings down all the commodities from those parts to the magazines in holland , that vent them by their shipping into all parts of the world , where the market calls for them ; so , with something more labour and time , it returns all the merchandise of other parts , into those countries , that are seated upon these streams , the flatness of their land exposes it to the danger of the sea , and forces them to infinite charge , in the continual fences and repairs of their banks to oppose it ; which employ yearly more men , than all the corn of the province of holland could maintain . they have found the common sea-weed to be the best material for these digues , which fastens with a thin mixture of earth , yields a little to the force of the sea , and returns when the waves give back . the extream moisture of the air , i take to be the occasion of the great neatness in their towns ; for without the help of those customs , their country would not be habitable by such crowds of people , but the air would corrupt upon every hot season , and expose the inhabitants to general and infectious diseases , which they hardly escape three summers together , especially about leyden , where the waters are not so easily renewed ; and for this reason , i suppose , it is , that leyden is found to be the neatest and cleanest kept of all their towns. the same moisture of air makes all mettals apt to rust , and wood to mould ; which forces them , by continual pains of rubbing and scouring , to seek a prevention or cure : this makes the brightness and cleaness that seems affected in their houses , and is call'd natural to them , by people who think no further . so the deepness of their soil , and wetness of seasons , which would render it unpassible , forces them not only to exactness of paving in their streets , but to the expence of so long cawsies between many of their towns , and in their high-ways ; as indeed , most national customs are the effects of some unseen , or un-observed , natural causes or necessities . the lowness and flatness of their lands , make it in a great measure the richness of their soil , that is easily over-flowed every winter , so as the whole country , at that season , seems to lye under water , which in spring , is driven out again by mills . sect. vi. of the people of holland , their manners , humours and dispositions , &c. the people of holland may be divided into these several classes : the pesants or boars , who cultivate the land. the marriners or schippers , who supply their ships . the merchants , or traders , who fill their towns. the renteeners , or men that live in all their chief cities upon the rents , or interests of estates formerly acquired in their families : and the gentlemen , and officers of their armies . the first we have already treated off in a sect by themselves , in regard of the giving a more particular character of their manners and humours . the second , the marriners , are a plain people , but of a very rough hew ; whether from the element they live in , or from their food , which is generally fish and corn , and heartier than that of the boars : they are surly , and ill-manner'd , which is mistaken for pride ; but , i believe , is learnt , as all manners are , by the conversation we use . now theirs lying only among one another , or with winds and waves , which are not mov'd nor wrought upon by any language , or observance ; or to be dealt with , but by pains and by patience ; these are all the qualities , their marriners have learnt ; their language is little more , than what is of necessary use to their business ; their valour is of a size extraordinary even beyond comparison , except with that of the english tarpaulin . the merchants and trades-men , both the greater and mechanick , living in towns that are of great resort , both by strangers and passengers of their own , are more mercurial , ( vvit being sharpned by commerce and conversation of cities , though they are not very inventive , which is the gift of warmer heads ; yet are they great in imitation , and so far , many times , as goes beyond the originals : of mighty industry , and constant application to the ends they propose and pursue . they make use of their skill , and their vvit , to take advantage of other mens ignorance and folly , they deal with : are great exacters , where the law is in their own hands . in other points where they deal with men that understand like themselves , and are under the reach of justice and laws , they are the plainest and best dealers in the world ; which seems not to grow so much from a principle of conscience , or morality , as from a custom or habit introduced by the necessity of trade among them , which depends as much upon common honesty , as war does upon discipline ; and without which , all would break ; merchants would turn pedlars , and soldiers thieves . those families which live upon their patrimonial estates in all the great cities , are a people differently bred and manner'd from the traders , though like them in the modesty of garb and habit , and the parsimony of living . their youth are generally bred up at schools , and at the universities of leyden , or utretcht , in the common studies of humane learning , but chiefly of the civil law , which is that of their country . where these families are rich , their youths , after a course of their studies at home , travel for some years , as the sons of our gentry use to do ; but their journeys are chiefly into england and france , not much into italy , seldomer into spain , nor often into the more northern-countries , unless in company or train of their publick ministers . the chief end of their breeding , is , to make them fit for the service of their country in the magistracy of their towns , their provinces and their state. and of these kind of men are the civil officers of this government generally composed , being descended of families , who have many times been constantly in the magistracy of their native towns for many years , and some for several ages , and not men of mean or mechanick trades , as it is commonly receiv'd among foreigners , and makes the subject of commical jests upon their government . this does not exclude many merchants or traders ingross from being seen in the offices of their cities , and sometimes deputed to their estates ; nor several of their states from turning their stocks in the management of some very beneficial trade by servants , and houses maintained to that purpose . the next rank among them , is that of their gentlemen or nobles , who , in this province of holland are very few , most of the families having been extinguished in the long wars with spain . but those that remain , are in a manner all imploy'd in the military or civil charges of the province or state. these are , in their customs and manners , much different from the rest of the people ; and having been bred much abroad , rather effect the garb of of their neighbour courts , than the popular air of their own country . they strive to imitate the french in their meen , their cloaths , their way of talk , of eating , of gallantry , or debauchery . they are otherwise an honest , well-natur'd , friendly , and gentlemanly sort of men , and acquit themselves generally with honour and merit , where their country employs them . the officers of their armies live after the custom , and fashions of the gentlemen . these are some customs , or dispositions , that seem to run generally through all degrees of men among them ; as great frugality , and order , in their expences . their common riches lye in every mans spending less than he has coming in , be that what it will : nor does it enter into mens heads among them , that the common part or course of expence should equal the revenue ; and when this happens , they think at least they have lived that year to no purpose ; and the train of it discredits a man among them , as much as any vicious or prodigal extravagance does in other countries . this enables every man to bear their extreme taxes , and makes them less sensible than they would be in other places , especially in england : for he that lives upon two parts in five of what he has coming in ; if he pays two more to the state , he does but part with what he should have laid up , and had no present use for ; whereas , he that spends yearly what he receives , if he pays but the fiftieth part to the publick , it goes from him like that which was necessary to buy bread or clothes for himself or his family . this makes the beauty and strength of their towns , the commodiousness of travelling in their country by their canals , bridges , and cawseys ; the pleasantness of their walks , and their grafts in and near all their cities ; and in short , the beauty , convenience , and sometimes magnificence of their publick works , to which every man pays as willingly , and takes as much pleasure , and vanity in them , as those of other countries do in the same circumstances , among the possessions of their families or private inheritance . to conclude this section : holland is a country , where the earth is better than the air , and profit more in request than honour ; where there is more sense than wit ; more good nature than good humour ; and more wealth than pleasure ; where a man would chuse rather to travel , than to live ; shall find more things to observe than desire ; and more persons to esteem than to love . but the same qualities and dispositions do not value a private man and a state , nor make a conversation agreeable , and a government great : nor is it unlikely , that some very great king might make but a very ordinary private-gentleman , and some very extraordinary gentlemen , might be capable of making but a very mean prince . sect. vii . of their religion , the number of sects among the people , particularly in amsterdam . the great care of this state has ever been to favour no particular or curious inquisition into the faith or religious principles of any peaceable man , who came to live under the protection of their laws , and to suffer no violence or oppression upon any mans conscience , whose opinions broke not out into expressions or actions of ill consequence to the state. a free form of government , either making way for more freedom in religion ; or else , having contended so far themselves for liberty in this point , they thought it the more unreasonable for them to oppress others . the roman catholick religion was alone excepted from the common protection of their laws , making men ( as the law-makers believed ) worse subjects than the rest , by the acknowledgement of a forreign , and superiour jurisdiction : yet such has been the care of this state , to give all men ease in this point , who ask no more than to serve god , and save their own souls , in their own way and forms ; that what was not provided for by the constitutions of their government , was so , in a very great degree , by the connivance of their officers , who , upon certain constant payments from every family , suffer the exercise of the roman catholick religion in their several jurisdictions , as free and easy , tho' not so cheap , and so avowed , as the rest . this , i suppose , has been the reason , that tho' those of this profession are very numerous in the country , among the peasants , and considerable in the cities ; and not admitted to any publick charges ; yet they seem to be a sound piece of the state , and fast joynted in with the rest ; and have neither given any disturbance to the government nor exprest any inclinations to a change , or to any foreign power . of all other religions , every man enjoys the free exercise in his own chamber , or his own house , unquestioned , and unspyed : and if the followers of any sect grow so numerous in any place , that they affect a publick congregation , and are content to purchase a place of assembly , to bear the charge of a pastor , or teacher , and to pay for this liberty to the publick ; they go and propose their desire to the magistrate of the place where they reside , who inform themselves of their opinions , and manners of worship ; and if they find nothing in either , destructive to civil society , or prejudicial to the constitutions of their state , and content themselves with the price that is offer'd for the purchase of this liberty , they easily allow it ; but with the condition , that one or more commissioners shall be appointed , who shall have free admission at all their meetings , shall be both the observers and witnesses of all that is acted or preached among them , and whose testimony shall be received concerning any thing that passes there , to the prejudice of the state ; in which case , the laws and executions are as severe as against any civil crimes . thus the jews have their allowed synagogues in amsterdam , and rotterdam ; and in the first , i think all sects , that are known among christians , have there publick meeting-places : and some , whose names are almost worn out in other parts , as the brownists , familists , and others . the arminians , though they make a great name among them , by being rather the distinction of a party in the state , than a sect in the church ; yet are , in comparison of others , but few in number , tho' considerable by the persons , who are of the better quality , the more learned and intelligent men ; and many of them in the government . the anabaptists are just the contrary , very numerous , but in the lower ranks of people , mechanicks and seamen , and abound chiefly in north holland . the calvinists make the body of the people , and are possessed of all the publick churches in the dominions of the state , as well as of the only ministers or pastors , who are maintained by the publick . it 's hardly to be imagined , how all the violence and sharpness , which accompanies the differences of religion in other countries , seems to be appeased or softned here , by the general freedom which all men enjoy , either by allowance or connivance . i believe the force of commerce , alliances , and acquaintance , spreading so far as they do in small circuits ( such as the province of holland ) may contribute much to make conversation , and all the offices of common life , so easy , among so different opinions , of which so many several persons are often in every man's eye ; and no man checks or takes offence at faces , or customs , or ceremonies , he sees every day , as at those he hears of in places far distant , and perhaps by partial relations , and comes to see late in his life , and after he has long been possessed by passion or prejudice against them . however it is , religion may possibly do more good in other places , but it does less hurt here ; and wherever the invisible effects of it are the greatest and most advantageous , i am sure , the visible are so in this country , by the continual and undisturbed civil peace of their government , for so long a course of years ; and by so mighty an encrease of their people , wherein will appear to consist chiefly the vast growth of their trade and riches , and consequently the strength and greatness of their state. sect. viii . of their way of trade , and manner of increase in wealth . 't is evident to those , who have read the most , and travel'd farthest , that no country can be found either in this present age , or upon record of any story , where so vast a trade has been managed , as in the narrow compass of the four maritine provinces of this common-wealth : nay it is generally esteem'd , that they have more shipping belongs to them , than there does to the far greater part of europe besides . yet they have no native commodities towards the building , or rigging of the smallest vessel ; their flax , hemp , pitch , wood , and iron , coming all from a broad , as wooll does for cloathing their men , and corn for feeding them . nor do i know any thing properly of their own growth , that is considerable , either for their own necessary use , or for traffick with their neighbours , besides butter , cheese , and earthen wares . for havens , they have not any good upon their whole coast : the best are helversluys , which has no trade at all ; and flushingue , which has little , in comparison of other towns in holland : but amsterdam that triumphs in the spoils of lisbon and antwerp , ( which before engrost the greatest trade of europe and the indias ) seems to be the most incommodious haven they have , being seated upon so shallow waters , that ordinary ships cannot come up to it without the advantage of tides ; nor great ones without unlading . the entrance of the tessel , and passages over the zudder-sea , is more dangerous , than a voyage from thence to spain , lying all in blind and narrow channels ; so that it easily appears , that 't is not an haven that draws trade , but trade that fills an haven , and brings it in vogue . nor has holland grown rich by any native commodities , but by force of industry ; by improvement and manufacture of all foreign growths ; by being the general magazine of europe , and furnishing all parts with whatever the market wants or invites ; and by their seamen , being , as they have properly been called , the common garriers of the world. it appears to every mans eye who hath travel'd holland , and observ'd the number and vicinity of their great and populus towns and villages , with the prodigious improvement of almost every spot of ground in the country , and the great multitudes constantly employ'd in their shipping abroad , and their boats at home , that no other known country in the world , of the same extent , hold any proportion with this in the numbers of people ; and if that be the great foundation of trade , the best account that can be given of theirs , will be , by considering the causes and accidents , that have served to force and invite so vast a confluence of people into their country ; the civil wars , calamities , persecutions , oppressions or discontents , that have been so fatal to most of their neighbours for some time before , as well as since their state began . sect. ix . of their millitary forces by sea and land , with their state revenues . the force of these provinces is to be measured , not by the number or dispositions of their subjects , but by the strength of their shipping , and standing troops , which they constantly maintain , even in time of peace ; and by the numbers of both , which they have been able to draw into the field , and to sea for support of a vvar : by their constant revenue to maintain the first ; and by the temporary charge , they have been able to furnish for supply of the other . the ordinary revenue of this state , consists , either in what is levied in the conquered towns , and country of brabant , flanders , or the rhine ; which is wholly administred by the council of state : or else the ordinary funds , which the seven provinces provide every year , according to their several proportions , upon the petition of the council of state , and the computation of the charge of the ensuing year , given in by them to the states general . and this revenue , in times of peace , commonly amounts to about one and twenty millions of gilders a year . their standing land forces in time of peace , consist of thirty thousand horse and foot. their admiralities , in time of peace , maintain between thirty and forty men of vvar , employ'd in the several convoys of their merchants fleets , in a squadron of eight or ten ships , to attend the algerines , and other corsaires in the mediterranean ; and some always lying ready in their havens for any sudden accidents or occasions of the state. finis . licensed march 28th . 1691. proclamation, discharging persons to be brought from the netherlands without passes. scotland. privy council. 1694 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05570 wing s1753 estc r219059 52528950 ocm 52528950 179021 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05570) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179021) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:10) proclamation, discharging persons to be brought from the netherlands without passes. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1689-1694 : william and mary) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to their most excellent majesties, edinburgh : 1694. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the sixth day of september. and of our reign the sixth year, 1694. signed: gilb. eliot, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng international travel regulations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-09 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion proclamation , discharging persons to be brought from the netherlands without passes . william and mary by the grace of god , king and queen of great-britain , france and ireland , defenders of the faith ; to _____ macers of our privy council , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch as , the merchants and skippers , and others trafficking and passing betwixt this our antient kingdom , and the provinces of the netherlands do presume , to bring into this kingdom , persons obnoxius to our laws , and notourly disaffected to our government : as also , deserters from our forces in the said parts , for remeed whereof , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , have thought fit , hereby strictly to prohibite and discharge all merchants , masters , skippers , or mates and mariners , and passengers , in any ships ; barks , or vessels ; to bring home into this kingdom , or any of the poris , or coasts thereof , any person or persons from the said netherlands , unless they have passes in manner following , viz. every one of the saids persons not being a souldier , a pass from the secretaries of this kingdom , or their deput attending our person in the said netherlands for the time ; and every souldier or other person who have served in our armies , a pass from the colonel of the regiment wherein they served , or a superiour officer ; which passes are to be presented to the conservator of the priviledges of this our kingdom , residing in the said provinces , or his deput in his absence , who is to make a list of the saids persons , having and producing their passes , as said is , and to deliver the same subscribed with his hand , to the master or skipper of the ship , for his warrand , to bring home the persons named therein : as also , the said master or skipper at his arrival within the river of forth , or any port or creik thereof , shall , before he suffer any of the persons contained in the said list , to go a-shore out of his vessel , present the foresaid list to our advocat or sollicitor , at edinburgh for the time , or in their absence , to one or other of the lords of our privy council , and receive his order , for setting of the said persons a-shore ; and if the vessel shall arrive at any other port , or coast within the kingdom , then the skipper shall present his said l●st , to a magistrat of the next burgh-royal , who shall be obliged either to take caution of the persons contained therein , that they shall present themselves , when called , by the lords of our privy council : or at least , if they cannot find caution , they shall enact themselves , both , under a reasonable penalty , to present themselves , as said is : which bonds and acts , the said magistrat , is to transmit with all diligence , to the clerks of our privy council , within a fourthnight at farthest , after receiving of the same : and the saids magistrats having taken the saids bonds or subscriptions , are then to give order for the persons coming a-shore ; certifying the said merchants , masters , skippers , mates , mariners , and passengers , and magistrats above-mentioned , that if any of them fail in the premisses , they shall be lyable in the penalty of five hundreth merks scots , each of them , toties , quoties , to be payed to our receiver-general , for our use : and farther , requiring our solicitor , to use exact diligence , to see thir presents execute , and the foresaid penalties , when incurred payed . our will is herefore , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and to the mercat-crosses of the remanent head-burghs of the several shires within this kingdom ; and also to the several sea-ports towns within the same , ( and appoints the sheriffs of the several shires , to see thir presents published at the several sea-towns within their respective jurisdictions ) and there , by open proclamation , make publication of the premisses , that none pretend ignorance . and ordains thir presents to be printed . given under our signet at edinburgh , the sixth day of september . and of our reign the sixth year , 1694. per actum deminorum secreti concilii . gilb : eliot , cls. sti. concilii . god save king vvilliam and queen mary . edinburgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew and●●●●● , printer to their most excellent majesties . 1694. hollands ingratitude, or, a serious expostulation with the dutch shewing their ingratitude to this nation, and their inevitable ruine, without a speedy compliance and submission to his sacred majesty of britain / by charles molloy of lincolns-inn, gent. molloy, charles, 1646-1690. 1666 approx. 56 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51130 wing m2400 estc r7206 13228463 ocm 13228463 98592 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51130) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98592) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 429:3) hollands ingratitude, or, a serious expostulation with the dutch shewing their ingratitude to this nation, and their inevitable ruine, without a speedy compliance and submission to his sacred majesty of britain / by charles molloy of lincolns-inn, gent. molloy, charles, 1646-1690. [7], 16, 33-48 p. : ill. printed by t.j. for fr. k. ..., london : 1666. printed by thomas johnson for francis kirkman. double frontispiece engraved by r. gaywood. includes also a panegyric in verse on general monck, a welcome in verse to prince rupert, and prose characters of a dutchman and a frenchman. reproduction of original in british library. imperfect: film lacks engraved frontispiece by r. gaywood. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng albemarle, george monck, -duke of, 1608-1670 -poetry. rupert, -prince, count palatine, 1619-1682 -poetry. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion hollands ingratitude : or , a serious expostulation with the dutch . shewing their ingratitude to this nation , and their inevitable ruine , without a speedy compliance and submission to his sacred majesty of britain . by charles molloy of lincolns-inn , gent. london : printed by ● . i. for fr. k. at the princes arms in chancery lane. 1666. the explanation of the frontis-piece . what may this emblem mean ? a cow with kings ? a miter'd prince ? these are mysterious things ! fed by a king too , o , i have it now : holland is represented by the cow. englands great monarch gives this beast its food , which is the issue of a vip'rous brood . intuitively view this belly'd creature , and you shall finde it both in form and feature the dutch resemblance , and to come more near , a flemish vroe and cow both calves do bear . see how her neck she doth extend to feed , yet ( damn'd ingrate ) would make her feeder bleed . her essence she receiv'd from england , yet ingrateful she doth now disown that debt . grateful acknowledgement this beast now scorns , but strives to goar her maker with her horns . now since 't is so ( great king ) commission give , how long this base unthankful beast shall live . her sides with fat ambitiously do swell ; 't is onely seeming fat , she is not well ; she 's out of tune , her looks declare her sick of tumult , and disorder , lunatick . she must have doctors , and she must endure phlebotomizing , to enjoy a cure. our king 's the balsom , and the hellebore , that must preserve our int'rest , and restore hollands dead stupor , to a just quick sence both of ingratitude and recompence . hee 'l teach her both at once to feel , and know , these two deep points ; what she doth want and owe. he that enjoys the danish regal seat , holds by the horns , who in a bergen heat pretends much friendship , and with pitch and tar , and her own moneys , carries on the war. denmark beware , lest we hereafter scoff ; her turn being serv'd , she then will turn you off . rather , since shee 'l not bear her soveraigns yoak , hold her head fair for englands fatal stroak . when by that blow she falls , we must conclude the iudgement just against ingratitude . sit fast brave don , since mounted , let her know who was her master once , who must be now . spur to the quick this slow-pac'd animal ; though she may wince or kick , thou canst not fall . be bold , she is thy own , spare not her side , hold fast the horns , thou maist command her hide . make her to bellow , if she will not own her just allegiance to the spanish crown . make known , the world 's not come to that strange pass , that the right owner dares not ride his ass. munster stick close , forth own and charles his sake , and leave her not , till that her heart doth ake . thou hitherto most glorious things hast done ; go on , and perfect what thou hast begun vvhat do my eyes behold upon the ground ? the cow's close stool-pan is the gallick crown . that prince that sides with a rebellious s●em , is sure t' have dirt thrown on his diadem . by that he makes home-spun rebellion swell , and so doth teach his subjects to rebel . lastly , you see a prince that strongly ●uggs , and boldly sucks this sullon beast's rich duggs . many attend her , and i hope concur ( ●n distinct interests ) to ruine her . great charles and munster will conjoyn in one , to share her flesh , let lewis pick the bone. to the vvorlds vvonder , their enemies terror , and noble defenders of their king , and countreys honor , the british nation . dear countrey-men , it may be in this conjuncture of affairs , you may think i have said too little , as things now stand between his majesty of britain , and the flemings , truely i could say more , it being my duty to vindicate my countreys honor and interest , as far as such high provocations , multiplied by the weight of so many obligations , may justly bear ; yet have i been so far from setting wounds bleeding afresh , ( since i hope there is an an●idote making ready in holland ) that i have labored ( perhaps without thanks ) to salve with as much gentleness as modesty could give me leave , the sad and fatal breaches ; however , i shall be more ready to ask pardon , than offend by being too censorious , or violent against an enemy ; for , give me leave to tell you , i think we live in an age that cannot well be flattered by fine words , truth and the matter is that they expect , i hope i have laid it down , and that without gilded sentences . accept them , and weigh them justly for on my word they come from a faithful and loyal subject to his majesty , though never in his pay . charles molloy . hollands ingratitude to england . caesar endured without exclamation the senators poniards , as whetted by interest or revenge ; but when that of his own imp brutus was presented against him , he covered his face , leaving the world with no less shame then indignation against so much unnaturall ingratitude . the like might we do in relation to the dutch. as to impute the fomenting of a war now against our royal soveraign : their base and barbarous dealings with us at both the indyes against our factories and trade ; and their many and horrible outrages committed , as well on the seas and other ports in the world ; as also at amboyna , as at guyny , to be onely the same hand that assisted the enemy towards the loss of rochel , in one word only to the sordidness of their east and west-indy companies , and other merchants ; who have not onely been known to sell ammunition to the turks and other mahometans , the very blasphemers of their religion , ( — if they own any by retail ) but even to his catholick majesty , when he was bound in honour no lesse then interest , to be their enemy , in gross . neither had i ever wished the charming those frogs , but that i see them so ready to become an egyptian plague , by croaking against us in our own waters ; yet though most of their gentry were buried in the cruelty of such as formerly govern'd them , and all marks of honour almost blended amongst them , in those of profit ; they shall find so much civility in me , as to endeavour rather to bind up then inlarge the rupture their indiscretion hath made with his sacred majesty ; to whom i shall in modesty shew how far they stand obliged , and offer reasons to disswade them from those wilde courses , by which they do no less tickle the hearts of their enemies with delight , then wound those with shame and fear who do affect them . here then let me crave leave to address my speech to this ungrateful neighbour , and thus expostulate with him . after that france , tired with labour , the striving of her own children had caused in the bowels of her state , and child by the cold distrust conceived of your success , had deserted you in despair , 1. you may remember how england opened her tender arms to receive your fugitives , and her purse to pay your souldiers . so that a foot of ground cannot be called yours , that owes not a third part to the expence , valour , or counsel of the english ; of whom such glorious spirits have expired in your defence , as have been thought at too too mean a rate to double the value of what they fought for . brave sidney falling upon such ground as his glorious mistress thought too base and ignoble to bury him in ; though you offered to purchase that honour , at the price of the richest monument you were then able to erect . 2. did not the english dispute your title at ostend , till they had no earth to plead on , the very ground failing them , before their valours ? yet whilst fighting there , not onely against the flower of the spanish army , but the plague , hunger , and cold dispaire ; their fellowes put you in possession of sluce beyond your hopes . so as it may be said without hyperbole ; the nobility and gentry queen elizabeth lost , doubled the number , the cruelty of spaines great philip had left you ? 3. do not the maritim townes of kent , essex , suffolk and norfolk , &c. abound with the issue of those swarms , the very sound of their fellowes calamities , and miseries had driven out of their hives ? 4. have you not had liberty to trade , and to become free denizons , nay so graciously have you been used by his sacred majesty , and his royal father , and by his now generous parliament to admiration , witnessing but the acts of natuarallizing so many of your spawne in 12o. 13o. and 14o. of his now majesties reign with power to buy and purchase land in fee simple , tale or otherwise in any of his cities , or countryes , no mark of distinction being imposed in relation either to honour , profit , or justice ? 5. has not his sacred majesty been alwayes so tender of his royal word that he made with you before he left the hague , and the preservation , whilst you needed it , and friendship , since god hath inabled you to subsist , as he scarce had set foot on his royal throne here , before the sence of your safety no lesse then his own nature and religion , inspired him with an earnestness to renew or strengthen his royal alliance with you , not so observable in respect of any neighbour beside , doubling i am sure , no lesse in their retaliation , then acceptance , the poor and few marks of gratitude , have dropt from you ; rather expunging them , with your more frequent injuries , as being more willing to impute your failings to the lesse courtly nature of the soyle and people , then the want of gratitude and civility in so prudent a state to such a potent neighbour as britain , who next to god may justly be stiled her maker , in dispensing with so many dangers and inconveniencies for your sake ? 6. can you think so wise a counsel as this nation was steered by , did not apprehend ; that though the making you free might fortifie the queens out works ; yet it could not but as much dismantle the royal fort of monarchy , by teaching subjects the way to depose their princes , and be no loosers by the bargain , which ( by the way ) would have rendred you unacceptable to all neighbour monarchs , for thereby you 'd furnish their subjects with a pretence upon all occasions of advantage to do the like ? was not the assisting you , an occasion of our invasion in eightly eight , by a navy held invincible in the creed of rome , till the more glorious valours of the english , ( assisted by the lord of hosts ) had clearly confuted the popes title , even to the amazement of the clif●s , and wonder of the world. the onely reason then that kept king philip from heading a royal army in his own person , was fear he did apprehend of being cast in his passage out of spain ( as his father charles the fifth was ) upon the british shore , knowing the english more cordial in your preservation , then ever to suffer him to come and go in peace , when he came on so bloody an errand ? 7. and though he as a magnanimous prince , and so great a monarch as he was , yet he did often desire his sister of england to hear his just defence for his so rigorous proceedings ; she refusing to dispute the truth of your complaints , presuming it more probable for a stranger to be a tyrant , then that the natural inhabitants should upon a slighter cause , cast themselves into the no lesse bloody , then scorching flames of a civil and uncertain war : she seeming rather to forget the obligations she owed him , either as a private person or brother , when he was king of england , then her neighbours oppressions . i shall not here need draw blood in your faces by application , your own conscience does it . 8. were not your messengers received into england in the quality of embassadors , they being then too modest to own higher ti●les then of poor petitioners , casting themselves prostrate at the feet of no less potent tribunal , then what you were admitted to in the quality of embassadors but the other day , and the which you now fight against ? ha! tell me , was it not such an honour you could never have attained to , but through the clemency of a gracious prince ? your own messengers at the very time , in the same quality , but narrowly escaped the gallows , when they went with their own petition to his catholick majesty . and did not his late sacred majesty , out of his princely goodness , imbroider your messengers with titles unworthy such ingratitude , as you afterward shewed him and his against your alliance then made and professed ? 9. have not you opened your arms to receive those into your counsels and pay , that even the whole world does blush at the reflection of so horrid an act ; such is it , that at its relation tears fall on my pen , as if it should say , thou art not able to express its blackness . wherein holland canst thou glory ? not with colouring it with a charritable protection ? o! no , for sure i am that will vaile it self at the relation of so horrid a villany ; then what satisfaction can you give the world , or fancy to your selves , when you show a president how to protect the horridst regicide that ever drew breath , such as are culpable of no less crime then the blood of kings , christian kings ; nay such a one as the world when living never could ( nor though dead ) be able to match ; it was that glorious prince , when living , that espoused you , as it were , into his royal family ; it was he when your embassadors were jeered , that out of the great mass of holland , could not afford them selves cuffs , could answer , it was never good world when states men took notice of such trifles . it was he that could part with his royalty and prerogative , and give you the honour and profit then to fish in his seas , when otherwise you might have starved for fish ; it was he that gave you those many priviledges that your own cronologers have ingraved to posterity , yet have you been so far from managing this partiality or charity , within the ordinary careere of prudent princes ( who upon a less desertion of fortune then was observed , withdraw their assistance from all parties , looked upon with an unbiassed aspect ) especially such who are not only traytors to us , but also in state policy to all princes and states whatsoever . 10. nay see further your ingratitude , that no sooner providence had measured out the kingdom into peace , by restoring of us our dread sovereign unto his undoubted right , and the ▪ very words of a firm alliance and amity ( concluded betwixt you and him ) scarce cold in his mouth ; but what wonderful outrages you committed in our ships and merchants in almost all places and ports where you could either find or meet them , but especially there , where you found your selves able to treble the english power and strength , who if equally but man'd or ship't , would have reduced your brandy courages into that combustion , which they say that wine bears , and that onely by its flames to behold your own ruines . nay such was your ingratitude , as if nothing were more indifferent to you , then who were happy , so england were miserable . nay after our good god had given their royal highnesses that triumphant conquest over you , and dispersed that invincible fleet ( as you thought ) of yours ; and contrary to all expectation , broke your swords , and knapt your spears in sunder , yet you then let your ribald pen vomit out floods of reproaches , in hope to involve us in a civil war again , who was then in a strong labour with a peace to an angry and justly displeased god ; yet blessed be his name , it was such a punishment as the man after his own heart chose . nor did you in all your horrid libels , pamphlets and pictures forget any one thing that could be said to his sacred majesties court , parliament and kingdome disparagement , the which with an impartial eye , would onely delineate your own . no indecency i am sure in any of them observable during their proceedings , that is not easily to be matc'd with an enormity of yours . so as the phanaticks ring-leaders , or your pilates in our vessel by accident then , proved more his majesties friends and made better use of reason of sta●e . for finding their faction here was able to return them no more then a bare compliance of mock-god-prayers , and also finding that prince of wonder the duke of albemarle was ready to give them the reward of traytors and rebels they did ( as i hope you will ) dissolve , and it may be returned to their first principal , the devil : yet such was your ingratitude , that there was nothing wanting towards the fomenting and stirring up the same . now i have in part drawn , to the knowledge of all , your ingratitudes , yet not one hundred part of what they are , and for their hainousness deserve onely a pen of steel , to record them in the wrinkled brow of time , there to remain to posterity . give me leave to expostulate with you , for i in conscience , and as an english man , cannot but pay that duty which i in honour owe to this famous nation , but ask who made you so far our surveyors , as to limit out the extent of their conveniencies , that are found to have laid out themselves to purchase yours ? was ever so high an intrusion offered , as for a neighto prescribe how another should be regulated in matter of trade , and what bottoms are fittest to be imployed ? would you not scorn the like usurpation , though made by your — france , or new sworn ally denmark , who for so many years hath ground your faces with a tole , never yet imposed upon you by our kings in our seas ? for the proof of whose propriety , i leave you to learned selden , in his mare clavsvm , and another excellent piece entituled dominivm maris , &c. translated out of italian by a person of honour . and if you were not unwilling for those many years to come stealing , and bribing the usurpers so long , for your fishing , why should you be so touchy now , with such as inquire whether it was worth your cost ? and though i was pleased to hear so rich a town as amsterdam could be founded on herring-bones , the lord of hosts is my faithfull witness how afflicted i should be to see it hazard the reducing into its first principle by a war with england . and thus much i understand of your trade , that the late usurpers did not onely give you the fish but baits to catch them , loaden by boats full out of the thames , which they would never have done , had they been as full of circumspection as that creature is reported to be of eyes . now this considered pray why may not his majesty assume to himself the rights of disposure , and regulating that which undoubtedly is his own , and why may not he take that undoubted style of lord of the british ocean ? as well as you at guiney , and the indies , that strive with your maker who shall be most high and mighty . there are three things principally insisted upon , by which the vnited provinces pretend to have fixed an obligation upon england and expunged their former score , which nevertheless upon an impartiall debate will rather prove wholly chargeable upon their own account then ours ; so far are they from having given a full satisfaction for all the love , cost , and bloud , expended by us in their preservation . 1. the first is the assistance lent us in eighty eight which was no more then the profest antagonists to the quiet of italy , did freely contribute against the common enemy in the battle of lepanto , who did there oppose the grand signior in relation to their respective safeties . besides it was a true received maxime in the wise counsell of spain and holds so still ; that he that desires to subdue the vnited provinces , must first conquer england , or draw her from their succour ; and finding the latter impossible , they fell upon the the other as more feazible . 2. the second is your entertainment given to those paterns of wonder in suffering , the distressed king and queen of bohemia , which according to the rest of your pretended curtesies unto england , you have strained far higher then the string is able to bear in its natural extent , therefore i shall take leave to tune it right in the ears of all impartiall judgements , and after setting open the cabinet give men free leave to value the jewell , which in truth amounts to no more then giving house room to a vertuous prince undone by your councell and the rest of the union 3. for the third is your entertainment likewise which you gave his sacred majesty in his exile and those of his loyal nobility & followers , that run the same hazard with their dear master in his afflictions , during the usurpers , the which truly was no more but house room . it is true , you did it , but wherein could you be endangered by it , for by that act you had only showed some part of your acknowledgements to the living branches , nay the very images and children of those famous men that had formerly expired in your preservation , but also purchased that , from the princes in the world , which you could never have done otherwise , an eternal love ; such , that had not almighty god made his sacred majesty a second cause in the same , your own interests could never have purchased the like ; in one word , his majesty , his counsel , and those of his royal trayn , were the best arrow in the belgick lyons paw . i need not give the reasons for what i say , i say i need not , for i am sure that there is scarce a man amongst you all but were the better by it , and you know it too too well ever to demand the same , therefore i shall wave all that touches that matter . as for the business of amboyna cast into the ballance , whose very name , whilst son and moon shall keep their course , or an english spirit breath , can never be forgot or ( i fear ) forgiven ; yet heaven knows my soul , i shall be so far from opening the horrour of its act to the world , that i will close it with these few lines , the which i wish you may truly follow . so priam griev'd , when he too late did find , the grecian horse with armed men was lind : so brave agamemnon look't with sad eyes , when he beheld his daughters sacrifize . so sight achilles , when in sorrow sent his loved brices to alcides tent : or , as that brave thebeam wife that mourn'd to see her hectors body rob'd , intomb'd . such for those cruelties at amboyna done by your back fiends , may you for ever mourn , in sighs and sable tears , nay such that may wash clear your hands against worlds judging day . for my part really i doubt not , but that upon a more serious reflection of your wisdoms on your own interest , you will return to a more streight alliance with his majesty , by making just satisfaction for what you and yours have most ungratefully done to this nation , unless that god in his anger hath suffered you , to mingle lethe with the rest of your liquor . nay further , give me leave to tell you , that it is impossible for you to subsist without contracting a streight alliance with us , and complying with his majesties just requests , the which if not done , you 'l find a britans courage within few months give laws , and command , that which you denyed sir george downing , upon so many of his majesties gracious messages by him to you , the which you then as it were scorn'd , but i believe since have paid soundly for that ingratitude ; but to return , i say it is impossible for you to subsist without his alliance . 1. for first you cannot trust spain , or your new sworn ally france , the one laying cla●● to what you possess , the other to what you are ambitions to obtain . whereas england stands free from all such pretences , queen elizabeth refusing to hold you in gross , and onely accepted of flushing and the brill , the which king iames was so weary of , as he returned them for a far less sum then they were pawned . 2. neither is his majesty ambitious of any of your dutch lands , because he has more marsh lands already within his dominions , then is well known how to be disposed of ; besides it were a madness for any true english man who may live quietly in ireland ( which for ports soyl and plenty is inferior to no island in the whole world , to venture fighting for an estate in holland 3. is our alliance likely to change if once firmly established ? whereas there is no longer hold with france , then whilst the two potent factions of protestant & papist shal subsist within her in peace ; by the clashing of which , or any other inland or forreign matter , they immediately will flag off , and so leave you to be your own guardians . nay if you but go a little further , and thoroughly scan your alliance with france , you will find poyson at the bottom of their friendship , more danger then protection , it having been alwayes the humour of that people to swagger with their neighbours for room , upon the least enjoyment of quiet , being seldom or never able to serve their allies , but when they are in worse case to help themselves . nay if you were but sensible of the happiness of that condition you are in , and of the most scorching slavery in the world that that famous nation now lies under by their kings there — me thinks should terrifie you , who by so many brave conquests joyntly with the english , to the worlds amazement freed and redeemed you from the spanish yoak , should now forsake them and clea●e to a french mushroome , who was ever accounted to say one thing , write another , and mean another ; nay admit them into your very bowels , the which i fear will be too too late repented , when like a brood of vipers you shall behold them gnawing their way through the body of their succourer , whose life inevitably perishes thereby . for pray what can you build by his admittance into your countrey of advantage ? o , he is to assist you against the prince of munster ; is that it , well very good : but pray if so , why must there be no less then fourscore or a hundred thousand men in arms in and about you : thanks be to god , it is none of englands smallest blessings that they are not able to come hither on horse-back , and you very well know the french proverb , never peace at home , unless they be at war with other states : holland is rich and good plunder , therefore look to it ; in one word , you have good store of ships , and they have good store of men , which i believe you want ; and you had best do with them as the english nobility did william the conqueror , invite him for succour , and he proved their murderer , and then crown'd himself ; which was but the french proverd verified , baston porte paix quand & soy . the sword or club where ere it comes it brings laws with it . lastly , the french are not so sutable to your ●um●urs as the english , who look upon merchants as gentlemen , they as pedlers ; in one word , you have only a friend at a sneeze , the which , in plain english , is onely god help you . i know you are too wise to expect real friendship from spain , or a continuance of your never to be broken agreement made with his catholick majesty , if you conti●ue as you have begun with vs. it not being likely he should oversee , the advantage will be offered him , of catching of gudgeons in your inland waters , whilst we are out at sea scuffling for sprats . if you be prohibited trading hither but one year long●r , i wonder what the devil will become with the french wines , the most staple comodity they have to barter for ? the east countries being as unable to take them off , by reason of cold , as you to consume them in burnt wines . monarchs neither do , nor can look upon you under a milder aspect then traytors , without a tacit consent of the like power resident in their people explode them , as consciant of giving the same cause ; whereas england does and ever did esteem you in a more honourable relation and interest ; for though you like the dial of ahaz recoyled so many degrees back in the sphear of policy , it is naturally more proper for that hand , and that power which first made you a free state to be touched with an inclination ever to maintain that honour and interest , which the blood of so many of their brave country-men , has expired in the setting of it up . experience the true polititian has made it apparrent how advantageous an english confederacy and alliance hath been alwayes to you : for if you consider how honourable it would be to spain , who hath long endeavoured it . and convenient to france in regard of her claim to artoys & hannault , to convert you into a colony , you would not be so intent upon profit as to encroach the very whole trade in the world out of your ( under god ) makers mouths as you now do , for i know your wisdoms do know it is esteemed by all prudent nations far inferiour to safety . as for your alliance with denmark truely that is likelier to ad number then weight to friendship , being lyable to bewhistled off , or on , according to the inclination of his imperial majesty so twisted in marriages with the catholike king , with whom his majesty has made a firm alliance , that the difficulty is as great to distinguish between their interest● as consanguinity : and it may be , he may find his country too hot t● hold him , if his neighbour the swede does but think they have got any thing rich since 1657. besides those eastern countries have been ever looked upon , not onely as a store-house , wherein god hoards up the miseries of the winter , but also the cruel plagues of incursions ; apparent in the goths and vandals , whose barbarous hands assisted time , in the destruction of such monuments in italy , as she alone amongst her heroes , pompey and caesar , and all her other intestine civilians had not been able to demolish . to conclude with a few queries , let me humbly desire you to consider , 1. whether such as do now foment this division , do not act the ingenious policy of the wolf in the fable , that perswaded the sheep to give over their mastives ? 2. what other alliance can afford you so safe harbourage , in case of foul weather at sea , as england , scotland , and ireland ? if none ; whether contingencies driven in by storm under our shelter , your east and west-india , and straits-men , may not exceed all the coals and tobacco-prizes de rutyer , or young van-trump , shall scrape up upon the sea ? 3. if the raising a flying army in the netherlands , may not one time or other be reduced to such a faction , especially when headed by one that cannot keep the same consort with you ; be a great cause of resolving you into your first principle of both poor , distressed , and oppressed . nay , it may be , further reduce you to be vassals to some of your right or left-hand neighbours , whose aim is wholly to root up that vine , which they perceive is likely to eclipse their glories in traffick and trade ? 4. if venice may not unproperly be called the signet on neptunes right-hand ; whether england and the netherlands , being in a straight confederacy , may not be stiled his two arms ? by which , in relation to their shipping , he embraceth the universe . 5. whether your maiden-towns , as you call them , may not longer enjoy that title under the alliance of england , who hath many more rich and beautiful harbours and havens then the french king , that cannot brag of the like plenty , or conveniency for scituation , by the half ? 6. whether your admitting those taterdemalion mushrooms of fortune , ( the french ) into your country , may not conjure up the old devil , which they were ever possest of , to be no mans friend , but for their own end ? your wisdomes may understand what manner of title they can broach , &c. when once they are i' th' sadle : they have got the bridle in their hands already , ( i do not tell you it 's a dunkirk-one ) but i believe the stirrup likewise . which if so , i can but smile to think how your high and mighty cedars will so artificially be turn'd into poor and low shrubs . 7. whether the sixth querie does not come too late ? 8. whether the making an honourable peace with england , by complying to her demands , may not be said putting of mony to interest ? 9. in case it so happens , whether their wisdomes do not cease two dangerous and chargeable wars , the which if not done , may not ( if there be any such thing as a british spirit ) be the sole cause of having it said , their bloud was upon their own heads ? 10. if a candle being extinguisht , whether the snuff is pleasing to any of the senses ? 11. whether in case zealand , or any other of your provinces , irritated by the inconveniencies that must inevitably follow , may not be tempted to divide , and adhere to the stronger and honester side ? and which that is , your vvisdomes may easily resolve , from the dispute his royal highness , and the brave rupert , gave you min-here opdam ? 12. whether the dutch are not convinced of an heresie that they broacht , that their highnesses died , and rose again the thirtieth day after ? 13. lastly , whether the world may not afford us , and you , sufficient trade , without intruding on each others interests ? and if in case there be any wolves in sheeps-skins amongst us , that seek to destroy us ; have we not that blessed saying ready , is there not a david for a shepherd to smite ? a panegyrick , on the illustrious george duke of albemarle , &c. what blustering noise , thus interrupts our sleeps , and ecchoing shouts , thus cleave the cristal deeps ? and seems to call , great george , from royal court. what noise of canon , and what mars-like sport se-ecchoe hither , by th' issean spring ? hark , with what shouts the dales , and rocks , do ring ; and in unusual pomp , on tip-toes stand , and ( full of wonders ) over-look the land. what load-star eastward , draweth thus all eyes ? whence doth this noise of guns and drums arise ? sure heav'n has seen our wrongs , our just desires obtained are , no higher now aspires our wishing thoughts , since to his native clime , the flower of princes , honour of his time is now return'd to give imperial laws , to france her glory , and proud belgick's paws . thy life was kept , till the three sisters spun their threads of gold , and then it was begun ; scarce wast thou born , when joyn'd in friendly bands , two mortall foes with other clasped hands . with vertue , fortune strove , which most should grace thy place for thee , thee for so high a place ; one vow'd thy sacred brest not to forsake , the other on i hee not to turn her back ; and that thou more her loves effects mightst feel , for thee , she left her globe , and broke her vvheel . when years thee vigour gave , o then how clear did smother'd sparkles in bright flames appear ! o thou ! far from the common-pitch didst rise , with thy designes , to dazle envies eyes . thou soughtst to know this alls-eternal source of ever-turning heavens , their restless course : their fixed lamps , their light which wandring run , whence moon her silver hath , his gold the sun , the light aspiring fire , the liquid air , the flaming dragons , comets with red hair ; heavens tilting launce , artillery , and bow , loud sounding trumpets ; darts of hail and snow ; the roaring element , with people dumb the earth , with what conceiv'd is in her vvomb ; what on her moves , were set unto thy sight , till thou didst find their causes , essence , might , in chief thy mind didst give to understand , a kingdomes steerage , and how to command . though crown'd thou wert not , nor a prince by birth , thy worth deserv'd a coronet on earth . search this half spheare , and the antartick ground , where is such counsel , courage to be found ; as into silent night , when near the bear , the virgin-huntress shines at full , most clear ; and strives to match her brothers golden light , the host of stars , doth vanish in her sight . so brittaines dukes , shine bright in their degree , all else loose lusture , parallel'd with thee ; by just descent , from honour thou didst shine , by just desert , imblazon'd is thy line ; for by thy counsels , more then any law , straid gone sheep to loyalty thou didst draw , ever more prizing a true loyal brest then peru's gold , inclos'd in marble chest. no mists of greatness ever could thee blind , no stormy passions do disturb thy minde . submitting belgick foes , thou life didst give ingrateful souls that would not have us live . what man by goodness , hath such glories gain'd , whose princes right and peoples so maintain'd ? not where the swain sits piping on a reed , but where the wounded knight his life doth bleed . not where the huntsman winds his shril-tun'd horn , but where the canon does joves tbunder scorn . not where the panick shepherds keep their flocks , but where the bloud-di'd-sea doth dash the rocks . thou art this isle's palladium , neither can , whilst thou command'st it , be o'recome by man. if sure the vvorld above , did want a prince , the vvorld above too soon , would take thee hence . o virtues patern ! glory of our times , sent of past-dayes , to expiate our crimes ; great prince , but better far then thou art great , whom state not honours , but who honours state. by wonder born , by wonder first instal'd ; by wonder , after to new gloryes call'd . young kept by wonder , from home-bred alarms , old sav'd by wonder , from th' ingrateful hands , to be for this command , which wonder brings : a prince of wonder , wonder unto kings . this was that brave man , who should right each wrong , of whom the bards , and mystick sibyls sung ; long since foretold , by whose victorious power , this isle , her antient gloryes should restore ; and more of fortunate , deserv'd the style , then those , where heavn's with double summers smile . run on great prince thy course in gloryes way : the end , the life , the evening crowns the day . heap worth on worth , and strongly soar above those heights , which made the vvorld , thee first to love . surmount thy self , and make thine actions past , be but as gleams , or lightnings of thy last ; let them exceed those of thy younger time , as far as autumn , doth the flowry prime . so ever gold , and bayes , thy brows adorn , so never time , may see thy race out worn ; so of thine own , still may'st thou be desir'd , of holland fear'd , and by the vvorld admir'd ; till thy great deeds , all former deeds surmount , thou 'st quail'd the nimrods of our hellespont . neptunes triumph , in a welcome to the most illustruous rupert , prince palatine , and duke of cumberland ; beseeching him to put a period to his well-begun conquest at sea. am i wake ? or have some dreams conspir'd to mock my sence , with what i most desir'd ? view i th' undaunted face , see i those looks , which with delight , were wont t' amaze my brooks ? doe i behold that mars , that man divine , the vvorlds great glory by those vvaves of mine ? then finde i true , what long i wish'd in vain , my much-beloved prince is come again . so unto them , whose zenith is the pole , vvhen six black months , bright sol begins to roll ; so comes arabia's wonder from the vvoods , and far , far off is seen by memphis flouds . the feather'd sylveans , cloud-like by her fly , and with triumphing plaudits beat the skie . nyle marvels , serap's priests , entranced rave , and in migdonean stone , her shape ingrave : in lasting cedars , they do mark the time , in which apollo's bird came to their clime . to virgins , flowers ; to sun-burnt earth , the rain ; to mariners , fair vvinds amidst the main ; cold shades , to pilgrims with hot glances burn , are not so pleasing as thy blest return . that day ( dear prince ) which rob'd us of thy sight , ( day ? no , but darkness , and a duskie night ) dìd fill our breasts with sighs , our eyes with tears , turn'd minutes to sad months , sad months to years . for while my court enjoy'd thy princely gleams , she did not envy belgick's haughty streams , nor wealthy tagus , with his golden ore , nor clear hydaspes which on pearls doth roar , nor flouds which near th' elysium fields do fall ; for why ? thy sight did serve to them for all . swell proud my billowes , faint not to declare your ioys as ample as his conquests are ; for murmurs hoarse , sound like arions harp , now delicately flat , now sweetly sharp . and you my nymphs , rise from your moist repair , and crown this lofty prince with lillies fair ; kiss each his floating castles that do run swift as the rising or the setting sun. eye of our western world , mars-daunting prince , whose valiant deeds the world can't recompence ; for they not onely claim those diadems , to which th' imperial rhyne subjects her streams , but to thy virtues and thy deeds is due all that the planet of the year doth view . o dayes to be desir'd ! age happy thrice , if you your heaven-sent-good could dayly prize ! but we ( half palsie-sick ) think never right of what we hold , till it be from our sight ; prize onely summers sweet perfumed breath , when armed winter threatens us with death . i see an age when after some few years , and revolutions of the slow-pac'd sphears : these dayes shall be 'bove other far esteem'd , so like the worlds great conquerours be deem'd . the names of caesar , and feign'd paladine , grav'n in times surly brows , in wrinkled time ; of henries , edwards , famous for their fights , their french conquests , and orders new of knights ; shall by this princes name be past as far , as meteors are by the idalian star. for to great brittains isle , thou shalt restore , her mare clausum ; guard her pearly shore : the lyons passant , of dutch-bands shall free , to the true owner of the lillies three . the seas shall shrink , shake shall the spacious earth , and tremble in her chamber , like pale death . the hills amaz'd shall stand , the vales , the rocks , the roaring cannon with its sulpherous pocks , shall thunder thy conquests , that th' world may see great brittains arms triumphing under thee . vouchsafe , blest people , ravisht here with me , to think my thoughts , and see what doe i see ; a prince all gratious , affable , divine , meek , wise , iust , valiant , and whose radiant shine of virtues ( like the stars about the pole , guilding the night , enlightneth every soul that ●eads my blew chariot ) born in this age , to guard the innocents from tyrants rage ; restore our soveraigns right , who rising high to grace his throne , makes brittains name to fly on halcyon's wings , her glories which restores , beyond oceanus to the indean shores . o love this prince with an eternal love ! since your loves object doth immortal prove ; pray that that crown his ancestors did wear , his temples long ( more happy ) he may bear : that heaven on him her blessings may bestow , that so his conquests may for ever grow : that victory his brave exploits attend , or west or south , where e're his force shall tend . so memory praise him , so pretious hours , may character his name in starry flowers . so may his high exploits at last make even , with earth his honour , glory with the heaven ; so when his well-spent care , all care becalmes , he may in peace sleep in a shade of palms ; and rearing up fair trophies , that heav'ns may extend his life to th'worlds extreamest day . of a dutchman . he is an unfinisht man , or else one that nature made less then others ( not for person for that 's loustick enough ) but in soul. a right dutchman can never be a true friend , a loyal subject , or a good neighbour ; for his trade carryes away his heart ; r●ches his allegiance , and thieving his soul : he is the meer spawn of the worst of spaniards , but far now from bearing one spark of their brave natures . that he is nothing but a confused heap of butter , oyl , cheese and brandy , so blended together , as if the almighty when he created the universe , had designed their beings in ditches ; for they are meer frogs , egyptian-plagues , croaking in other mens waters , they having none of their own , but such as they bury their dead in ; they are truly the almighties rods , sent to vex his people ; and the devils kitchin-stuff , to fry the damned . they hate drink , as the parched earth does rain , and cram their guts with no more zeal , then a starved epicurus . they are alwayes men to morrow morning : they will make indentures with their heels as they go , and swear snick or snee , if you make them stand ; they are a living spunge soused in liquour , and sometimes so far drown'd , that they need a coroner . if an english-man but fights them , they look as if their eyes would run into their souls , and their souls out of their eyes , for the sight of an english sword wounds those water-rats more sensibly then a stroak , and that 's the reason they dam up their windows with brandy , and are drunk ever when they engage : every english man is his hogan mogan , that dare beat him ; and every one that knows him dare do it . he is a kind of chymist and poet , turns all into gold and liquor ; a right dunghill-cock , that scrapes in dirt and mire , to finde the gem : he knows not how to use it , unless it be to cut his makers throat , or to study the kitchin alchymy , in which he is so learn'd , that he wears his brains in his belly , being eternally chain'd by the teeth unto meat and drink , for the salvation of his damn'd gut. he is never contented full nor fasting , for it grieves his soul ( if he has any ) to see his neighbour have an ounce of peper , or as much callico as will make a pair of socks for a flea , and he nor concern'd : no way is indirect for wealth to a dutch-man , whether of fraud or violence ; gain is his religion , which if conscience goes about to hinder or exclaim against , immediately condemned for a common barrater . for wealth he will loose his friend , betray his country , pine his body , and damn his soul. to conclude , — he is no less , then the perfection of all wickedness , the quintessence and abstract of all evil , and cloth'd in flesh , to act the closer devil . the character of a french man. his rise , is a vine-presser at bourdeaux , a fidler in orleans , a barbar in paris , a gentleman in england , and a lord in the variety ; he is a false friend , a fawning spanel , that will bite an english-man if he can : the worst kinde of courtier , by so much as he acts the better part . he hath alwayes two faces , sometimes two hearts , but ever wants a soul : witness , the ingenious italian , who ever calls him mushroom . he can compose his fore-head with a smile , while his heart curses the person , and then laughs in himself that he has cozened him . his tongue and his lips are true friends to the devil ; for he never sees vices , but with a blear eye . if your english gentlemen but travel to normandy , to see henry the seconds tomb , it costs him as much as if he had buried him ; for he in half an hour shall have more wasps about his yellow jacobuses , then his mother a twelve-month about her bee-hives : such legs , such hats , and services are tendered , that the traveller thinks himself in a second ierusalem : his tongue shall over-walk in the tract of unjust praises ; for a french-man can no more tell how to discommend ; then to speak true : his speeches are full of wondering interjections , and cryes iesu maria , and then shrinks his shoulder with as much zeal , as a spaniard at confession . his praises are alwayes in the superlative degree , and that ever in the presence of the new arrived object , the which are so stuffed with such damn'd hypocrisie of ma foy at the english suite he had on , and then tells him with a countenance twisted like a cart-rope , that begar mounsieur you have a vary bon body , but de englishman have ad sported ad you ; then tells of device the french kings taylor , who must straight be fetcht , who like a jacanapes with the bears , is so be scarleted and sworded , that at first you 'd take him for a low-country souldier , whose base minde is well suited with his mercenary tongue : who does so close up the matter , that in one summers month in april , fidling , dauncing , boulting , fencing , and frigating , the young gallant is so tyred with them , that without summons he returns as butterflies in september , so metamorphised and o're-grown with hair , that he looks as if he had been with nebuchadnazzer . a french mans art is nothing but a delightful cozinage in smooth phrases , guilded with perjury , that makes such fools , who tickle themselves to death with over-valuing themselves : if his english schollar in the french tongue , does but utter a complement indifferent , both his hands are little enough to bless himself : he extols his ingenuity in his abs●nce , but alwayes so , that it may not want a safe conveyance to his ear , by the which he so obliges the young gallant , that he shall sooner take some french rascal for his waiting gentleman , with whom he goes snips , then any englishman , though he be never so well accomplished . in fine , he is ingenious in hiding imperfections , but not in carrying ▪ he has a complexion for every face : the world hath not a more artificial instrument of fawning hypocrisie , or a more impudent bawd of dishonesty , then this mushroom ; honesty to him is nice singularity , and religion a meer cheat , for he 'll adore the sanctified chaire , and if possible , he 'll s — in it : al● gravity to him i● dullness , and vertue is onely an innocent conceit of the melancholy and base-minded . lastly , he is a moth in the english-mans coat , so earwig in the dutch , a caterpillar in the italian● the destruction of the glory and reputation of ou● brittish court ; a friend and slave to the trencher , and good for nothing but ●n ambassador for the devil . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a51130-e1720 against his catholick majesty . queen elizabeths assistance against the spaniard . dover . one made a lord , ●he other a knight , at oxford . lamprics andremacha . notes for div a51130-e5100 his life . as a plantangen●t . notes for div a51130-e6490 phenix . notes for div a51130-e8010 a play so called , writen by the marquess of newcacastle . that plant that wants a root . they invaded italy , 1662. the dvtch vsurpation, or, a brief view of the behaviours of the states-general of the united provinces, towards the kings of great britain with some of their cruelties and injustices exercised upon the subjects of the english nation; as also, a discovery of what arts they have used to arrive at their late grandeur, &c. / by william de britaine. de britaine, william. 1672 approx. 84 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29589 wing b4804 estc r6761 11613081 ocm 11613081 47909 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29589) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47909) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2974:7, 484:12) the dvtch vsurpation, or, a brief view of the behaviours of the states-general of the united provinces, towards the kings of great britain with some of their cruelties and injustices exercised upon the subjects of the english nation; as also, a discovery of what arts they have used to arrive at their late grandeur, &c. / by william de britaine. de britaine, william. [5], 35 p. ; 19 cm. printed for jonathan edwin, london : 1672. reproductions of originals in: huntington library (reel 484:12) and corpus christi college (university of oxford). library (reel 2974:7).. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. 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range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2007-08 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion depiction of delivery of petition sec thurloe sr : thes gentlemen have a petition for you to deliuer to the council of state hugh peters paulus van der parre the humble petition of the states generall of the united provinces allard peter iongstall . william nieuport hieronymus van beverningk a sherwin the dvtch vsurpation : or , a brief vievv of the behaviour of the states-general of the united provinces , towards the kings of great britain : with some of their cruelties and injustices exercised upon the subjects of the english nation . as also , a discovery of what arts they have used to arrive at their late grandeur , &c. by william de britaine . et genus humanum & mortalia temnitis arma , at sperate deos. virg. london : printed for jonathan edwin , at the three roses in ludgate-street . mdclxxii . to his royal highness the duke of york . sir , could i but use my pen , as you your sword , i 'd write in blood , and kill at every word : the hogans then my muse's pow'r should feel , and find my verse as fatal as your steel . but sure , great prince , none can presume to write with such success as you know how to fight : who carry in your looks th' events of war , design'd like caesar for a conquerour . the world of your atchievements is afraid , while neptune's watry kingdoms you invade ; and that much-courted mistress th' ocean 's now not by th' venetian-duke espous'd , but you. and now , great prince , may you victorious be , your fame and arms o'er-spreading land and sea : may you our haughty neighbours overcome , and bring rich spoils , and peaceful laurels home ; whilst they , their ruine or your pardon meet , sink by your side , or fall before your feet . the dutch usurpation . the dominion of the belgick provinces being devolv'd to philip the second king of spain , who designing to himself the western monarchy , and ( the best medium to that end ) was to reduce those provinces to a kingdom . but they being fortified with great priviledges , and many of them inconsistent with monarchy ; 't was adjudg'd by sober persons , ' twoud prove a work of great difficulty , and that he would never effect that he aim'd at . besides , the reformation of religion , which then began to grow to some strength , mov'd the king to reduce them back to the church of rome , by the power and terrour of the inquisition : which when the people violently oppos'd , the king then resolv'd to bring them by spanish rhetorick ( that is by sword and cannon ) to obedience . to that end king philip sends the duke of alva , ( an old and expert captain ) with a puissant army to be his vice-roy amongst them . no sooner was he settled in his new government , but he establish'd the bloet-rod , as they term it , a council of bloud , made up most of spaniards . anno 1567. he took off the heads of the counts of horn , egmont , and of divers other persons of quality , citadels were erected , and taxes impos'd upon the people to support them . the political government of the countrey in many things altered , and the people spoyl'd not of their priviledges only , but of their liberties . amongst the reform'd he brought in the inquisition , and therein behav'd himself very tyrannically . this powred oyl on the fire , formerly kindled , and put all into a combustion ; about five thousand families quitted their countrey , some flying into germany , others into france , and most into england , where they were received with all kindness and civility ; churches were appointed them , ( they being of the reform'd religion ) and many noble and great priviledges were bestowed upon them . during those troubles the prince of orange and count lodowick , his brother , were very active , and gave duke alva imployment all holland ( except amsterdam ) follow'd the fortune and side of the prince , together with all the towns of zealand , except middle-burg . anno 1573. duke alva was recall'd , afterwards don lewis of requisens was appointed governour . after him , the prince of parma , who brought the hollander into worse case then ever . yet anno 1581. they declare that philip of spain was fallen from his government , they renounce and abjure him for their sovereign , they break his seals , change the oath of allegiance , and took a new oath of the people , never to return to the spanish obedience . this done , the states ( for so they call'd themselves ever after ) chose francis duke of anjou , to be their prince ; during whose unfortunate government , the duke of parma prevailed in all places , especially after the death of william prince of orange , who was traiterously slain anno 1584. now were the hollanders truely miserable , desperate of pardon from their inraged prince , and having no person of courage to head them , none of power to protect them , but such as were likely to regard their own profit , more than their interest . england was the only sanctuary they had now left , to which they sue , offering the queen the soveraignty of their provinces . but that heroick queen not intending to her self any thing , saving the honour of relieving her distressed neighbours , anno 1585. took them into her protection , and concluded ( amongst others ) of these articles . that the queen should send them five thousand foot , and a thousand horse into the netherlands to fight for them . that they should pay her ten pounds per cent. for all sums of money , she should lend them , or disburse for them . and interest upon interest . and likewise five pounds for every english gentleman , or officer , which should dye in their service . all which sums of money were to be paid unto the queen at the end of the war. and that for the reimbursing of the said monies , the briel , flushing , and castle of ramekins were to be delivered unto the queen , as caution and pledges . the queen , in performance of her agreement , sent them 5000 foot , 1000 horse , money and a governour , ( the earl of leicester ) and had the cautionary towns delivered unto her. the renowned sir philip sidney was the first government of flushing , who died in their service . casimir also , the elector palatines son , drew down to the assistance of the states an army of fifteen thousand horse and foot , at the instance , and great charges of the queen . when the earl of leicester came to wait upon the queen , at his going over to be their governour ; she strictly commanded the earl , that he should have a regard of the english souldiers , and that they served god , and demean d themselves religiously . which they did with such exemplary zeal , that a sober man might have thought , that the united provinces then stood in christendom . and that pious queen did therein well , for the christian religion was first planted in holland , zealand , and friesland by willibroad , an english man , the first bishop of vtretcht ; whence by degrees it gain'd on the rest of the countries . but since ( by the ill practices of some amongst them ) they are much fallen from the purity of it . the queen now resolveth to set all the royal signatures of her favour upon the united provinces , and give them the most eminent demonstrations of her bounty and kindness . the staple of english cloth , that was formerly at antwerp , she settl d at delf , in great quantities ; by reason of the great concourse of people , which that trade brought with it , the town became rich , well built , and beautified with spatious streets . flushing , before the english came thither ▪ was a very poor town , but by the countenace of the queen , the english garrison there , and the trade which the english brought thither , it flourish'd in a high measure ; and by their means , so did all their great towns and cities there . she incouraged them in their trades , protected them in their navigation , gave them licences to fish upon the british seas , ( which before was not permitted unto them ) and the english did couragiously fight for them ( to vindicate their rights ) whilst they were imploy'd in fishing , and in their manufactures , by which they increased in wealth . but one infelicity happen'd unto them , that the king of denmark , having taken some displeasure against them , laid an imbargo upon seven hundred of their ships , which were passing backward and forward upon the sound for corn , by reason whereof the people there , were now more distressed with fear of a famine , than with the sword of the enemy . but the potent queen presently gave them relief . for she supplied them with great quantities of corn. and by her interest ( with the disbursment of some monies ) the ships were discharg'd , and came home to their several ports , in the united provinces . now was the queen look'd upon as their only patroness , and the english , the best sinews of their wars , and the atchievers of the greatest exploits amongst them : near newport was fought that memorable battel 'twixt the arch-duke albert , and the state. the victory next under god , was gain'd for the states , by the valour of the english , and the excellent conduct of those noble and gallant persons sir francis and sir horatio vere . ostend not wall'd till the low countrey wars , and then with a mud-wall only ; and that not finish'd till the arch-duke set down before it . in so much as the arch-dutchess isabella is said to have sworn , that she should not shift her smock till the town was taken , who , had she kept her rash oath , had been very — for the town being garrison'd by the english , and under sir horatio vere , ( who was governour thereof ) held out against the arch-duke a siege of 3 years , and so many months . the spaniard at this siege lost one hundred thousand men . breda , a town well fortified , and the barony of the prince of orange , from whom being taken by the spaniards in the beginning of the wars , 't was again recover'd by seventy valorous english soldiers ; who , hiding themselves in a boat cover'd with turf , were convey'd into the castle , which they easily master'd , and made the prince lord again of all his dominions and territories there . the speech of one of the souldiers there , upon that occasion , deserves never to be forgotton ; who fearing lest by his violent noise in coughing ( though he did repress it ) he should , together with himself , betray his companions : kill me ( saith he ) fellow-souldiers , lest we be kill'd . the particular actions , gallantry , and noble attempts of the english here , would deserve a just volume of themselves . by their valour and courage most of the spanish souldiers were so wasted and consumed , that the king of spain was enforc'd ( to give a stop to their conquests ) to send fifty thousand veteran souldiers out of spain and italy into flanders . and the queen did supply the states with answerable numbers of men and money , insomuch as she maintain'd for them forty thousand horse and foot in their service . she made many naval expeditions into america , and there did much infest the king of spain , sinking his ships , burning his towns , battering down his forts and castles , interrupting all his trade and commerce there ; and all this to bring that king to reason and justice , as to the united provinces . the king of spain hereat exceedingly incens'd , anno 1588. sends his invincible armado against england , raised a rebellion in ireland against the queen , sent many spanish souldiers to kingsale to the assistance of the rebels there , committed many depredations in cornwall here ; many sanguinary and desperate persons were incourag'd to poison , murder and destroy her , who made many attempts upon her royal person . so this excellent queen being incircl'd with so many infelicities and troubles , and beset with so many calamities , and being wearied with the wars in the netherlands ( because they did so exhaust her treasure , and destroy her brave people ) and finding the states to grow insolent , and to perform no agreements , and withall , observing their subjects to grow rich by the war , ( of which they made a trade and merchandise ) and her kingdoms to be thereby impoverish'd ; she resolved to make peace with the spaniard , ( being assured the belgick war was never to be ended by conquest ) and to that purpose she signified her royal pleasure unto the states ; but finding her majesty to be in earnest , ( as she had great reason for 't ) they were much perplex'd . for if she had deserted them , they had lost their chief and only support ; they sent over their ambassadors into england , and in the most humble manner that could be , petitioned her majesty , that she would not cast off the cause of god and man , and leave sixty towns , with a poor distressed people , a prey to the malice and avarice of the barbarous spaniard . but she earnestly press'd them for the payment of her money , adding withall threats , that , if she was not obey'd therein , she would take such courses , as her lenity was not us'd to be acquainted with : and so dismissed them . hereat the states were much disturbed ; and thereupon , anno 1598. the distressed states sent the lord warmond , and others their humble suppliants unto her majesty , who in the lowest posture of humility , did acknowledg themselves oblig'd unto her for infinite benefits . but herein her majesty excelled the glory of her ancestors , that by how much she exceeded others in power , by so much her majesty excelled them in acts of mercy and piety , by whose means and aid , the french have gain'd many victories , and they more . as for the money which the states owed her , they beseeched her majesty to consider the dangers dayly growing upon them , their poverty and disability to pay , and that by original agreement with her majesty , no monies were to be paid , till the wars were ended . the queen understanding their unjust practices and ill dealings with her , told them that she had been often deluded by their deceitful supplications , ungrateful actions , unhandsom cavillings , and pretences of poverty ( when their rich cities confuted them ) and she hoped god would not suffer her to be a pattern to other princes , to help such a people , who bear no reverence to superiours , nor take care for the advantage , reputation , or safety of any but themselves . and required them to pay her the money they owed her. and advised them for the future , that they should not seek a remedy against growing danger , from old acounts by compulsion , but rather merit new favours by their gratitude and thanks for the former . at these expressions of her majesty , the poor distressed states thought themselves confounded , both for their former and future charges : yet considering the name of alliance with england , was of exceeding advantage unto them , they resolv'd to submit ( as they could not avoid it ) to such conditions as her majesty should lay upon them . the queen again press'd them for the payment of her mony , and for peace ; but she could not incline them to peace ( being never disposed to pay her money which must be at the end of the war. ) yet in complyance with her majesty the account was stated . and the principal debt ( besides interest upon interest , and the loss of her subjects in their wars ) did amount unto 8000000 crowns : and they did agree to pay her majesty , during the war , 100000 pounds yearly , and the remainder when peace was concluded and the cautionary towns surrendred ; and that in the mean time 1500 english souldiers should remain in the garrisons , and that the states should pay them . the queen having her debts stated , began to be more friendly to them , and wished them to follow their trade of fishing upon the british seas ; ( which she gave them leave to do ) that they might be the better able to pay her , and support the charges of their war , which they did effectually . but i could never find that they ever paid unto her majesty any of the money they owed her. for , it 's not to be conceived , that those persons whom her majesty , for so many years , could not bring to an account , would , at the last , pay her any thing . but her majesty being grown into years , and those vigorous and great parts she formerly had somewhat declining ; they ( that the queen might not exact of them the payment of her money , according to agreement with her ) continually by emissaries ( which they had about her majesty and their pensioners ) did infuse jealousies into her head , and what plots , and secret designs the cing of spain had against her majesty , and her dominions , which did so amuse her , that i do not observe her majesty ever pressed them after , for the payment of any money . but from time to time she supplied them with men as they desired ; and ever made good to them her own motto , semper eadem . and as her assistance to them was the first , so it continued to the last , that is , until april 3. 1603. at which time she died , having lost not fewer than 100000 of her subjects in that war : and having spent in naval expeditions , for their sakes , against the king of spain , in america , and elsewhere , above a million of money , besides the debt which the states owed her. king james being proclaimed king , and the undoubted heir and successor to the queen . the states sent their ambassadors to the king , and after some complements to him , they signifie to his majesty , that they had lost her , whose goodness and benefits to them were not to be expressed in words . but they had found his majesty , as the heir of her kingdom , so the imitator of her vertues , and persuaded him to a war with spain , and begged supplies of him. but king james being a wise prince , ( and not to be taken with their arts and cunning ) told them , that he had no difference with the spaniard , and also , that king philip had voluntarily offer'd him his assistance , if any dispute should have arisen concerning his kingdoms . and for the arch-duke , he made war with the queen , not with the realm . this highly discompos'd the states , but king james treated withe spaniards , and concluded a league with them . and the states , such kindness had his majesty for them , were offered by king james to be comprehended in the articles of the treaty , but they refus'd ; yet , by the mediation of king james a peace was propounded to the states from the king of spain . but they signified unto his majesty , that they would not treat with the king of spain , till they were declared by him free states , abstracted from all right and title unto any of the provinces or places by them possessed , which he might pretend unto . all which , by the great endeavours of king james , were granted unto them by the king of spain . and so anno 1609. a peace was concluded between the king of spain and them . the provinces in the possession of the states , at the time of the conclusion of the peace , were holland , zealand , west-friesland , overyssell , groningland , vtrecht , zutphen , three parts of gelderland , and so some frontier towns and place , of contribution in brabant and flanders . all which provinces , with their frontier towns in brabant and flanders are not so big as york-shire , one of our counties in england . and there may be a greater number of stout and gallant men for war raised out of that one county , than they can raise out of all their provinces . being now declared free states , and peace concluded with the king of spain ; yet for their own security , they were enforced to maintain an army in their country . the charge whereof could not amount to less than six hundred thousand pounds yearly , besides other vast expences , as the preservation of their dikes , &c. all , or the greatest part thereof , they raised out of the fishing of the british sear , or on the people by excise , and taxes upon every acre of ground . which is such , that the whole country returns into their hands every third year , and by other impositions , so insupportable in themselves ( and amongst men which would be thought to live in a free state ) that should any prince in christendom , lay but half so much upon their subjects , it would occasion a revolt . so that , whereas one of the first causes of their falling off from their prince , was to free themselves from taxes and impositions , illegally ( as they ●aid ) enforced upon them , they have drawn upon themselves more arbitrary , and illegal payments , than any nation in the world . so true it is , that a rebellion once suppressed , the king is more king , and the subjects more subject . but if it thrives and happen to be prosperum seelus , and to advance it self to a free state ( as they call it ) tyranny and oppression , are the two pillars which must support it . the states being now absolute , and having obtain'd a sovereign dommion , only the cautionary towns stook in their stomachs , and might prove a curb to them : but being unwilling to move the king concerning them , by the great sums of money they then owed him ( and being not well able to pay him ) they would , by some projection or other endeavour to gain them ; thereupon they resolv'd , as the best expedient , not to pay the english soldiers in the cautionary towns , who being thereby put to distress and want , would be enforced to borrow some monies ( for their present support ) of the states of zealand , which they did ; who therewith advised the states general , at the hague , they consulting with sir ralph winwood , embassador for his majesty there , ( who was a favourable instrument to them in this business ) sent instructions to the lord caroon , then their ambassador in england , to acquaint the lord treasurer herewith . and in case of no satisfaction from him , to make his adresses to the king , which he did . his majesty being much incensed , that his subjects and souldiers should starve for want of their pay in foreign parts , sent for the lord treasurer , who drawing his majesty aside , and telling him how empty his exchequer was , his majesty told their ambassador , that , if his masters would pay him his money they owed him , he would deliver up those towns. the next day their ambassadour waiting upon the king : to know whether his majesty persisted in the same resolution , his majesty answered , that he knew the states of holland to be his good friends and confederates , bot in point of religion and policy ; therefore he apprehended not the least fear of any difference that should fall out between them . in contemplation whereof , if they would have their towns again , he would willingy surrender them . the states hereupon made up the money presently , and sent it to the king. and so anno 1616. the cautionary towns were delivered unto them . the king such was his royal bounty unto them ) remitted the interest , and five pounds for every gentleman , and officer , which died in their service . which sum certainly would have amounted unto treble the principal . the king of spain having spent in those wars one hundred and fifty millions of crowns , and wasted 600000 men ; and was plung'd so deeply in debt ( notwithstanding his mines of mexico and peru that having taken up money in all the chief banks of christendom , he was forced to publish a diploma , wherein he dispenc'd with himself ( as the holland stories report ) from payment , alledging that he had imployed these monies for the publick peace of christendom . what sum the king received of them , it is not comporting with the duty of a subject to question , or dispute ; yet we may observe the treacherous and unhandsom practice of the states , to suggest such notoriour untruths to his majesty , when they themselves , by agrement with the queen , were to pay the souldiers in those towns ; however they had been ungrateful , to suffer such persons who had so highly merited of them ) to want ; when the states were built by the english valour , and by their bloud united and cemented . but having gotten the possession of their towns , ( which were the lock and key of their provinces ) and having compounded for those exceeding great sums of money which they owed his majesty , ( which sober men did think they never had been able to pay if rightly stated ) they presently from poor distressed people , are swell'd up to those spreading and magnificent titles of high and mighty states . insolent boggs ! they might rather have said unto sedition , thou art my father ; and unto rebellion , thou art my mother . now they make their naval expeditions into america , and other parts of the world : and by the leave and licence of king james , paying some small tribute , they fall to their fishing trade upon the british seas . wherein they did so exceedingly thrive , that towards the latter end of king james his reign , they imployed yearly eight thousand four hundred vessels of all sorts for their trade of fishing upon the british seas , ( which number since is vastly increased ) whereby they have a seminary of mariners ready for publick service or navigation . and upon computation it appeared , that they made in one year of the herrings o●ly , caught upon the british seas , the sum of five millions of our pounds ; ( the custom and tenth of fish advancing to the publick treasury no less than eight hundred thousand pounds ) besides the cod , ling , hakes , pilehard , and other fish , compated to amount unto near three millions more . by reason of those maltitude of ships and mariners , they have extended their trade to all parts of the world , exporting for the most part , in all their voyages , our herrings and fish : in exchange whereof , they return the several commodities of other countries , and sell the same at their own prices . great part of their fish they sell for ready money , which commonly they export of the finest gold and silver ; and coming home , re-coin it of a baser alloy , under their own stamp ; which advance a great profit to them . the returns which they make for their fish in other commodities , amounts to a vast sum : and all this wealth , riches and grandeur , is derived unto them from the indulgency and bounty of the kings of great britain . the hollanders now beginning to be considerable in the world , by reason of the many royal favours wherewith they are inriched by the crown of england : the english and they having several factories and places in the isles of molluccaes , banda , amboyna , and elsewhere in the east indies , ( the english being some years there setled before the hollanders had made any discovery of those islands ) anno 1619. there was a solemn league and agreement by king james and the states of the united provinces , in a strict alliance , and social confederacy of the english east-india company , and that of the united provinces , for the better advancing and carrying on of the trade and commerce in those islands , and elsewhere in the east-indies . here are so many marks of kindness , such ample demonstrations of favour , as no people could have greater obligations ( if any principles of honour or justice could oblige them ) to make returns of gratitude , and give the greatest instances of their sincerity and faithfulness to the kings of great britain , and the english nation . but with them , favours past are not accounted ; they love no bounty but what is meerly future . at amboyna , ( one of the scyndae or setibe islands , lying near seran , and hath many lesser islands depending upon it , it 's of the circuit of 60 leagues ) an island which bears cloves plentifully , for gathering and buying whereof the english company had placed five several factories : the head of all at the town of amboyna , ( so called from the island the chief town in it ) two at hitto , and larico , in the same island ; and two others at latro , and cambello , in the island of seran . but the hollanders observing the english to be better beloved by the natives than themselves , and that they began highly to improve and gain by their trade and traffick , hating that any should thrive but themselves , anno 1622. upon pretence of a plot between the english and the japonesses to betray their fortress in the town of amboyna , ( which was built at the charge of the english , and for the safety of trade and commerce ) the hollanders having about two hundred souldiers there , ( to the end they might ingross the whole trade and traffick of the said islands to themselves ) most treacherously murthered , and with fire and water tortured the english there , ( far exceeding the barbarity of all nations ) seized upon their factories and goods , to the value of four hundred thousand pounds : all the english and japonesses which they could meet with , they sent into their own islands to be their slaves . an act so horrid ! that the hollanders are infamous to this very day among the rude and savage indians , for their barbarous inhumanity executed upon the english , ( the greatest patrons , under god , they ever had in the world. ) king james being made acquainted with this barbarous fact , told the states ambassadour that he never read or heard of a more cruel and impious act. but i do forgive them , ( said the king ) and i hope god will : but my sons son will revenge this bloud , and punish this horrid massacre . the king was a wise prince ; and believe it , wisdom is next door to prophesie . having thus murthered the english , ( their insolency and ingratitude did not end there , but ) they forcibly seized upon the islands of seran , nero , waire , rosingon , latyo , cambello , nitto , larica , lantare , the islands of poloroone , near neighbouring to the molluccaes , polaway , and machasser islands of banda ; all which islands were formerly surrendred by the general consent and act of the natives , unto the english , and under the sovereignty of the kings of england they seize upon their factories and goods there , possess themselves of one thousand eight hundred english , which they disposed of into their own islands . by this artifice they gained to themselves amhoyna , banda , the molluoca islands , ternate , tidor , maner , rochian , machiam , and botono , with some others : in all which , the english had their factories and some castles , islands productive of cloves , nutmegs , mace , cinamon , and other rich commodities ; from whence the persians , turks , chinois , and africans fetch'd them . but by reason the hollanders were superiour to them in strength , and that horrid act of amboyna had made a sad impression upon their spirits , ( expecting the same measure of cruelty from them , as they of amboyna ) were enforced to quit the said island and foctories . so that these insolent and ingrateful persons have gained to themselves solely the trade of the whole world for spices . by the loss of which islands , there 's dreined yearly by them out of the king of englands dominions for spices , four hundred thousand pounds , besides the loss of the trade in those islands to the english , ( which would have much improved and inlarged it self into other places ) cannot amount unto less than four millions of pounds sterling yearly , though formerly some inconsiderable quantities of them did grow in cupe , duco , montio , and mara , but of late not any . the advantage hereof cannot amount unto the hollander less than seven millions of pounds sterling yearly : they setting what rates and prices they please upon these commodities . by these most unjust practices of the hollanders , the stock of the english company , which did amount unto about sixteen hundred thousand pounds was the greatest part of it lost . poloroone , by the general and voluntary act of the chief men of the country was surrendred into the power of king james , and the possession thereof was given to his majesties use to captain courtrop decemb. 23. anno 1616. no other nation , at that time , having any interest in it , or pretension to it , being a very rich and plentiful island : from whence the english might have expected great treasure and advantages . the hollanders , notwithstanding their league and treaty with king james , anno 1619. the english being then in possession of it , with great force entred the said island , demolished all their buildings , pull'd up all their nutmeg-trees , and sent them into their own islands to be planted , destroy'd all their factories there , and seised upon all their goods , and forced all the english from thence , and to dispeople it , that it might be of no use to the english for the future , under colour of a plot that the oran-keys and nobles of poloroone had conspired with the people of seran to massacre the dutch , as well at poloroone as poloway : the dutch governour at poloway sent command to the oran-keys , that they should come over to him , a priest and seventy oran keys immediately took a prow , or small vessel , of their own ; and embarked themselves for poloway . so soon as they were arrived , they were carried prisoners to the castle . then the governour with 200 souldiers went to poloroone , whence he fetch'd the rest of the oran-keys , and committed them prisoners to the same castle : and presently were brought to the torture with fire and water , as they serv'd the english at amboyna . two of them died in their tortures , the rest , being 162 were all upon their forced confessions condemned and executed . the priest , when he came to the place of excention , spake these words , in the mallatian tongue ; all ye , great and small , rich and poor , black and white , look to it , we have committed no fault : and when he would have spoken more , he was taken by the head and feet , layd along , and cut in two by the middle . their wives , children , and slaves , with all their goods , were seised by the hollanders and sent into their other islands . and this the hollanders did , because the oran keys had a great love for the english . barbarous miscreants ! was it not enough to exercise their tyranny upon the english , but that they must destroy the poor natives for their sakes ? so that we may perceive the sole design of the hollanders is , to get the riches , trade , and dominion of the whole indies into their own power . and therefore they think any medium just , subservient to that end . the hollanders having forcibly taken the town and castle of mallaca from the portugeez , suffer no ships of any king or prince in europe to pass the streights of mallaca , into the south seas to china , &c. upon pain of seisure or confiscation of men , ships , and goods . and to that purpose they grant their commissions to the captains of their ships , to bring all ships that pass the streights of mallaca , ( which streights were free for all ships to pass , till the restraint and usurpation of the hollanders ) into mallaca , or else to sink , or burn by their sides . this restraint is loss to the english three hundred thousand pounds yearly , and advantage to the hollanders five hundred thousand pounds yearly . anno 1620. cabode bon esperanza was in the possession of the english , and by them taken for the use of king james . but since the english have been forc'd out by the hollander , where they have a flourishing plantation . thereupon anno 1620. they seised upon two english ships , the bear , and the star , in the streights of mallaca , going to china , and confiscated ships and goods valued at fifteen hundred thousand pounds . the ship bona esperanza , an english vessel , anno 1635. going into china by the streights of mallaca , was violently assaulted by three dutch men of war : the master and many of his men killed , and brought into mallaca : and there the ship and goods were confiscated , valued at one hundred thousand pounds . the dragon and katherine , two english ships of sir william cur●een , valued at three hundred thousand pounds , besides their commanders , and others , who had very great estates therein , anno 1636. were set upon by seven dutch men of war , as they past the streights of mallaca from china , and by them taken . the men tyed back to back , and slung over bord ; the goods being taken out of the said ships , were seised to the use of the states there ; and the ships sunk , that it might not be known who committed that cruel fact . in aru , and manueado in sumatia , an oriental island , the english had several factories there , by the consent of the king and natives : but by the practise of the hollanders anno 1625. they were all enforced to leave their factories , and the places . in pachane , the chief city of pachane , one of the kingdoms of siain in india , the english had several factories there , but by the unjust practices of the hollanders , they were compelled to quit the country , and their factories , to an unexpressable loss to the english . pachane being a great country for gold , silver , pearls , precious stones , and many other rich commodities . the hollanders anno 1636. made war against the king of bantam , one of the kings of java major , for that he had a great kindness for the english . and for that he permitted them to have several factories in sunda , and jambe for pepper ; and by this art would have driven the english from thence , and their chief pepper trade . and so would have shut them out , both of the streights of sunda and mallaca . which , from these men we may learn , that those which study to be great by any means , must by all means forget to be good : they must dismiss that puny thing conscience ; for there is no such remora to grandeur , as a coy and squemish conscience : and it's observ d by a learned gentleman , had alexander boggled at invading other mens kingdoms , he had never wept for the scarcity of worlds . the oppressions and injuries of these men in india , not only to the english , but to the subjects of many of the kings and princes in europe , are not to be express d ( and indeed they are fitter for our wouder than our words . ) it were to be desired that they would set forth a manifesto to the world of the particular losses they and their subjects have sustained by the insolencies and usurpations of these men . and then they would be as much scorned , by every good man in europe , as they are now hated by the indians in america : for the indians , though they have no kindness for the spaniard , yet they look upon him as a gentleman , but the hollanders they abhor , for their sordid acts , and unjust practises . as they have made themselves masters of the south seas , so having anno 1662. taken cochen from the portuguez , and other ports upon the coast of mallabar , they have the sole command upon the north seas from mallabar to india , persia , arabia , red sea , mosambique , all along to cabo de bon esperanza , so they will in a short time restrain all the kings and princes in europe , and their subjects to have a trade or commerce in those parts . and whether it may not by the help of a little logick be concluded out of their stile ; consider , the states general of the united provinces of battavia , amboyna , tewan , &c ▪ commanders of all the seas of the world ; protectors of all the kings and princes in europe ; and supreme moderators of all the affairs of christendom : for so they stile and write themselves in the east indies . now they are high and mighty states indeed : ambition is never so high , but she thinks still to mount ; that station which lately seem'd the top , is but a step to her now ; and what before was great in desiring , seem little , being once in power . the method and arts which the states have used in india to inlarge their dominions , and to exclude others from trade or commerce there . 1. they are in a perpetual state of hostility , ever warring upon some prince or other ; and thereby gain either tribute or dominion . 2. when they have to do with any king or prince , they order their affairs so , that he must perform first ; and when he hath done , they are states , and so are free . 3. they encourage the natives upon every small occasion of discontent , to arm against their prince , premising them their assistance , which they exactly perform . when they have conquered the king , and taken his castles and ports , ( which they first secure , making themselves masters of the seas and great rivers ) then they subdue the natives : and so vest in themselves sovereign dominion , and make both king and natives their vassals . 4. if the natives take up arms against their prince , ( as many times they do ) then they encourage him against his rebellious subjects , and give him their assistance : when the natives are subdued , then they conquer the king himself , or else demand so much for their assistance , that he is not able to pay ; and so he must submit himself and his dominions to their boundless ambition . 5. if there be any wars between prince and prince , they will be sure to fall in with one of them , and give him their aid , and so make war in the other princes dominion . when that prince is subdued , and themselves setled in his dominions , then they reduce the other prince to their obedience , having some castles or ports in his dominions , which do command the whole . 6. if they have any places of concern , and the subjects of any prince in europe have any factories there , ( which they cannot fairly dismiss ) then they lay such great taxes and impositions upon the natives , that they are enforced to arms. when they are subdued , then they charge the subjects of that prince as conspirators and abetters of the natives ; and so seize upon all their goods , factories , and enforce them to quit the country , or else send them into some of their islands to be slaves . 7. if any prince in europe make any treaty or league with the states , concerning any affairs in india , they send to the states of battavia private instructions , contrary to their publick agreement : so that all treaties and leagues , as to the affairs of india , are ineffectual . 8. where they have footing in any island or dominion , they claim by conquest , and so lay what taxes they please upon the natives . and being in by conquest , they are proprietaries ; and so exclude the subjects of any king or prince from trade there . 9. if the subjects of any king or prince in europe have factories in the dominions of any prince there , ( if they begin to be considerable ) they take some occasion to war against that prince ; and upon treaty , charge those subjects to be the cause of the war : so if the prince will have peace , he must seize their factories and goods , and banish them his country . 10. they pretend great kindness to their neighbour princes , and enter into a league offensive and defensive with them : and by that means get the favour of those princes to have some ports , or strong castles for defence of their trade , as they pretend in their territories . when that is done , they either make wars themselves , ( and so those princes must aid them ) or else perswade the princes his allies to make war upon another prince ; which they do , and so fight one prince against another ; and when they are sufficiently enweakned , they conquer them all . 11. if they have any difference with any potent king or prince , they get time : if it be for their advantage , they give good words , but part with no money . that done , they make their addresses to some favorite of that prince , ( which do all in the court of the indian kings , ) and so with small charges they effect great matters . by these steps they have clim'd up to those immense pyramids of dominion and power in the indies , that they are become formidable to the greatest emperours and princes there : ever making good in their practice that lemma of loyola , ( the apostle of their state ) cavete vobis principes . they have excluded the subjects of all kings and princes in europe from traffick and commerce , where they have any territories or power . and by reason of the dominion they have in the south seas , and the conquests and fortifications they make upon the north seas , all their subjects will finally be debarred from any traffick or trade there . of what dangerous consequence this will prove , it 's very well beseeming the wisdom of the greatest kings and princes to consider . for there are a generation which are born to be the plague , disquiet , and scourge of europe ; and they gladly sacrifice the publick peace of christendom to their own private interest . if we consider how many brave and large dominions in the east-indies , were under the sovereignty of the kings of great britain , what flourishing factories their subjects had there , how great kings they might have been in treasure and dominion , how rich their subjects , it cannot but discompose an english spirit , that his king should be ousted of all those dominions , and his subjects devested of their riches and hopes , by a people who had nothing but the favour of the king of great britain to support them , nor no fortress to defend them but that of amb●yna , and that built by the monies of the english company . well , we may see what treachery and perfidiousness can do , being accompanied with ambition and industry : but they will ere long find , that slippery are those foundations of might and greatness , which are not laid upon the principles of justice , and regulated by the maxims of christian piety . and as america was the theatre where they acted these tragedies , and unparallel'd insolencies : so they have not spared to manifest their ingratitude , affronts , and highest injuries against the kings of great britain , and the english nation here in europe . anno 1639. when his catholick majesty sent his armado with some souldiers into flanders , to strengthen his garisons there , but by cross winds were driven upon the english coasts ; the states equipped out a great fleet of men of war , charged the spanish armado , ravished his ships out of the harbours of his late majesty at dover , and destroyed most of that fleet , though in his majesties protection and dominions , and against his majestles express command : thereby usurping sovereignty to themselves , and giving laws to his majesty in his own dominions . a bold affront ! and certainly they could not think but his majesty did highly resent it . but to keep him busied at home , and that his majesty might have no opportunity to bring them to justice for their insolency : there being ( anno 1639. ) some distempers in scotland , they did greatly promote them , and contributed their assistance to them , in all manner of military provisions . monarchy , and with that the glory of the english nation , was now departed ; the people model themselves into a commonwealth , they take a full prospect of the usurpations , injuries , and oppressions of the states , which had such a horrid complexion of injustice upon them , that the new commonwealth denounce war against the old states , they obtain many signal victories , and had much disabled their naval forces . now the states being not well able to contest with the english valour , they project how they might deliver themselves from the fury of these men : at last , they having by their emissaries first disseminated sedition amongst the people , whereby the commonwealth became a burthen to the nation , and wise men began to be troubled at the ill face of affairs , they adjudged the best expedient was , to set up a single person , ( the states being now sensible of their former errour , in not supporting the english monarchy , as their best safety , and greatest protection ) o. as the fittest person for such a bold-fac'd treason , ( by their underhand practise , and paying to him some hundred thousand of pounds ) is prevailed with to take upon him the government of the nation . the war is continued against them with great success : yet by their interest they obtain a treaty . and thereupon paying a million of pounds to o. a peace is concluded ; but the most dishonourable and unjust that ever was to this nation . but such as it was , it continued till his majesties blessed restauration . anno 1641. there happening some difference betwixt his late majesty , and his parliament , they sent over their rabbies of sedition here into england , and infus'd their antimonarchical principles and dangerous doctrines into some giddy heads of the english nation , who thereby became so intoxicated , that they were never at rest till ( like men infected with the plague ) they infected others ; and thereby a great part of the people became disobservant to the laws of the nation , and rebels to their king. an army of these men were raised , they having their chief officers and commanders , and all warlike provisions out of the united provinces , to bring destruction to the king , and desolation to the kingdom . thereby that great king being reduced to streights , ( notwithwithstanding the many obligations of the states to his majesty ) they could never be induced to contribute any aid or assistance to redeem that excellent prince from so great abyss of misery , or to preserve the kingdom from ruine and confusion , ( which with their assistance might have been easily prevented . ) but the states were so far from any act of charity or piety , that amsterdam was made the great emporium or market for the rebels to sell those rich and costly goods which they had plundered from his majesties best subjects in england , ( whereas no king or prince in christendom would suffer them to make use of any of their ports to that purpose ) and the best furniture that some of the states have in their houses at this very day , are many of those stollen goods . and by this means they brought poverty and misery to this nation , riches and plenty to themselves . this unfortunate nation being thus in combustion , and all befry'd , the hogan mogans with joy , as an ingenious man observed , did warm their hands at those unhappy flames , which they themselves had kindled , tuning their merry harps , when others were weeping over a kingdoms funeral . in england there being nothing but confusion and ruine , nothing to be seen but the convulsions of a dying state. his now sacred majesty , for his own safety and security , withdrew himself out of england , and resolved to live for some time ( in his solitudes ) in the belgick provinces : but the states were so far from affording him any comfort , as a distressed prince , or yielding him any kindness , as their best friend , and greatest patron , that if his majesty had not had timely notice of it , it is credibly said , that he had been delivered up ( in their territories ) as a sacrifice to the fury of his cruellest enemy . his majesty , anno 1660. being restored to his kingdoms , ( forgetting all their former unkindnesses and ingratitudes ) his care was to conclude a strict league with the said states . but no sooner was it concluded , but they return to their usual practise of breaking of articles , ( who expect an exact observance of them from others , but perform none themselves . ) thereupon his majesty , 1664. was stirred up by the complaints of his people , and the unanimous votes of both houses of parliament , to defend the rights of his crown , and the liberties of his people , which the states had most notoriously invaded : yet his majesty to prevent the effusion of bloud , ( as tyrants shed bloud for pleasure , kings for necessity ) spent the whole summer in negotiations to bring them to reason , but all his endeavours proved ineffectual . thereupon , anno 1665 ensued the war , and continued to the year 1667. wherein his majesty obtained so many signal victories , that by their humble supplications and addresses to his majesty for peace , he was induced to a treaty . and his majesty having the garranty of the most christian king , and of the said states , that no act of hostility during the said treaty should be attempted by them against his majesty , or any of his dominions ; thereupon his majesty did forbear to equip his fleet. yet the said states , contrary to their faith , during the said treaty , ( with their fleet though not half mann'd or victuall'd for any time ) most treacherously invaded his majesties dominions , burnt and committed destruction upon several ships of his majesties navy royal , in his own ports and harbour . whereas if his majesty had set forth his fleet , they had not been able to have put to sea that year for want of mariners , and other discouragements upon them , having received so many memorable defeats by the valour and courage of his subjects . no sooner was there a peace concluded , but every article was broken by them . and no wonder , for it 's a maxime of their state , that all alliance as to them is inconsiderable : the foundation of their greatness and safety , consists in their own power and strength . therefore to keep any article is of no consideration to them . now they invade his majesties fishing upon the british seas without his royal license , they refuse to strike sail , and dispute his sovereignty of the british seas . affronts so high , and indignities so transcendent , that no king or potentate ( except these men ) did ever so much as question any of them . it doth appear by the records in the tower , and the municipal laws of this nation , that the kings of england have had ever from the time of the romans an absolute and uninterrupted right , and exclusive property in the sovereignty of the british seas , in the passages and fishing thereof ; and hath power to make laws , and exercise supreme jurisdiction over all persons , and in all cases within or upon the said seas , as 't was agreed 26 e. 1. by the agents and embassadors of genoa , catoloigna , spain , almaine , zealand , holland , friesland , denmark , norway , and divers other places in the empire . and by all the states and princes of europe , in a case then in question between the king of england and his most christian majesty ; concerning rayner grimbold his admiral exercising some jurisdiction upon the british seas . see the records in the tower , 26 e. 1. de superioritate maris anglici . the laws of olleron which ( after the rhodian laws were antiquated ) have now near five hundred years been received by all the christian world for regulating sea-affairs , and deciding of maritine controversies , were first declared by king r. 1. at his return from the holy land , and by him caused to be published in the isle of olleron , as belonging to the dutchy of aquitane . if the subjects of any king or prince have a right to fish in the british seas , i do , desire to be satisfied , what should be the reason that all neighbour princes have by treaty obtained license from the kings of england , for their subjects to fish in those seas , and have paid tribute , as it doth appear by the licences granted by h. 4. unto the french. by h. 6. unto the dutchess of burgundy . to those of brabant and flanders by e. 4. to francis duke of britain for his subjects . philip ii. king of spain , in the first year of queen mary , obtained a licence for his subjects to fish upon the north coasts of ireland , for the term of one and twenty years , paying yearly for the same 1000 l. which was accordingly paid into the exchequer of ireland . and the presidents in r. 1. king john , e. 3. and other kings , are almost infinite . and if any king or prince could pretend to any right , certainly his most christian majestic hath as good a pretence as any . but that king by the special licence of the kings of england , and not otherwise , hath fish'd upon the british coasts , with a set and limited number of boats. and that for his own family , and being likewise to observe the laws and orders of his own fishermen : for breach whereof , divers of his subjects have been taken and imprisoned in dover castle and elswhere ; as doth appear by many presidents in time of e. 3. h. 4. h. 7. &c. in the tower. neither is this singular in the king of england only , for in russia , many leagues from the main , fishermen do pay for their fishing great taxes to the emperor of russia and in most places , other nations are prohibited to fish . the king of denmark doth the like , and taketh great tribute both at wardhouse and the sound . and the like he doth now for norway . all the bordering princes of italy do the like within the mediterranean seas . the states do take an imposition upon fish , which is taken upon the british seas , and within the streams and dominions of other princes . the hollanders do allow the tenth fish , both in russia , lappia , and other places , or pay a composition for the same : and do also pay a tribute in the sound , for passage to fetch the said fish . but i shall not give my self any trouble in a point so clear . i would desire to know of the hollanders , by what right or title they fish upon the british seas . if they have a right , why did the earls of holland , and themselves after the said earls take licences from the kings of england , for their subjects to fish and pay tribute ? as they have done , as it appeareth by many ancient presidents in the tower. but now i remember , it 's a principle of their state , that if they get the possession of any thing , never to dispute the right , so it be of conveniency or profit to them to keep it . the next is the striking of the sail , which is nothing but an humble acknowledgement of his majesties soveraignty of the british seas , and a grateful submission for their liberty to pass upon them ; for strangers ( by the law and custom of the british seas ) being to pass those seas , either in coming to england , or going to any other place ( without so much as touching upon any of his majesties dominions ) have us'd to take safe conducts and licences of the kings of england , to secure and protect them in their passage . vide rot. franciae , 11. h. 4 de salvo conductu . the presidents are exceeding many amongst the records in the tower. the striking of the sail , is one of the ancientest prerogatives of the crown of england , for , i observe in the second year of king john , it was declared at hastings by the king , with the advice of his lords temporal , for a law and custom of the sea , that if a lieutenant in any voyage , being ordained by the king , doth encounter upon the sea , any ship or vessel laden or unladen , that will not strike or vail their bonnets at the commandment of the lieutenant of the king , or of the admiral of the king , or his lieutenant , but will fight against them of the fleet ; that if they can be taken , they be reputed as enemies , their ships , vessels and goods taken and forfeited , as the goods of enemies . and that the common people being in the same , be chastised by imprisonment of their bodies , for their rebellion , inter leges marinas , anno 2 johannis regis , amongst the records of the tower. the hollanders therefore refusing to strike sail , do deny his majesties soveraignty in the seas ( one of the most precious jewels of the crown ) and the principal means of the trade , wealth and safety of this nation ; and which all true english men , with the hazard of their lives and fortunes , are obliged to preserve and maintain , for imperator maris , est dominus terrae . and as they have deny'd his majesties soveraignty , so they have by their artifice supplanted the trade and traffick of his subjects , which are the only pillars of riches and safety to this nation . consult the muscovia , turkey , &c. companies , enquire at the exchange , they will all tell you , it 's gone , whither i know not , but into amsterdam , and the united provinces . the english are as active and industrious a people as any , but ( of a more generous and noble allay ) they abhor to have trade , by those base practises , or to gain it , by those sordid means as the hollanders do . i doubt not but the english nation being sensible of the injuries and oppressions done them by these men , will in short time , by their sword and valour reduce them to reason . and as they have supplanted the trade of his majesties subjects ; so they have endeavoured to make a diminution of his own glory , by abusive pictures and false libels ; not only in their own territories , but in most of the dominions of the kings and princes of of europe , where the name of the king of great britain is renown'd . reputation abroad , and reverence at home , are the pillars of safety and soveraignty . by these arts they have endeavoured , not only to lessen his majestie , reputation abroad , but to bring contempt upon him , even amongst his own subjects at home . without doubt his majesties good subjects have a great sentiment of these indignities , and will not only carry an antidote in their ears , against the poyson of these libels , but with their swords , lives and fortunes will vindicate his dignity , and bring these ungrateful miscreants to justice . the states having put so many scorns and indignities upon his majesty , and abuses upon his subjects in their trade ( for which his majestie was more troubled than for the indignities done to himself ) he was resolved to have satisfaction of them . but they to give his majesty disquiet in his own dominions , and for a diversion to him , made their addresses to some persons of the scotish nation ( with them ) for their brotherly assistance , promising them they should be furnished with men , arms and money what they pleased . but the scots ( too well remembring their late sufferings and calamities , and ) having as great a sense of loyalty and duty for their king as any people in the world , with the greatest scorn and abhorrency rejected their most impious and rebellious motion . not prevailing there , they set upon some factories of sedition in england : and by their emissaries here , endeavoured to work upon an honest party in this nation , ( though differing in some minute ceremonies from the church ) but they looked upon it , as the greatest injury and indignity could be done them , to tempt them from the loyalty to so good and gracious a king. and certainly his majesty had a very good esteem for them , or else he would never have granted them that act of indulgence : an act so transcendent , and exceeding the bounty and grace of all former kings , that it could not be obtain'd of them , though there had been many hundred thousand pounds offered for the purchase of it . but as his majesty hath granted them liberty of conscience ; so ( there 's no doubt ) they will make conscience of their liberty . his majesty of great britain , and the most christian king , of all princes in europe have most studied and endeavoured ( for the good of their subjects ) to advance trade and commerce ; yet their subjects cry out they have no trade , and well they may , when the hollanders are the great supplanters of trade , and obstructers of commerce ( to all others but themselves ) in the world . and no wonder , for it 's a prime principle of their state , that they must not be like the joc-caul , which provide food for the lyon ; but they must imitate the prudent cat , who mouses only for it self . nothing can be more becoming the majesty of two such potent kings , not only out of charity to deliver the distressed dutch ( an industrous and well meaning people of themselves ) from the tyranny and oppression of those insolent states ; but out of piety towards god , to settle peace in christendom ( which is only by the power of these two great kings to be effected ) ; and to which all kings and princes are oblig'd to contribute their assistance . for let it be soberly considered , if these men ( if we may so call them ) since the revolt from their prince , have not made greater distempers and confusions , and caused more effusion of blood , aud expence of treasure in europe , than the great turk hath done for these 500 years . and as they are more powerful by sea , so they are much more dangerous in their practise . for , the turk is a prince , who with all potentates doth exactly observe his leagues , and keeps his faith : but it 's an apophthegm in their state , that its for kings and merchants to keep their word and faith : but for states , no longer then it's subservient to their interest . and how exactly they make this good in their actions , i appeal to all the kings and princes of europe , if ever they kept one article , or their faith in any thing , where it was their interest to break it . certainly these men live , as if great sins would merit heaven by an antiperistasis . and it s very well becoming the gravest judgements to consider , if these men may not prove in a short time , a greater terror and plague to christendom , than the turk himself . insomuch as his arms are at a great distance , and only land-forces , but these men are seated in the centre of europe , and being so potent at sea , and rich in treasure , may cast an army , and with that , blood and confusion into any princes dominion , whom they please to disquiet ( especially being first reduced to poverty , which they labour to effect in all their territories by obstructing of trade ) and they can more speedily and powerfully offend any kingdom by sea in one month , than the most puissant army is able to to march through in a year . well , it 's time to reduce these men to justice and reason ; prudence teacheth us to set limits to that power , which deservedly may be suspected . for as they grow in puissance and strength , so the more formidable they will render themselves to all kings and princes . from one great king they have taken so much blood , that he is fallen into a deep consumption : and it 's adjudged by some wise physicians of state , that he will hardly recover . did they not lately break the heart of one potent king , and almost the back of another ? do they not privately engage prince against prince ? and by that means bring misery and calamity to them both ; and out of their ruine create riches and plenty themselves ? do they not undermine the trade of all europe , and send nothing but poverty , misery and complaints into all princes dominions ? how dangerous and fatal their greatness will in few years prove to all the kings and princes of europe , and to their subjects ( if not timely prevented ) a weak statist 〈…〉 without the help of galileo s prospective-glass ) may easily see . yet there are a people in the world , which contribute their assistance to them , but let them be assured , that if these states by their arts shall extricate themselves from the destruction and calamity which now threaten them , they must for all their friendly assistance , expect nothing but polyphemus courtesie , to be the last that shall be swallowed up . this is too evident by their ingratitude and insolencies to the kings of great britain , and to the english nation . nothing can give a check to their growing power , but the naval forces of the king of great britain , whose situation , ports , strength of shipping , courage of people , and experince in sea-fights , have always made him very formidable . and that henry the eighth understood so well , that he assumed to himself that motto , cui adhaereo , praeest . this naval power of the king of great britain , is the security and safety of europe : for if that were broken , they would look upon all the other as inconsiderable , because they are so far separate , that they might be destroyed before they could unite ; and in case they did , the issue would be very doubtful . then they would sacrifice one prince after another , and bring nothing but confusion , poverty , and misery to prince and people . and whether this be not more than conjectural , look into their practices in the east-indies : observe their arts and methods , by which they have reduced so many great kings , with their subjects , vassals and slaves , to their vast ambition . i have done : yet i cannot but drop a few tears for some honest people amongst them , who must be inwrapt in the punishment , though innocent as to the guilt . now the most formidable and potent kings in christendom , are drawing their forces against them , all their trade is gone by sea , nothing but horror and confusion in their land ; none of their allyes durst appear for them . a mournful tragedy . methinks like wise patriots , they should seise upon their states ( whom they may thank for all their calamities and miseries ) and yield them up to justice ; set up their prince , whose ancestors have spent so much blood and treasure to vindicate their rights and liberties , and not to serve their ends of him ( as all wise men think the states do at this juncture of affairs ) for its an adage amongst them , that leo vinciri liber pernegat . and the states do as certainly hate a prince , as a prince doth a free-state . discite justitium moniti , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29589-e630 the belgick provinces . duke alva is sent into the belgick provinces . the bloet-rod setled in the provinces . the government of the provinces alter'd . five thousand families leave the provinces . holland and zeland for the prince of orange . they declare philip of spain to be fallen from his government . the duke of parma provails much . queen elizabeth takes the hollanders into her protection . articles concluded between queen elizabeth and the states . queen elizabeth sendsover to the states 5000 foot and 1000 horse . the christian religion was first planted in holland , zealand and friesland by an englishman . the staple of english cloth removed to delf . queen elizabeth gives leave to the hollanders to fish in our british seas . the king of denmark seizes 7 0 ships of the hollanders . now they triumph , giving out their meddals with this inscription , what we are , we are by gods grace and queen elizabeth . ostend defended by the english 3 years , 3 months . the spaniards lost 100000 men before ostend . breda recovered by the english . queen elizabeth maintained 40000 horse and foot for the hollanders . q ▪ eliz. infests the king of spain in america . the distressed states petition the queen not to desert them . the states send ambassadors to q elizabeth . the queen di pleas'd with the s ates . alliance with q ▪ elizabeth was of great advantage to the states . q. elizabeth councelled , and inclined the states to peace . the states owed q. elizab ▪ two millions of pounds . q eliz. died april . 3. 1603. she lost 100000 men in the states service . king james proclaimed king. king james refuses to assist the states . a league concluded between king james , and the spaniard . the states refuse to treat with the spaniard , except they be declared by him free-states . peace concluded between the spaniard and the states . the provinces of the states . the charges the states are at to maintain their co●tries . the projection of the states to get the cautionary towns from king james . cautionary towns delivered to the states . the treasure and men which the spaniard spent in the wars , the states declare themselves high & mighty states . the states paying a tribute , fish in the british sas. the number of ships the states imploy in the fishing trade . the riches the states gain by their fishing upon the british seas . a league between king james and the states for advance of trade in america . the massacre of the english at amboyna . the states seise the factories of the english at amboyna . a prophesie of king james . the states seise upon all the islands and plantations of the english in america . the states drain 400000l. yearly for spices , out of the kings dominion . the riches the states gain'd by seising of the english factories . the stock of the east india company of england lost . poloroon delivered by the natives to king james . poloroon seised by the states from the english . the cruelty of states against the natives in polloroon . the states 〈…〉 themselves , the sale trade and dominion of the east indies . and to speak freely , prosperous villanies , are cardinal virtues in the states ethicks . the states suffer no ships to pass the streights of mallaca . two ships of the english seised and confiscated by the states . bon esperanza , a s ip of the english seised by the states . the dragon and katherine two english ships seised by the states , and confiscated . anno 162● . the factories of the english in sumatia seised by the states . the factories of the english in siain seised by the states . the states make war against the king of bantam , for his love to the english . the states have the sole command of the north seas . the stile of the states in the indies . notes for div a29589-e6100 the states exclude the subjects of the princes of europe to trade in the east-indies . the great los●es which the king of england and his subjects have sustained in india by the vsu●pation of the states . the in●●lencies of the states to the king of england in europe . the states fight the spanish armado upon the british seas , against the king of englands command . difference betwixt the king of england , and his parliament , and how advanced by the states . the states afford no kindness to his now majest 〈…〉 being in their provinces . the states make addresses to the king of great britain for peace . the states burn his majesties ships . the sovereignty of the british seas , in the king , and the fishing . licenses granted to neighbour princes for their subjects to fish , paying tribute . the subjects of other princes pay for their liberty of fishing . all passing upon the ●ritish seas ought to strike sail . licences of safe conduct granted by the king of great britain . the soveraignty of the sea ought to be preserved . the hollanders supplant trade . the states have scandalized his majesty by libels . the states make addresses to some of the scotish nation to rebel . the states have made more disturbance in europe , than the turk these 50● years . the states will prove a greater plague to christendom than the turk . king of spain king of sweden , king of denmark . the naval power of england , is the security of europe . sir thomas ouerbury his obseruations in his trauailes vpon the state of the xvii. prouinces as they stood anno dom. 1609 the treatie of peace being then on foote. overbury, thomas, sir, 1581-1613. 1626 approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a08591 stc 18903 estc s113538 99848771 99848771 13885 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08591) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 13885) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 930:19) sir thomas ouerbury his obseruations in his trauailes vpon the state of the xvii. prouinces as they stood anno dom. 1609 the treatie of peace being then on foote. overbury, thomas, sir, 1581-1613. [2], 28, [2] p. printed [by bernard alsop for john parker], [london] : m.dc.xxvi. [1626] printer's and publisher's names from stc. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -politics and government -1556-1648 -early works to 1800. france -politics and government -henry iv, 1589-1610 -early works to 1800. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sir thomas overbvry his observations in his travailes vpon the state of the xvii . provinces as they stood anno dom. 1609. the treatie of peace being then on foote printed . m.dc.xxvi . sir thomas overbvry's observations in his travels vpon the state of the 17. prouinces as they stood anno dom. 1609. the treaty of peace being then on foote . and first of the provinces vnited . all things concurred for the rising and maintenance of this state ▪ the disposition of the people , beeing , as mutenous , so industrious and frugall ; the nature of the countrey , euery where fortifiable with water , the scituation of it , hauing behinde them the baltique sea , which yeelds them all materials for ships , and many other commodities , and for men , hard before them , france , and england , both fearing the spanish greatnesse ; and therefore , both concurring for their ayde ; the remotenesse of their master from them ; the change of religion falling out about the time of their reuolt , and now the marquise of brandenburgh , a protestant , like to become duke of cleue . the discontentments of the low-countries did first appeare , soone after the going away of the kings of spaine , while the dutchesse of parma gouerned ; to suppresse which beginnings , the duke of alva being sent , inflamed them more , vpon attempting to bring in the inquisition and spanish decimation , vpon the beheading count horne , and count egmont , persecuting those of the religion , and vndertaking to build cittadels vpon all their townes , which hee effected at antwerpe , but enterprising the like at flushing , that towne reuolted first and vnder it began the warre . but the more generall reuolt of the prouinces happened after the death of don lewis de requiesens , and vpon the comming downe of don iohn of austria , when all the prouinces , excepting luxenburgh , vpon the sacke of antwerpe and other insolencies , proclaimed the spaniards rebels and enemies to the king ; yet the abjuring of their obedience from the crowne of spaine was not in a yeare or two after . holland and zealand , vpon their first standing out , offered the soueraigntie of themselues to the queene , then the protection , both which shee neglected , and that while the french sent greater ayde , and more men of qualitie then wee ; but after the ciuill warre began in france , that kept them busie at home , and then the queene , seeing the necessitie of their being supported , vpon the pawning of brill and flushing , sent money and men ; and since that , most part of the great exploits there haue beene done by the english , who were commonly the third part of the armie , being foure regiments , besides eleuen hundred in flushing , and the ramekins , and fiue hundred in the brill . but of late the king of france appearing more for them then ours , and paying himselfe the french that are there , they giue equall , if not more countenance to that nation . but vpon these two kings they make their whole dependancie , and though with more respect to him that is stronger , for the time , yet so as it may giue no distaste vnto the other . for the manner of their gouernment ; they haue vpon occasion , an assembly of the generall states , like our parliament , being composed of those which are sent from euery prouince , vpon summons ; and what these enact stands for lawe . then is there besides , a counsell of state , residing for the most part at the hage , which attends daily occasions , being rather imployed vpon affaires of state then of particular iustice. the most potent in this counsell was barnavill , by reason of his aduocates of holland . and besides both these , euery prouince and great towne haue particular counsells of their owne . to all which assemblies , aswell of the generall states , as the rest , the gentrie is called for order sake , but the state indeed is democraticall , the merchant and the tradesman being predominant , the gentrie now but few and poore ; and euen at the beginning the prince of orange saw it safer to relie vpon the townes then them : neither are the gentrie so much engaged in the cause , the people hauing more aduantages in a free state , they in a monarchy . their care in gouernment is very exact and particular , by reason that euery one hath an imediate interest in the state ; such is the equality of iustice , that it renders euery man satisfied ; such the publike regularity , as a man may see their lawes were made to guide , not to entrappe ; such their exactnesse in casting the expence of an armie , as that it shall bee equally farre from superfluity and want , and as much order and certaintie in their acts of warre , as in ours of peace , teaching it to bee both ciuill and rich , and they still retaine that signe of a common-wealth yet vncorrupted , priuate pouertie and publike weale : for no one priuate man there is exceeding rich , and few very poore , and no state more sumptuous in all publike things . but the question is ; whether this , being a free state , will aswell subsist in peace , as it hath done hitherto in warre , peace leauing euery one to attend his particular wealth , when feare , while the warre lasts , makes them concurre for their common safety ; and zealand , vpon the least securitie , hath euer beene enuious at the predominancie of holland and vtrich , ready to mutinie for religion : and besides , it is a doubt , whether the same care and sinceritie would continue , if they were at their consistence , as appeares yet whiles they are but in rising . the reuenew of this state ariseth chiefely from the earle of hollands demaynes , and confiscated church liuings , the rising and falling of money , which they vse with much aduantage , their fishing vpon our coasts , and those of norway , contribution out of the enemies countrie , taxes vpon all things at home , and impositions vpon all merchandizes from abroad . their expences vpon their ambassadours , their shippings , their ditches , their rampiers and munition , and commonly they haue in pay by sea and land 60000. men . for the strength ; the nature of the countrie makes them able to defend themselues long by land , neither could any thing haue endangered them so much as the last great frost , had not the treatie beene then on foot , because the enemy being then master of the field , that rendred their ditches , marshes , and riuers as firme ground . there belongs to that state 20000. vessells of all sorts , so that if the spaniard were entirely beaten out of those parts , the kings of france and england would take asmuch paines to suppresse , as euer they did to raise them : for being our enemies , they are able to giue vs the law at sea , and eate vs out of all trade , much more the french , hauing at this time three ships for our one , though none so good as our best . now that whereupon the most part of their reuenew and strength depends , is their traffique , in which mysterie of state they are at this day the wisest ; for all the commodities that this part of the world wants , and the indies haue , as spice , silke , iewells , gold , they are become the conueyers of them for the rest of christendome , except vs , as the venetians were of old ; and all those commodities that those northerne countries abound with , and these southerne stand in need of , they likewise conuey thither , which was the auncient trade of the easterlings : and this they doe , hauing little to export of their owne , by buying of their neighbour-countries the former , and selling them againe what they bring backe at their owne prises , and so consequently liue vpon the idlenesse of others . and to this purpose their scituation serues fitly ; for riuers of the rhene , the maze , and skeld end all in their dominions ; and the baltike sea lies not farre from them : all which affoord them whateuer the great continent of germany , russia , and poland yeelds ; then they againe lying betweene germany and the sea , doe furnish it backe with all commodities forraigne . to remember some pieces of their discipline as patternes of the rest ; the watches at night are neuer all of one nation , so that they can hardly concurre to giue vp any one towne . the commissaries are no where so strict vpon musters , and where he findes a company thither hee reduceth them , so that when an armie marcheth the list and the poll , are neuer farre disagreeing . their army is euer well clothed , well armed , and had neuer yet occasion to mutinie for pay or victualls . the souldiers commit no where fewer insolencies vpon the burgers , fewer robberies vpon the countrie , nor the officers fewer deceipts vpon the souldiers . and lastly , they prouide well that their generall shall haue small meanes to inuade their liberties : for first their army is composed of many nations , which haue their seuerall commanders , and the commands are disposed by the states themselues , not by the generall . and secondly he hath neuer an implicit commission left to discretion , but , by reason their countrie hath no great bounds , receiues daily commands what to doe . their territory containes sixe entire prouinces , holland , zealand , virick , groninghen , oueriscell , and ariezland , besides three parts of gelderland , and certaine townes in brabant and flanders ; the ground of which is for the most part fruitfull ; the townes no where so equally beautifull , strong , and rich , which equality growes by reason that they appropriate some one staple commodity to euery town of note ; only amsterdam not only passeth them all , but euen siuill , lisbone , or any other mart towne in christendome , and to it is appropriated the trade of the east indies , where they maintaine commonly forty ships , besides which there goe twice a yeare from it , and the adioyning townes , a great fleete to the baltique sea : vpon the fall of antwerp , that rose rather then middleborough , though it stand at the same riuers mouth , and is their second mart towne , to which is appropriated our english cloth. concerning the people , they are neither much deuout , nor much wicked , giuen all to drinke , and eminently to no other vice ; hard in bargaining , but iust , surly and respectlesse , as in all democracies , thirstie , industrious and cleanly , dishartened vpon the least ill successe , and insolent vpon good ; inuentiue in manufactures , cunning in traffique , and generally for matter of action , that naturall slownesse of theirs sutes better , by reason of the aduisednesse and perseuerance it brings with it , then the rashnesse and changeablenesse of the french and florentine wits , and the equality of spirits which is among them and the swissers , renders them so fit for a democracie , which kinde of gouernment , nations of more stable wittes , being once come to a consistent greatnesse , haue seldome long endured . obseruations vpon the state of the arch-dukes countrie , 1609. by sir tho. overbvry . as soone as i entred into the arch-dukes countrie ( which begins after lillow ) presently i beheld workes of a prouince , and those of a prouince distressed with warre ; the people heartlesse , and rather repining against their gouernours , then reuengefull against the enemies , the brauery of that gentrie which was left , and the industry of the merchant quite decayed ; the husbandman labouring only to liue , without desire to be rich to anothers vse ; the townes ( whatsoeuer concerned not the strength of them ) ruinous ; and to conclude , the people here growing poore with lesse taxes , then they flourish with on the states side . this warre hath kept the king of spaine busie euer since it began ( which some 38. yeares agoe ) and spending all the money that the indies , and all the men that spaine and italy could affoord , hath withdrawne him from perseuering in any other enterprise ; neither could he giue ouer this , without forgoing the meanes to vndertake any thing hereafter vpon france or england , and consequently the hope of the westerne monarchy . for without that handle the mynes of peru , had done little hurt in these parts , in comparison of what they haue . the cause of the expensefulnes of it , is the remotenesse of those prouinces from spaine , by reason of which , euery souldier of spain or italy , before he can arriue there , costs the king an hundred crownes , and not aboue one of ten that arriues prooues good ; besides , by reason of the distance , a great part of the money is drunke vp betwixt the officers that conuey it and pay it . the cause of the continuance of it , is , not only the strength of the enemy , but partly by reason that the commanders themselues are content the war shall last , so to maintaine and render themselues necessaries , and partly because the people of those countries are not so eager to haue the other reduced , as willing to be in the like state themselues . the vsuall reuenew of those prouinces which the arch-duke hath , amounts to 1200000. crownes a yeare , besides which , there come from spaine euery moneth to maintaine the war , 150000. crownes . it was at the first 300000. crownes a moneth , but it fell by fifties to this at the time when the treaty began ▪ flanders payes more toward the warre then all the rest , as holland doth with the states . there is no spaniard of the counsell of state , nor gouernour of any prouince , but of the counsell of warre , which is only actiue ; there they only are , and haue in their hands all the strong townes & castles of those prouinces , of which the gouernours haue but only the title . the nations of which their armie consists , are chiefly spaniards & italians , emulous one of another there , as on the other side the french and english , and of the country , chiefly burgundians and wallons . the popes letters , and spinola's inclination keepe the italians there , almost in equality of command with the spaniard himselfe . the gouernors for the king of spaine there successiuely haue bin the d. of alva , don lewis de requiesens , don iohn d'austria , the prince of parma , the arch-duke ernestus , the cardinall andrew of austrich , and the cardinall albert , till he maried the infanta . where the dominion of the ach-duke and the states part , there also changeth the nature of the country , that is , about antwerp : for all below being flat , and betwixt medow and marsh , thence it begins to rise and become champion , and consequently the people are more quicke and spiritfull , as the brabanter , flemming , and wallon . the most remarkable place in that side is antwerp ( which rose vpon the fall of bruges ) equally strong and beautifull , remaining yet so , vpon the strength of its former greatnesse ; twice spoyled by the spaniard , and the like attempted by the french. the cittadell was built there by the d. of alva , but renued by the prince of parma after his 18. moneths besieging it , the towne accepting a castle rather then a garrison to mingle among them . there are yet in the towne of citizens 30000. fighting men , 600. of which kept watch nightly , but they allowed neither cannon vpon the rampier , nor megazins of powder . in the castle are 200. peeces of ordnance , and commonly seuen or eight hundred souldiers . flanders is the best of the seuenteene provinces , but the havens thereof are naught . obseruations on the state of france , 1609. vnder henry the fourth . by sir thomas overbvry . hauing seene the forme of a common-wealth and a prouince , with the different effects of warres in them , i entred france , flourishing with peace , and of monarchies the most absolute , because the king there , not only makes peace and warres , calls and dissolues parliaments , pardoneth , naturalizeth , innobleth , names the value of money , presseth to the warre ; but euen makes lawes , and imposes taxes at his pleasure : and all this he doth alone : for as for that forme that his edicts must be authorized by the next court of parliament , that is , the next court of soueraigne iustice ; first the presidents thereof are to be chosen by him , and to bee put out by him ; and secondly , when they concurre not with the king , he passeth any thing without them , as he did the last edict for the protestants : and for the assembly of the three estates , it is growne now almost as extraordinary as a generall counsell ; with the losse of which their liberty fell , and when occasion vrgeth , it is possible for the king to procure , that all those that shall bee sent thither , shall be his instruments : for the duke of guise effected as much at the assembly of bloys . the occasion that first procured the king that supremacie , that his edicts should be lawes , was , the last inuasion of the english , for at that time they possessing two parts of france , the three estates could not assemble , whereupon they did then grant that power vnto charles the seuenth during the warre ; and that which made it easie for lewis the eleuenth and his successors to continue the same , the occsion ceasing , was , that the clergie and gentrie did not runne the same fortune with the people there , as in england ; for most of the taxes falling only vpon the people , the clergie aud gentrie being forborne , were easily induced to leaue them to the kings mercy . but the king hauing got strength vpon the pesants , hath beene since the bolder to inuade part of both their liberties . for the succession of this monarchie , it hath subsisted without intermission these 1200. yeares , vnder three races of kings . no nation hath heretofore done greater things abroad in palestine and egipt , besides all parts of europe ; but for these last 400. yeares , they haue only made sallies into italie , and often suffered at home . three hundred yeares the english afflicted them , making two firme inuasions vpon them , and taking their king prisoner ; the second greatnesse of christendome , next the emperour , being then in competition betwixt vs and them ; and to secure themselues against vs , rather then the house of austria , as it then stood , they chose to marry the heire of bretaigne before that of burgundy . and for this last hundred yeares , the spantard vndertaking them , hath eaten them out of all but france , and endangered that too . but for this present , france had neuer , as france , a more entire greatnesse , though it hath often beene richer . for since the warre the king is only got afore hand , the country is but yet in recouering , the war hauing lasted by spaces 32. yeares , and so generally , that no man but had an enemie within three miles , and so the countrey became frontier all ouer . now that which hath made them , at this time , so largely great at home , is their adopting into themselues the lesser adioyning nations , without destruction , or leauing any marke of strangenesse vpon them , as the bretons , gascoignes , provincalls , and others which are not french ; towards the which vnions , their nature , which is easie and harborous to strangers , hath done more then any lawes could haue effected , but with long time . the king ( as i said ) enioying what lewis the 11. did gaine , hath the entire soueraigntie in himselfe , because hee can make the parliament doe what he please , or else doe what he please without them . for the other three estates ; the church is there very rich , being estimated to enioy the third part of the reuenew of france , but otherwise nothing so potent as else-where , partly because the inquisition is not admitted in france , but principally because the popes ordinary power is much restrayned there , by the liberties which the french church claymeth ; which liberties doe not so much ensranchize the church it selfe , as conferre the authoritie the pope looseth vpon the king , as first fruites , and the disposing of all spirituall preferments . and by reason of this neutralitie of authoritie , the church-men suffer more there , then either in england , where they wholly depend vpon the king , or in spaine and italie , where they wholly subsist by the pope ; because the pope is not able totally to support them , and the king takes occasion euer to suppresse them , as beeing not entirely his subiects : and to him they pay yearely both the tenth of all their tithe , and of all their temporall land . the gentrie are the onely entire body there , which participate with the prerogatiues of the crowne ; for from it they receiue priuiledges aboue all other men , and a kinde of limited regality vpon their tenants , besides reall supply to their estates , by gouernments and pensions , and freedome from tallies vpon their owne lands ; that is , vpon their demaines , and whatsoeuer else they manure by their seruants ; but so much as they let to tenants is presently tallie-able , which causeth proportionable abatement in the rent ; and in recompence of this , they owe to the king the ban and the arriereban ; that is , to serue him and his lieutenant three moneths within the land at their owne charges . and as in warre they vndergoe the greatest part of the danger , so then is their power most perremptorie aboue the rest , whereas in time of peace , the king is ready to support inferiour persons against them , and is glad to see them to waste one another by contention in law for feare they grow rich , because hee fore-sees , that as the nobilitie onely can doe him seruice , so they onely misapplyed can doe him harme . the auntient gentrie of france was most of it consumed in the warres of godfrey of bulloigne , and some in those of saint lewis , because vpon their setting out they pawned all their feifs to the church , and few of them were after redeemed ; by reason whereof the church possesseth at this day the third part of the best feifs in france ; and that gentrie was after made vp by aduocates , financiers , and merchants innobled , which now are reputed auntient , and are dayly eaten out againe and repayred by the same kinde of men . for the people ; all those that haue any kinde of profession or trade , liue well ; but for the meere peasants that labour the ground , they are onely spunges to the king , to the church and the nobitie , hauing nothing to their owne , but to the vse of them , and are scarce allowed ( as beasts ) enough to keepe them able to doe seruice ; for besides their rent , they pay vsually two thirds to the king. the manner of gouernment in france , is mixt , betwixt peace and warre , being composed as well of military discipline , as ciuill iustice , because hauing open frontiers and strong neighbours , and therefore obnoxious to sodaine inuasions , they cannot ( as in england ) ioyne euer peace & security together . for the military part , there is euer a constable and a marshall in being , troupes of horse and regiments of foot in pay , and in all prouinces and places of strength , gouernours and garrisons distributed , all which are meanes for the preferment of the gentry ; but those as they giue security against the enemy , so when there is none they disturbe the enioying of peace , by making the countries taste somewhat of a prouince . for the gentry finde a difference betwixt the gouernours fauour & disfauor , and the souldiers commit often insolencies vpon the people . the gouernments there are so well disposed by the king , as no gouernour hath meanes to giue ouer a prouince into the enemies hand , the commands thereof are so scattered : for the gouernour commands the country , and for the most part the chiefe towne ; then is there a lieutenant , to the king , not to him of the same , and betwixt these two there is euer iealousie nourished ; then hath euery towne and fortresse particular gouernours , which are not subalterne to that of the prouince , but hold imediately from the prince , and many times the towne hath one gouernour and the castle another . the aduantages of gouernours ( besides their pay from the king ) are presents from the country , dead payes , making their megazins of come and powder more then they need at the kings price , and where they stand vpon the sea , ouerseeing of vnlawfull goods : thus much in peace : in warre they are worth as much as they will exact . languedoc , is the best , then bretaigne . prouince is worth by all these means to the d. of guise 20000. crownes a yeare ; but prouince only he holds without a lieutenant . concerning the ciuill iustice there , it is no where more corrupt nor expencefull . the corruptnesse of it proceeds , first by reason that the king sells the places of iustice at as high a rate as can bee honestly made of them ; so that all thriuing is left to corruption , and the gaine the king hath that wayes , tempts him to make a multitude of officers , which is another burthen to the subiect . secondly , the presidents are not bound to judge according to the written law , but according to the equitie drawne out of it , which libertie doth not so much admit conscience , as leaue wit without limits . the expencefulnesse of it ariseth from the multitude of lawes , and multiplicitie of formes of processes , the which two both beget doubt , and make them long in resoluing . and all this chiquanerey , as they call it , is brought into france from rome , vpon the popes comming to reside at avignion . for the strength of france , it is at this day the greatest vnited force of christendome ; the particulars in which it consists are these : the shape of the countrey , which beeing round , no one part is farre from succouring another ; the multitude of good townes and places of strength therein are able to stay an army , if not to waste it , as metz did the emperours ; the masse of treasure which the king hath in the bastile ; the number of arsenals distributed vpon the frontiers , besides that of paris , all which are full of good armes and artillerie : and for ready men , the 5. regiments bestowed vp & down in garrisons , together with the 2000. of the guard ; the troupes of ordinary and light horse , all euer in pay ; besides their gentrie all bred souldiers , and of which they thinke there are at this present 50000. fit to beare armes : and to command all these , they haue at this day the best generalls of christendome , which is the only commodity the ciuill wars did leaue them . the weaknesse of it are , first the want of a sufficient infantry , which proceeds from the ill distribution of their wealth ; for the peysant , which containes the greatest part of the people , hauing no share allowed him , is heartlesse and feeble , and consequently vnseruiceable for all military vses , by reason of which , they are first forced to borrow ayde of the swissers at a great charge , and secondly to compose their armies for the most part of gentlemen , which makes the losse of a battaile there almost irrecouerable . the second is the vnproportionable part of the land which the church holds , all which is likewise dead to militarie vses . for , as they say there , the church will loose nothing , nor defend nothing . the third is the want of a competent number of ships and gallies , by reason of which defect , first the spaniard ouermasters them vpon the mediterranian , and the english and hollander vpon the ocean , and secondly it renders them poore in forraine trade , so that all the great actions of christendome for these fifty yeares , hauing beene bent vpon the indies , they only haue sate idle . the fourth is the weaknesse of their frontiers , which is so much the more dangerous , because they are possessed , all but the ocean , by the spaniard : for savoy hath beene alwaies as his owne for all vses against france . the last is the difference of religion among themselues , which will euer yeeld matter of ciuill dissention , and consequently cause the weaker to stand in neede of forraigne succours . the ordinarie reuenew of the king , is , as they say now , some 14. millions of crowns , which arise principally from the demaines of the crowne , the gabell of salt , tallies vpon the countrie , customes vpon the merchandize , sale of offices , the yearely tithe of all that belongs to the church , the rising and falling of money . fines and confiscations cast vpon him by the law ; but as for wardships , they are only knowne in normandy . his expence is chiefely ambassadours , munition , building , fortifying , and maintaining of gallies . as for ships when he needs them , he makes an embarque ; in pay for souldiers , wages for officers , pentions at home & abroad , vpon the entertaining his house , his state , and his priuate pleasures . and all the first , but the demaynes were granted , in the beginning , vpon some vrgent occasion , and after by kings made perpetuall , the occasion ceasing ; and the demaynes it selfe granted , because the king should liue vpon their owne without oppressing their subiects . but at this day , though the reuenew bee thus great , and the taxes vnsupportable , yet doe they little more then serue for necessary publike vses . for the king of spains greatnes & neighbourhood , forceth the king there to liue continually vpon his guard ; and the treasure which the spaniard receiues from his indies , constraines him to raise his reuenew thus by taxes , so to be able in some proportion to beare vp against him , for feare else he should be bought out of all his confederates and seruants . for the relation of this state to others , it is first to be considered , that this part of christendome is ballanced betwixt the three kings of spaine , france , and england , as the other part betwixt the russian , the kings of poland , sweden , and denmarke . for as for germany , which if it were entirely subiect to one monarchy , would be terrible to all the rest , so being deuided betwixt so many princes , and those of so equall power , it serues only to ballance it selfe , and entertaine easie warre with the turke , while the persian with-holds him in a greater . and euery one of those first three , hath his particular strength , and his particular weakenesse : spaine hath the aduantage of both the rest in treasure , but is defectiue in men , his dominions are scattered , and the conueyance of his treasure from the indies lyes obnoxious to the power of any nation that is stronger by sea. france abounds with men , lyes close together , and hath money sufficiently . england beeing an iland , is hard to be inuaded , abounds with men , but wants money to imploy them . for their particular weaknesse : spaine is to be kept busie in the low-countries : france is to bee afflicted with protestants , and england in ireland . england is not able to subsist against any of the other hand to hand , but ioyned with the lowe-countries it can giue lawe to both by sea , and ioyned with either of them two it is able to oppresse the third as henry the eight did . now the only entire body in christendome that makes head against the spanish monarchy , is france ; and therefore they say in france , that the day of the ruine of france , is the eue of the ruine of england : and thereupon england hath euer since the spanish greatnesse , enclined rather to maintaine france rather then to ruine it ; as when king francis was taken prisoner , the king of england lent money towards the payment of his ransome : and the late queene ( when the leagers , after the duke of guise his death , had a designe to cantonize france ) though offered a part , would not consent . so then this reason of state , of mutuall preseruation , conioyning them , england may be accounted a sure confederate of france , and holland by reason it partly subsists by it ; the protestant princes of germany , because they haue countenance from it against the house of austria , the protestant swissers for religion and money ; the venetians for protection against the spaniard in italy : so that all their friends are either protestants or enclyning , and whosoeuer is extreme catholike , is their enemie , and factors for the spanish monarchy , as the pope , the cardinalls for the most part , and totally the iesuites , the catholike princes of germany , and the catholicks of england and ireland . for the iesuites , which are the ecclesiasticall strength of christendome , france , notwithstanding the many late obligations , hath cause to despaire of them : for they intending , as one pope , so one king , to suppresse the protestants , and for the better support of christendome against the turke , and seeing spaine the likelier to bring this to passe , they follow the neerer probability of effecting their end . no addition could make france so dangerous to vs , as that of our lowe-countries : for so it were worse then if the spaniard himselfe had them entirely . as for their hopes of regaining italie , it concernes the spaniard immediatly rather then vs. concerning the state of the protestants in france , during peace they are protected by their edict : for their two agents at court defend the generall from wrong , and their chambres-impartyes euery particular person : and if troubles should arise , some scattered particulars might be in danger , but the maine body is safe , safe to defend themselues , though all france ioyne against them , and if it breake out into factions , the safest , because they are both ready and vnited . the particulars of their strength are , first their townes of surety , two of which command the riuer of loyre . secondly , their scituation , the greatest part of them lying neere together , as poictou , zanningtonge , high gascoigne , languedoc , and daulphin , neere the sea , so consequently fit to receiue succours from abroad , and remote from paris , so that the qualitie of an armie is much wasted before it can approach them . the third , is the sufficiency of their present gouernours , bulloigne and desdeguiers , and other second commanders . and for the princes of the blood , whom the rest may , in shew , without emulation obey , when they come once to open action , those which want a party will quickly seeke them . the last , is the ayde they are sure of from forraine princes : for whosoeuer are friends to france in generall , are more particularly their friends . and besides , the protestant partie being growne stronger of late , as the low-countries , and more vnited , as england and scotland , part of that strength reflects vpon them ; and euen the king of spaine himselfe , which is enemie to france in generall , would rather giue them succour , then see them vtterly extirpated : and yet no forraine prince can euer make further vse of them , then to disturbe france , not to inuade it himselfe . for as soone as they get an edict with better conditions , they turne head against him that now succoured them , as they did against vs , at new-haven . concerning the proportion of their number , they are not aboue the seuenteene or eighteenth part of the people , but of the gentlemen there are 6000. of the religion ; but since the peace they haue increased in people , as principally in paris , normandy , and daulphin , but lost in the gentrie , which losse commeth to passe , by reason that the king when he findes any gent. that will but hearken , tempts him with preferment , and those he findes vtterly obstinate , suppresseth : and by such meanes hee hath done them more harme in peace , then both his predecessors in warre . for in all their assemblies hee corrupts some of their ministers to betray their counsell in hand ; and of the 100 & 6000. crowns a yeare , which he paies the protestants to entertaine their ministers , and pay their garrisons , hee hath gotten the bestowing of 16000. of them vpon what gentleman of the religion he pleaseth , when by that meanes he moderates , if not gaines : and besides , they were wont to impose vpon him their two deputies which are to stay at court , but now he makes them propose sixe , out of which he chuseth the two , and by that obligeth those ; & yet notwithstanding all this , in some occasions hee makes good vse of them too . for as towards england he placeth none in any place of strength but firme catholikes ; so towards spaine and sauoy he often giues charge to protestants , as to la force in bearne , desdeguiers and boisse in bresse . concerning the king himselfe , hee is a person wonderfull both in war and peace : for his acts in warre , hee hath manumized france from the spaniard , & subdued the league , being the most dangerous plot that hath bin layd , weakening it by armes , but vtterly dissoluing it by wit , that is , by letting the duke of guise out of prison , and capitulating with the heads of it euery one a part , by which meanes hee hath yet left a continuall hatred among them , because euery one sought , by preuenting other , to make his conditions the better ; so that now there remaines little connexion of it amongst the gentrie , onely there continues some dregges still among the priests , and consequently the people , especially when they are angred with the increase and prosperitie of the protestants . for his acts of peace , hee hath enriched france with a greater proportion of wooll , and silke , erected goodly buildings , cut passages betwixt riuer and riuer , and is about to doe the same betwixt sea and sea , redeemed much of the mortgaged demaynes of the crowne , better husbanded the money , which was wont to bee drunke vppe two parts of it in the officers hands , got aforehand in treasure , armes and munition , increased the infantrie , and supprest the vnproportionable caualry , and left nothing vndone but the building of a nauie . and all this may bee attributed to himselfe onely , because in a monarchy , officers are accordingly actiue or carelesse , as the prince is able to iudge and distinguish of their labours , and withall to participate of them somewhat himselfe . sure it is that the peace of france , and somewhat that of christendome it selfe , is secured by this princes life : for all titles and discontents , all factions of religion there suppresse themselues till his death ; but what will ensue after ; what the rest of the house of bourbon will enterprise vpon the kings children , what the house of guise vpon the house of bourbon , what the league , what the protestants , what the kings of spaine , and england , if they see a breach made by ciuill dissention , i chuse rather to expect then coniecture , because god hath so many wayes to turne aside from humaine fore-sight , as hee gaue vs a testimony vpon the death of our late queene . the countrey of france , considering the quantitie , is the fairest and richest of all christendome , and containes in it most of the countries adioyning . for picardie , normandie , and bretaigne , resemble england ; languedoc , spaine , province , italie , and the rest is france . besides , all the riuers that passe through it , end in it . it abounds with corne , wine , and salt , and hath a competency of silke ; but is defectiue in wooll , leather , mettals , and horses ; and hath but few very good hauens , especially on the north side . concerning the people ; their children at first sight seeme men , and their men children , but who so , in negotiating , presumes vpon appearance , shall bee deceiued , compassionate towards their owne nation and countrey ; louing to the prince , and so they may haue liberty in ceremony , and free accesse to him , they will be the better content that hee shall be absolute in matter of substance ; impatient of peace any longer then whiles they are in recouering the ruines of warre ; the presentnesse of danger inflames their courage , but any expectation makes it languish ; for the most , they are all imagination , and no iudgement , but those that proue solid , excell ; their gentlemen are all good outward men , good courtiers , good souldiers , and knowing enough in men and businesse , but meerly ignorant in matters of letters , because at fifteene they quit bookes , and begin to liue in the world , when indeed a mediocritie betwixt their forme of education and ours would doe better then either . no men stand more punctually vpon their honours in matter of valour , and which is strange , in nothing else ; for otherwise in their conuersation , the custome and shifting and ouerspeaking , hath quite ouercome the shame of it . finis . a true report of the seruice done vpon certaine gallies passing through the narrow seas written to the lord high admirall of england, by sir robert mansel knight, admirall of her maiesties forces in that place. mansell, robert, sir, 1568 or 9-1656. 1602 approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06822 stc 17259 estc s102589 99838361 99838361 2736 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06822) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2736) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 812:10) a true report of the seruice done vpon certaine gallies passing through the narrow seas written to the lord high admirall of england, by sir robert mansel knight, admirall of her maiesties forces in that place. mansell, robert, sir, 1568 or 9-1656. [6], 13, [1] p. printed by felix kingston, and are to be sold by iohn newbery, at his shop in paules churchyard, at london : 1602. with woodcut title vignette. some print faded and show-through. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -early works to 1800. great britain -history, naval -tudors, 1485-1603 -early works to 1800. 2003-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve report of the service done vpon certaine gallies passing through the narrow seas : written to the lord high admirall of england , by sir robert mansel knight , admirall of her maiesties forces in that place . at london printed by felix kyngston , and are to be sold by iohn newbery , at his shop in paules churchyard . 1602. to the right honorable my singvlar and best lord , the earle of nottingham , lord high admirall of england . my dutie to your lordship humbly remembred . although the seruice which i confesse i doe owe vnto your lordship in a manner from my childhood for many fauors , doth so much oblige me , as i cannot thinke how euer it may fall in my power to expresse it : yet cannot i but acknowledge that those fauours of yours , whereby any publike trust or seruice hath been committed to me , doe sit neerest my heart , and as often as i do thinke of them , doe call me to a stricter account then any others , which doe onely touch me in a priuate qualitie : for that in the one , i am onely obliged to acquite my honesty towards your loue : but in the others i am bound in a sort to make good your iudgement , and to iustifie the choise you haue made of me , as a seruant of the state , for whom your selfe are accountable to her from whom all power in our state is deriued . the sense which hereof i haue in the inwardest retraite of my soule , is the cause i haue thought my dutie both to you , and to the state not a little interessed , in a report very vulgar in many mens mouthes in the citie , and by this time perhaps spred ouer the realme . and confirmed by a pamphlet printed , contayning a narration of the late seruice done vpon the gallies : wherein no mention being made , neither of my selfe , nor of any of her maiesties shippes , nor of our nation , wee are all secretly touched with some note , either of negligence of the things committed to vs , ( i specially ) or of vnskilfulnes , or of want of courage : from the staines of all which it importeth me to cleere my selfe , not onely for mine owne sake , and our nations ; but in some sort for your lordship , who through my errors cannot but be wounded , for the ill choise made of me , for so great a charge : i haue therefore ( though against my nature , which delighteth not to talke of my selfe ) been forced for your lordship , and all other mens satisfaction , to expresse in a few lines , a true report of all that was done in that seruice : which as it is free from affectation of glorie to my selfe , or of imputation to others ; so doe i vpon all the dutie i owe , both to your lordship , and to my owne reputation , vndertake to make good in euery point thereof . beseeching your lordship notwithstanding , not to repose your selfe onely vpon mine owne assertions : but by diligent inquisition ( which is not hard for your lordship to make , hauing so much power ouer the whole companie that serued with me ) throughly to enforme your selfe of as much as may suffice to satisfie your iudgement : which if thereby you shall finde confirmed so much as not to repent you of the trust by your fauour committed vnto me , it is the vtmost of my desire , weighing otherwise little what the vulgar conceits of such as either cannot , or will not thinke aright , shall esteeme of me : if by this true report of my seruice they will not be satisfied . for it is those that can iudge , whom i desire most to content , and specially your lordship , to whom i doe with as much truth and synceritie dedicate all other seruices which i may be able to doe , as i haue vsed in setting downe this : which i beseech you to accept as a small testimonie thereof . your lordships in all deuotion : robert mansel . a trve report of the service done vpon certaine gallies passing thorough the narrow seas . on the three and twentie day of september being in the hope , and hauing in my company , the aduauntage onely of the queenes ships , which captaine iones commanded , and two other dutch men of warre : i ridde more then halfe channell ouer , towards the coast of france , vpon a northwest and southest line : my selfe being neerest that coast , captaine iones next vnto me , and the dutch men of warre a sea-boord , and to the westward of him . the small force at that time present and with me remaining , thus disposed for the intercepting of the gallies , hauing dismist the dutch men of warre , that serued vnder me , vpon their owne intreatie to reuictual and trimme : and hauing imployed the rest of the queenes ships vpon especiall seruices , i descried from my toppe mast heads , sixe lowe sailes , which some made for gallies ; others affirmed them to be small barkes that had strooken their top-sailes , being bound from deepe towards the downes . to which opinion ( though i inclined most ) yet caused i the maister to waie and to stand with them , that i might learne some newes of the gallies , which by your lordships aduertisement sent mee , i knew had either past me that night , or were neere at hand : vnlesse the sea had swallowed them vp in the stormes , which had raged three daies before . hauing set my selfe vnder saile , the weather waxt thicke , which caused me to lascke some two poyntes from the winde , towards the english coast , least the continuance of that darke weather might giue them power to runne out a head of me . about eleuen of the clocke the weather cleared , when i discouered them plainely to be the spanish gallies so long time expected ; at which time with the rest , i plied to receiue them by crossing their forefoote , as they stoode alongst the channell : which they endeauoured , till they perceiued that by the continuance of that course , they could not escape the power of my ordinance . all this time these two fliboates were betwixt them and me : and as the slaues report that swam a shore at douer , they determined with three gallies to haue boorded each of those ships , and would haue executed that resolution , but for the feare of her maiesties great galion ( as the tearmed the hope ) whose force that they shunned in that kinde ( considering the disaduantage that twice sixe of the best gallies that euer i sawe , hath by fighting against one ship of her force ) i doe as much commend , as otherwise i doe detest their shamefull working in that full of cowardlines and weakenes , they rowed backe to the westward , and spent the day by running away : in hope that the darkenes of the night would giue them libertie sufficient to shunne the onely ship they feared , or that was in deede in the sea at that time , to giue them cause of feare , i meane betwixt them and dunkerke or newport . this error onely of theirs bred their confusion , as you may perceiue by the sequell . for they no sooner began that course of rowing backe againe ; but i instantly made signes for captaine iones in the aduantage of the queenes , to come vnto me : whom i presentlie directed to repaire to callis roade ; and thence to send the al-arme vnto the states armie prepared before sluce : and to aduise such men of warre as kept on the coast of flanders , vpon any other occasion , to stand off to the sea , to meete with the gallies in the night , which should be chased by me with my lights in my top-mast heads , and a continuall discharging of my ordinance . captaine iones hauing shapte his course according to my directions : i gaue order for hoysing and trimming of my sayles by the winde , to keepe sight of the gallies : the two fliboates being still a weather of me , did the like . which chase we held till sunne setting , obseruing this course following all the day . they being a weather of me , kept their continuall boords , that the gallies were alwaies betwixt them . and my selfe being to leeward , made such short turnes , as i kept all the afternoone in a manner , euen in the very eye of their course , betwixt them and the place of their desseigne : euer discharging my best ordinance to warne the answere of her maiesties , that ridde by my directions at the downes , vpon important seruice as your lordship knoweth : and the flemmings that were there , hauing left the sea vppon vnknowne groundes to me ( yet sent from portsmouth , by the most prouident direction of her sacred maiestie , to awaite the comming of the gallies , vpon aduertisements that her highnes receiued of their being put to sea ) to set saile , who else had receiued no vnderstanding of the gallies : neither came they within shot of them , till after night , howsoeuer the reputation of the seruice is wholy challenged by them . hauing giuen your lordship an account how this day was thus spent by me , from eyght of the clocke vntill the euening , and with these onely helpes : i beseech your lordship to be pleased to vnderstand , that with the setting of the sunne , i could both discerne the ships last mentioned vnder sayle at the downes , and the gallies to haue set their sayles : directing their course close aboord our shore , each of them being out of sight of the other , and my dutch consorts by this time to haue been left by the gallies to a sterne chase . when i perceiued them to holde that course , which would bring them within shot of the answere , and the rest that were in the downes : i held a cleane contrary course from them , towards the coast of france , to confirme the secure passage they thought to finde on our coast , which i continued , vntill the report of their battery gaue me assurance of the gallies being engaged vnto tham . how the batterie began , who began it , how it was continued , how ended , and to whom the reputation of the seruice is due , i leaue to be considered by your lordship , by the perusall of the true discourse following . the answere of the queenes , which captaine bredgate commanded , as she rid more southerly at the downes then the flemmings , so came she first to the gallies , and bestowed 28. peeces of ordinance on them before the flemmings came in , who at length seconded him with very many shot . during this batterie of ours vpon the gallies , ( which i so terme , because they neuer exchanged one shot ) at the very first report of the answers ordinance , i directed the master of my ship to beare vp with the south end of the goodwin , with which directions i deliuered my reasons publikely , as i stood on the poope of my ship , viz. that if i stood directly in to them , the gallies , before i could recouer the place , would either be driuen a shore or sunke , and so would there proue no neede of my force ; or els by their nimble sayling they would escape the ships , of whom ( once getting a head ) they could receiue no impediment : for there was no one shippe but the aduantage in the sea that could hinder them to recouer any port in flanders or the east countries ( sluce onely excepted ) vnlesse i staied them at that sand head . hauing recouered as neere that place as i desired , i staied at least a quarter of an houre , before i could either see gallie , heare or see any of those ships , their lights , or report of their ordinance , which made me and all my companie hold opinion that they had outsailed the answere and the rest of the flemmings , and shunned sight of me by going a seaboord of my ship : which i so verely beleeued , as i once directly determined to saile for sluce , with hope onely that the preparation which i knew the states had there , would be able to preuent their entrance into that place . whilest i remained thus doubtfull , or rather hopelesse to hinder their recouerie of dunkerke or newport , in case they had been a seaboord of me , some of my companie descried a single gallie plying from the shore to get a head of my shippe . when she approched within caliuer shot , i discharged aboue thirtie peeces of ordinance of my lower & vpper tyre at her alone , my selfe with many other in my ship saw when her maineyard was shot asunder , heard the report of many shot that hit her hull , heard many their most pitifull outcries : which when i perceiued to continue , and in steed of making way from me , to neere me what she could ; i forbare shooting , and commaunded one that spake the portugall language , to tell them that i was contented to receiue them into mercie : which i would accordingly haue performed , had not the other fiue gallies offered to stand out a head of me at that very instant , and thereby would haue left me as they had done both the first two dutch shippes , and afterwards the answere with the rest of the flemmings , had i omitted any small time of executing the aduantage i had of their being on my broad side , which as appeares was so effectually employed ( howsoeuer the night wherein this seruice was performed , might hinder the particular mention of their hurts ) as none can denie but that god pleased thereby onely to work their confusion . for since that time none hath said or can speake of any one shot made towards them : yet foure of them are sunke and wracked , the fift past doing the enemie seruice : and the sixt they are forced to new build at dunkerke , where ( if i bee not much deceiued ) she will prooue more chargeable then profitable , if the fault rest not in our selues . the disagreement betweene the dutch captaines themselues touching the stemming and sinking of the gallies ( whereof one challenged before your lordship , and in many other publike places , to haue stemmed and sunke two himselfe ) and the printed pamphlet containing the stemming and sinking of three gallies , giueth the reputation thereof to three seuerall captaines , amongst whom no mention is made of the first : and whereas there are but two in all sunke ; i leaue to be reconciled amongst themselues , and to your lordship , whether that the same of right appertaineth not to her maiesties ship the hope , in respect of the allegations before mentioned , euery particular whereof being to be prooued by the oathes of my whole companie , and maintained with the hazard of my life with that which followeth . 1 as the shooting of the single gallies main-yard asunder , my bestowing aboue thirtie peeces of ordinance vpon that one gallie , within lesse then caliuer shot . 2 that they in the galley made many lamentable outcries for my receiuing them vnto mercie . 3 that i would accordinglie haue receiued them , but for giuing them ouer to encounter with the other fiue gallies , which els had left me to a sterne chase . to these reasons i adde the assertions of the viceadmirall himselfe , who tolde me ( whatsoeuer he spake in other places ) that one of the gallies , which he stemmed , had her maineyard shot asunder before his comming aboord her : by whom soeuer she was then stemmed , your lordship may iudge , who ruin'd her , considering she made no resistance , by his owne report , but by crying to him for mercie . touching the other gallie stemmed and sunke , i haue alreadie proued how she ( as all the rest ) had got a head the answere of the queenes not named , and the rest of the states-men of warre with her , who challenge the whole credit of this seruice : they ( as all other sea-men ) cannot denie , but that the gallies will outsaile all ships , in such a loome gale of winde and smooth sea , as wee had that night . the gallies being then quicker of saile then they , how could they by any meanes possible fetch them vp , but by some impediment ? impediment they receiued none , but by my ordinance : which amounted to fiftie great shot at those fiue which came last from the shoare , when al the ships were aboue a mile a sterne . some notwithstanding out of their detracting dispositions may perchaunce say , that the two which were wrecked at newport would haue perished by storme , though they had not been battered . whereto though i haue sufficiently answered , first in shewing that they might haue recouered any of the places thereabouts before 8. of the clock that night but for me ; and then the second time before the morning , had they not been encountred by me alone , at the south-sand head : yet for further proofe that they miscaried by our batterie onely , i say that if one of the gallies which receiued least damage by our ordinance did out-liue fridaies storme , continuing till saterday noone , being driuen among the islands of zealand to recouer callis , then surely those two ( vnles they had bin exceedingly torne ) would haue made shift to haue recouered the ports of newport , graueling or dunkerke : especially sith from the place where i battered them , they might haue bin at the remotest of those places about foure houres before any storme began . but such seemed their haste to saue their liues , as their thought ranne of a shoare , and not of a harbour . now that i haue deliuered vnto your lordship the whole and true discourse of this businesse , i shall forbeare to trouble your patience with any further relation of that night and next daies spending my time ( though the same in their chase had like to haue cost her maiestie her ship , & the liues of as many as were in her ) and cōclude with admiration of their not holding her maiesties ships , nor i ( her vnworthiest seruant ) and then and yet by her highnes grace and your lordships fauor , admiral of the forces in that place , are not once mentioned : especially sith the sixe gallies might safely haue arriued before seauen of the clock that night at any of the ports of flaunders to the westward of ostend . and that the dutch shippes had not come from an anchor in the downes , but for the signes they receiued from me . then that the force of her maiesties shippe , wherein i was , enforced them to keepe close aboord the english shoare , whereby those shippes in the downes had power giuen them to come to fight , which fight was begun by the answere of the queenes . and lastly , sith the gallies escaped their battery , and had gotten a head those shippes , aboue a mile at least , and neuer receiued any impediment after , but onely by me , who lingered them ( as you haue heard ) vntill the comming vp of those ships that challenge to stemme them : which being granted , i cannot see how any other credit can rightly be giuen them ( for that stemme i meane ) then to a lackey for pillaging of that dead bodie which his master had slaine . although this be a very true report of that which was done in this seruice , and be a thing very plausible to all that are well affected to the good successe of her maiesties affaires : yet should it not haue mooued me much who were esteemed to haue been the chiefe actor in so good a worke ; or to whom any augmentation of credit might grow thereby , were it not that i haue found some , who ( i denie not ) haue had their part in that seruice , haue been so farre transported with the opinion of their owne desert therein , as they haue not let in setting foorth their owne commendation , to cast a staine vpon other mens , who had a greater part in the worke then themselues , as may appeare by the report aboue recited . which notwithstāding should the lesse trouble me , if the touch thereof did reach only to my selfe as a priuate gentleman : but seeing the imputation , as it may be gathered in a pamphlet printed , containing a report of that seruice , wherein no mentiō at al is made either of me , or of any other her maiesties seruants or ships , or of any of our nation , doth derogate not onely from my selfe , but in some sort from the diligence and vigilancie of al publike ministers of her maiesties nauie : it behoued me to haue so much sense of mine and their reputations , as by a true report of the thing ( as indeed it was done ) to redeeme the slander that in some mens conceits ( whose eares are quicke enough to receiue ill impressions of publike officers ) might bee easily laid vpon vs. for which onely cause is this report published . for how little respect i had to affect reputation to my selfe by publishing any report of that which had passed in this seruice , may appeare by this one circumstance : that as soone as i had presented my self to your lordship , and master secretarie at the court at oatelands , and bin by your honors presented to her maiestie , and made report of that which had passed : my first suite was , to be licensed to goe into the countrie ( as your honor can well witnes ) whither immediatly i repaired attending my owne busines , and from thence returned but very lately , without any thought or purpose of declaiming my owne actions , or of any other thing , more then of returning to my charge , vntill comming to the citie i found euery mans mouth full of an iniurious report of that seruice , and likewise a pamphlet printed by the procurement of some who had had to do in that seruice , which did confirme the misconceit thereof . wherefore i haue been constrained to doe that , which otherwise ( as i haue said ) is not agreeable to my nature , that is , to speake of my selfe . but i shall be herein the more to be excused , because the matter doth concerne me not onely as a priuate person , but as a publike seruant of the state : towards which it becommeth me to make cleere all actions wherewith i am put in trust . for which respect i must also adde this much more ; that if any man will take exception to any point of that which i haue here aboue vpon so good consideration set downe : i would haue him vnderstand that i haue not lightly put foorth this report , as a blast to fill mens eares : but so aduisedly , that at all times i will be readie to maintaine and iustifie the truth therof , in such sort as becommeth a gentleman professing armes ; and bearing the charge , which by her maiesties fauour i doe , to iustifie any thing , which he taketh vpon the hazard of his reputation to report . and in assurance thereof i haue to this report set my hand , and published it in my name . robert mansel . the letter sent by the states-general of the united provinces of the low countreys to his majesty, by their trumpeter together with his majesties answer to the said letter / translated out of french into english. lettre des estats generaux des provinces unies des pays bas envoyee a sa majeste le roy de la grande bretagne par un trompette. english united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. 1673 approx. 30 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52836 wing n485 estc r3548 12892148 ocm 12892148 95126 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52836) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 95126) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 721:18, 2982:12) the letter sent by the states-general of the united provinces of the low countreys to his majesty, by their trumpeter together with his majesties answer to the said letter / translated out of french into english. lettre des estats generaux des provinces unies des pays bas envoyee a sa majeste le roy de la grande bretagne par un trompette. english united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. fagel, gaspar, 1634-1688. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii). his majesties answer to the letter sent from the states general of the united provinces of the low countreys by their trumpeter. 22 p. printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker ..., london : 1673. translation of lettre des estats generaux des provinces unies des pays bas envoyee a sa majeste le roy de la grande bretagne par un trompette. reproductions of original in huntington library (reel 721:18) and folger shakespeare library (reel 2982:12). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-01 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the letter sent by the states-general of the united provinces of the low countreys to his majesty , by their trumpeter : together with his majesties answer to the said letter . translated out of french into english . published by his majesties special command . royal coat of arms diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense london , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , 1673. a letter sent by the states-general of the vnited provinces to the king of great britain . sire , as we have never desired any thing more then to merit the good will of your majesty , and to cultivate a friendship which had been heretofore hereditary between your majesties kingdom and this republick ; so , we were beyond measure troubled when we saw your majesty exasperated against us , and that by the artifices of evil minded persons your subjects and ours have been overwhelmed with those miseries which are inseparable from war , and brought to shed that bloud which hath been alwayes dear to either side . the sad experience we had thereof on both parts in the preceding war , had given us cause to believe at the same time , that after we were re-united , the peace would be a blessing which was no more to be ravished from us . and we were the rather perswaded of it , because the new alliances we were entred into , seemed able to make our union eternal : but seeing divine providence , for the chastisement of the two nations , hath permitted that things should not continue long in that happy estate , we no sooner perceived a misunderstanding arise , but we thought our selves obliged to use all imaginable endeavours to stop the progress of it , and to omit nothing that might contribute to the preventing so great an evil as that of a rupture . in order to which , being certainly informed that your majesty was offended at a medall , which we had not suffered to be sold , but that we thought it very innocent , we immediately suppressed it , and caused the very stamps to be broken for fear there might be some made secretly ; and to give your majesty more essential proofs of the esteem we had of your friendship , we yielded to your majesty whatever you were pleased to demand of us in behalf of the inhabitants of surinam , how prejudicial soever the thing were to us , and whatsoever reason we otherwise had not to consent to it . at the same time we sent the sieur van beuningen to your majesty for removing , if it were possible , the sinister impressions which some laboured to possess your majesty with , and for perfecting a regulation proposed by your majesties ambassador between your east-india company and ours . since that , although the little success which the said sieur van beuningens negotiation had had , gave us but too great cause to fear that we should not succeed better for the future ; yet we no sooner understood that there were some who would perswade your majesty as well against all likelihood of truth , as truth it self , that we treated underhand with france to the prejudice of your majesties interests , but we gave order without delay to our ambassador with your majesty , to declare to your majesty in our name , that to shew the falshood of those reports which were spread abroad to our disadvantage , and to give your majesty essential and unquestionable marks of the sincerity of our intentions , we were ready to enter into such an alliance with you as you should think fit , how strict soever it should be , and to go far beyond any thing we had hitherto done , for securing the peace of europe . then followed the affair of the flagg , wherein we think our conduct hath been with all imaginable respect towards your majesties person : and although the answer we gave to your ambassadors memorial be such as we shall always be ready to submit to the judgment of all europe , yet upon complaint that it was obscure and insufficient , we sent an ambassador extraordinary to your majesty , and gave power to him , as also to our ordinary ambassador , to clear what should be thought obscure , and to adde what should be necessary : but instead of entring into regular conferences with them , and letting them know what was defective in our answer , they were neglected , and no conference granted them upon the point which might have ended all our differences , till an hour after your majesties declaration of war had been read and approved in your council . all this , sire , doth sufficiently evidence , with what application and zeal we have laboured to satisfie your majesty , and to extinguish in its birth a fire which is ready to consume all christendom . and as we have not entred into this war but from an indispensable necessity of defending and protecting our subjects , we have ever since the rupture , as much as we were able , sought your majesties friendship , and never given over the making overtures of peace . upon which account we sent our deputies extraordinary to your majesty in the moneth of june of the year last past , who were confined to hampton court , without having any audience given them , or being heard what they had to say on our part . a minister from the elector of brandenburgh passed also into england upon the same subject , and charged himself , at our request , with the representing to your majesty the ardent desire we had to see your majesty entertain other sentiments , and our disposition to do any thing in our power to acquire again the honour of your majesties good correspondence . since that , upon the proposition made by the mediators of a general truce , for as much as according to our judgment we could not consent to it without hazarding the safety of our state ; yet , to evidence to your majesty how great a desire we had to give you all possible marks of our respect , and to the end to procure to your subjects all the advantages which they could have received from a general truce , we offered one by sea to your majesty for the term of a year , or a longer time , if your majesty thought it convenient ; judging , that in the condition things were then in , we could not give a greater proof of the ardent passion we had to smooth the way to a happy reconciliation , then by putting all your majesties subjects into a condition of tasting the sweetness of peace , while ours should suffer all the incommodities of war. the ministers of the king of spain have represented from time to time the same things to your majesty , and have often repeated their instances to incline your majesty to peace ; but besides all these advances , and the steps we have made in publick , we have made use of other means which we judged more efficacious : and his highness the prince of orange , as well of his own inclination , as at the request we have several times reiterated to him , hath used all imaginable ways of regaining the honour of your majesties friendship for us , and representing to you the advantage and glory your majesty might acquire , by re-establishing the quiet of christendom , and giving us a peace which we had so often and so ardently desired . but albeit vve had all reason to hope , that the instances of a prince who hath the honour to be so nearly related to your majesty , and whose personal merit is so well known , would at last prevail over those who are ill-affected to us ; and that besides we could hardly believe , that after his highnesses interests and ours were become common and were no longer separate in any thing , your majesty would retain your former sentiments , and go about to involve in our ruine one of the most illustrious princes of your bloud ; we have nevertheless with great sorrow seen that all these reasons have been alike weak , and that your majesty hath not been induced by any motive to abate any thing of your first rigour . so that when we expected a favourable answer to our overtures , it hath been declared to us at cologne , that no peace was to be hoped , unless there were accorded not onely to your majesty and the most christian king , but also to the elector of cologne and the bishop of munster , such conditions as never were demanded of a free people , and which can so little be proposed as articles of peace , that they can onely be the consequences of an absolute conquest , the subversion of the reformed religion , of which your majesty and the kings your most illustrious predecessors have been the strongest support and defenders , and which carried with them at once the utter ruine not onely of us , but also of the low-countries belonging to the king of spain . this hath obliged us on our side , after we had resolved upon a necessary defence , to press our friends to enter into a stricker alliance with us ; and it hath pleased god so to bless our endeavours , and the means we have used in order thereunto , that the most august house of austria hath declared in our favour , and the most serene king of spain in particular hath concluded with us a league offensive and defensive , in pursuance whereof he hath already declared war against the king of france . things being thus , sire , your majesty will easily believe that the consequences must be greater , but before the evil be past remedy we thought fit to make one final essay , and to assure your majesty that whatsoever change hath hapned in europe , our deference and respect for your majesty is still the same ; and that how considerable and how potent soever our allies are , we are not the less disposed to give your majesty all the satisfaction which you can reasonably pretend ; and we have this happiness , that our allies are of the same mind with us herein ; we presume therefore to hope that your majesty will not refuse at our request and their intercession , what we have not been hitherto able to obtain ; and that you will not augment the desolation which is already but too universal . but that we may omit nothing that may dispose your majesty thereunto , we beseech you to reflect upon all that hath passed since the beginning of the war , and at the same time to consider that it is from a particular one become general . when your majesty engaged in it we were the onely enemies ; at present a great part of europe is no less interessed therein then we ; and your majesty cannot continue a war , which hath already been so ruinous , without declaring it against those who are united with us , and without hazarding the safety of all christendom , if the arms of the king of france should be victorious through the succours given by your majesty to him . and your majesty can no longer take it ill that we yield not what your majesty might demand of us for france , since by an indispensable necessity we can no longer do it but with the agreement of our allies . so that as the general treaty appears accompanied with many difficulties , and that we foresee that it will be a means to continue this unhappy war , which we desire to put an end to speedily , especially with your majesty , we shall think our selves very happy if any of these considerations may make impression upon your majesties mind , and dispose you to resume those sentiments which we have heretofore with joy observed in your majesty , and in which , upon the reconciliation we promise to our selves , we doubt not but your majesty will continue for ever . in the mean time we pray god , sire , to crown your majesties reign with felicity , and to bless your royal person with health and long life . at the hague the 25 th of october 1673. your majesties most humble servants , the states-general of the vnited provinces of the low-countreys . gasp. fagel . by command of the abovesaid , h. fagfl . his majesties answer to the letter sent from the states general of the united provinces of the low countreys , by their trumpeter . high and mighty lords , although your letter of the ●●● / 25 of october , considering the present conjuncture of affairs , the matter it contains , and the manner of sending it by a trumpeter when your deputies at cologne were in frequent conferences with our plenipotentiaries there , have more of the nature of a manifest then a letter , and that consequently you may not perhaps desire to have any answer made to it ; yet for the vindication of our honour , as well as for the undeceiving that part of the world which may be abused by it , we would not suffer it to remain without a distinct reply from point to point as they lie in your paper ( which we send you by the same hand that brought us yours ; ) and the rather because it may so have fallen out , that by the great revolutions which have lately hapned in your affairs and the change of your ministers , even your selves may have taken for truth what evil-minded persons have so maliciously suggested to you , thereby to seduce your own people as well as ours . there will need no great proofs to convince the world that many offensive medalls , inscriptions and libels were these last years past dispersed every where in your provinces , to the derogation of our honour , and that of the whole english nation , since the notoriety of them was so universal : but to this day neither we nor any body else knew you had disowned any part of them , until your aforesaid letter told us you had at the time they were complained of to your ambassador here , caused the stamps to be broken for fear new impressions should be secretly made by them ; neither do you yet tell us that ever you inflicted the least punishment upon the makers or dispersers of them . as to the affair of surinam ; could you make the world or our people believe what in this paper you affirm , your selves would have out-done your medalls , and would be more injurious then they , fastning a reproach upon us which we have been as far from deserving , as you , we hope , will be from being believed in the accusation . you say , you agreed to whatsoever we demanded in favour of our subjects remaining at surinam . did we not continually press their release from the time of our surrendring that place into your hands till the beginning of this present war , and is there not yet the greater part of them remaining there ? are they there detained your slaves at our desire ? did we send our ships thither onely for a colour , with intention to subject them to your tyranny more entirely and with the greater decency ? and not to deliver them from it ? was not the officer we sent thither , major banister , confined presently upon his arrival , and not suffer'd to speak with his countrey-men , or acquaint them with the care we had of them ? did he not protest against the governor for having broken the capitulation in eighteen several points ? and will you say all this was done according to what we desired ? had you been so tender of the bloud of both nations as in your paper you pretend , you would not so long and with so much obstinacy have persisted in oppressing those our subjects whom you detain in that colony . and it is manifest that if you could cast all the blame hereof upon vs , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you have a mind to do it . all we can say therefore to this your assertion is , that you have indeed granted vs in words all we asked , but that we have never obtained any thing of you in deeds . what followed , was the pretended satisfaction you say you offered at all times to make vs in relation to the trade of our subjects in the east-indies . it was solemnly promised by the treaty of breda , that things should be adjusted by commissioners to be sent hither by you when there should be more leisure for it . but you well know that our ambassador whom we sent after the said treaty to reside with you , could obtain nothing in that matter by all his instances that could in any wise satisfie our east-india company . nor did the sieur van beuningen , who seemed to have come hither expresly upon that account , offer any more in all his conferences with our commissioners upon that subject . it is true , the ambassador boreel produced here a full power from you to treat and conclude an offensive and defensive league with vs , but we could not accept the proposition , because the conditions of it were not sufficiently equitable , and that instead of giving vs satisfaction in our complaints , he would never so much as admit of their being mentioned . on the contrary , his whole discourse tended to nothing else but to perswade vs that the states general offered vs this league as a mark of their friendship and for our security alone , seeming indifferent whether it were accepted or not ; and magnifying continually the greatness of your forces by land and sea , as sufficient to defend you against the formidable power of france ; and often threatning vs , that you could make such a league whensoever you pleased with france , and even against vs , if we accepted not what his masters offered vs. the sum of these two points is , that the sieur van beuningen was pleased to discourse concerning the satisfaction demanded by vs in point of trade in the east-indies , but departed without offering any thing ; and the sieur boreel offered us a league offensive and defensive , without giving vs satisfaction for the past injuries , or security against future ; and all this to the end the injuries we had complained of that till then were peculiarly your acts , might by a solemn treaty be declar'd our own . the next matter of offence given us was ( as you well observe in your letter ) the affront committed against our flagg in the moneth of august 1671. complaint was made thereof to your ambassador residing here , and he assured us he would procure us a fair satisfaction thereupon : but three or four moneths time passing without the least notice being taken thereof by you , we held our self obliged to send our extraordinary ambassador to demand satisfaction of you in more earnest terms then we had done before ; to which not receiving any satisfactory answer , he had order to return . soon after he was followed by an extraordinary ambassador from you , who affirmed that he had no powers to make reparation for this affront , or any other of these things we had so often complained of , but to agree upon terms of regulation in the business of the flagg for the future ; yet saying withall , that of himself and without consulting you again he could not put any thing in writing concerning it . the arrival of the said ambassador extraordinary was about the time we were ready to make open declaration of war against your state ; which we could no longer delay , because the spring was coming on , and the said ambassador persisted that his instructions permitted him not to do any thing upon our demands ; neither was he able to produce any thing to justifie his delay , but the offering us to write to his masters for larger powers and instructions . the war following upon this , in the heat of it three deputies arrived here from you without any passports from us , or giving us notice of their coming according to the customs and usages of war. whereupon we might well have confined them ( as you say we did ) but we contented our self with warning them to abstain from coming to lodge in this our city , appointing them instead thereof lodgings in our palace of hampton court , with all other conveniences suitable to their character , and dissembling what we knew passed between them and persons they practised upon to cause tumults and disorders in our city , or to disturb the progress of the war. notwithstanding which , we forbore not to send to them some of the principal persons of our council to conferre with them and hear their proposals . to whom they made this onely answer , and persisted therein to the time of their departure , that they had no authority or instructions to make any propositions , but were content to hearken to those that should be made to them , and to transmit them to their masters ; hoping that while they amused us with this appearance , the deputies you had sent at the same time to the most christian king might have concluded a separate treaty with him . and can you flatter your selves with the opinion that the world should look upon this proceeding as a convincing proof of your ardent desires for peace ? did ever prince or state send an ambassador with design to obtain that which the ambassador was not empowered either to conclude or sign , especially to a prince with whom they had war ? it is much more rational to believe what you did was to gain time , whilst you endeavoured to put in execution those threats in relation to france that the sieur boreel had before given us. the minister of brandenburgh never declared that he came hither to make us any overtures of peace , or that he had any other commission then to incline us at the recommendation of his master to hearken to those that should be made us. he came hither at the time that the ambassador extraordinary of his most serene majesty the king of sweden arrived , in order to the offering us the me●iation of their master , which we readily embraced , as likewise a proposition made by them to us for a suspension of arms. but a little after when they proposed the same thing to you , you thought fit absolutely to reject the suspension ; and were so long bargaining upon the choice of a place for treating the peace , that many moneths passed without producing any other effect then your gaining your point in naming the city of cologne for the congress : which being agreed to , and our fleet ready to put to sea , you sent us word you would then accept a cessation of arms by sea. to which we found our self obliged to make answer , that a peace might be made in much less time then the terms of a partial suspension be agreed upon ; although it appeared to us a meer artifice , invented onely to charm the common peoples ears , and make us consume unprofitably all our preparations for equipping our fleet. in a word , when our merchants might really have received benefit by a suspension , you absolutely refused it , and would then onely yield to it when you saw your provinces like to suffer by the progress of the war. the ministers of spain never offered us any conditions , nor performed any other office , then in general terms to incline us to the thoughts of peace , which we ever accepted kindly from them . neither did our nephew the prince of orange ever make us any overtures for peace : we must needs avow , that the manner of your comportment towards him till the year last past , was no very good argument to perswade us , that your intentions of living in a good correspondence with us , were real and sincere : and although we were unwilling to shew our resentment of his usage publiquely , lest we should give occasion to his enemies to do him more harm ; yet so soon as the good will of the people prevailing against the louvestein party , had conferred upon him that power and authority in the government which his ancestors had so well merited , we applied our self with more zeal and efficacy to make the peace ; being further incited thereunto by the unexpected success of the arms by land of the most christian king. we forth with sent ambassadors extraordinary to him , to be present at the treaty ; which the louvestein party would have managed to the excluding of us , if the vertue and generosity of that prince would have permitted him to admit it : but so soon as our ambassadors were seen upon the place , the deputies withdrew themselves , and never after appeared ; following that fundamental maxim you had laid from the beginning of this war , to divide us by any kind of artifices , thereof to make your own advantage . as to your insinuation of our intention to ruine our nephew the prince of orange , you know your selves sufficiently the injustice of that reproach . and whilst at cologne you openly complain to the mediators that we are too zealous in advancing his interests , you would have our subjects believe we are guilty of ill nature towards him . and the better to improve this abuse you adde , without giving or having any the least ground for it , that our demands at cologne tend to the subversion of the protestant religion , and the ruine of our nephews family . we cannot conclude our remarks upon this letter or manifest framed by you with design to abuse your people and ours , and involved in terms of respect for our person , and fair words about a peace , without adding what ought to be convincing to the most obstinate amongst you ; at the same time you would perswade us to break our word and faith given to our allies , not to treat separately , you establish it for a fundamental point , that you cannot break the word you have given yours , without wronging your honour ; as if your honour ought always to be dear to you , but ours of little or no value with us. in the mean time , you make the proceedings of your deputies at cologne to pass for the fairest and most ingenuous that may be , reproaching that of our plenipotentiaries as rude and insincere ; saying , that notwithstanding all your endeavours , we would never yet abate of our first rigour . herein we appeal to the mediators themselves , who will not be wanting to do us justice in letting the world know , that our said plenipotentiaries have retrenched at least one half of their first demands , whilst yours have continually excused themselves from giving an answer upon any one of them , except that of the flagg , with which they seem inclined to gratifie us for the future , but in terms very equivocal , and which shall not take notice of any right we ever had to it for the time past : and this is the onely thing you have shewn the least disposition to yield to us during the whole course of this negotiation : and having made no further advance in the overtures of peace which you say you made us by our nephew the prince of orange , the ministers of spain and brandenburgh , and by those of the mediators themselves , you do not so much as mention one word of it in your said letter ; handling the matter of the peace in general terms , to acquire to your selves the reputation of it , and not making us one proposition but that of dividing us from our allies ; an action which you esteem too low for a common-wealth , but suitable enough to a king. if you have a desire to promote the peace in good earnest , instead of specious expressions , send powers without further delay to your deputies at cologne , to draw up just and equal articles with ours ; and the world shall see how ready we shall be to comply with them , and to resume those sentiments of friendship and esteem which the kings our predecessors have always had for your state : and to manifest to you that we are truly from white-hall the 7 th of november , 1673. your good friend , charles r. finis . saturday april 22. 1654. by the council at white-hall. whereas a peace is made, concluded, and ratified, between his highness the lord protector, and the states general of the united provinces of the low countries. ... england and wales. council of state. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84485 of text r211911 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.17[86]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84485 wing e793a thomason 669.f.17[86] estc r211911 99870582 99870582 163333 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84485) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163333) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f17[86]) saturday april 22. 1654. by the council at white-hall. whereas a peace is made, concluded, and ratified, between his highness the lord protector, and the states general of the united provinces of the low countries. ... england and wales. council of state. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by will. du-gard and hen. hills, printers to his highness the lord protector, london : 1654. title from caption and opening line of text. order to print dated: saturday april 22. 1654. signed: w. jessop clerk of the council. identified on umi microfilm (early english books, 1641-1700) reel 1946 as wing (2nd ed.) e2918. reproductions of the originals in the british library (thomason tracts), and the bodleian library (early english books, 1641-1700). eng anglo-dutch war, 1652-1654 -treaties. england -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. netherlands -history -1648-1714 -early works to 1800. a84485 r211911 (thomason 669.f.17[86]). civilwar no saturday april 22. 1654. by the council at white-hall. whereas a peace is made, concluded, and ratified, between his highness the lord prote england and wales. council of state. 1654 295 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion saturday april 22. 1654. by the council at white-hall . whereas a peace is made , concluded , and ratified , between his highness the lord protector , and the states general of the united provinces of the low countries . and whereas it is agreed , that publication therof shall be made on both parts on wednesday next , being the six and twentieth day of this instant april ; from which time , restitution is to be made of all ships that shall be taken on either side , after twelve daies , within these seas ; and in all other places on this side the cape of st. vincent , after six weeks ; and from thence , within the mediterranian sea , and to the aequinoctial line , after ten weeks ; and beyond the equinoctial , after the space of eight moneths : which several spaces were so limitted , to the intent , convenient time might be allowed for notice to be given of the said peace , in all places where it shall be necessary . the council have therefore thought fit hereby to give notice thereof to the several ports of this commonwealth , and to all others , whom it may concern , within the dominions thereof ; to the end , they may have warning , to provide for their own safety , and not expose their ships to danger within the several , and respective times aforesaid . saturday april 22. 1654. ordered by the council , that this be forthwith printed and published . w. jessop clerk of the council . london , printed by will. du-gard and hen. hills , printers to his highness the lord protector , 1654. a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states-general of the vnited netherlands. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1667 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02118 wing c3391 estc r171277 52612090 ocm 52612090 179372 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02118) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179372) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2786:33) a proclamation for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states-general of the vnited netherlands. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, edinbvrgh : 1667. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. printed in black letter. dated at end: given at our court at whitehall, the twenty fourth day of august, one thousand six hundred and sixty seven, and of our reign the nineteenth year. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng treaty of breda (1667). anglo-dutch war, 1664-1667 -treaties -sources. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -sources. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states-general of the vnited netherlands . charles r. whereas a peace hath been treated and concluded at breda , betwixt his majesty and the states-general of the united netherlands , and the ratifications thereof exchanged , and publication thereof there made the fourteenth of this instant august : in conformity whereunto , his majesty hath thought fit hereby to command , that the same be published throughout all his majesties dominions . and his majesty doth declare , that all ships or other moveable goods whatsoever , which shall appear to be taken from the subjects of the said states-general , after the twenty sixth day of this instant august , in the brittish and north seas ; after the twenty fourth day of september next ensuing , from the mouth of the channel , to the cape st. vincent ; after the twenty second day of october next ensuing , on the other side of the said cape , to the equinoctial line , aswell in the ocean and mediterranean sea , as elsewhere ; and lastly , after the fourteenth day of april , one thousand six hundred and sixty eight , on the other side of the aforesaid line , throughout the whole world , without any exception or distinction of time or place , or without any form of process ; shall immediatly and without damage , be restored to the owners , according to the said treaty . and hereof his majesty willeth and commandeth all his subjects to take notice , and to conform themselves thereunto . given at our court at whitehall , the twenty fourth day of august , one thousand six hundred and sixty seven , and of our reign the nineteenth year . edinbvrgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1667. by the lord protector. a proclamation of the peace made between this common-wealth, and that of the united provinces of the netherlands. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80995 of text r211933 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.17[87]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80995 wing c7159 thomason 669.f.17[87] estc r211933 99870601 99870601 163334 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80995) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163334) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f17[87]) by the lord protector. a proclamation of the peace made between this common-wealth, and that of the united provinces of the netherlands. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) cromwell, oliver, 1599-1658. england and wales. council of state. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by william du-gard and henry hills, printers to his highness the lord protector, london : 1654. dated at end: given at whitehall this 26. april, 1654. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng anglo-dutch war, 1652-1654 -peace -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. a80995 r211933 (thomason 669.f.17[87]). civilwar no by the lord protector. a proclamation of the peace made between this common-wealth, and that of the united provinces of the netherlands. england and wales. lord protector 1654 478 1 0 0 0 0 0 21 c the rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms by the lord protector . a proclamation of the peace made between this common-wealth , and that of the vnited provinces of the netherlands . his highness the lord protector of the common-wealth of england , scotland and ireland , considering how necessary it is , not onely to preserve peace and quiet at home , but , as far as in him lies , to live in amity and friendship with his neighbours , hath , by the blessing of god , with the advice of his council , made and concluded a peace , vnion and confederation to continue for ever , between this commonwealth of the one part , and that of the vnited provinces of the low countries of the other part , their lands countries , cities , towns , dominions , territories , places & people , by sea , land , fresh waters and elsewhere ; by the which peace it is agreed that all enmity , hostility , discord and war between the said common-wealths , their people and subjects shall cease , and all injuries and wrongs whatsoever don since the 13 / 28 of may one thousand six hundred fifty two , shall cease , and be forgotten , except such depredations as shall be committed by either side in these seas after twelve daies , from the date of these presents , and in all other places on this side the cape of st. vincent , after six weeks ; and from thence , within the m●diterranian sea , and to the aequinoctial line , after ten weeks , and beyond the aequinoctial line , after the space of eight moneths , or immediately after sufficient notice of the said peace given in those places . and that the people and inhabitants of each party respectively , of what condition or quality soever they be shall treat each other with love and friendship , and may freely and securely come into , and pass through each others countries , towns , villages and precincts , and there stay and abide , and from thence depart again at their pleasure , without any hinderance and molestation , and likewise trade and have commerce , and generally do , use , and exercise all other things ( observing the laws and customs of each place respectively ) as freely , fully and securely as they might have done in time of peace . whereof all persons whatsoever in these nations of england , scotland , and ireland are to take notice , and conform themselves accordingly . given at white-hall this 26. april , 1654. o. p. printed and published by his highness special commandment . london , printed by william du-gard and henry hills , printers to his highness the lord protector , 1654. an exact and perfect relation relation [sic] of the terrible, and bloudy fight: between the english and dutch fleets in the downs, on wednesday the 19 of may, 1652. relating, how martin van trump the dutch admiral, upon general blagues friendly salutation, set forth his bloudy flag of defiance; with the whole particulars of the fight, and the manner of the engagement. also, a list of our admirals ships that engaged in the aforesaid fight; and the names of those those [sic] that lost men in this service, with the namber [sic] of them that were slain and wounded on both sides; together wth [sic] the sinking of one of the hollanders, the taking of 3, and the total spoiling of their whole fleet; with their flight to deep in france, and what hapned [sic] to the english in the pursuit. being the true copy of a letter sent to mr. richard bostock of london, merchant. published according to order, and printed for the satisfaction of all that desire to be truly informed, white, thomas, fl. 1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96374 of text r206838 in the english short title catalog (thomason e665_11). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96374 wing w1855 thomason e665_11 estc r206838 99865941 99865941 118197 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96374) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118197) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 102:e665[11]) an exact and perfect relation relation [sic] of the terrible, and bloudy fight: between the english and dutch fleets in the downs, on wednesday the 19 of may, 1652. relating, how martin van trump the dutch admiral, upon general blagues friendly salutation, set forth his bloudy flag of defiance; with the whole particulars of the fight, and the manner of the engagement. also, a list of our admirals ships that engaged in the aforesaid fight; and the names of those those [sic] that lost men in this service, with the namber [sic] of them that were slain and wounded on both sides; together wth [sic] the sinking of one of the hollanders, the taking of 3, and the total spoiling of their whole fleet; with their flight to deep in france, and what hapned [sic] to the english in the pursuit. being the true copy of a letter sent to mr. richard bostock of london, merchant. published according to order, and printed for the satisfaction of all that desire to be truly informed, white, thomas, fl. 1652. 8 p. printed for robert wood, london : 1652. dated and signed on page 6: dover, may, 22 1652. thomas white. annotation on thomason copy: "25 may"; and following 'merchant', which is underlined: "of ye post house". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng anglo-dutch war, 1652-1654 -early works to 1800. netherlands -history -1648-1714 -early works to 1800. great britain -history, naval -stuarts, 1603-1714 -early works to 1800. a96374 r206838 (thomason e665_11). civilwar no an exact and perfect relation relation [sic] of the terrible, and bloudy fight: between the english and dutch fleets in the downs, on wednes white, thomas 1652 1857 3 0 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an exact and perfect relation relation of the terrible , and bloudy fight : between the english and dutch fleets in the downs , on wednesday the 19 of may , 1652. relating , how martin van trump the dutch admiral , upon general blagues friendly salutation , set forth his bloudy flag of defiance ; with the whole particulars of the fight , and the manner of the engagement . also , a list of our admirals ships that engaged in the aforesaid fight ; and the names of those those that lost men in this service , with the namber of them that were slain and wounded on both sides ; together wth the sinking of one of the hollanders , the taking of 3 , and the total spoiling of their whole fleet ; with their flight to deep in france , and what hapned to the english in the pursuit . being the true copy of a letter sent to mr. richard bostock of london , merchant . published according to order , and printed for the satisfaction of all that desire to be truly informed , london : printed for robert wood , 1652. a more particular and exact relation of the bloudy fight that happened in the downs , between the english and the hollanders . worthy sir , my service to you , wishing all happinesse ; on the 18 of may instant , the hollanders fleet consisting of 42 sayl of stout ships , all men of war ) came by the eastward , and lay by the lee of the south-fore-land , and from thence sent two of their fleet into the downs to major bourn , who was then admiral ( gen. blague being absent ) the captains of those ships comming aboard our admirals ship , desired leave of him to anchor their ships in the downs ; the admiral asked them why they came into our seas with their flags up , so near our navy ; they answered they had orders not to strike their flags to any they should meet with ; whereupon , the major answered them , that within two days time they should know whether there was room enough for them to anchor in or not ; yet notwithstanding this , the hollanders anchored in dover road , and rode there till the 19th . about two of the clock in the afternoon , major bourn came out of the downs into dover road with 10 sail , and col. blague from the rest with 13 sail more ; the dutch fleet seeing this weighe anchor , and stood up to the coast of france with their flaggs up , near upon two hours , and then bore up to gen. blague , each ship having a man at the top mast head , as if they intended to have struck their flags , when they came within shot of our admirall , he made one shot at them for to strike but they refused still coming towards him , whereupon he made two shot more at them , and then the hollanders gave him one shot , still making nearer to h●m , and comming up to him , saluted our admirall with a whole volley of small shot and a broad side of gunshot , and col. blague returned him the like , and bearing up after him they two charged three or four broadsides at each other , 1 , of the hollanders gave our admirall each of them a broad side , before any of our ships came up to second him ; then the generall of foulston came up between the hollanders and our admirall , and gave them a breathing time ; and in an hours time the ship called the triumph came up to them , and fell up into the whole fleet . about sixe of the clock at night the dutch admirall bore away , and gen. blague after him ; but van trump went better then our admirall , insomuch that he could not come up with them but followed them within shot till nine of the clock , in which time , the hollanders had so shattered our generals sails and rigging , that they had neither sheets , tacks , nor brace , and his fore-sail was all torn in pieces ; by means whereof van trump sailed away , and all his fleet after him ; onely one of our frigots boarded one of them , who had 150 in her ; whereof 50 were slain , and the rest wounded and taken : we also shot another dutch ship main mast over board , and took her , she having 37 guns in her , but finding sixe foot of water in her hold , we onely took out the captain , and two more and left her not able to swim , but sunk shortly afterwards . in this fight we had but 18 sail engaged , because some could not get up time enough ; also one of our fleet had but two guns , the grey-hound was of no great foree , and two more were but catches would do no good . our admirall received 200 shot , some of which did execution , and many of their own shot ; we lost 8 men in the admiral , five slain out right , three dead since ; and had twenty wounded ; in the reuben there was three men slain ; in the centurian two ; in the victory two , and in the fairfax one , the garland entrance , and the worcester frigot lost not one man , but the dutch lost four times our number in the two ships that were taken ; besides what they lost in that which was sunk . the generall saith some men did not ingage at all , and therefore deserve to be looked upon as undeserving men . our ships are all now ( god be praised ) safe in the downs , and have brought in two hollanders , one of them thought to be an adviser . i was aboard our fleet in the downs and there came six hollanders that were marchant men , within a league of our fleet , whereupon a frigot of ours came up to the admiral , and asked leave to fetch them in ; but the admirall answered that they were men about honest occasions , and he had no order from the councell of state to meddle with them , and so let them passe about their occasions . while i was aboard the admiral , there came a dutchman of war , supposing it to be van trump , but the speaker frigot quickly fetcht him up , and brought him in to our fleet . there are 36 of the hollanders ships that engaged with our fleet in the aforesaid fight , that ride about deep , every one of them being about ▪ 1000. or 1500. tun , most of them pittifully torn and battered , and many of them without either mast , sails , or flags ; having lost the company of their admiral . dover , may , 22. 1652. sir , your assured friend , thomas white . the copy of another letter from dover of the same date . sir , i cannot but intimate unto you some particulars of a bloudy beginning of an unhappy breach between the english and the dutch fleet , though perhaps you may have it more fully then we , yet i shall impart what i have seen . tuesday , martin vantrump came before this town , and rode in the road at anchor with his fleet , being 41 sail of good ships of war , not a small ship amongst them till wednesday at noon , with his flag on the main top , at which time some shot was sent from the castle and fort , to cause him to strike ( as is the custome ) but he would not . at which time general blake with his fleet appeared , being in all 25 good ships , of which , 7 of the old navy ships , and the rest were frigots , and other ships of good defence . on sight of them , the dutch tack'd about , and stood in with the english fleet , and trump himself very boldly stood up with gen. blake with his flag aloft , and comming near , the admiral shot at a distance from him ( as is the custome ) to make him strike , and so at second and third time shot at him and hit him . to whom trump answered with one gun without shot ; then our admiral shot ▪ 3. or 4. upon which , trump came up and gave him a whole broad side , and in stead of pulling down his flag , put up a red flag under the former , and having received the like salute from the english general , the fleets on both sides did desperately engage , so that there was the hottest dispute for the time , that hath been this many years , between two such fleets , and was conceived by knowing men that it would not end so long as a ship on both sides could swim on the water . but it pleased god better to dispose thereof ; for it began at 4 of the clock in the afternoon , and ended at past 9 at night , it being dark that they could not know one another . the flemming stood off towards the french coast , and our ships anchored about the place , and in the morning the dutch were gone . our ships came up this morning with their whole fleet , having not lost one , and have taken one from the dutch , and have sunk another ; it was thought their admiral could not but sink : just now is come a collier from france that met them last night ; he saith , that they have never an admiral amongst thew , nor any flag or ensign out amongst them all . a list of those ships of the parliaments side that chiefly engaged , and the number of men that were slain out of each ship . in the admiral , 20 wounded , and 8 slain . in the reuben , three slain . in the centurion , two , in the victory , two . in the fairfax one . the garland , entrance , and worcester frigots lost not a man out of them . what loss the enemy received is not certainly known ; but we sunk one of them , took three , and totally shattered and spoiled their whole fleet . finis . a seasonable expostulation with the netherlands. declaring their ingratitude to, and the necessity of their agreement with the common-wealth of england. osborne, francis, 1593-1659. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67902 of text r206922 in the english short title catalog (wing o523). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67902 wing o523 estc r206922 99866010 99866010 118269 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67902) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118269) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 102:e667[9]) a seasonable expostulation with the netherlands. declaring their ingratitude to, and the necessity of their agreement with the common-wealth of england. osborne, francis, 1593-1659. [4], 16 p. printed [by l. lichfield] for thomas robinson, oxford : anno dom. 1652. attributed to francis osborne. printer's name from madan. ".. written for home consumption: no dutchman could read it without gnashing his teeth." -madan. annotation on thomason copy: "june 12". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a67902 r206922 (wing o523). civilwar no a seasonable expostulation with the netherlands. declaring their ingratitude to, and the necessity of their agreement with the common-wealth osborne, francis 1652 5811 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-01 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-01 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a seasonable expostulation with the netherlands . declaring their ingratitude to , and the necessity of their agreement with the common-wealth of england . oxford , printed for thomas robinson , anno dom. 1652. to the reader . if in this conjuncture of affairs , you think i have said too little , as things now stand between us and the dutch , i wish , all my faults were as capable of amendment ; if too much , 't is out of a partiality i was never found guilty of in relation unto them : it being my project , to vindicate my countries interest as modestly , as such high provocations , multiplied by the weight of so many obligations may justly beare . however , i shall be more ready to aske pardon , then offend by being too censorious . and if inclin'd to the same humor , it is possible you may be pleased ; if otherwaies , i am resolved not to be angry ; intending only to perswade peace , no way so advantagiously obtained from others , as by keeping in vnity amongst our selves , under those god hath placed over us ; nothing increasing forraign enemies so much as domestick feuds , amongst such as ought to be servants to the state , as i am , though never in their pay . a seasonable expostulation with the netherlands . caesar endured without exclamation the senators poniards , as whetted by interest or revenge ; but when that of his own imp brutus , was presented against him he cover'd his face , leaving the world , with no lesse shame then indignation , against so much unnaturall ingratitude . the like might we doe in relation to the dutch ; whose part i have been hitherto , so farre ready to take , as to impute the assistance they contributed towards the losse of rochell , and the fomenting the royall party against the parliament of england , only to the sordidnesse of their merchants ; who have not only been known , to sell amunition to the mahumetans , the blasphemers of their religion ( if they own any by retaile ) but even to his catholike majesty , bound in honour no lesse then interest , to be their enemy in grosse . neither had i ever wished the charming of those froggs , but that i see them so ready to become an egyptian plague unto us , by croaking against us in our own waters . yet though most of their gentry were buried in the cruelty of such as formerly govern'd them , and all markes of honour almost blended amongst them , in those of profit , they shall find so much civility in me , as to endeavour rather to bind up , then inlarge the rupture , their indiscretion hath made with this state ; to whom , i shall in modesty shew , how farre they stand obliged , and offer reasons to disswade them from these wild courses , by which they doe no lesse tickle , the hearts of their enemies with delight , then wound , those with shame and feare , who doe affect them . here then let me crave leave , to addresse my speech to this our neighbour state , and thus expostulate with them . after that france , tired with the labour , the striving of her own , children had caused in the bowells of her estate , and child by the cold distrust conceived of your successe , had deserted you in despayre , you may remember how england opened her armes to receive your fugitives , and her purse to pay your souldiers ; so that a foot of ground cannot be called yours , that owes not a third part to the expence , valour , or counsell of the english ; of whom such spirits have expired in your defence , as have been thought , at a mean rate , to double the value of what they fought for : brave sidney falling upon such ground , as his glorious mistresse thought too base to bury him in ; though you offered to purchase that honour , at the price of the richest monument , you were then able to erect . did not the english dispute your title to ostend , till they had no earth left to plead on , the ground failing them before their valours ? yet whilest fighting there , not only against the flower of the spanish army , but the plague , hunger and cold despaire ; their fellowes put you in possession of sluce , beyond your hopes ; so as it may be said without hyperbole , the nobility and gentry , q. elizabeth lost , doubled the number , the cruelty of philip had left you . doe not the maritim townes of kent , essex , suffolke , norfolke , &c. abound at this day , with the issue of those swarmes , the sound of their fellowes misery , had driven out of their hives ? have you not had liberty to trade , and to become free denizons , with power to buy land , and inhabit upon the same termes with the natives , both in city and country ; no marke of distinction being imposed in relation either to honour , profit , or iustice ? the parliament , have been alwaies so tender of your preservation , whilest you needed it , and friendship since god hath inabled you to subsist ; as their speaker could scarce make an impression upon his cushion , before the sense of your safety , no lesse then their own nature and religion , inspired them with an earnestnesse to renew or strengthen their alliance with you ; not so observeable in respect of any neighbour beside ; doubling , no lesse in their retaliations , then acceptance , the few markes of gratitude , have dropt from you ; rather then expunging them , with your more frequent injuries ; as being more willing to impute your failings to the lesse courtly nature of the soyle and people , then the want of gratitude and civility in so prudent a state , to a potent neighbour ; who next to god , may justly be stiled her maker , in dispensing with so many dangers and inconveniences for your sake . can you think so wise a councell as this nation was steer'd by , did not apprehend ; that though the making you free might fortify the queenes out-workes , it could not but as much dismantle the royall fort of monarchy ; by teaching subjects , they might depose their prince , and be no loosers by the bargaine ? which ( by the way ) will render you unacceptable to all neighbour monarchs ; furnishing their subjects with a pretence , upon all occasions of advantage ; therefore prudence might tempt you , rather to advance then depresse , the like endeavours in others ; observed by your elder ( i dare not say , wiser ) sister , venice , in whose proceedings partialities on this side are rarely found . but to returne to what is in this place more materiall . was not the assisting you , an occasion of our invasion in eighty eight , by a navy held invincible in the creed of rome ; till the more canonicall valour of the english ( assisted by the iowder arguments of heaven ) had cleerly confuted the popes title ? the reason that kept king philip from heading an army in his own person , was a fear he did apprehend of being cast in his passage out of spaine ; ( as his father charles the 5th was ) upon the british shore ; knowing the english more cordiall to your preservation , then to suffer him to come and goe on so bloudy an errand . and though he did often desire his sister of england to heare ( as he pretended ) his just defence for his so rigorous proceedings ; she refused to dispute the truth of your complaints ; presuming it more probable for a stranger to be a tyrant , then that the naturall inhabitants should , upon a slighter cause , cast themselves into the no lesse bloody , then scorching flames of a civill , and uncertaine warre : seeming rather to forget the obligations shee owed him , as a private person , when he was king of england , then her neighbours oppressions ; i shall not here draw blood in your faces by application . yet i doe not find any tumults raised before the gates of your messengers ; who were then too modest to owne higher titles , then of poore petitioners ; casting themselves prostrate at the feet of a no lesse potent tribunall , then you have been admitted to , in the quality of embassadors ; an honour you could never have attained , but through the mediation of those who have been so farr from receiving a like retaliation ; as , to their griefe , they perceived most of the stormes and thunders , fell upon this nation , were first formed in your region , by which houses and churches were demolished , wherein your ancestors had receaved shelter , and contribution . and instead of opposing our enemies , and screening us by the power you must owne under god from england , you rendered your selves arbitraters of our cause ; and to which side you did propend , appeares by the titles of honour your messengers partiality was branded with by the other party ; besides what a lesse respective . relator might suppose they carryed home in their portmantos ; covering under the glorious habit of embassadours ; an ingratitude so ugly , as can not be represented to the world without shame . were not the promises of neutralitie ( extorted from you by our agents , at the expence of so much trouble , treasure and time ) drawn up so ambiguously , as if they had come from jugling delphos , not the deeply engaged hague ? whose repute , in relation to a just repayment of former debts , hath been , next her alliance with england , the greatest security for her future hopes . did not the disaffection of some , transport them so far beyond all extent of prudence , ( as to avoid the countenancing of so much ingratitude in their owne persons ) by conniving at the liberty , the prince of orange took , the inestimable banck at amsterdam was almost surprised ; and fetters ready to be formed for them out of the states silver ; so as they were in a faire way of loosing their owne liberty in seeking to impede ours ? for this branch of the house of nassau was so deeply rooted in this fourth descent , as he began to struggle for more roome , and overshadow the power of the state ; and apprehending this nation too full of gallantry , and policy , to let a servant inslave a people they had redeemed from his master by their blood , he rendered himselfe , first our late kings sonne in law , and so our enimy ; till providence had bound him up with the rest of our opposers ; by what mediation we are not inquisitive ; our businesse being only to participate of our neighbours felicities , without arraigning the cause by which they attained them . and here i desire leave to mingle my thoughts with some reports made by no strangers in the affaires of those times , to whom it appeared , that queen mary did not at first , cordially intend the match with holland , unlesse the prince of orange was able to attaine the regality , which the catholike king was so farr from being likely to hinder , that a small acknowledgment would have perswaded him out of his part , long looked upon by that wise nation , as a trouble to keep : and after she had by the contemplation of this marriage , assured her selfe not only to receive no opposition in her designe , from that corner , but all the assistance his mony and power could afford ; she had the young ladies consent ready , either to break , or confirme it ; who was then under yeares ; and to shew they feared foule play , in case k. ch. had prospered , the princesse was bedded somthing sooner , then stood with ordinary custome , and the lady stanops protests , who married a dutchman , and was assigned her gardionesse . and if any consider how unsuitable this was to the high minde and religion of the queene of england ; what plenty of freer and richer princes resided in germany ; and that she never had been put in to their hands , but that those new breaches , called for new counsels ; he cannot blame the conjecture ; though as things fell out , she could not have been sold to a greater advantage . neither can it be rejected out of any great difficulty resides in raising a considerable party in the netherlands , by one lesse powerfull then the prince of orange ; because every severall province , or chief town , hath free liberty of conceding or rejecting what propositions they please ; that in a manner they are so many free states independent one of the other ; therefore not likely to combine against england ; who yet is as well able to spare their alliance , as willing to imbrace it . and that this match sprung rather from the sinister and clandestine ends , then any palpable affection , the queene carried to the dutch , is more then probable , by the faint reception she formerly gave them upon all occasions , suffering the buffoons at court to gibe their embassadors , as if they were not able to afford themselves cuffs , out of the masse of holland they sold to others : and upon consideration of the severe justice they mett with , in the star-chamber , for transporting of gold , it might have obliged them rather to have assisted the parliament ( whose indulgence inabled them to committ the fault ) then the crowne , that had so severely punished it . yet you were so farr from managing this partiality within the ordinary carere of prudent princes , ( who upon a lesse desertion of fortune then you observed , withdraw their assistance from all parties looked upon , but with an unbiass'd aspect ; that you adhered to the king of scots , after providence had measured out the land in quiet before us ; as if nothing were more indifferent to you , then who were happy , so england were miserable . nay after our good god had broke their swords , and knapt their speares in sunder , you let the ribald penne vomit out floods of reproaches , in hope to destroy this nation , who was then in strong labour with peace , amongst a wildernesse of distractions : forgeting that nothing could be said to their disparagement , that would not , in an indifferent light , delineate your owne : no indecency being observable , during our proceedings , that is not easily to be matcht with an enormity in yours . so as the pope proved by accident , more our friend , and made better use of reason of state ; for finding his faction here was able to return him no more then a bare compliance in church ceremonies , withont the welcome addition of profit ; ( the english miter , no lesse then the crowne , resolving to retaine an absolute power to dispose of all dignities both ecclesiasticall and temporall ) wheel'd about , and was never found by any i could be inform'd from , to foment the adversary with considerable supplyes , though earnestly sollicited both by letters and messengers . in which the wise conclave , avoyded both the hornes of this dangerous dilemma , either to own so high a conceived impiety , as the rejecting the returne of one of the mightiest kingdoms in christendom , for worldly respects , thought by few , of those who pay them , his due : or by leaving to this sheep that was lost , a full fruition of his fleeces , to give the other ninety and nine catholike potentates a just occasion to make the like demands : a fatling of more value in that luxurious court , then would be parted with , for the conversion of all the world . but to return ; i cannot in zeale to the conscience , and duty i owe to the honour of this nation , but aske who made you so farr our survayers , as to limit out the extent of their conveniences , that are found to have laid out them selves to purchase yours ? was ever so high an intrusion offered , as for a neighbour to prescribe how another should be regulated in matter of trade ; and what bottoms are fittest to be imployd ? would you not scorne the like usurpation , though made by your — france , or new sworne allye , denmarke , who for so many yeares , hath ground your faces with a tole , never yet imposed upon you in our seas ? for the proof of whose propriety , i leave you to learned selden in his mare clausum , & a book entituled dominium maris &c. lately translated out of italian by an honorable person . and if you were not unwilling to bribe our kings and their minions so long for your fishing , why should you be so tetchy now , with such as inquire whether it was worth your cost ? and though i was pleased to hear so rich a towne as amsterdam could be founded on herring-bones , the lord of hosts is my faithfull witnesse , how afflicted i should be , to see it hazard the reducing into its first principle by a warre with england . and thus much i understand of your trade , that the late kings did not only give you the fish , but bayts to catch them , loaden by boats full out of the thames , which they would never have done , had they been as full of circumspection , as that creature is reported to be of eyes . now this considered , i pray why may not we assume to our selves the rights of disposure , and regulating that which undoubtedly is our owne ? and why may not we take the humble stile of a parliament , and councell of state , as well as you , that strive with your maker , who shall be most high and mighty ? if only the time of the change of government be made umpier of precedency , geneva must take the right hand of you ; and many poore small townes in germany , that freely sent their demands to king philip ; when your messengers scaped hanging hardly , if at all , for only delivering your most humble petitions . there are three things principally insisted upon , by which the vnited provinces , pretend to have fixed an obligation upon england , & expung'd their former score ; which neverthelesse upon an impartiall debate , will rather prove wholy chargable , upon their own accompt , then ours ; so farr are they from having given a full satisfaction for all the love ; cost & blood expended by us in their preservation . the first is , the assistance lent us in 88. which was no more , then the profest antagonists to the quiet of italy , did freely contribute against the common enemy , in the battell at lepanto , who did there oppose the grand signior , in relation to their respective safeties : besides it was a true received maxim in the wise counsell of spaine , and holds so still ; that he that desires to subdue the vnited provinces , must first conquer england , or draw her from their succour : and finding the latter unpossible , they fell upon the other , as more feacible . the second is , your entertainment given to the distressed king and queen of bohemia : which according to the rest of your pretended curtesies unto england , you have strain'd farre higher then the string is able to bear , in its naturall extent ; therefore i shall take leave to tune it right in the eares of all impartiall judgements ; and after setting open the cabinet , give men free leave to value the jewell , which in truth amounts to no more then giving house-roome to a vertuous princesse , undone by your counsells , and the rest of the vnion , that had most unsuccessefully chosen iames of england for their head ; who proving totty , they thought to ballast him by imbarking his son in law in this desperate designe ; especially the netherlands , finding the twelve years truce spent little to their advantage , and knowing the whole weight of spaine , would fall upon them , unlesse they could waken us , whose king was clog'd with too much fleagme , to harken to the voyce of any thing but ease and pleasure . and i cannot but take notice here of the spaniards ingratitude , that hath so long deferr'd erecting his statue in gold ; since upon a strict accompt it may appeare , that the wise councell of the catholike king , did not contribute so much to his greatnesse , as the folly and corruption of ours . for the 3d which is a navall victory obtained in our sleeve , ao 1639. ( the depth of which designe , remaines yet in the pocket of the king of spain , and some few confidents in england : ) i can say but this , that if their errand was hither , our king betray'd vs ; if to holland , you ; for which you were tied in reason , rather to have assisted the people that exclaimed against the partiality they observed , then the king that owned it ; therefore this cannot be put up on the parliaments accompt . for the businesse of amboyna cast into the ballance ( by such as bear you lesse respect ) against all things urged in your favour ; i am so charitable , as to look upon it as the cruell , and inconsiderate act of a private person , rather then a true scheme of the states motion . not doubting , but upon a serious reflection of your wisdoms , on your own interest , you will easily returne to a more straight alliance with this nation , unlesse god in his anger , hath suffered you , to mingle lethe with the rest of your liquor . and since it may seem impossible for you , to subsist without contracting a streight alliance , with england , france , or spaine ; give me leave humbly to propose , which in reason is likeliest to disturbe your counsells with the least jealousy , from whence may be the easier deduced the fittest choyce , not only for conveniency , but safety ; it being very hard to be securely protected , by those you cannot cordially trust : which cannot be spaine or france ; one laying claime to what you possesse , the other to what you are ambitious to obtaine ; whereas england stands free from all such pretences ; queen elizabeth refusing to hold you in grosse , only accepting of flushing and the brill , which king iames was so weary of , as he returned them for a farre lesse summe then they were pawn'd : neither as a free state , are we likely to imbrace contrary counsells , because we have more marish grounds already of our own , then we well knew how to dispose of , till some of your country-men came and inhabited them . besides it were madnesse for those who may live quietly in ireland , to venture fighting for an estate in holland . neither is our alliance likely to change , if once firmely established , whereas there is no longer hold with france , then whilest the two potent factions of protestant and papist shall subsist ; by the clashing of which , you are , no lesse then the spaniard , able to kindle the fire of a civill warre : so as when you have throughly scan'd your alliance with france , you shall find it signify more danger then protection : it having been alwaies the humour of that people , to swagger with their neighbours for roome , upon the least enjoyment of quiet ; being seldome or never willing to serve their allies , but when they are in the worst case to help themselves . if this afflicted people were sensible of their own condition , that the most scorching slavery in all christendome , lies under the line of their kings , and animated by our example and yours , should procure their freedome , yet you would be worsted on that hand too ; for after their liberty attained , the conquest of you or your neighbours , were likeliest to be their next imployment : there being no peace with them at home , unlesse they be at warre with other states ; which makes it none of englands smallest blessings , that they are not able to come hither on horseback . the french are not so sutable to your nature as the english , who look upon merchants as gentlemen , they as pedlers . i know you are too wise to expect reall friendship from spaine , or a continuance of the agreement made with him , if you break with vs ; it not being likely he should oversee the advantage will be offered him of catching gudgeons in your inland waters , whilest we are out at sea scuffling for spratts . if you be prohibited trading hither ; i pray what will you doe with french wines , the most staple commodity they have to barter for ? the east countries , being as unable to take them off , by reason of cold , as you to consume them in brent wine . monarchs neither doe , nor can look upon you , under a milder aspect then traytors , without a tacit consent , of the like power resident in their people to explode them , as conscious of giving the same cause ; whereas england cannot but esteem you in a more honourable relation : for though you , like the diall of ahaz , recoyled so many degrees back in the sphere of policy , it is naturally more proper for the hand of power in a free state , to be touched with an inclination towards a common-wealth , then a monarchy . though the advantage that may accrue to you from an english confederacy , is made apparent from by-gon experience , yet if you consider how honourable it would be to spaine , who hath long endeavoured it ; and convenient to france , in regard of her clayme to artoys and hannault , to convert you into a colony , you would not be so intent upon profit , esteemed by all prudent nations inferior to safety : therefore let your pretences be what you will , the incroachments you made through the remisnesse of our kings , and corruption of their councell , are the silver smiths , that doe really raise all these clamours ; it being otherwaies unpossible , that monarchy should be such a diana in your eyes . your alliance with denmarke , is likelier to adde number then weight to your frindship ; being liable to be whisled off or on , according to the inclination of his imperiall majesty , so twisted in marriages with the catholick king , that the difficulty is as great to distinguish between their interests , as consanguinity : besides those eastern countries have ever been looked upon , not only as a store-house wherein god hords up the miseries of winter , but also the cruell plagues of incursions ; apparent in the goths and vandals , whose barbarous hands , assisted time , in the destruction of such monuments in italy , as she alone had not been able to demolish . to conclude with a few queries . let me humbly desire you to consider ; first , whether such as may or shall foment this division , doe not act the policy of the wolfe in the fable , that perswaded the sheepe to give over their mastives ? 2ly what other alliance can afford you so safe harborage in case of foule weather at sea , as england , scotland , and ireland ? if none ; whether contingencies driven in by stormes , under our shelter , may not exceed all the english prizes , you shall make by van trump ? 3ly in case the match with the infanta , had proceeded , or prince charles miscarried in spaine , through detention ; whether your old patrons our kings , might not easier have been perswaded to have renounced your friendship , or delivered up the cautionary towns , had they been then in their power ; then &c. 4ly if venice may not unproperly be called the signet on neptunes right hand , whether england and the netherlands being in a straight confederacy , may not be stiled his two armes , by which in relation to their shipping , he imbraceeth the universe ? 5ly whether your maiden townes , as you call them , may not longer enjoy that title under the alliance of england , who hath many as rich and beautifull , harbours ; as of france , that cannot justly bragge of the like plenty , or conveniency for situation ? 6ly whether a breach between us , may not conjure up a third party of pirats , formidable to us both , dunkirke being in so wavering a condition and fit to make an argiers of , &c. 7ly whether in case a difference should happen ; some of your provinces irritated by the inconveniences must in reason follow , may not be tempted to divide , and adhere to the stronger part ; and which that is , may be easily resolved from the great assistance , england hath given you , and the small dammage she hath ( through the mercy of god ) received from yours , through out the whole series of our warre ? 8ly whether , during our monarchs , they , or the english parliaments , were aptest to put a more favourable construction upon your worse or better actions , in relation to-us ? if the kings ; what signified the bleating of such of your countrymen as they daily fleec'd ? if the parliaments , ( who ever rendred themselves , rather partiall then severe on your side ) are they not well requited ? lastly , whether the world may not afford us and you sufficient trade without intrusion ; or in case our heardsmen should foolishly differ , is not abrahams answer ready , are we not brethren , in language , nature , and religion ? if you adde to this the parallel of the causes , of your and our taking armes ; you shall find your king a stranger by birth , wilfull by nature , and apt to be led away by the seldome auspicious counsell of church-men . the peoples advice neglected ; petitioners imprisoned . all dear-sold to the natives by courtiers , so as injustice it selfe , could scarce be afforded without mony . there a woman made an ingredient in the court ; here the regent of our councels . yours the wisest king in his time , in all things but thinking himselfe so ; ours no lesse prudent , had he but known it . yours happy in all , but the losse of you ; ours successefull in nothing , but his returne from spaine . yours inscrutable to all , but tried friends ; ours patent to none , but such as deserved the name of enemies . yours spent immense treasure , in such buildings as may strive with time for continuance ; ours in playes and maskes , more transitory then a winters night . tours a better king then a man ; ours a better man then a king . you won freedome , by mingling patience with the valour of strangers in long sieges , which spun out the war to a chargeable length ; our liberty the natives obtained in the field , with a miraculous celerity , by trusting providence with their endeavours . our wants were , so true a friend as you found of england , and at first such trusty commanders as your prince : borne to those titles , which our present generall hath more abundantly deserved , having been followed with so uninterrupted successe , as you are no where able to sing of thousands , but may be matched by us with ten thousands . but for this , as all good things else , let glory , praise , and honour , be first given to god , next all thankfull obedience , to those who have or shall be instrumentall in reforming what is amisse in both . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67902e-220 one made a lord , the other a knight at oxford . lampries . extract of the states general their resolution thursday, 28th october, 1688. united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. 1688 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52833 wing n482 estc r33607 13530120 ocm 13530120 99984 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52833) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99984) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1553:7) extract of the states general their resolution thursday, 28th october, 1688. united provinces of the netherlands. staten generaal. 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1688] imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -revolution of 1688. netherlands -politics and government -1648-1714. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion extract of the states general their resolution . thursday , 28th . october . 1688 . upon mature deliberation , it is found fit , and resolved , that notice be given to all their ministers abroad , of all the reasons which induce their h. and m. to assist the prince of orange , going over to england in person , with ships and forces ' , with orders to the said ministers , to make use thereof in the several courts where they reside , as they shall think most convenient ; and that it be also writ to the said ministers , that it is known to all the world , that the english nation , hath of a good while , very much murmur'd and complained , that the king ( no doubt , with the evil council , and inducement of his ministers ) had gained upon their fundamental laws , and laboured through the violation thereof ; and by the bringing in the roman catholick religion , to oppress their liberty , and to ruine the protestant religion , and to bring all under an arbitrary government : that as this inverted and unjust conduct was carried on more and more , and that the apprehensions thereupon were still greater , and that thereby such diffidence , and aversion , was stirred up against the king , that nothing was to be expected in that kingdom but general disorder and confusion . his highness the prince of orange , upon the manifold representations , and the reiterated and earnest desire , which was made to his highness by several lords , and other persons of great consideration in that kingdom ; as also upon the account , that her royal highness , and his highness himself , are so highly concerned in the welfare of that kingdom , could not well endure , that through strife and disunion , they should run the danger , however it went , of being excluded from the crown , held himself obliged to watch over the welfare of that kingdom , and to take care thereof ; and also had the thoughts of assisting the nation , and giving them a helping hand , upon so many just and good grounds , against the government that oppressed them in all manner of ways that lay in his highness power , for that his highness was perswaded that the welfare of this state ( the care whereof is also entrusted to him ) was in the highest manner concerned , that the said kingdom might continue in tranquillity , and that all misunderstanding between the king and the nation might be taken away . that his highness well knowing , that to succeed in so important and laudable a cause , and not to be hindred and prevented by those that were evil inclined towards it , it was necessary to pass over into that kingdom accompanied with some military forces , hath thereupon made known his intentions to their highness , and desired assistance from their highness , that their highness having maturely weighed all things , and considered that the king of france , and great brittain , stood in very good correspondence and friendship one with the other , which their highness have been frequently very well assured of , and in a strict and particular alliance ; and that their highnesses were informed and advertised , that their majesties had laboured upon a concert to divide and separate this state from its alliances ; and that the king of france hath upon several occasions shew'd himself dissatisfied with this state , which gave cause to fear and apprehend , that in case the king of great brittain should happen to compass his aim within his kingdom , and obtain an absolute power over his people , that then both kings , out of interest of state , and hatred and zeal against the protestant religion , would endeavour to bring this state to confusion , and if possible , quite to subject it , have resolved to commend his highness in his undertaking of the abovesaid designs , and to grant to him , for his assistance , some ships and militia , as auxiliaries ; that in pursuance thereof , his highness hath declared to their highness , that he is resolved , with gods grace and favour , to go over into england , not with the least insight or intention to invade or subdue that kingdom , or to remove the king from the throne , much less to make himself master thereof , or to invert or prejudice the lawful succession , as also not to drive thence , or persecute , the roman catholicks , but only and solely to help that nation in re-establishing the laws and priviledges that have been broken , as also in maintaining their religion and liberty , and to that end , to further and bring it about , that a free and lawful parliament may be call'd in such manner , and of such persons , as is regulated and qualified by the laws and form of that government , and that the said parliament may deliberate upon , and establish , all such matters as shall be judge'd necessary to assure and secure the lords , the clergy , gentry , and people , that their rights , laws and priviledges , shall be no more violated or broken , that their high and mightinesses hope and trust , that with gods blessing , the repose and unity of that kingdom shall be re-established , and the same be thereby brought into a condition , to be able , powerfully , to concur to the common benefit of christendom , and to the restoring and maintaining of peace and tranquillity in europe . that copies hereof be delivered to all their foreign ministers , residing here , to be used by them as they shall see occasion . finis . a narrative of the causes and events of civil-war between princes and people together with the manner how the people of rome and of the netherlands rejected and abjured their king and kingly government, with the form of their oaths of abjuration : extracted out of the roman and netherlands history : as likewise some objections now in contest concerning the taking of the like oath in this common-wealth examined and answered, if not for satisfaction at least for information of such as are concerned / by f.m. f. m. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a50889 of text r3469 in the english short title catalog (wing m21). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a50889 wing m21 estc r3469 13673714 ocm 13673714 101204 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50889) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101204) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 794:22) a narrative of the causes and events of civil-war between princes and people together with the manner how the people of rome and of the netherlands rejected and abjured their king and kingly government, with the form of their oaths of abjuration : extracted out of the roman and netherlands history : as likewise some objections now in contest concerning the taking of the like oath in this common-wealth examined and answered, if not for satisfaction at least for information of such as are concerned / by f.m. f. m. 20 p. printed for the authour, london : 1659. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng oaths -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. rome (italy) -history. netherlands -history. a50889 r3469 (wing m21). civilwar no a narrative of the causes and events of civil-war between princes and people. together with the manner how the people of rome, and of the ne f. m 1659 7548 18 0 0 0 0 0 24 c the rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-01 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a narrative of the causes and events of civil-war between princes and people . together with ▪ the manner how the people of rome , and of the netherlands ▪ rejected and abjured their king and kingly government ; with the form of their oaths of abjuration , extracted out of the roman and netherlands history . as likewise , some objections now in contest concerning the taking of the like oath in this common-wealth , examined and answered , if not for satisfaction , at least for information of such as are concerned . by f. m. london : printed for the authour , 1659. a narrative of the cavses and events of civil-warre between princes & people . in the alterations that happen sometimes in a state betwixt the prince and a people that is free and priviledged ; there are ordinarily two points which make them to aim at two several ends : the one is , when as the prince seeks to have a full subjection and obedience of the people : and the other , that the people contrariwise require that the prince should maintain them in their freedoms and liberties which he hath promised and sworn solemnely unto them before his reception unto the government ; thereupon quarrels grow , the prince will hold a hard hand , and will by force endeavour to be obeyed according to will and pleasure ; and the people rising against the prince oftentimes ( upon success ) do reject his authority , and seek to embrace and maintain their full liberties . in these first motions there happens sometimes conferences at the instance of neighbours or others in the nation , who may have interest therein to quench this fire of division betwixt the prince and his subjects ; and then if any one of the parties groweth obstinate and will not yield , although he seem to be most in fault , it followeth of necessity that they must come to more violent remedies , that is to say , to arms : the power of the prince is great when he is supported by other princes which joyn with him for the consequence of the example , else it s but small : . but that of the people , which is the body , whereof the prince is the head , stirred up by conscience , especially if the question of religion be touched ; the members ordained for their function doing joyntly their duties ▪ is far greater ; thereupon they wound , they kill , they burn , they ruine , and grow desparate of each side ; but what is the event , god who is an enemy to all tyranny and disobedience judged of their quarrels , weigheth them in his ballance of justice , helping the rightful cause , and either causeth the prince for his rigour , oppression , and tyranny to be punished and chased away , and deprived of his estate and principality ; or the people for their attempt to be punished and brought to reason , which causeth the alteration to cease , and procureth a peace ; whereof there are many examples , both ancient and modern , besides this ensuing narrative of the people of rome and the netherlands . tarquinus superbus being the 7th and last king of rome , after he had reigned twenty five years was banished from thence , together with the whole kingly government , which had then lasted 244 years before the people could shake off that oppressive yoak of their kings , which they effected in the manner , and for the causes following . sextus tarquinus , son to king tarquin the tyrant , being full of lust and cruelty , came to lucretia's house at colatia , a place not far distant from rome , where he had been before kindly entertained by her husband colatinus , who at that time was absent ; and being after supper brought into the guest-chamber , and when he thought all sure , and that every body was fast asleep , he steppeth with naked sword in hand to lucretia as she lay in a profound sleep ; who starting out of her sleep , heard tarquinus speak in this manner ; i am sextus tarquinus , i have my drawn sword in hand , if thou once speak thou shalt surely die ; and if thou wilt not yield to me , i will kill thee ; and for thy perpetual shame and dishonour , will cut the throat of thy servant , and lay him naked by thee , that so it may be rumoured abroad that thou hast been kill'd in adultery : whereupon by violence and force he had her company ; the next morning lucretia did send for her father and husband , who brought along with them valerius and brutus , to whom ( when they came ) she told that sextus tarquinus was the man , who that night past entertained as a friend , but indeed a very foe in the highest degree , had by force and violence taken from hence his pleasure ; a deadly pleasure i may say to me , and to himself no less , if you be men of courage . all of them gave their ▪ assured word and comforted her , whereupon she said , well , what is his due to have , see you to that ; as for me , i quit and assoil my self from sin , yet i will not be freed from punishment , and after other words uttered , with a knife hid under her cloaths , stab'd her self ; out cryed her husband and father thereat , and while they two were in their plaints and moans , brutus drew forth the knife out of the wound of lucretia , holding it out all embrewed and dropping with bloud ; said , now i swear by this blood , by this most chaste and pure blood , before the villanny wrought by the kings son , and here before the gods i protest whom i call to witnesse , that i will by fire and sword , and with all my might and main , persecute 〈…〉 ree the countrey of tarquinus , the proud and his imperious wife and the whole brood of his children , and suffer neither him no●●ny else for his sake to reig●●● king at rome ; then gave he the knife to ●●●●●tinus lucretius , and valerius who took the same oath , and leaving their lamentations followed brutus as their captain and leader , to put down and overthrow the government of kings , and utterly to root out the race ; the dead corps of lucretia was brought in the market-place , and there shewed to the people , who with wondering at such a sight , and so foul and unworthy a fact , they raised much people together , every man for his part was ready to complain of the wickednesse and violence done by the kings blood ; brutus who rebuked all vain weeping and foolish moaning , moved and perswaded all that were present , that like men of valour , like true-hearted romans , they would take arms against those that demeaned themselves no better , nay worse then ordinary enemies . thereupon all the people armed themselves , and towards rome they went , where in the market place he related to the people then assembled the villany committed upon lucretia ; and moreover he laid abroad the pride of the king himself , the miseries , the infinite toil and pain of the commons buried as it were under ground , with cleansing and casting of ditches , voiding and farming of the sinks ; saying that the men of rome who were the conquerors of all nations about them , were now of warriors become quarriors , hewers of stone , and day-labourers ; thus rehearsing these and other matters , much more grievous and horrible , he so mightily inflamed the multitude , that he caused the king to be deposed and degraded of his royal state and dignity , yea and to decree and enact , that king tarquinus and his wife and children should be banished for ever , which accordingly was effected ; and after all the armies and people had forsaken him , brutus being then appointed consul , and for fear least the magistrates and people might at any time after be won by entreaty , or moved by gifts on the kings part , he caused them to swear , that they would never suffer any to be king at rome , after which the senate was fil'd with such as took the same oath , in lieu of those that were murthered by the kings command , to the full number of three hundred ▪ so jealous were the people afterwards of their liberties , that one of their consuls name being tarquinus , without they could have any other thing to say against him but his name , who they said was dangerous to a free-state , thereupon was perswaded to retire from the city , and brutus by an act and decree of the senate , proposed to the people , that all the race and linage of the tarquin's should be exiled and banished , which was accordingly effected . no man doubted then , but that the tarquins were about to take arms , but seeing that no man feared , the romans had like by fraud and treason at home , to have lost and foregon their freedoms again , and that the reader may know that the very same thing endeavoured at rome to restore the tarquins , is that which hath several times been , and at present is endeavoured in england ; the story is briefly thus ; there were certain youths of the flower of rome , descended of no low degree nor parentage , who in the kings dayes had lived like young princes , more loosely and at pleasure as companions and play-fellows with the young tarquins the kings sons , who seeking to enjoy the same licentious life still in this equality of state , wherein all others then lived , made moan and complained one to another , that the liberty of others turned to their servitude . the king say they , is a man at whose hand one might obtain somewhat as need requireth , were the cause right or were it wrong , where a man might find favour and friendship , as who could be displeased and angry , and also forgive and remit a fault , and knew well how to make difference between a friend and a foe ; as for laws they are deaf and inexorable , more wholesome and commodious to the poor then to the rich and mighty , affording no release or pardon , if one chance to trespasse and transgresse , and a ticklish point it is and perilous for a man amongst so many errors , whereto our frailty is subject , to bear himself onely upon his innocent life ; being thus of their own accord already discontent ( as it may boldly be averred the young nobility and others of the loose people of england are at this time upon the like account ) suddenly unlookt for came ambassadors to rome from king tarquinus , who without mention at all of return , demanded onely their goods again , and while the businesse was in debate in the senate , these ambassadors privately sounded the minds of these young gentle-men , whom they found ready to conspire with them for the return of the king . the ambassadors having obtained the restauration of the kings goods , and ready to depart , had private meetings with those young gentle-men , who for assurance of their fidelity to the king , signed a letter which they delivered to the said ambassadors , all which was detected by a bond-slave , who had overheard them when they delivered the letter , presently giving notice thereof to the consul , who apprehended the said ambassadors , and found the said letter , and thereupon all the conspirators were apprehended ; and to see how much pagans made esteem of their oaths and protestations , brutus then consul , having two of his sons , to wit , titus and tiberius , who were in the conspiracy , himself saw them executed , and being bound at a stake , the people pittied them not so much for being punished , as for deserving by their fact to be punished , that they could find in their hearts , and once let enter into their thoughts , to betray into the hands of tarquinus ( a proud prince , and then a cruel enemy and banished rebel ) their native countrey , lately , and in that very year set free from captivity , and their natural father who set it free . now for the kings goods which were ordered to be restored , were flatly afterwards denied by the senate , who would not confiscate and bring them to the publick treasury , but were given away amongst the commons , to the end they having once touched or seized on the kings goods , as a booty , might for ever after be past all hope of any peace or favour with them . not long afterwards tarquin obliged king perceua with a cruel army to march against rome , & to endeavour the restoring of him to the kingdom , and to shew how much it conduceth to the safety of a commonwealth that the people thereof should engage against the banished kings , and absolutely to abjure and renounce them and their line for ever , and how far such an oath doth engage a people to keep them out , take this short story of king porcena , being with his army at the very walls of rome , and in great hope to take it and restore tarquin ▪ one cajus mucius afterwards surnamed scaevola , together with others of the romans , to the number of 300. engaged one with another to venture their lives in going to the camp of porcena , and to kill him , rather then suffer their country to be again enslaved . it fell to the lot of this scaevola to go first , and coming into the camp with a scain hid under his garment , he presseth in the thickest throng to stand near the kings tribunal ; it happened , that then and their the souldiers were receiving their pay , and the chancellor or king porcenas principal secretary sate together with the king in like aray ; scaevola fearing to enquire whether of them two were porcena , least he should discover himself , in lieu of porcena he killed the chancellor , and afterwards with his bloody weapon making his way through the fearful multitude , was laid hold on and brought before king porcena sitting then upon his throne , to whom he said , i am a citizen of rome , and cajus mucius is my name , a professed enemy i confesse , and an enemy would i have slain , as ready and willing am i to die my self as i was to kill another , for both to do and suffer valiantly is the part of a noble roman , and it s not i alone that carry this resolution , against thee o king , there is a long train behind of them that seek to win the same praise and honour , make thee ready therefore and arm thy self if thou think good against this danger , and reckon every hour to be in hazard of thy life , and to have alwayes at the very court gates thy enemies sword ; this kind of war we youths of rome denounce openly to thee , no battel , no fight else shalt thou need to fear , with thee alone will we all one by one have to do , and with no other . hereat king porcena incensed with wrath , and for the danger he stood in affrighted withall , commanded in menacing wise , that he should be fryed at a stake , unless he would presently unfold in plain terms what secret and dangerous practices he meant , and threatned under covert circuit of words and intricate circumstances ; lo , said he again , how little they set by this carcase that aspires to great glory and aim at honour , and with that thrust his right hand into the hearth of fire that was made for the sacrifice , and when he endured the roasting thereof , as if he had been senceless and felt no pain , the king well nigh astonished at this wonderful and miraculous sight , started up from his royal seat and chair of state , commanding the young man to be had from the altar ; go thy wayes ( said he ) in peace , thou hast done thy self more mischief then thou hast attempted against my person , i would say god blesse thee , and worthy hast thou been of honour for thy pro●ess , if it were in my service and in the behalf and defence of my own country , and now by the law of war i discharge thee freely and give thee leave to depart without any hurt or abuse offered unto thee . then scaevola as it were to requite his courtesie and desert , said , forasmuch as thou settest so great esteem in valour , and honourest vertue so highly , to the end it may be seen , that thou shalt get at my hands by courtesie that which by cruel threats thou couldct not , these are therefore to let thee understand , that there are 300. of us noble youths , even the very flower and knighthood of rome , that have conspired and swore thy death , and in this manner to assail thee ; my lot it was to be the first , the rest as is shall fall out will be here very shortly and wait every man his turn and time until they hit right upon thee ; scaevola was no sooner gone back to rome , but suddenly followed after him ambassadours from porceua , offering the romans conditions of peace , which was agreed , and porceuae withdrew his army from rome . but sometimes after sent other ambassadours again to rome to treat about restoring the tarquins to the realm , to whom the romans answered , that the senate would send ambassadours to king porceus himself , who accordingly were dispatched , and delivered the speech following , that the chief of their nobles were sent rather then any dispatch given by word of mouth to his ambassadours at rome , not for that they could have shapen them this short answer , they will no kings have , but to this end that for ever after there should be no suite rend●ed of that matter ; nor in so great mutual benefits and favours passed between them , some discontentment arise on either side while he might be thought to request that which is repugnant and prejudiciall to the liberty of rome , and the romans again ( unless they would be executors of their own wrongs , and seek their own destruction ) to make denyal unto him , whom by their good wills they would not seem to deny any thing of the world . but as to the substance of the matter this was the point , namely that the people of rome were not under the government of kings , but were a free state , and fully setled in this purpose , to set open their gates sooner unto enemies then to kings , and were generally of this mind and resolution , that when the freedom of that city had an end , then should the city come to an end also , to conclude therefore they were to entreat him that if he tendred the weal and safetie of rome , he would permit them to be free still at their own liberty ; king porceus overcome with very modestie and much abased himself , answered thus again , since you are so fully minded and stifly bent ( said he ) neither will i importune you , nor dull your ears with harping still upon this unpleasing string , and do no good , nor bear the tarquins any longer in hand , and deceive them of that hope of ayde , which nothing at all is in my power to perform , let them henceforth seek any other place of exile either for peace or war as they shall think most expedient , that there may be nothing to let and hinder the free course of amity and alliance between me and you . thus tarquinus seeing all hopes of return cut off , removed to tuscalum , and afterwards died at cumes . thus reader thou hast a short narrative of the cause and manner of the banishment of the kings of rome , and what course the romans took to keep them out from ever returning . now followeth that of the netherlands , in freeing themselves from the yoak of philip the king of spain , as it is extracted out of the edict or declaration of the general estates of the netherlands , dated at the hague the 26th of iuly , 1581. to all those that these presents shall see , read or hear , greeting ; as it is well known unto all men , that a prince and lord of a country is ordained by god to be soveraign & head over his subjects , and to preserve and defend them from all injuries , force and violence , even as a shepherd for the defence of his sheep , and that the subjects are not created by god for the prince to obey him in all he shall command , be it with god or against him , reasonable or unreasonable , nor to serve him as slaves and bond men ; but rather the prince is ordained for his subjects ( without which he cannot be a prince ) to govern them according to law , equity and reason , to take care for them and to love them , even as a father doth his children , or a shepherd his sheep , who putteth both his body and life in danger , to defend and preserve them ; if the prince therefore faileth herein , and instead of preserving his subjects , doth outrage and oppress them , depriveth them of their priviledges and antient customs , commandeth them and would be served of them as of slaves , they are no longer bound to respect him as their soveraign prince and lord , but to esteem of him as of a tyrant ; neither are the subjects ( according unto law and reason ) bound to acknowledge him as their prince , so as without any offence being done with deliberation and authority of the states of the countrey , they may freely abandon him , especially , when as the subjects by humble suite , entreaty and admonitions could never mollifie their princes heart , nor divert him from his enterprise and tyrannous designs , so as they have no other means left them to preserve their antient liberties , their wives , children and posterity , for the which ( according to the law of nature ) they are bound to expose both life and goods , as for the like occasion we have seen it to fall out often in divers countreys , whereof the examples are yet fresh in memory , which ought especially to be of force in these countreys , who have alwayes been and ought to be governed according to the oath taken by their princes , when they receive them , conformable to their priviledge and antient custome , having no power to infringe them ; besides , that most part of the said provinces have alwayes received and admitted their princes and lords upon certain conditions and sworn contracts , which if the prince shall violate , he is by right fallen from the rule and superiority of the countrey , &c. and after they have made a recital of his cruelties , oppressions and tyrannies , they further proceed . that having duly considered all these things , and being prest by extreme necessity , we have by a general resolution and consent , declared , and do declare by these presents , the king of spain ( ipso jure ) to be fallen from the seignory , principality , jurisdiction and inheritance of these countreys ; and that we are resolved never to acknowledge him any more in any matter concerning the prince , jurisdictions or demean of these netherlands , nor to use hereafter , neither yet to suffer any other to use his name as soveraign lord thereof , according to which we declare all officers , private noble men , vassals and other inhabitants of these countreys , of what condition or quality soever , to be from henceforth discharged of the oath which they have made in any manner whatsoever unto the king of spain , as lord of these countries , or of that whereby they may be bound unto him , &c. enjoyning and commanding all judges , officers and all others to whom it shall appertain , that hereafter they forbear to use any more the name , titles , great seal or signet of the king of spain , and have injoynned and commanded , and do injoyn and command , that all the king of spain ▪ seals which are at this present within these vnited provinces , shall be delivered into the sates hands , and that from henceforth the name and armes of the king of spain , shall not be put nor stampt in any coyns of these vnited provinces , but that there shall be such a figure set upon them as shall be appointed , &c. in like sort we injoyn and command the presidents and lords of the councel and all other chancellours , presidents , provincial counsuls , and all presidents & chief masters of accounts & others of all chambers of accounts , being respectively in these countreys , and also all other judges and officers , as holding them discharged of the oath which they have made to the king of spain , according to the tenure of the commissions , that they shall take a new oath in the hands of the states of the provinces where they are , or to their deputies , whereby they shall swear to be faithful to us against the king of spain and his adherents , according to the form set down by us ; which oath accordingly was taken by the publick officers and magistrates of every town and province , and is as followeth : i swear , that hereafter i shall not serve nor yield obedience to philip king of spain , nor acknowledge him for my prince and lord , whom i do renounce by these presents , and do hold my self free from all oaths and bands by the which i might be formerly tyed unto him . whereof finding my self presently freed , i swear anew , and bind my self to the united provinces , and namely , to them of brabandt , guelder , hollandt , zealandt , and their allies , and to the soveraign magistrates that are appointed , to be faithful and loyal unto them , to yield them all obedience , aid and comfort with all my power and means , against the king of spain and his . adherents , and against all the enemies of the countrey , promising as a good subject of the countrey to carry my self faithfully and loyally , with shew of all obedience to my superiors ; so , help me the almighty god . many notwithstanding made great difficulty to abjure the king and to take the new oath , among others a councellour of frieslandt , a man of great judgement and experience , called raa●da , hearing the abjuration propounded in open councel at leuwarden , and the renewing of the oath ( whether it were through a sudden amazement , or for the affection which he bare to the king of spain ) was so troubled , as he fell in a convulsion and died presently . now impartial reader , that you have seen a short and true narrative extracted out of antient and modern history , whereby you may receive satisfaction of the causes wherefore the romans and our neighbours of the netherlands rejected and renounced their kings and kingly office , and how they provided against their ever returning to rule over them ; upon the whole matter it may be queried , whether the parliament and good people of england , after god had so signally and miraculously owned their cause against the late king and family , have not had an equivalent or far greater cause to free these three nations of the yoak of monarchs and monarchy , then the romans or the states of the netherlands had , which any one may easily be convinced of , if he will but take the pains and time to read the history of the reign of the kings of england , scotland , &c. but especially from the coming of that bastard brood to the late tyrant ; what murthers , rapines , oppressions , wars , devastations , cruelties , ravishments and what not have been acted in the three nations , during that time ? i shall onely hint to some few , as first of king john , of whom the history relates , that when he had endeavoured by force of armes and by other barbarous cruelties to impose his yoak of bondage and slavery over his people , whom he forced to take up armes for his own defence , and that after they had obtained several victories against him , whereby he was reduced to great extreams , yet would not grant them peace , till he had made tryal of all manner of cruel wayes to subdue them by force , one whereof was , that rather then grant to the people their liberties and freedoms , he sent to the king of the moors , and made him an offer that if he would send an army in england , he would deliver up his right and title to him . but to come nearer our time , what cruel murtherer and tyrant was richard the third and henry the 8th ▪ his own queens and many of his nobles could not escape his fury , and that for no other crime but to satisfie his cruelty , lust and pleasure ; so notorious was he , that to this day the proverb remaineth resent of him , that he neither spared man in his fury , nor woman in his lust . queen mary another fury , how many pretious souls she caused to be brought to the stake and burned . king james , so little he esteemed the lives of the people ( although no man of war ) yet ( if by accident ) any one hindred his sport in hunting , or not opened a gate as soon as he commanded , he would curse and swear , and give express command that such a one should be hanged ; and for his son , what wars , desolations and miseries hath he been authour of in the 3 nations , how many thousands killed and ruined , how many millions of treasure exhausted , what plots contrived by him and his queen to subvert law and religion in these nations , his inviting of the german horse in time of peace , and in time of war pawn the jewels of the crown , to bring over whole regiments of papists , to kill , destroy , plunder , ravish and barbarously use the protestant people of this nation ; and moreover of my certain knowledge their sending sir kelom digbys to the pope for assistance , &c. the realty of these unparallel'd actings being seriously corsidered , and all by-ends and self-interest laid aside , and onely that of the publick eyed upon , then it must needs be acknowledged , that besides those enormities , that many lucretias have been ravished by those kings and their interest , and that their wars , devastations and cruelties have far exceeded either those of the tarquin's , or kings of spain at rome or in the netherlands ; in rome the ravishing of one lucretia ( by the kings son ) was the principal occasion of the peoples banishing and abjuring the whole brood of their kings ; and in the netherlands the oppression and cruelty of the king of spain occasioned the states of that countrey to do the like ; weigh but the one and the other together in the ballance of justice and reason , against the cruelties and licentious wills of our kings , and you will be sure to find them light and inconsiderable ; as to what hath been exercised here since the normans subdued england under their heavy and oppressive yoak ; that in reason it must be acknowledged and granted that for the safety of the people , the parliament of england have ( after their so many signal victories , and their ownings of god for the same ) far more and justifiable reasons , to renounce and cause to be renounced , the whole line of the kings and kingship , or other single persons pretending any right or title of chief magistrates over these nations , then either the romans or state of the netherlands had in renouncing and abjuring their king and kingship ; against which oath it may be objected , first , that the oath of abjuration taken by the romans and netherlands could not be advantagious to them as for the keeping out their kings from returning , and that ( say some ) because any wicked man to bring his designs to pass , will make no difficulty nor conscience to swallow any manner of oaths . to which it may be answered , that this short narrative extracted out of the history , is sufficient to remove that objection ; for first , it is not to be doubled , had it not been for the oath taken by the romans against the return of their kings , undoubtedly they had never been kept out . and secondly for the states of the netherlands , it was not onely useful to weed out of their armies and garrisons all the friends of the king of spain , and likewise out of the courts of justice and other places of eminent trust ; and certainly , if the hearing of it read and proposed could have so much power as to kill that great and wise counsellor , how much more dreadful was it to all others of the king of spains faction and party , who several of them upon refusal of the said oath were displaced out of their several imployments ; and besides it is very remarkable , that after it was imposed upon all military officers , there was neither garrisons nor forces betrayed to the king of spain , as formerly before it was daily observed there was ; whereupon the king of spain was forced to make peace with them . and thirdly , it is impossible for the rarest artists of the world to erect any lasting fabrick upon an old foundation , unless first the rubish and old ruine thereof be absolutely removed and cast out , so likewise and comparatively it is impossible of a monarchical government to introduce and establish upon a sure basis a democratical government , without first casting off and renouncing that old ruinous and rubish government of king and kingship , which if it had been effected in the year 1648 when these nations were declared a free state , by imposing an oath of that nature upon those persons then eminently intrusted in civil & military places , there is sufficient ground to believe that cromwell nor his adherents would never have attempted to subvert and usurp the government as they did , which hath in a manner almost ruined both the cause and nation ; and for want of taking such an oath , we see what hopes the family of the stuarts and other single persons have had and have still to return , which will never be removed , until ( in imitation of our neighbours the netherlands ) those back-doors be dammed up by taking such an oath ; and moreover doth not at present the royal party dare with boldness assert and maintain , laying wagers to one that the chief in parliament and army will refuse the same , and upon that do openly declare their great hopes , which would be soon over if those worthies would be but sensible thereof , and put no further delayes in a business of so great concernment to the settlement of the nation and commonwealth . the second objection which is found in the mouths of many which are no better then kinglings , but would put it off upon a case of conscience ( viz. ) that in case god who is the omnipotent over all governments of the world , should in his providence seem good to bring back some of the line of the late king to be ruler over these nations , then say they , if we should take such an oath of abjuration or renunciation , we should be found to have resisted the will of god . for answer , god is just and righteous in all his dispensations and providences , and for any person that hath seen and several times returned thanks unto him for his wonderful and miraculous providences in owning a cause so much contended for , by giving so many signal and marvellous victories and deliverances to this parliament and their forces , against the late king & family in several conflicts , and that at such a time when he was very formidable , and his party and armies consisted of most of the nobility and gentry of the three nations , and yet god by making use of a company of men of low estate and condition , and not brought up in the military art , did in such wonderful manner own and prosper them in that war against the king and his son , that at length the father was by his divine providence brought to the block , and the sons endeavours all blasted and brought to nought , i say when men have been eye witnesses of such extraordinary providences , in not onely blasting and disowning kingship in that family , but likewise in the late family of the apostate cromwells who attempted the same , and that by a parliamentary way ; and besides for such as have made war against kingship and against that family , and voted the kingly office uselesse , dangerous and chargeable , making it treason to promote charles stuart or any other to be chief magistrate of england , selling all the support of kingship and all other estate belonging to it ; and seeing also the parliament after several interruptions ( during which time several endeavours were used to bring kingship again ) to be miraculously restored , & to live to see god take vengeance of all those who had been chief actors in endeavouring to inthrall us under the yoke of the cromwells , &c. for such i say again after all this not to be convinced of the lawfulness of renouncing or declaiming that whole line and others pretenders to it , is certainly to doubt of gods constancy and justice , there being as much conscience or reason to plead the same providence against abjuring , renouncing or declaiming the popes supreamacie over these nations , who for during far longer time had dominion and jurisdiction over them , so that upon the whole matter , it cannot be imagined that if the pleasure of god was such as to suffer any of that family or other , to rule over these nations , that it can be to any other end then as a scourge and plague to the nations and to those persons in particular who are so incredulous and timerous , who with many other in the nation may be compared to those of the israelites , who ( after their wonderful deliverances from under the yoke of king pharaoh ) did murmure while they were in the wilderness , desiring to return to their former state and condition of slavery and bondage , by reason they could not enjoy the garlick and onions of egypt , not minding the land of caanan and of plenty , towards which they were going , which is the condition of many murmurers in these nations who cannot or rather will not see nor dive into the freedom and plenty to be had and enjoyed under a democratical or free-state government , which is the thing now aimed and laboured hard for , and which without doubt had long since been obtained and enjoyed , but for the endeavours and desires of so many in the nation to return to their egyptian bondage and slavery . lastly , an expedient is by some learned men , proposed and offered in lieu of taking the oath of abjuration , renuntiation or declamation of the race of the kings , &c. say such a law may be made whereby it shall be declared to be high treason for any person to propose , help or endeavour the bringing any of that family or others to be chief magistrates of england , &c. to which it is answered , that such a law ( without first imposing such an oath ) cannot oblige any person against the return of any of that line , or the introduction of any other single person , and that for these reasons ▪ first , such a law doth not bind the consciences and persons of any as an oath doth , which is voluntary and personally obliging . secondly , because of late there hath been a sufficient experiment of the same in cromwell and others , assuming to themselves the government of these nations , although it was here declared high treason by a known law so to do . thirdly , because such a law ( although never so strict ) may be repealed , which such an oath can never be . fourthly , because if any one of that family or other should attempt by force to overthrow the government of these nations , such a law obliges no man to oppose them , which an oath doth in ●erminis . lastly , because such a law cannot discover who that is in the commonwealth service , that may be an enemy to it , which an oath will soon discover , and out all such kinglings both out of the courts of justice , as likewise out of the army and garrisons . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a50889e-180 vide the first book of titus livius , page 41 , 42. vide ▪ the second book of titus livius , p. 44 , 45. vide the same book , page 45 , 46 , 47. vide , the second book of titus livius page 49 , to 54. vide , the general history of the netherlands , written by grimeston and cross , and printed in the year 1627. vide , the 12 book , page 659. to page 666. a iournall, of the taking in of venlo, roermont, strale, the memorable seige of mastricht, the towne & castle of limburch vnder the able, and wise conduct of his excie: the prince of orange, anno 1632 vvith an exact card drawne first by charles floyd (nowe ensigne) and since lessened and cutt by henricus and willihelmus hondius dwelling by the gevangen port in the hagh. compiled together by capt. henry hexham quartermaster to the regiment of the lord generall vere. as also a list of the officers, voluntiers, gentlemen, and souldiers slayne, and hurt in this seige. with the articles of composition. hexham, henry, 1585?-1650? 1633 approx. 135 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a03134 stc 13263 estc s104007 99839748 99839748 4196 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a03134) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4196) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1351:16) a iournall, of the taking in of venlo, roermont, strale, the memorable seige of mastricht, the towne & castle of limburch vnder the able, and wise conduct of his excie: the prince of orange, anno 1632 vvith an exact card drawne first by charles floyd (nowe ensigne) and since lessened and cutt by henricus and willihelmus hondius dwelling by the gevangen port in the hagh. compiled together by capt. henry hexham quartermaster to the regiment of the lord generall vere. as also a list of the officers, voluntiers, gentlemen, and souldiers slayne, and hurt in this seige. with the articles of composition. hexham, henry, 1585?-1650? hondius, hendrik, b. 1573, engraver. hondius, willem, engraver. floyd, charles, fl. 1632-1633, cartographer. [8], 48 p. : folded map printed by iohn pietersz vvalpote, for nathaniell butter [, london], and are to be sold at [sic] henrij hondius, his house in the hagh, at delph : anno 1633. vvith the priviledge therevnto of the high and mighty lords, the states generall of the vnited provinces. with a title-page map. printer's name from stc. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) 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as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng maastricht (netherlands) -history -siege, 1632 -early works to 1800. netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -early works to 1800. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a iovrnall , of the taking in of venlo , roermont , strale , the memorable seige of mastricht , the towne & castle of limburch vnder the able , and wise conduct of his ex cie : the prince of orange , anno 1632. vvith an exact card drawne first by charles floyd ( nowe ensigne ) and since lessened and cutt by henricus and willihelmus hondius dwelling by the gevangen port in the hagh . compiled together by capt. henry hexham quartermaster to the regiment of the lord generall vere . as also a list of the officers , voluntiers , gentlemen , and souldiers slayne , and hurt in this seige . with the articles of composition . at delph , printed by iohn pietersz vvalpote , for nathaniell butter , and are to be sold at henrij hondius , his house in the hagh , anno 1633. vvith the priviledge therevnto of the high and mighty lords , the states generall of the vnited provinces . to his honored kinsman , maister frauncis morrice clarcke of his ma ties : ordnance . sir , yow having married the widdowe of my deceased vncle , m r : jerome heydon marchant of london : i am tyed by an obligation of loue , to shewe you al dutifull respect , and for yours , and my aunts many favours j have made choise to dedicate vnto your selfe , these particulars , touching the seige of mastricht , & some remarkeable things hapned this last yeres service in the lowe countries . and though they be not so well done , as i could wishe they were , because some things maye be forgotten , and others which came not to my knowledge ; yet so farre , as my intelligence served , and being an eye-witnesse in the most of them : j hope they will carrye more truth along vvith them , then eloquence : for truth , and bluntnesse becomes a souldier best . here then ( worthy s r : ) you shall see everie nation ( as so many rivers runing into the mayne ) endevouring , and striving to doe the state , and land service , whome wee serve . one principall motive , vvhich perswaded mee to vndertake this labour , and to putt it out to the viewe of the vvorld was this . harmon hugo a iesuite wrote well in the praise , and conduct of the deceased marques spinola ( who deserved well , and was one of the best generalls that ever the king of spayne had in his lowe cuntrie warrs ) concerning the blocking vp of breda : it is as free for mee , being a protestant and a souldier , to write some thing ( without flatterie ) as a remembrance to posteritie , in the honor & cōmendations of our generalissimo the prince of orange . & if hee pararells , these two great generalls of our age together , indeed , i must tell the iesuite this , in a souldiers account a towne , or a citie gayned by the sword , and approches is more honorable ( witnes the seige of the bosch , & mastricht ) then to block it vp , and to starue yt out , which is a languishing death . on the contrarie side , because hee spake well of our nation , & gives them their due : i will likewise speake the truth , that wee mett with a brave gouvernour , the baron of leyde , and a daring ennemie , which disputed every patch of ground with vs , and yeelded not , till the foundation , and bowells of the vvall of mastricht were rent assunder . to concludel , that which i have collected , the severall services acted , the passages , and remarkeable things to be observed , i leave to your wise , & the judicious readers consideration , which i hope wil be acceptable vnto you , & rest . your ever loving kinsman henry hexham . an exact card , wherein is described , and delineated the famous seige of mastricht , begun the 10. of june , and ended the 23. of angust , following anno 1632. the name of the citie of mastricht , is compounded of two words maze , and treckt , a dutch word , which signifies in english , a passage over the maze , called also in latine traiectum mosae , or traiectum superius , to distinguish betweene yt , & traiectum inferius , which is vtrecht . this citie is very well scituated vpon the river of maze , having brabant on the vvest & northwest-side , luykland , & the dukedome of limburch on the south , and south east-side , and gulickland , and the countie of valckenberke on the east , and north-side . it is devided into two townes , the one called mastricht , the other wieck , the maze running between them , and have also betwixt them , a very faire stone bridge of nine great arches to passe over . this is an ancient towne , of a large circuit and stronge , lying foure germane miles from luyck , haveing in yt two cathedrall churches , the one called st. servaes , vvhereof the king of spayne as duke of brabant is canon , which heretofore hath bin a bishopprick , and was founded in the yeare of our lord 395. whereby the antiquitio thereof is knowne , but the bishops seate was removed from thence to luyck anno 1210. the other cathedrall church is called s t. maries , having a convent neere yt called the bissen , vvherein a mightly prince and his trayne maye lodge , and besides these catheralls , it hath many other churches , cloisters & monasteries of men and woemen in yt . this citie also hath two lords over yt , vvhereof the one is in the possession of the duke of brabant , the other the prince of luyck by loane . and as they have two lords , so they have two seats of iustice two maires , or burgomasters , aldermen & officers of iustice , which meete and keepe good correspondence together , vvithout distinction of limits , neverthelesse the duke of brabant was the soveraigne lord over them both , for hee onely stamps his picture vpon the coine , and at his entrance into these cities shewes mercie , and gives pardon to malefactours . these two townes prospered and flourished well a long time , till the netherlandish troubles , and warr brake forth , and till the spaynard put a garrison into yt , as being a chiefe frontier towne , the key of brabant , and the magazin for all the king of spaynes guarnisons over the maze , and a ready passage for the sending vp of his forces into germanie to assist the emperour . in the time of some of her gouvernours ( especially vvhen duke d'alva tyrannised and domineered ) yt sustayned great losses , and dammages by the spaynards : for in the yeare 1576. they cunningly surprised yt did plunder , and pillage in yt . the states having gott yt in againe anno 1579. the prince of parma came before yt , and beleagured yt straightly , for the time of 8 mounts playing continually vpon yt vvith 54 peeces of ordnance . the inhabitants and souldiers carryed themselves so well , that scarcly the like hath bin parareld since the beginning of the low-countrie warrs : notwithstanding the 29 of iune 1579 being s t : ieames his day , hee tooke yt in with an assault the spaynards murdring , and killing a great many of men woemen , and children in yt , and cast over the stone bridge betweene mastricht and weyck some hundreds , and drownd them the river of the maze , some others got vp into the steeples , and turrets of churchers , and cloisters to save themselves , crying out at the holes for quarter to them , but they insteed of that , sent them volleys of musket-bullets vvhich yet stick in the vvall , and the holes of many of them are to be seene vnto this daye , and some people yett living in yt , which by the mercie of god , escaped their bloudie hands can witnesse . vvhat hath hapned vnto yt the last yeare 1632. how yt was beseiged againe and taken , how the prince of orange his quarters laye , how the line of circumvallation was fortisyed with strong & impregnable works how the lines in the approches were runne this card deliniates , and the iournall herevnto annexed , will demonstrate and satisfie the impartiall reader . the demonstration of this card by letter and numbre . the capitall letters 〈◊〉 the severall quarters approches & galleries . note that being doubled they signifie so many divisions of a regiment . a is the prince of orange his quarter . b the place for the ordinance . c the deputed states lodging . d the guards . e colonell belfords . the scotch . f colonell bacloughs . g colonell broughs . h generall morgan . the english. i the 4. division of generall vere . k colonell packenhams . l colonell herberts . m count solmes dutches . n colonell hauterive . the french. o the mareshall mons ▪ chastillon . p the duke of candales . r count maurice . vvalloone . s count haynaws high dutches . t the two first corps du guarde . v the first breaking of ground , or entrance into the approches . x the french gallerie . y the english gallerie . the small letters goe the round , about the line off circumvallation & is 15. english mils in cōpasse , pointing out the principall places of fortification vpon the line . litle a ▪ is the line , which runs downe frō his ex cie : quarter , a long by the french fort numbre 10. making 2 points , & closes at kouvvenberck , noted y ▪ a likewise is the line , which was run from his ex cie : quarter , to the english fort n o. 6 , to n o. 11 with 2 redoubts vpon yt , & runs a long to n o. 12 to the quarter 13 , with one redoubt , which taken in n o. 14 , served for a retreat for our horse . the trench vpon the line of circumvallation was strengthned twise , & raised to 8 & halfe foote high , & the ditch likewise . and besides the ditch of circumvallation , there was made an other out ditch called the forlorne ditch without his ex cie : quarter , 8. foote wide , and 8. foote deepe , marked a. from the letter b b , to the baron of bredrodes quarter c , are two diches 6 foote wide . from the english side of his ex cie : quarter d vnto count henries of nassaus quarter e ▪ 〈◊〉 a ditch 12 foote wide , & frō the letter f , throw the medowes running over s t. peters hill , by colonell pinsens quarter ▪ downe to the maze g , is a ditch 12 foote wide . h is the vpper bridg , called luycks bridge , where our provisiōs laye . from the bridg-for● over the ma● , marked i , ran an other ditch 8 foote wide , passing along by the mill-fort k ▪ & so to the freese quarter l. from thence to count maurice his quarter m , with a ditch to the letter n , of 8 foote wide , & so to the church yard of ammy noted ● n , where papenheym fell on , and then ran along the ditch into the water o. from the north-side of this water p , there begann againe 2 forlorne ditches , each six foote wide , going about the water for t , and passing by count williams quarter q , and turned by the redoubt r , about the hornwork s. and so forward by count stirums quarter , t ending in the ditch of the fort v , which laye before the lower bridge beneath the towne called bredrodes bridge noted w , x are the shipping that came out of holland with victualls and munition ▪ y. the small village kouwēberke were his ex cie : horse stood . ● . papenheyms quarter behinde the hills one redoubt appearing . numbre 1. is the chiefe quarter of the spanish armie cōmanded by sancte croce . n o. 2. is a small fort , and an entrenchment vpon a peece of an old dike for the safeguard of their bridg . n o. 3. are the ennemies 4. batteries . n o. 7. is the ennemies bridg . n o. 4. is the trench , which the ennemy cutt off , and made in the towne for thiir retreate . n o. 5. is the stone bridg betweene mastricht and vvieck . the letter b , shewes our principall batteries along the line . in st. peters hill are many caves , called by the legeois cariot , which runns some miles vnder-ground , out of which they fetch their free stone . and thus much for the declaration of this card. a iournall or briefe relation of the taking in of venlo , roermont , the memorable seige of mastricht , and limburch with some other townes & forts in those quarters . the high & mightie lords , the states generall of the vnited provinces , & the illustrious prince of orange , after some secret consultations helde at the hage , haueing had also intelligēce , that the enemy had weakened much his garrisons in gelderland , and mastricht , and sent them vp into the palatinate , made great preparations , resolued for the feild , and appointed our rendevouz at nimwegen , the 22. of may 1632. new stile . but by reason the winde was contrarie , and the force of the wall-streame such , the shipping and companies could not get vp , at the day designed , w ch : hindred our expedition : where vpon his ex cie : gaue order , that the companies w ch : were not come vp , should be vnshipt , and march along the dijke from thiell to nimwegen , vvhere the troopes coming together , and euery company ioyning w th : his regiment , the old orders , and militarie discipline , formely published by edicts , were proclamed in the head of the army : that euery souldier vpō payne of death , should strictly , obserue them : as also other orders concerning the watch , was giuen out to this end . first that noe captaine hauing his health should absent himselfe from his watch . secondly , that euery night a sergeant maiour should goe the round through the gards , & watches of his owne troopes , taking care to se that all things were in good order , & also that the centinells should be well & duly set out : and if they should finde any faulte , or carelesnesse vpon the guards , they were instantly to acquainte the sargeant maiour generall therewith , that those faults might be redressed . thirdly , a company or troope of men , haueing the watch in the approches , or at any auenuë , should place their armes , in this order following : first the pikes should be placed in order , a litle behinde the parapit in the feild , and the musketteires should set their muskets at the parapit , w th : the officiers thereunto belonging . fourthly , that in the night tyme , one of the chiefe officers of a cōpany or troope should be wakeing continually , & releiueing one another by turnes , as tyme and occation should serue , and that there should neuer be lesse then the third part of the company in armes , & kept waking to be in readines vpon all occasions . fiftly , when the rounde came accompanied w th : muskettiers , & that the word was to be giuen or receiued , according to due order , the officer of the guard should speedylie come out , accōpanied likewise w th : musket tiers , to giue or receaue the word accordingly , the w ch : a corporal taking or receiueing the word , shal duly doe , without causing the round to stay to long : and that the officers should goe diverse pettroiles , or rounds in the night time , to visite their centinells , without letting any goe of by day or by night , without leaue , and that vpon spetial occasion . sixtly , and lastly , that those of the watch shall giue the vvord to him that cometh the first round , but afterwards take it of any officer whatsoeuer hee be , vvithout any exception at all . a list of the collonels , & the regiments , vvith the number of the foote companies , which mett at the rende-vouz at nimwegen in the yeare 1632. before they began to march from thence . colonell .   companies .   companies . the gards . 7 count ernest. 11 wijnebergen . 10 vrieses . ●● generall vere . 23 count william . 12 generall morgan . 11 ferens . 5 harwood . 12 erent ruyter . 8 packenham . 11 rosencrans . 5 count solms . 7 gent. 12 lord of brederod . 12 chastillon . 11 varick . 8 hauterive . 11 brogue . 7 the duke of candale . 11 bucklugh . 7 maison-neufve . 11 belford . 7 count maurice . 14 beuerweert . 9 pinson . 10 loo . 8 count hannawe . 8   regiments in all 28 foote companies in all 381 these regiments vvere deuided into three brigadoes . first the dutches : 2 the french , & 3 the english , count solms , the lord of bredrode , and colonell varicke , marched vvith the english. besides theise 281 foote companies , vvee had 58 troopes of horse , according to their seuerall regiments , which vvere also deuided into three brigadoes . the first vvas commanded by monsieur stackenburch lieutenant generall of the horse . the second by count stirum commissary , generall of the horse . and the third by the duke of bouillon now gouernour of mastricht . vvee had vvith vs 83 peeces of ordnance great and small , 14 or 15. hundred vvagons , vvhereof one hundred of them was laden with chests full of bisket , each chest haueing in in it 1000 pound , which made in all a hundred thousand pounds of bisket . besides many other waggons laden vvith chests of amumtion bread ▪ twelue boats for to make a bridge , laydvpon carriages , and drawne vvith some 20 horses , and had many vvaggons laden vvith great store of amunition , and diuers materialls of warr . the army being thus ordered , vpon the 29 of may , vvee were commanded to prouide victuals for five dayes , & the first day to begin vpon the mūday following : likewise the quarter maisters had orders to receaue vvaggons for their regiments , by three of the clocke the next morning . this day likewise the souldiers had command to make cleane their armes , but not to bring them a shore till further order . the 30 : being vvhit-sunday , betimes in the morning came sudden orders , that all should be drawne presently a shore , and marche vp to moucker heath , euery regiment being deuided into diuisions , and the three briggadoes of the army standing in battalia , his ex cie : rode vp and downe to vewe the front and the reare . the quartermaister generall , and the quartermaisters of euery regiment , were sent before to make their quarters in and about the village of mouck . after his ex cie : had viewed the army standing , they began to march about three of the clock that afternoone . count earnest haueing the auant-guard , the frenches the battaile , and the english the reare , and so that night came to mouck , vvhere the chiefe officers , vvere quartered in houses , and the other officers and souldiers vnder the heauens canopie . the 31 : of may vvee marched againe by the breake of the day , and quarted that night by the house of the lord of wee le . the frenches had the auant-guard , the english the battle , and count earnest the reare . the first of iune , the army began to moue againe , at the creeke of the day , and about noone made a halt by the maze side ouer against stral , vvhilst some of our firelocks tooke in the forte of aersen , on the other side of the riuer . one of the enemies sconces which lay vpon their new-fare , discharged two or three peeces of ordnance at vs , but the bullets fell short . this night vvee quartered vpon a heath , a litle short of venlo : the english haueing the vanguard , count earnest the battaile , and the frenches the reare . this night his ex cie : commanded all the quarter-maisters to attend him at his lodging , to receaue materialls from the commisse martin , vvhich vvas very late before they got thē , by reason the amunitiō waggōs could not come vp : how soeuer assoone as they had them forty souldiers of a regiment , and 80 : of the lord general veres vvere sent dovvne to breake ground , and to begin the approches before venlo : and generall morgan commanded that night in the trenches , and ensigne vvillowby had his legg shot in peeces vvith a sling bullet , vvhereof hee died shortly after in venlo . the second of iune the baron of brederode commanded in the approches , and seauen men of a company , and 14. of a double company , were sent downe into the trenches , that night to vvorke , & the next morning tvvo of a company , were sent to repayre the vvorks of that night , and in the french approches a batterie vvas made , and two halfe cannon planted vpon it , which played into the towne . the third of iune collonell varick , commanded in the approches , and this day wee receaued the sadd and heauy news , that count earnest lord marshall of the feild , in veivving of the grounde before roermondt , vvas slayne from the vvall vvith a firelocke bullet : and also captaine murrey a scotch captaine . the fourth , those of venlo came to a parley and shooting vvas left on both sides for a vvhile : the magistrats came out vnto the prince of orange his army , & made their owne quarter & conditions , without makeing any mētion of the militarie men , which the souldiers vnderstanding , that they were not included in the composition , began to shoote againe , and obteyned good quarter , both for burgers and souldiers , vvhich vvas this , that the burgers and the clergie , should liue vnmolested for their religion , & all their cloysters and nunneries in their former estate that they should enioy all their antient priuiledges and customes . that those of the reformed religion should haue a publique church for the exercise of their religion . that the officers and souldiers should march out with flying colours , light matches , bullets in their mouthes , and with bagg and baggage , soe on the fourth of iune according to the composition , there marched out of venlo , sixe vveake companies , which vvere not aboue 300 strong , and sixe of our dutch companies marched into the towne , and lieutenant collonell brederode a dutch captaine vvas made commander of that garrison . while vvee vvere a taking in of venlo , his ex cie : sent certaine companies of fierelocks , and loop-staues vvith some other forces out of the army to take in strale , vvhich presently yeilded vpon the first summons venlo being thus setled in the princes possession , and a garrison of sixe companies left in it ( as is said , ) commissions , & moneys were giuen to raise each company to 300 strong . this afternoone wee had orders to prouide victualls for three dayes , and to be ready to march att the breake of the day the next morning . the fifth of iune vvee marched from venlo to roermondt , being a long and a wearisome march , by reason of the abundance of rayne vvhich fell that day and night , soe that many of the souldiers vvere left behinde , and could not gett vp to the quarters till the next morning : the order of the march vvas this . count earnest his brigado being sent before to roermondt , vvas accompted for the van-guarde , the french the battle , and the english the reare , & this night vvee begā to make our approches towards the towne . the next day being sunday , & the sixt of iune , the states , magistrates , and souldiers of roermondt , sent messingers to his ex cie : intreating him to giue them good quarter , which hee granted thē , & the agreemēt being on both sides confirmed , the enemy marched the same day out of the towne vvith bag and baggage , being sixe coullors in all about three hundred strong , and these companies vvere to goe to rhijne-bercke . seauen dutch companies of foote , and one troope of horse , marched out of our troopes into the towne , and monseur randwijcke a horse captaine , vvas made gouernour of roermond : and these companies also had orders to strengthen each company to 300 strong . it vvas generally supposed , that those of roermondt yeilded vp the towne with so much the more speed , fearing that his ex cie : vvould vvith violence haue assaulted it , vvithout giueing them any quarter , in reveng of count earnest his death , vvho vvas shot and slayne before it . the seauenth vvee marched from roermondt betimes in the morning , and came about 4 : a clocke that afternoone to maseycke , vvhere we tooke vp our quarter that night : this day the french had the van-guard , the english the battaile , & the dutch the reare . this euening two souldiers and a drumer were apprehended , and hanged vp for robing and pillaging certaine pesants , who brought in bread , and other prouision for the releife of our army . the eight , wee lay still before maseyck to stay for the punts , which were not yet come vp ▪ to make a bridge ouer the maze , and also to victual our army before that towne being newtrall ; they brought out great store of prouision , which the souldiers bought of them for their moneys . this day there came newes to his ex cie : that count iohn had put in two thousand choise souldiers into mastricht , with munition and other materialls of warre . the arch-duchesse perceiuing his ex cies : dessigne , sent with all expedition to the spanish army in the palatinate , to leaue those parts , and to come to helpe to defend her owne , whose command they obeyed , and marched so fast downward , that they left many men , cannon , & baggage behinde them , and the rhijne grave pursued them close at their heeles . sittert a small walled towne in gulick-land , lying about two houres going from maseyck , wherein were certaine parties of the enemy horse andfoote , was given ouer into the hands of the prince of orange vpon the first summons . vvee had orders to march the next day very early , & vpō wensday the 9 : wee marched from maseyck in extreame & continuall raynie weather , and that day the army passed ouer the bridge , on that side that maseyck , lyeth , and that night quartered an houres going short of maestricht , betweene two villages , called harne , and rick-ham , neere vnto the lord of petersons house , & the hoog-cloister belonging to the principalitie of leige . the order of the march this day was , the english had the van-guard . the dutches the battaile . the frenches the reare . from this quarter mons : perceuall the quarter-maister generall , and diuerse other officers of good experience , were sent with a strong guard of horse , to view the scituation of the cittie of mastricht , and the most convenient places , and grounds for the quartering of our army about it , which was speedilie done , and a quarter-master of euery regiment , with a sergeant of every company , went before to take vp their ground , and to draw out their quarters against the coming of the army . on the tenth wee marched to our quarters before masiricht ▪ count henry of nassau had the van-guard , the french the battle , and the english the reare . this day the army was devided into foure quarters , the lord of brederodes , his ex cie : owne quarter , count henryes vpon the hill , and colonell pinsons by the vpper bridge , where provisions came from luke . the 11 : of iune , the quarter-maister generall gaue the ground to the quarter-maister of every regiment , for the entrenching of their seuerall quarters , which was performed by the officers , and souldiers , with great diligence , and the quarters that night where made defensible . the 12 : five peeces of ordnance , were planted vpon the brow of a hill , neere vnto colonell pinsons quarter , these did the towne little harme , because the battery was to farre distant . the 13 : and 14 : orders where giuen out , that every souldier should with all speede builde vp their huts , and cabbins , with bed-steads from the ground , which was done accordingly . this night wee began to breake ground , & to make our approches towards the towne , on the west-side towards wymering port , and ran two lynes towards the highest and strongest part of all the towne : it was ordred that count solms , count maurice , and count hannaws regiments , should alwayes keepe their turnes , and watch with the frenches in the approches , which came to their turne every scauenth night : and after the 4 english regiments , had furnished the watch in the approches 4. nights one after an other , the scotch taking their turnes after the english , watched in the trenches with their owne nation three nights , till their companies had all watched over , and what they fell to shorte of the last night the english were to make vp out of their regiments , so that every regiment english & scotch had the watch in the approaches every seuenth night . this night wee had also orders , that those companyes which had the watch in the approches , should draw in parado every night to the quarter of the colonell that cōmanded , to sing a psalme , and heare prayers , & the companies to be ready to march into the trenches at 7. of the clocke in the euening , without sound of drumm , and without head-peeces , and taces . and the quarter-maisters of euery regiment were commanded to fetch materialls : the commanded workemen of our nation , were 40 : of each regiment , and 80 : of my lord generall veres . monsieur niels his ex cie : inginier appointed to goe with the english & scotch . and collonell harwood vpon the 14 : iune of in the night , first broke ground in the approches before mastricht . the 15. & 16. our approche went well forward & a batterie was made . the 17. there was sent by his ex cie : cōmand 18 companies of foote of diuerse nations , vnder the comād of count maurice of nassau , collonel of the vvallon regiment , and quartered on the side of falkenborch ouer against vvieck , vvhere they fortfied themselues most stronglie , as if they had bin in a towne , the companies of our nation vvere these : captaine killegrey , captaine essex , captaine scudamore , captaine courtney , captaine morton , and captaine inglebie . thus the armie being setled , and all quarters entrenched , the approches furnished , and all out-vvorks , and by-guards , orderlie kept , & releived , many other strong vvorks of fortification , as redoubts , double ditches , halfemoones , horneworks , spurres & traverses , vvere made along the lyne of circum-valation , and prepared for the enemyes attempt , who vvas daylie expected , to come and fall on , vpon some part of our armie , for the releife of the towne , and therefore a fort royal vvas made , called the english fort , ouer against the english quarter . and an other strong fort called belfide , but more commonlie brederodes skonce , because it laie neere to the baron of brederodes quarter for defence of that part of the leager , and of the lower bridge , vvhich vvas there layed for the passage of our forces over the riuer , as occasion should require . in the begining of the seige , those in the towne annoyed vs much in our quarters vvith their great ordnance , and many vvere slayne in their huts and tents , especiallie in the scotch quarters , so that vvee vvere forced to make baracadoes , and blindes in most places for the defense of our quarters , and the prince of orange being to neere , remoued his tents to the top of the hill , neere the french quarters . the 16. colonell pakenham commanded in the approches , and many vvorkmen vvere sent to vvorke in the trenches . this day it vvas ordanied , that a sargeant maior should goe a grand-round euery night , betweene count henries quarters and ours . likewise orders vvere giuen out to all captaines , and their sutlers , to prouide victualls for their companies for ten daies , and that to begin vpon sunday following : after the expiration of those ten dayes , there was once or twice a vveeke ammunition bread brought to euery regiment , to be equally dealt among the souldiers for their moneys . the 17. certaine vvorkemen out of every regiment vvere , sent to finish the vvorks begun this night in the trenches . the letters and declarations of count henry of the berke , touching his revolt from spaine , this daye came into our army in print . this night the scotch colonell broguë his regiment begining , tooke their turnes to watch in the approches , from this day to the 22 our approches went well forward , the enemy many tymes sallying out , but were commonly beaten back againe with losse . the 22. about 4 of the clocke in the afternoone the enemy sallyed out about 200 ▪ strong , an hundred fell into the englishe trenches , and as many into the french. the horse troope which had the guard at the entrance into our trenches , fell out on the french side , & beate them in and the captaine of the guard shot with a bullet , and captaine skippon on the english side , fell out of our trenches with some 80 : men , and did encounter them in the playne feild , the enemy stodd it out in the open feild , but after some skirmishing retyred : this night wee aduanced our works in the approches , without interruption . the 23 : they of the towne made a triumph with peales of ordnance , and volleys of musket-shott , which made vs expect , they would attempt something vpon vs that night , or the next day following . this day wee had a conuoy from nimwegen of 20 : ships loaden with meale , ammunition , and diuerse materialls of warre . the 23. of iune colonell pakenham commanding in the trenches was shott in his face . vpon thursday the 24 the enemy sallyed out of the towne about 100 strong , to beate in our workmen , and fell into our trenches : an alferus or ensigne of theirs , who had the command of 30 : men , followed the assault almost to our corps-du-guard , but at last they were put to retreate , and the alferus slayne with most of his men : a parley was had for a certain tyme to fetch of the alferus his body , and other prisoners . into this alferus his pockets were closely conveyed some coppies of the letters of count henry of the berke his reuolt : in this fight captaine hickmans sergant , and some souldiers of his company were slayne . the 25 : also marquis sancte croce , came in the eueing with the spanish army to tongeren , where hee lay to victuall his army two dayes . munday the 28 : of iune , the spanish army came and quartered in the villages on this side tongeren , not aboue an houres going from his ex cie : quarter , there reere being come vp , they made a great noise with their ordnance , and discharged foure tymes 24 : peeces of cannon , one after another , and hung out lights vpon the steeple there abouts , to encourage their freinds in the towne ▪ and to signifie vnto them , that they were not farr of : those of the towne answered them againe ▪ and shot al their ordnance three times off round about the towne , their bullets grazing , and raking throw our quarters . this night , the prince , sent a guarde of musketteirs with lights to search a caue , which was imagined to go vnder the ground into the towne , they entred the caue on the side of the maze , in the hill of luchtenberch castle , & found it to be hewen out by mens hands , through a rock of free-stone , and came forth on the other side of the hill , neere vnto the walls of the towne . tuesday the 29 : the enemy marched from his quarters , in the sight of our army towards the heath . a spye which marched with them three dayes brought intelligence , that their army consisted of 178. companies of foote 76 : troopes of horse : 70 peeces of ordnance great and small , and 900 : vvaggons , and marched in phalanges and great battalions , with their carriages , baggage , and wagons after euery battalion . this night they tooke vp their quarters in the village by the hooght cloyster a little below the baron of brederods quarters , where wee lay the night before wee sate downe before mastricht , and where they remayned . this night also a morter was planted in the english approches , which shott two great granados of 80 ▪ pound weight , one of them fell in the enemyes half-moone before brussells port , the other in the towne , and blew vp a house . the 30 : of iune , our horse and the enemyes skirmished together , their horse standing in battalia , while their foote marched forward , our horse skirmishing with them slew some of them , and tooke others prisoners . the first of iuly , our approches being well aduanced , there was a traverse of the enemies which lay some 30 paces in the playne field beyond the further point of our sapp : his ex cie : gaue order that this night it should be assaulted . the earle of oxford then commanded in the approches , and great store of brushe was brought downe , and workmen appointed for that service : my lord of oxford gaue order to assault it in this manner . that sergeant bagnall my lord veres sergeant off dort company , should fall on first with ●5 ▪ men , then lieutenant garth , lieutenant to sr : henry herbert with 40. men , and the workmen , and after him captaine roockwood with 80 : men more , all which was performed accordingly , and they beate the enemy out off the ●raverse , and maintained it a good while . the enemy this night had drawne out of the towne about 800 men , with intent to haue given vs a camissado , and to have falne vpon our works , but this alarum of ours prevented them ; howsoever they were in armes and in a readines to receave vs , which made the fight more hard , for falling vpon their traverse to regaine it , they cast aboundance of hand-granadoes in amongst our men which did much annoy them : and indeede it was doubtfull for a while whether ours or the enemyes men should carry it : vpon this sr. symon harecourt being then present with my lord of oxford , was sent with freshe men in all expedition to second captaine roockwood . the fight grew hott , by reason the enemy shott so much among our men , & diuerse were slayne and hurt , among the rest , captaine roockwood had his arme , ( nere vnto his shoulder ) shot in peices : sr. symon harcourt shot through his cheeks by the pallate of his mouth , and his thigh sorely torne with a granadoe ; and lieuetenant garth receaued a mortall shott through his body , whereof hee dyed shortly after : these officers being brought off , my lord of oxford sent captaine caue with 20 : pikes , and 20 : muskettieres off my lord generall veres company off dort , and after him ensigne sydenham , with some gentle-men and souldiers off his company off delff they fell on , and beate the enemy out off it againe , and mayntained it , ( not withstanding that the enemy shott mightly and cast abundance off granadoes amongst them , ) almost an houre , & calling for workemen to turne it vp , which fayling them , seing that it was not tenible , because it lay to open to the vvalls off the towne , the counter skarfe , their halff-moone , and outworks quitted it , and retired againe into our works ; diuerse voluntieres , gentlemen and souldiers off my lord veres two companies , were slayne , and hurt , as captain hauwton reformado , mr : knowlls , mr : ewins , mr : wittington , mr : sedgwicke , besides diverse gentlemen and souldiers off other companies . to prevent the spanish armye coming over the maze , there was sent diverse companies of english , scotch , french , and dutch , to lye along the river side , in those places , which were like-lyest for the enemye to come ouer : and every night men were sent likewise to the lord of brederodes quartiers , where there was made invincible works , to hinder the enemye from approching towards his quarter , and our lower-bridge . the enemyes army lying so neere vs , it was now a tyme of action , for euerie night the whole armye at the shooting off , of the warning peece , was in armes , and drew to the lyne , every companie standing 100. or 150. paces , one from another , and the horse troopes behinde them : this lasted for sixe weekes every night , till we had taken in the towne . the first of iuly also , out long runing trench began to be made , on the other side of the maze , beneath the lord of brederodes bridge , for the safeguard of our men , that went daylye at noone to guarde the water side , even from the bridge to the house of geul , where count stirums quarter was : the enemye had planted ordnance vpon diverse batteries , along the water side , and shott at our men marching to their guards , but did them little harme . the second of iuly in the morning , sixe french companies of the duke of candales regiment , the marques d'esteaux his leiftenant colonell commanding , had the guard on the other side of the river , to hinder the enemye from putting over the maze , below the lord of brederodes quarter : the marques distrusting the enemye would attempt some such thing in the night , layed some of his men in ambuscadoe among the reedes , and in the corne , and suffred the enemye to put over two punts full of his men , about 300 strong , and another punt full followed them ; the enemye being landed , high dutches and wallons , fell to worke with their spades , to make good that peece of ground , where they intended to lay over their bridge , & had cast vp three crosse batteries on the other side of the river , that vnder the favour of them , hee might passe over his men , and had lodged some 3000 muskettiers along the river side in a brest-worke cast vp in the night , to play vpon our men . the frenches seing them at worke , burst out of their ambuscadoes , fell vpon them pell-mell , and gott betweene the river and them , and charged them vp to the very middle in water : the enemye played cruellye vpon the frenches from their batteryes , which flanckered that place , and their cannon bullets raked through he french companies , slew many of them , and shott of the armes & leggs of divers of them , & some of them were shott with muskett bulletts , from over the river : howsoeuer the marques and his men carryed them selues so well , that they beate the enemy backe , and sunck one punt with men in it , so that there was drowned , slayne , & taken prisoners of the enemye vpon this action , about 400 men , where of five or sixe of them were captaines , two or three alferusses , and 70. souldiers . the marques d'esteaux , who had bestirred himselfe so bravelye , when all was done , & in coming of , was slayne with an vnhappye cannon bullett of the enemies , and with him also were slayne captaine foullon , captaine du fresnes , monsieur bois his leiftenant , and leiftenant de fay , besides divers voluntiers , gentelmen , and souldiers ▪ to the number of fifty which lay dead vpon the place , and a greate many hurte men were brought of . this afternoone the enemye sent a trompetter to demaund his prisonners , hee speaking with his ex cie : for their releasment , commended much his clemencie , and mercye , that they were not all put to the sword , and also what good quarter was given to the kings men the yeare before at bergen op zoom , when wee tooke their punts , and shalloups , and that if ever they should haue such an advantage vpon vs , hee hoped they would doe the like . saturday the third of iuly , our horse tooke five carrs laden with bread , and other provision which was going to the kinges campe. the next day being the fourth , the regiment of colonell belford being in the trenches , ( sr. iames levistone , his leift. colonell who then commanded ) the enemye gaue them an alarme , sr. iames standing vp to see what the matter was , receaved a dangerous shott vpon the crowne of his head , whereof thanks be to god he recovered . the fourth of iuly also , our horse & firelocks , tooke 60 waggons and carres , laden with wyne , beare , and victualls for the enemies armye , and brought in 103 pesants , whereof some proved newtralls , the other enemies . the fift of iuly , without the losse of any men , our sapp was cut into the enemyes traverse , which the english before had assaulted . about this tyme it was a very wet season , & greate store of raine fell , so that the river swelled , and the enemye could not forde it over , till our works , double entrenchements , ditches , skonces , ravelings , and halfe-moones on the other side of the river , were defēsible , which made vs beleive , that as god fought for vs before the busse with drye weather , so now hee did the like by wett weather , & made the heavēs to favour vs. tuesday the sixte off iuly , the beseiged fell out vpon our workmen in the sappe off the traverse , my lord morgan then commanding , beate them twice out off it , hee himselfe was shott vpon his brest , and some others hurt and slayne . this night the enemy sprung a myne vnder the traverse in the english approches , but did little harme . this sixte off iuly also his ex cie : hearing that the enemy intended to fall on , hee sent mons r : stackenburch lieuetenant generall off the horse to giue them a sound alarme , which was done in this manner following : hee had with him some 80 : horse , & some 80 : firelocks , and tooke with him many trumpetts , and drums , which where to sound , and to beate a charge in sundry places , and coming neere them , hee fell on with his horse , & firelocks , the trumpetts sounding , & the drums beating , gaue them such a terrible allarme , that the enemy supposing ( as the runewayes and prisoners reported ) that his ex cie : had giuē on with his whole army , did so pusle them , that they run too , and fro , like men amazed , and could not get into armes : mons r : stackenburch broke into their trench and cut off a corps de guard , wherein a spanish captaine was slayne , and takeing diverse prisoners , returned backe into his quarters . the 7. our men brought in 20 ▪ horsemen prisonners with a drossard , and 9 carrs laden with provisions , which were declared good boote . the 8 : they brought in likewise some kar●s laden with wyne & provision which was for count iohn off nassau . the 9 ▪ an 10. our approches were well advanced . the 11 : of iuly a convoy came frō nimwegen , with money , & victuals . the 12 : off iuly wee had intelligence that the marquesse sancte croce was in armes , & had deuided his troopes into three battaliōs , with intent to attempt some thing vpon vs , and to see if they could have brooke through our lyne , but bethinking themselves they returned back againe into their quarters . this day also sixe souldiers off the enemies , came out off the towne with their armes , & advertized the prince of the state of the towne , & where their mynes lay : they were sent to take entertainement of count henry of the berke , which they themselves desired . more over this daye the french approches were so well advanced , that a soudier called wild-boare of my lord veres company of dort , and 4 : other souldiers , for 800 : gilders vndertoke to sapp into the counterscarfe of the towne , this day also there came nyne dutch companies from groning to our army , which were quartered on weick side . tuesday the 13. of iuly certaine forces of the enemy marched towards maseyck , the prince fearing that they might get over the maze , or take in the house of count henry of the berke in steevens-weert , sent thitherward count stirum with diverse foote companies , and the duke off bouillon followed him with some 20 : troopes of horse more . the 14 : the enemy found out a myne in the french approches , and stole the powder out of it . the french likewise found out a myne , vnder one of their corps du guard , and served them in the like manner . this daye five women were taken coming out off the towne whereoff one had a packett of letters found about her . the 15. this daye in the morning those off the towne fell vpon the french works , and tooke in part off their sapp , and began to cast it vp against them , but in the afternoone the french falling on vpon them recouered the most part of it againe with the losse of some men . this night the duke of bouillon tooke in the castle of argenteau , scituated on a high hill betweene luke & our army to secure our provisions . vpon fryday the 16. of iuly , the enemy had in a readinesse another myne , and springing that , filled the french sapp with earth some foure rodds , where vpon the french colonell monsieur maison-neusve , that commanded , desired his ex cie : that the french might spring their myne , and haue a revenge , which the prince not only granted ; but also was present there himselfe : the myne then being sprung the frenches fell on brauely , and droue the enemy into their moate , and followed them so close , that they cryed out , mesieurs faitez nous graces , the french lost aboue 40 : men , among which ensigne fay was slayne , and the enemy aboue 100 : slayne and hurt that day , as they themselues confessed . the springing off the myne tooke but little effect , yet not with-standing : the french voluntiers , gentlemen , & souldiers fell on & pursued them the enemy shooting so thicke with their cannon and small shott , from the walle and their out-works , that they could not lodge in the myne , nor cast vp the earth against the enemy , where driven to retyre againe into their workes . the vvallons relieuing the french , about one of the clocke in the night fell on againe vpon the enemyes worke , and beate them out off it , but fresh seconds falling out of the towne , the vvallons retreated into their works . in this fight were slayne monsieur beza a french captain that commanded , a french lieuetenant , and a vvallons ensigne , beside , some 30 : souldiers slayne and hurt . the enemy lost also in these seuerall encounters 82 men , as they themselves reported , and about 60 hurt , whereof some of them died of their wounds afterwards . the 18 : a burger of mastricht came voluntarily ouer into our army . this day also there came 60 : musketteirs from leige , which were taken vp there , and raysed for vs. a woman also was apprehended , and taken goeing with a letters to the spanish army . also a spaniard was taken in pesants cloathes , and brought in , which had letters from sancte croce , to the gouernour of gulick . letters were likewise intercepted frō the infanta to papenheim , wherein shee offered him present pay for two monthes , if hee would helpe to releiue mastricht , and come into the land of luke as an enemy . vpon munday the 19 : the enemyes horse of sancte croce his army , surrounded , and made a brauado before the princes quarters , chased and tooke many of the waggoners horses , and slew some foremen , our ordinance playd vpon them , and our horse charged them and slew a captaine of theirs and made them to retreate . the princes captaine of his troope of harquebusiers was slayne this day , our men also slew some of the enemy , and tooke others prisoners . the lord of vpdam haueing 100 : horse vpon the maze neere vnto stockham , brooke out of an ambuscado suddenly , & charged three of the enemies troopes of horse , put them to flight , and pursued them so fast , that they tooke 12 : horse and 25 : horsmen prisoners . the 20. nothing of consequence was done . wensday the 21. of iuly proclamation was made that hee w ch . could take any going in , or out of the towne , with letters , should haue two hundred gilders for his labour . the count warfuse maister of the king of spanies finances , or reuenewes ; revolted and declared himselfe at leige against the spaniards and published his reasons . this day 25 ▪ firelocks sallied out of the towne , neere vnto the place where s r : robert honywoods troope had the guard , hee fell vpon them slew sixe of them and tooke three prisoners . this night the enemy attempted againe to come over the water , and sent ouer two hundred italians in sloops on our side of the maze : but colonell varick sett vpon them , slew diuerse of them among the rest a colonell which had the command in that action , and tooke some 70 : prisoners , and a sariant maior , six captaines , the most of thē reformados ▪ & two alferuses . the dutch lost in this sight captaine bruyn , & no others . this day also while the english gave the enemy an allarum in their trenches , the princes guard , and the vvallons sprung a mine in the french approches , and fell vpon a traverse of the enemies , before their halfe-moone , they fought a long tyme with the enemy , till their amunition was spent , and the alarum being hott leiutenant viuian , lieuetnant to sr : iohn manwoods company , was sent with all expedition with 40 : fresh musketteirs out off the english approches to second them , and some dutch ; he fell vpon the enemy , and put them to retreat , and made the place good , till the workmen turned it vp , & lodged some of our men in it the enemy holding one side of the worke and wee the other . count haynaw , who commanded the regiments of the guards , did carrie himselfe valiantly in this action , charged the enemy in the playne feild , with his sword drawne in his hād was there slayne , whose death the prince much lamented . three vvallon captaines were hurt , and diverse gentlemen and souldiers slayne in this service . the 22. of iuly towards noone the enemy sprung a myne neere the point off the english sapp , which cast vp abundance of earth , and falling into our sapp filled it vp a rodd . or more , and likewise stopt the entrance into our myne . this cast vs behinde , and wee were driven to worke yt out againe , and cleere both our sapp , and our myne before wee could aduance forward . vvhen the enemyes men sprung their myne : vvee had three or foure men a sapping forward , the earth fell vpon them , and buried two off them 12 : or 13 : foote deepe vnder it in the mouth of our sapp , my lord of oxford vpon thursday night commanded , & a little before the breake of the day , these two souldiers of sariant maior generall witts his company , which were buried vnder the earth , when the enemies myne was blowne vp , lying in the concaue thereof , wrought themselves out with their hands , and a spade , and tumbled into our sapp , among our men , who supposing they had bin the enemy , were ready to give fire vpon them , which they seeing , cryed out that they were our owne men , thus it pleased god miraculously to preserve these two poore men , which lay buryed vnder the earth 15 : houres , from eleuen a clock in the day , till 3 a clock in the next morning . lieutenant colonell proude who commanded that day in the approches when the myne was sprung , was shott dead in his head with a firelock bullet . this day count william off nassan returned from antwerpe , and came into our armye , with 30 companies , who were quartered betweene count maurice his quarter , and the lower bridge . vpon the 24 : in the morning the enemy sprang a myne in the french approches , but did little harme . the english also sprung their myne fearing that the enemy had discouered it , & would haue prevented them , the earth fell short of the enemies worke . this day two pesants were taken coming out of the towne , whereoff one off them had letters found about him . the 25 : two new companies were raised at leige w ch : came vnto vs. about this time the states raised nine troops off horse . about sixe off the clock this morning the enemies troope off horse , which lay in the towne ( laying some firelocks in ambuscado for their retreat ) sallied out vpon weike side , & came vpon the spur into a village about an english mile from the towne , thinking that our horse troopes , which lay there , had him vpon the watch , and so to have pillaged their lodgings in their absence : but our men staying some thing longer them vsuall ; taking the alarum , charged them with three troopes off our horse , and falling in among them , made them returne with greater speede then they came , and followed them soe close , vn till they came to the ambushe off ther firelocks , which brake out , and gave fire vpon our men , and the cannon out of the towne played , among them , which made the enemies horse take courage againe , and turning faces about , charged our men , but our men broke them so , that their foote casting away their firelocks , ran away , & after them their horse , whome our men charged home vp to the very port , though they shott much with their ordnance from the wall : in this skirsmish we lost 4 or 5 horsmen , and the enemy lost many more . captaine hurryes troope a scotch captaine was very much comended for this service : this day one of our sapps was so farr advanced , that it touched one of the enemyes works , this being s t : iames his day , wee were verilie perswaded , that the marques sancte croce would have fallen on vpon our lyne , and outworks , to see iff hee could have releived the towne , but wee kept so strong a watch , that hee did not try what their patron-saint would doe for them . the 26 : the enemy sent some of his troopes towards maseyck . tuesday the 27 : of iuly , the beseiged sprung a myne in the english trenches , which defaced our sapp , & did a little hurt to one of our mynes . this afternoone the enemy sprung two mynes in the french approches , the vvallons haveing the guard there , had hurt & slayne 18 : of their men , among whom captaine duke his ensigne was slaine . the enemies horse of the towne salied out on weike side , but were presently beaten ile this night also a corps du guard , and a battery was made in the ille aboue the towne , and a morter planted , the which played with granadoes , and two small peeces into weick . the 28 : of iuly about one of the clocke in the night , the enemy shott frō their leaguer , diverse peeces of ordnāce , but did not attēpt to put over . the french this afternoone sprung a myne , and fell on vpon it , but the earth lying so open toward the towne , retreated with the losse off captaine lavilletta and some others . thusday the 29 : of iuly that afternoone , the enemy fell out , and shott much in the english trenches : of ours there were some 20 men slayne & hurt , among the rest captaine courtney , who commanded colonell pakenhams companie , had his thigh broaken with a granadoe , whereof three dayes after he dyed . and in the night the enemy sprung a myne which did some harme to our sapp . the 30 : of iuly , the prince went downe into the frēch approches , to see the gallery , which was newly begun : in the english approches , a battery was made & advanced neerer the wall , having two halfe canon planted vpon it , the one played vpon the brussels port , and the halfe-moone before it , and the other to dismount a peece of the enemyes , which lay vpon the rondle of the wall , and did much harme to our men , but the enemy from the same rondle , with their peece , put one of our canons to silence , and slew a cannonier . the last of iuly , s r : ieames sanderling commannding , the scotch haveing the guard in the trēches , a sapt was brought into the enemies spur , which lay before their counter ▪ skarfe , which the enemy seeing , shott continually from 10 : of the clock in the morning , till 7. a clock in the evening , with cannon , slings , firelocks , and musketts vpon them , and threw hand granadoes among them , & with all they fell on , with flayles , forkes , and clubbs , full of nayles , and sett fire on our blinde , which made our worke lye open to their shott : not withstanding the scotch mainteyned yt bravely . in this fight was slayne with a canon bullet worthy lieutenant bruce , who carryed himself very vaillantly this day , & fought in his shirt , and oftentimes came to push of the pike with the ennemie vpon the top of the worke , and puld their flayles , and clubbs from them with his hands . ensigne riddle also a hope full yong gentlmen received their his mortal wound , whereof with in two dayes he dyed . and captaine leviston , & lieutenant douglas were hurt . to conclude the scotch had & hurt slayne this daye some 30 : of their men , whereof colonell broughs owne companie had hurt and slayne about sixteene . the first of august our newe batterie which was put to silence before began to speake againe , & to shot vpon the ennemies roundle , to se iff they could dismount their ordinance throw the port-holes they putt thē to silence , yett for all that nowe and then they shott very dangerously with their sling peece vpon our men . this day also the ennemy sett fire vpon two of out blinds and slew some of our men . the second of august our men with often shooting with two halfe-canon from the french battery did so shake & beate vpon the wall ouer against the french approches , that it sunck downe some three rodes , w ch : made the ennemie to quitt a part of their counterskarfe . and the french advanced well their great covert gallerie vnder the dry moate . the third of august the enemy was not so lavish in shooting awaye their powder and bullets as wouts they to be , but did beginn to husband yt against a time of more neede ; so that this night wee had not one man shott , onely colonell harewood gott a sligh hurt with a granado . this night the english sapt into the enemies counterskarfe & to the brinke of their moate , and made there two or three small guards , to maintaine the sapp , and to offend the ennemie . the fourth of august wee brought an other sapp vp on our right hand into their moate , and made likewise two or three litle corps off guard to secure yt . it was admirable to see when wee had gott into their counterskarfe and the brinck of their deep ditch , howe many windings and turnings , lines , flancks , and sapps we made , they were like a maze wherein one might have lost himself , if hee had not knowne them well . they braunched out one both sides of our great gallerie , and diverse pyenests , & small gards were made beyonde the entrance into yt , to flanke● along the moate , & to playe vpō the wall , which did so much overloke vs. our great gallerie was so vnder propt with supporters of timber , and plancks aboue yt , that foure men might march in frunt in yt . every daye and night wee got a rode or more , it was 160 paces long , and went shelving downe some 8 : foote vnder the bottome of their dry moate , which was of a hugh deepth , and then rising vp againe to come to the foundation of their stone wall . having then ( as is said ) gott into the ennemies counterskarfe , dry ditch or moate they by degrees litle & lite quitted part of yt , and retyred toward their halfe-moones , before both their ports casting vp small traverses vpon their counterskarfe and the brinck of their moate to hinder vs from sapping forward , so that they disputed every patch of ground with vs , & wee were forced to cutt them out of them , or else to fyre them out of them . the enemie had planted a small peece in their halfe-moone , shot into our sapps , and from the roundle vpon our right hand , which slew some of our men , among the rest sargant parker conductor to mr : niel his ex cie inginier . the fift count stirum putt 300 : men into sittert , this caused the burgers to come to his ex cie : to beseech him , that hee would with drawe his men out of yt , or else putt a stronger guarnison into yt , to hold yt against count papenheym , who was passed ouer the rhyne with 12000 : foote , and 3000 : horse , and was marching towards mastricht ▪ pillaging & plundring all the villages , and gentlemens houses that laye in his waye . the sixth our horsemen tooke 20 : of papenheyms horsemen iust as they were a breaking vp , of a church , and plundring of yt , and brought them prisonners to the prince : but his ex cie : sent them back to their generall without any ransome , because he wold not give the first occasion of breaking the newtralitie . this day his ex cie : to prevent the ennemies from approching , and making of batteries , to shote into his owne , and the french quarters from a village not farre of , where our mē had discounered some worke , w ch : the enemie had cast vp , caused high barrocadoes to be made with in the line along his one & the french quarters , & ran aline from the trench into the feild to meete the ennemy , & made a royall fort at the end of yt , to have planted ordnance vpon yt , which the ennemy perceiving spared both the labour and the charge . this day also the great english gallerie , was begun vnder the earth . the prince comming into the french & english approches , which he did comonly every day , & so hazarerd his person more then the officers were willing to see , escaping narrowly many a shott , espied in the english approches a small traverse , which the ennemy held on the one side , and wee on the other , from whence the enemy threw many granadoes into our sap among our men , which did much annoy them . colonell broughs regimēt this night had the watch in the trenches , & sr. ieames sanderling ▪ his lieutenant colonell commanded : his ex cie : gave him order that the scotch should assault yt , to beate the ennemy out of yt , which they did ▪ and about eleven a clock in the night : during the fight our ordnance , and small shott from the french , and english batteries , played much vpon the enemie , they gave fire vpon the wall , & the enemy also playd w th : their canon and small shott from of the wall , and flanckers vpon vs. the manner of assaulting of yt was this , captaine ogleby who commanded colonell brought companie , ensigne hunns , and a sargant with some 12 men fell on first , & vpon the topp of the worke were at push of the pike a good while , and beate the enemy out of yt , and our spade men began to slight yt , & turne yt vp against them . vpon this service worthy captaine ogleby , the sariant , and one m r : meaper were slayne . the ensigne hurt , and some 30 : gentlemen and souldiers slayne & hurt . this daye also the prince commanded wee should fetch all the forrage that possibly wee cold gett in the lād of valckenburch , least papenheym , who began to drawe neere vs should make use of yt . the seventh his ex cie : gave leave to the marquis de gere a french vovoluntier to goe into sancte croces leaguer to visite the marquis de clayton , & the baron de vieux-pont , two frēch colonels , which served the enemy , they told him that though the marquis sancte croce did dispaire off the releife of mastricht , yet hee hopt , that the prince of orāge would not refuse to giue him battayle in returning homeward towards holland , and that count papenheym was come to him to that end . also their runawayes and prisonners told vs , that now they had got betwene vs , & hollant wee should be fought with all , and not a man of vs come off . it was reported that papenheym , also should send word vnto the prince of orange , that hee came not to offend him ▪ & the lo : the states , but was sent from the elector of cullen , to punnish the rebellions legeois , whereof they being advertired prepared for him presently , and two dayes before they intercepted , and tooke materialls , which were sent from namur to papenheym , to make a bridge over the maze . the eight of august , the enemye sallyed out of weick with their horse , but were beaten in with the losse of sixe of their men . the 9 : of august , papenheym came to sittert , some 8 : or 9 : english miles from our leaguer . the 10 : a woman was taken comming out of the towne , & meaning to goe to the ennemies army , being strickly examined by sariant maiour glaser , shee confessed , shee had swallowed downe a bullet , wherein was a letter , which after a purge shee voyed , & the letter was found : the letter being wrapped together in alitle hollow bullet , & baked in paste . the 11 : colonell harwood having the command in the trenches , and being bid-day , after dinner going to see the sapp , was slayne with a sling bullet , whose death was much lamented . this day those of the towne sprung a myne in the trenches , but did little harme . the 12 : papenheym marched towards count william his quarter , whervpon his ex cie : gave orders , that all our gards over , and about the maze , as also count styrums horse-troopes should retreate , within the lyne , and keepe their guards at the further end of the lord of brederodes bridge , and this night papenheym marched to our ould quarters by geule , where sancte croce , and hee made a bridge our the maze . this daye also their was a great fire in colonell harewoods his quarter , which burnt of a division , & his dead corps , escaped burning very neere . the duke of newburch came also into our armye to the states , & his ex cie : it was reported his ambassage was from the bishop of collen , to excuse papenheyms comming , & sollicite that weike might be made newtrall , they say hee had noe good answere from the prince , and the states : but went away with a flea in his eare . this day those of the towne sprung another myne , but it tooke noe great effect , but at night they set some of our blindes on fire . the 13 : a souldiers wife of mastricht , who had bin formerly taken , going with letters to the kings army , was now the second tyme apprehended , and brought to his ex cie : but noe letters could be found by her , yet at last being strictly examined , and thretned to be hanged she ingeniouslie confessed , that shee had swalowed two copper-boxes , with two letters , the one from the baron of leyde to sancte croce in characters , and the other from the magistrates off mastricht , to their ould governeur count la motterye . the states doctor over night gave her some pills in , the which wrought so well with her , that the next morning they were found , washed , opened , and these letters found in them : the letters ( they say ) were to this effect , that vnles they were presentlie releived ( wee being so neare them ) it was vnpossible for them , to hold out the towne any longer . the 14 : 14. woemen were taken , and 4. firelocks , which came out off the towne to gett forrage . this day also papenheyms horse , & ours skirmished together , and sought to beate in our horse centinells . this night the ennemy hung out lights on the wall both against the english & french approches , to shoote vpon vs , & to discover what wee were a doing in their moate . the 15 : also a capuchian fryer belonging to the earle of vorstenburch came from papenheyms quarters into ours , to visite a leiutenant of horse off theirs , who was taken prisonner , and lay wounded in our quarters , hee told vs papenheym desired that weike might be delivered to him , or else hee made noe quastion , but hee would releive the towne , for his men had done wonders , and overrun stronger works then ours at magdenburch , wee prayed the pape that hee would goe & perswade papenheym to make a tryall off the strength off our works , and hee and his muffs should have a very good wel-come . this day also came kutingen agent off the bishop off coullen to our armye , to excuse papenheyms coming , but the states and the prince gave him noe great welcome . the 16 : of august , the scotts having the gard in the trenches , the beseiged about two a clock in the morning , came into the moate , and gave fire vpon our right hand sapp , that opened in it , and wounded two or three off our workmen : they were presentlie beaten out , & left two or three of their men dead behinde them , afterward they shott into this sallie with a sling peece ; ( & being in drinke ) as comonlie they were when they fell on , fell out againe vpon our sappers , but the scotch beate them back , with the losse of eleven of their men : the scoth also lost a sergeant with foure men . this day count henry of nassau his stuard was slayne . this night papenheym shott of five peeces of ordnance towards count maurice his quarter , by which hee declared himselfe an enemye , as appeared the day following . those of the towne hung out lights this night three tymes , and extinquished them againe , wee interpreted this to be some signall they could not hold out long . this evening a corporall of the enemyes came out of the towne , and told vs , that the beseiged intended to fallie out vpon vs the next day , with a greate many men . vpon tuesday the 17 : generall morgans regiment had the gard in the trenches , my lord generall vere commanded the lyne , ( as hee did every night , ) betweene the english quarter and count henryes , accompanied with sergiant maiour holles : it was my lord of oxfords turne to comād this night in the quarters ( who being sikly ) my lord vere comanded his quartermaster to attend his lo. & to bring him what orders should come . this night about 12 a clock : sergant maiour generall witz hearing the enemy moved , gave order that 150 men should be drawn out of the quarters , & put into the fort anglois to stregthē yt , this caused my lord of oxford to come forth , & see it executed & he stayed with the companies till morning . the reveille being beaten my lord vere , & my lord of oxford gave order , that the companies should be drawne from the lyne to the quarters , & they had scarce layne downe an hower , to take their rest , but wee heard a sudden , and a hott alarum in the trenches , which was betweene 7 or 8 a clock in the morning . the enemye sallied out about 400 men , vpon the english trenches , and over the plain feilde fell into our sapps and guards : it was a mistie morning , & so came stealing behinde our centinells , who could not well discover them , & give the alarum so soone as they might , if it had bene cleare : the enemye fell into our first corps du gard , & beate our men out of yt , and so along our right-hand sapps , gott into the second corps du gard , and at last assaulted the colonells corps du garde , where serg t : maiour williamson comanded , and in w ch : generall morgans owne companye was , and some others . our men made the best resistance they could , & were at push a pike with them a long tyme : the enemy gave fire exceedingly from the wall with their ordnance & small shott , & with their firelocks slew many of our men in the colon. worke : serg t : maiour williamson , received two or three mortall wounds at push a pike & with a shott , that fainting , they puld him downe from the top of the worke , & carryed him prisoner into the towne , where hee shortly after dyed : serg t : maior holles hearing this alarum in our quarter gave order to the quarter maister that came to him , that with all expedition my lord veres cōpanie of delff , s r : iohn gibsons , & capt. skippons , who were newly come from the watch , & the souldiers at rest in their huts , they should instantly draw forth , though they could get but 20 mē together of a company . all expedition was made that possiblie could bee , and getting some men together , the rest following , these capt : ran with their companies downe as fast as they could into the trenches , to second our men : and a scotch companie likewise vvhich had the gard at the scotch avenue got the start a litle before them : now sir : iohn gibson , and they vvhen they came at the entrance into our trenches , for haste left the trenches , and ran over the plaine feild the next way , to come to the point of our trenches and saps , vvhere the buisines was to bee done : they shott exceedinglye from the vvall vpon our men , and maister treffery of my lord veres 2. companie was shott in the head : the enemye seeing the resolution off our men , fearing that wee should have gott between them and home & so have cut thē of . the governour beckned & cryed to their men from the vvall , that they should retreate into their works , but before these companies came downe , capt. browne , who vvas newly releived from the point , serg t : maior cromwell leift : browne , leift : temple , with some ten muskettiers entred the colonels gard againe , gave fire vpon the enemye , and beate them out of yt , the enemye having stripped our dead bodyes in it , where captain martin , & divers brave gent : and souldiers of generall morgans cōpanye lay dead , & where quarter-maister weyman : and m r : ed : mead : received their mortall wounds . after them entred captain trevery , captain walker , captain avry vere , with my lord craven , and his brother , and beate the enemye also out of the second worke , there entred also 2. french voluntiers , whereoff one was the baron de chastres , my lord craven and the french baron : captayne treverye , leift : iohn gray , and leift : moncrife fell into the third worke , and to the very pointe off the sap it selfe , and beate the enemye out off the third guard , where the french baron and leift : moncrief were slayne . the enemye having possessed these vvorks began to slight them , and cast downe many off our muskett-basketts , which made them lye very open to the wall of the towne : then came my lord vere my lord of oxford , sargāt maiour holles , sr. io. manhood & sr. symon harecourt , my lord vere being there , gave presently order for the strēgthning of the guards , and the relieving of our men , and appointed workmen to repaire our blindes , which the enemye had begun to slight , and by litle and litle to set vp our musket-baskets again , & comāded our men from all guards to give fire vpon the wall , and the roundels of it , to keepe the ennemy from shooting , while our men did their buisinesse . my lord of oxford coming downe went to the point , and right hand sap , & coming thither the souldiers being over wearyed called out to his lo p : for reliefe , whervpon my lord off oxenford promissed them they should be relieved presently , & his lordship comming out , & passing throw the colonells corps du guard , a litle beyond yt , mett some of our musketteirs , which were brought vp to releive our men , his lo : tooke about 16 of them , and though hee was intreated by my lord generall vere , sargant maiour cromwel , and some others , not to venter his person , yet hee went in with them , and before he came to the point of the right hand sapp , being a dangerous place and lying open , received their a mortall shott throw his head . what a heavie spectacle this was to the standers by , and what a sudden impression of greife it vvas to my lord generall vere , the symptomes of his face did discover : neverthelesse his lo p : suppressing yt as well as he could , gave further direction that our men should ply shooting , that the gards , and the sapps should be relieved , and the musket ▪ baskets , which the enemy had throwne downe , by litle and litle should be sett vp againe . and ere all things vvere done , it vvas twelve a clock at the least . in this fight sarrant maiour williamson , captaine martin that comanded generall morgan his companie , lieutenant avery , qvartermaister wayman , and some 30 : of generall morgans owne companie , were slayne and hurt , besides others . among these that were hurt , captaine trefferie was shot by the shoulder and his legg hurt with a granado , likewise capt . abree vere was shott throw his munmouth cap , and bruysed on his foote with a granado . this action was noe soner ended , but an other alarme began on count maurice his side ; for vvhilst my lord vere , and diversse officers , vvere at dinner vvith my lord craven in the trenches , vvee heard ten or twelve rousing canon goe off from the brow of the hil vvhere papenheym laye . it seemes there vvas some secret intelligence betweene papenheym , and those of the towne , to have falne on both at one time , if hee had bin ready , or the howre had not bin mistaken . the night before , the marquesse sācte croce had sent generall papenheym three italian regiments , and some of his best canon . papenheym then thundring with his ordnance from his great batterie vpon count maurice his quarter , and vpon the line , came marching downe the hill in full batalia some 6. or 7. thousand horse and foote , drawing downe two feild peeces before them , vvhich they planted within musket shott of the place , were they intended to enter . the place vvas vpon a litle church yard called ammy : vvhere our line was not yet perfected , & where there were hedges orchardes , and trees which did shelter them much from our shott . they tooke our men iust at dinner , and the alarme being so hotly given , our men leaving their victualls behind them , ran in all expedition to answere yt . the italian regiments had the honour to give vs the first charge , and fell vpon this church-yard , and came to pushe of the pike with our men vpon the topp of the trench , the italians gave on three or foure times , & did their best endeavour , to have entred : but our men gave them such a welcome , and did so repulse them , that some of them were slayne vpon the brest worke , and tumbled downe into the ditch , and others were knockt downe with the stocks of musketts , and had their braynes beaten out with brick batts . and our ordnance playing from all our batteries which flanckred those feilds , raked throw and throw the midst of papenheyms battalions , & powred vvhole voleyes of small short among them . papenheym seeing the italians thus beaten , & retreate ( as marques spinola did at ●ergin vpō the english ) charged them in the reere with his horse to force them to fall on againe : but at last seing yt was in vaine , & that they cold not enter , gave waye to their retreate . in this fight worthy captayne morton was slayne . his ex cie : also being at dinner , and hearing this hott alarme , calls for his horse , and tooke diverse foote companies along with him , & two peeces of french halfe canō , made all the speed that possibly he could to ge●t to count maurice his quarter . the foote companies were placed along the lyne , & some 30 troops off our horse stood in battalie , that iff papenheym had entred , not a man of them had gott off . his ex cie : being come to count maurice his quarters , presently plāted there the two peeces , w ch : he brought along with him , & w ch : did so rake throw papenheyms battalions , that often times a bullet swept away five or sixe off them at a shott , their horse & horsemen tumbling downe , and sprawling vpon the earth . this fight continued along time from one off the clock , till 8 or nine in the night , before they could come cleare off . in this fight powder nor shott were spared on neither side . count papenheym wold faine have bin gone sooner , but hee was engaged , to staye the longer for the carrying off of his dead & hurt men , and the drawing off his two feild peeces , which cost many off his men theirs dearest lives . it was credibly reported , that in this fight , hee lost 1400 or 1500 hundred men , & himself hurt . for the daye following the boores comming in tould vs , that there were 24 vvaggons appointed in the night , to fetch of their dead and hurt men , vvhereof some of them had their leggs & their armes shot off . these waggons went often to and againe in the night , and by the churchyard , vvhere the italians fell on , their lay 140 of their dead bodies stript , our men did them the honour to cast earth vpon them , & to bury them in the ditch off our trench . the 〈◊〉 the three italian regiments were sent back by papenheym to marquesse sancte croce well beatē . and it was reported that count papenheym vpbrayded the spaynards for not attempting in some other place , while he strived to relieve mastricht . whē the newes was brought to sancte croce vvho was at playe , that count papenheym was beaten , hee told his playe followes , that hee knew as much before , for hee had not to doe with his muffs , & so gee●ing at him bad them playe on . this day also the enemy sallyed of out the towne vpon our saps , but the english being aware of them , beate thē back againe presently with the losse of some of their mē . the 19 ▪ s r : thomas culpepper lieut. colonell to colonell packenham ( who was hurt ) comanded in the approches , our great galletie this morning was so advanced , that our mineurs myned too farre , that coming to the inside of the wall apeece of it fell downe into the towne , that a man might put his head in at the hole thereof , & se into the towne , which the enemy discouvering , one of thē peeping in at the hole , was slayne with a pistoll , two gentlemen of ours standing on either side of the hole with their pistolls spanned . this accident so happing s r : thomas culpepper sent quarter-maister watkins in all hast to advertise the prince thereof , who instantly sent his inginier mōsieur niels to comand the capt : of the miners that hee should stopp the galery backwards , and make chambers for the powder , vvhich was begunn vvith all expedition . the next daye being fryday & the 20. the lord generall vere his regiment , had the guard in the approches , and was comanded by his lieut. colonell holles , after dinner colonell harewoods corps , was to be carryed out of the trenches , & all the colonells , captaines and officers , who had not the guard , were invited to his obsequies , meeting all at his tent and hut to goe alōg with yt . the lord generall vere being come thether , & fynding his ex cie : not there , rodd vp to his ex cie : tents , where ( it seems ) speaking with the prince , hee leaving the cōpanie , gave him order to goe presently downe into the approches . sariant maiour gener●l , s r : thomas culpepper sariant maiour cromwell followed him , and being come downe into the trenches , mett with sariant maiour holles . they went all into the colonells first corps du guarde , where putting the souldiers out , & shutting the portall thereof , held their a councill of warre , what companies should besent for into the quarters , what workmen were sufficient , who should command the workemen , & howe & in what manner the breach should be assaulted . s r : to : culpepper & the quarter m r : that was there present with them , to helpe to execute their comaunds , were sent into the quarters for ten english companies vidz . generall morgans , capt. griffins , colonell packenhams , colo. herberts , vicount wimbletons s r : tho : culpeppers , sergāt maiour cromwells , s r : iohn manwoods , captain skippons , & capt. dudleys , and colonell brough , & s r : ieames sanderling his lieutenant colonell , this night being to relieve the english with the scotch , were apointed to secōd them . vvhile things were a ordring the cōpanies marching downe & the workmen come , diversse gapps were cut in the trenches & sallies made in the most conveniēt places , where our men might fall out , & the two litle decked galleryes or sallies on either side off our great gallerie were cutt in the bottome of the ditche and on the sides , for our men to fall vp to the breach . the myne by this time was stoptt 14 foote backward , and 3 chabers made where in 18 barrells of powder were layd : but as fast as wee vvrought backward the enemy vvrought forward , to give vent to our myne . the manner off assaulting the breach was thus , lieutenant charles kettleby , and ensigne munings were first to fall vp with 50 muskettiers & piks , to visit the breach . after him lieut. holmes with 24 : workemen , and quarter , maister watkins as inginier . next them capt. manly , ensigne sydenham , & capt stantons ensigne with 100 men more halfe pikes halfe muskettiers , after him capt. caue lieut. lewes , & ens. foster with the like nūber . then lieut ▪ col ▪ holles with capt. peyton , capt. esda , lieut. browne , ens garret ens. moyle & ens. manly , with 200 more . these voluntiers also fell on , my lord craven & his brother , sariant maiour huncks , capt. davis reformado . maister donogh ô brian , mr : wilis . ensigne browne , & captaine griffin also fell vp the breach with his companie . thus yt was ordered , and betweene 8 : and 9 ▪ a clock this night , all things being in a readinesse , the myne vvas sprung , and to amuze the ennemy an alarme was giuen by the french in their approches . nowe ere the myne vvas sprung , the ennemy had stolne out nyne barrels off powder out off yt , the other nyne barrells being fyred , having such a vent , and such a huge wall of earth and stone to cast vp , it made not so great a breach as otherwise yt vvold have done , if all the powder had bin in yt : neverthelesse it shooke the fondation of the vvall so , that some earth being blowne vp , the stone vvall tumbled downe into the moate , about a rodd in breadth , which our men perceving , giuing a great shoote , fell on couragiously , from the bottome of the moate , and clambring over the stones , vvhich vvere falne downe , and helping one another vp , gott vp to the very topp of the breach , gave fire in the teeth of the ennemy , and came to pushe of the pike with them : the ennemy running from all parts of the towne to defend yt ▪ and from the two roundles , which flanckred the breach , gave fire a pace vpon our men , that vvere vpon the topp of the breach , & amounting , and with their ordinance from the halfe-moone before the port , & from an other pecce vvhich shott out of a hole within the port ▪ playd vpon our men , and scowred a long the moa●e , hanging out two great lights , vpon either side of the breach , that they might see , and discouver our men the better : the ennemy casting downe many hand-granadoes , stones , fireworks , and pycht ropes burning , among our men ▪ discharging their ordnance from all flancks , as fast as they could charg and discharge , and ours likewise vpon them from all our batteries , while our men fell vp to the breach with agreat resolution putting the enemy hard to yt , captaine dudley , ensigne sydenham ( now captaine ) captaine sandall , ensigne garret my lord veres ensigne of his company of dort , with some other officers , gentlemen , and souldiers sallyed a long the moate , and the ennemies counterskarfe , and comming to the drawe-bridg before brussels . port , entred the halfe-moone , cutt the throats of those that had the guard in yt , beate them downe with their musket-stocks , and mauld them pittifully , so that they cryed out for quarter , but none was given them ▪ the ennemy that had the guard within the port , having the wicket open , shutt yt , and left those that were without to our mercie . all this while our men strived to enter the breach , and assaulted yt well nigh halfe an houre , slashing and cutting of the heads of the ennemies piks . his ex cie : the lord generall vere , sariant maiour generall , and diverse officers stood vpon the batterie , to see the breach assaulted , where the bullets flew thick , and threefold . it was very difficult for our men to enter , because of the steepnesse of the wall , and their clambring over stones , and dead mens bodies ▪ being 80 : foote in height from the bottome of the moate to the stone wall . our men giving on three or foure times with freshe courage , vvhich his ex cie : seeing ( that the longer they stayed in assaulting ▪ the more men wee lost ) sent word , that our men should come downe from the breach , and retyre into our works . in this fight captaine davis a worthy gentleman was slayne , captaine edmund manly , who strived to enter cutting off the heads of the ennemies pikes , received a shott throw his left arme by his shoulder , vvhich brake his bone , and an other throw the same arme a litle above his elbow , vvhich likewise broke his bone asunder , & another shott through his right thygh among his synowes , vvhereof the 23. of august he dyed . also captaine griffin was shourdly hurt , & agreat many of his company slayne & hurt . lieutenant colonell holles vvas also hurt vvith a granado on his foote : captaine cave shott throw his right-hand , the bones all to peeces , and captaine peyton throw his left-hand . capt. dudley at push of the pike vvith the ennemy was runne into his brest , and his lieutenant ▪ reade shot through one of his hands the bones all to shatters . captaine sandall received a cruel shott , vvhereof ( of late ) he dyed . capt. sydenham hurt also with a granado , and diverse gentlemen and souldiers of my lord vere his two companies slayne and hurt , & a great many of other companies also . the ennemy likewise lost a brave captaine vpon the breach and a great many of other officers & men , who did ingeniously confesse vnto vs , after wee came into the towne , that if our myne had sprung but halfe an houre sooner , the baron of leyde vice gouvernour , and some of the magistrates standing aboue the myne , and giung some orders how to defend the breach , had bin blowne vp into the aire . our men falling on & striving to enter , there was a pityfull cry of men , woemē & children in the towne , their great alarme bell ringing out . and some of them fearing that our men wold have entred , and served them as the prince off parma did anno 1579. cryed out for quarter , but our men gave noe eare vnto them , because his ex ice : had promissed our men , they should pillage the towne if they entred , which did much animate them . there was order giving whē our men fell first on , that iff the breach was not mountable , and the assault feisible , they should have sent his ex cie : word , and have falne off : but it seemes the over-ruling hand of the lord of hoasts was in this action , and the courage of our men such , that it was omitted : for though wee lost a company of brave , and worthy men , who desirous of honour lost their lives there , yet they did so startle the ennemy , that they durst not stand out a second assault , as yee shall heare the daye following . vpon saterday then the 21 in the morning a parly was beaten for the fetching off of our dead bodies on both sides : s r : ieamet sanderling then commanding in the approches , the dead being brought off , our men begann to shoote againe : but it seemes the ennemie fore-seeing an other storme , and for the prevention off a further daunger , tooke hold off this oppertunity , calls for a parly , and desired that one or two of them might speake vvith his ex cie : vvhich s r : ieames graunting , caused his men to leave shooting , and sent word to the french approches , that they wold doe the like also , so his ex cie : sent downe sariāt maiour generall monsieur witz , into the approches and hostages were sent out and in , and the articles of composition agreed on , and accordingly performed on both sides . according to the articles of composition herevnto annexed munday the 23. of august the ennemies garnison marched out of the towne 29 coullours a foote , being about 14 comen in all , and a troope of horse . they had also vvith them nine peeces of ordnance , two three quater canon , carrying a bullet of 3● pounds weight , two halfe canon , three ●ling peeces , and two faulcons , the prince at their request out of his bountie gave them two peeces more then at the first was agreed vpon , but they taking three , his ex cie : caused one of them to be carryed back againe into the towne . they had also a hūdred of our vvaggons to carrye awaye their hurt , and sickmen , their bagg and baggage , vvhich brought them to the marquesse sancte croce his armie . a great many of them taking their leaves of their frends in mastricht were foxt , and in going out discharging their musketts and firelocks , one more malicious then the rest having a bullet in his firelock , shott dead a horsemans sonne of ours , for which offence he was apprehended , and presently executed . the 24. count papenheym having marched to a village called esder neere vnto a litle towne called vysell attempted to have put a bridge over the maze , to have hindred , and cutt of our provisions betweene luke & our army : but hearing that mastricht was come to a parly , that his ex cie : had sent some forces to prevent him , & that the boores round about rose vp in armes against him , not willing to suffer the insolences of his souldiers , who neere visell had murthered some of their pesants , in revenge whereof , the bores cutt the throats of some of his stragglars , he bethought himselfe , and returned back againe to his owne quarters . the 25. a daye of thankgiving was solemnized to god the authour , and giver of this victorie . the 26. papenheym marched againe with 6 or 7 thousand men into the countrie , to pillage & plunder yt . vvhere his men committed cruell insolences , breaking vp churches , cloisters , & gentlemens houses , spared not the romish catholiques themselves , especially his men payd those of the reformed religion . among the rest some of his officers & souldiers fell vpon a gentlemans house , brooke vp their chests , truncks , and cubbarts , and tooke aboue 20000 gilders in ready coyne from him ; this did not onely content them , but also to satiate their fylthy lusts ( ô horrible villany ) ravished his wife , and daughters : notwithstanding the many teares & cryes they made vnto them for the preserving of their chastetie . the 27. sancta croce removed part of his quarter frō the hooght cloister and came and laye with some off his men neerer stockham to guard his bridge , vvhich was layd over the maze , to goe into , and to come from count papenheyms quarter . the 31. the duke of niewburch came againe into our armie , to excuse papenheyms coming against vs , now hee had declared himselfe an enemy , aswell in his owne behalfe as in the bishop off cullens , but they sayd hee had noe great audience . the first of septēber we heard there was agreat contestation betweene count la motterie , the baron of leyde his vice gouvernour , and sancte croce & his spaynards , hitting them in the teeth , that they had layne there all that whyle , and attempted nothing for the reliefe of mastricht . the fifth of september , papenheym being marched awaye towards cullen , sancte croce tooke vp his bridg , and lett some of yt drive downe the streame , he kept it a daye , or two longer , fearing least wee should have falne in the brich of papenheym , and have cutt off his passage . the next day he marched awaye with his foote towards diest in brabant , leaving his horse in the reere of his quarters : his ex cie : went with our horse , to see his going off , and some of our horse entertayned skirmish with them , and bulletts changed betweene ours , and their centinells . and thus the great braggs they made , that they would give vs battle , and fight with vs before wee came home , came to nothing . the ennemy being gone , our ordnance were drawne off from all batteries , and sett in order in our quarter . vpon sunday the 5. of september , two sermons were preached in saint mathews church in mastricht : there was a great auditorie of souldiers , & the inhabitants , as full as ever the church cold hold . after the fore nones sermon was ended mr : conrade merkinius the states preacher , comming downe from the pulpit , there was an old womā , that had bin of the reformed religion all her life time , & whom god preserved from death , vvhen the prince of parma tooke in the towne with an assault , & when so many , were masacred & drownd in it by the spanyards . this good soule hearing the sound of the gospell againe in mastricht , was so over ioyd , that ( as symion did to our saviour ) shee catched the preacher in her armes embrassed him , and blessed god for yt . this caused also a great reioycing to the standers by , w ch : made some of them shed teares , & weepe for ioye this night towards evening his ex cie : comaunded monsieur stakenbrock lieutenant generall of the horse , & colonell pincen , who comanded the foote , having with them certaine dutch companies , foure peeces of ordnance , two morters , and sufficient ammunition , laden vpon vvaggons , to march vnto limborch , sixe dutch miles beyōd mastricht : on mundaye morning the sixth of september they came before yt , made a batterie , & planted their canon vpon the castle , which by nature , and art was exceeding stronge , & scituated vpon a sleepe hill , overlooking the towne : after they had made some 34 shott against the castle , they came to aparly and yeelded , finding in yt ten or twelve peeces of good ordnance , and so the states and his ex cie : became master of the first dukedome of the 17 provinces , it is a montaynous country , and full of high hills , in which there are mineralls found , and great store of calamine stone , and copper , it is credibly reported , that these hills , especially one of them , were farmed for 300000 gilders yeerly , and besides that , this towne and castle brings in agreat deale of contribution to the states from the adiacent provinces , as namur , luxenburch , litle brabant , &c. those of the towne and castle had these articles of composition graunted them , which are here vnto annexed . thus it pleased god to heare the prayers of his faithfull ones , and to honour the land , and his ex cie : so , that in the sight of these two armies which did beleaguer vs on the one side , to take this citie of mastricht , and to send his ex cie : home ( maugre our ennemis ) with victorie , to this god the authour & giver off all victorie be given everlasting praises , amen . a true liste of the number of officers slayne , and hurt of all nations of the states armie before venlo , roermont , and the famous seige of mastricht , together with the voluntiers & gentlemen slayne , and hurt , & the numbre of the souldiers of every regiment throw the army anno 1632. count ernest lord marshall of the feild , slayne before roermont . count hanauw slayne before mastricht . 2 of the regiment of the lord generall vere . robert earle of oxenford . captayne edmund manly . lieut. edward vere slayne . 3 lieut. colonell holles hurt . s r. symō harecourt s ar . maiour . captayne roockwood . captayne trefferie . captayne avery vere . captayne dudly . captaine vvrengham . captaine cave . captaine peyton . lieutenant duncum iunior . lieutenant temple . lieutenrnt peter vere . ensigne sydenham now captaine . ens. reade now lieut. hurt 14 sariants slayne . sariant burton . sariant parker . sariant davis . sariant daff. sariant foster . sariant niclaes . sariant bishop . sariant revells . sariants slayne of this regimēt 8 of gen. morgan his reg. sariant maiour vvilliamson . captaine martin . captaine vventworth . quartermaister vvayman . lieutenant avery . ensigne foster slayne 6 generall morgan himself hurt beneath his breast . captain griffin . lieutenant vvhally . ensigne stephens . ensigne cleave hurt . 5 of col. packenhams reg. lieutenat collonell prowd . captain courtney . captain gawdie . lieutenant lewes . ensigne munnings slayne 5 sariants slayne . 2 colonell packenham himself hurt . lieutenant bradly . ensigne dansy now captaine . 3 of collon . herbert reg. colon. harewood himself slayne . captaine morton . lieutenant garth . ensigne iohnson . ensigne fleetwood . ensigne browne slayne vpon the breach , slayne 6 captain dorrell . captain sandall . lieutenant duncum . ens. doleman now capt. hurt 4 ens. vvillowly of my lord veres regiment slayne before venlo . of the three scotch reg. of colonell broughs . captain oglebly . lieutenant bruce . ensigne ridly . ensigne couts slayne . 4 captain vvilllam morrey . ensigne iohnson hurt . 2 of the lord of baucloughs . captaine ieames morrey slayne before roermont . lieutenant moncrift . ensigne graham slayne 3 captain leviston . ensigne duglasse . ensigne kerncroft hurt . 3 of colonell belfords . s r : ieames leviston lieut. colon. lieutenant dowglasse . ensigne scott hurt 3 scotch sariants slayne 2 of the foure french reg. of the marschalls mons r : chast. monsieur de fay ensigne to captaine croymar slayne . 1 monsieur de montagnet . monsieur brenelle ensigne . la sauvage ensigne hurt . 3 of monsieur hauterive his regiment . captaine beza . isabella lieutenant . mons. de breville ens. slayne 3 captain beringham . la ville lieutenant hurt . 2 of the duke de candales regiment slayne . the marquesse d'esteaux his lieutenant colonell . captaine fouillon . captayne du fresne . monsieur de bois his lieutenant . monsieur de fay lieutenant . monsieur paul lieutenant . monsieur de granges lieut. monsieur ruelle lieut. monsieur la panniere lieut. monsieur sansure ensigne slayne of this regiment . 10 mons. de verneville sar. maiour . captayne croyer . de forges lieut. de charone lieut. de rupierre ensigne hurt 5 of the regiment of mons. maison-neufve . captayne la villete . de chaulot lieutenant . de broullard slayne 3 monsieur croyer lieut. mons. le merle-ensigne hurt 2 french voluntiers slayne mons. saint surin . le baron de chastres slayne in the english approches . 2 monsieur da ganges . monsieur bax hurt . 2 french sargants slayne . 6 of count maurice his regiment the wallons . captayne marquett . le doux lieutenant . ensigne calwaert slayne . 3 captaine harsholt . krimits ensigne to captain harsholt hurt . 2 telinghe lieutenant to the old company slayne . 1 of count solms his regiment . mons. nieulant ensigne to captaine duke . 1 of colonell varicks regiment . captaine bruyn slayne when the italians putt over . 1 of collonell rosencrans . ulevelt ensigne . henry bolon ensigne to captaine vlaverwaelt slayne 2 of colonell loos . captaine dorght slayne . 1 the number of foote officers of all nations slayne and hurt . dutch officers slayne with count ernest & count haynaw . 8 english officers slayne with the 8. sariants . 29 scotch officers slayne with two sariants . 9 french officers slayne with the voluntiers & six sariants . 25 vvalloon officers slayne 3 officers of all nation slayne 74 officers of all nations hurt . dutch officers hurt . 3 english officers hurt . 26 scotch officers hurt . 8 french officers hurt . 12 vvalloone officers hurt . 2 officers hurt . 51 horse officers slayne . the captain of his ex cie : harquebussiers . captaine bourmagnie . coender manck . la maire cornett slayne . 4 beside some horsemen . la roze lieutenant to mons. chastillon . la bresse lieutenant hurt . 2 besids some horsemen that were hurt whose name are not knowne . a liste of the english volūtiers , & gentlemen of the foure colonells companies slayne before mastricht anno 1632. slayne the first of iuly . vpon the ennemies traverse of the lord generall veres company of dort. captaine haughton reformado . maister knowles . maister ewins . maister zachary folliot . maister edward hewes . 5 of his companie of delph . maister thomas vvittington . maister sedgwick . 2 voluntiers and gentlemen of the lord generall veres companie of dort slayne vpon the breach the 20. off august 1632. captaine davis reformado . maister honywood . maister hoo. maister bleschenden . maister knosburow . sariant burton . thomas berry . thomas cooke . vvalter godscoate . 9 of his lop s : second company of delph slayne vpon the breach . corporall trent . richard rycroft . thomas ioanes . iohn poole . 4 hurt of these two companies vpon the traverse and vpon the breach as followeth . sariant bagnall grievously hurt 〈◊〉 the traverse . 〈◊〉 hill his arme shott all to peeces . maister vvillis . maister ussher . maister goodwyn . maister miles . maister odinsel . maister hunt. maister williams . maister mathewes . maister morris . maister farewell . maister browne . maister patisson . maister leake hurt . souldiers hurt . 16 of his second companie of delph . hurt . m. baynham . the 1 , of iuly vpon the traverse . mr. quarles . the 1 , of iuly vpon the traverse . mr. turvill . mr. alford . mr. dye . mr. willams . mr. lower . mr. robart morris . mr. georg foster . robart billings . mr knightly vachill . hurt vpon the breach . 9 sariant betty hurt . hurt vpon the breach . 9 souldiers hurt . 10 slayne vpon the breach of the whole regiments 20 hurt and shott 82 of generall morgans regiment slayne before & the 17 of aug. lieutnant gilman reforma 〈…〉 mr. henry louewell . mr. william withers . mr. williā morgan . mr. amstrudder . mr. walter arden . mr. edward meade . 7 souldier slayne . hurt of the same company . mr. henry ashly now ensigne . mr. thomas ashly now ensigne . mr. wright . mr. clapham . mr. thomas morgan now ensigne . mr. william booth . mr. iohn merick hurt 7 of colonell packenhams . mr. carcy . mr . butlar slayne . 2 souldiers 12 of colonells herberts voluntiers , and gentlemen slayne . mr . blishenden . mr . goodwood . mr . chickwood . mr . woodhouse . mr . moore . mr . dikes . mr . gibs . mr . parker . mr . turnour slayne . 9 besides souldiers slayne 12 what gentlemen of colonell packenhams , and colonelll herberts 〈◊〉 were hurt is not come to my knowledg . the numbre of officers , voluntiers , gentlemen , & souldiers of every nation & regiment slayne before venlo , roermont & the seige off mastricht anno 1632. of the five companies of the guards 67 of the lord veres regiment 157 of generall morgans 111 of colonell packenhams 69 of colonelll herberts . 86 english slayne in all 423 of the 3 scotch reg. were slayne 113 of the 4. french regiments . of the regiment of mons . chastillon 33 of the regiment of mons . hauter . 37 of the reg. of the duke of condale 39 of the reg. of mons . maison-neufve 31 french slayne 140 of the regiment of count maurice the walloons 75 of the regiment of count of hanaw 42 slayne of these 3. regiments 162 horse officers slayne 4 besides some few horsemen the numbre whereof it not knowne . summa totalis slayne of all nations 909. besides some horsemen . finis . articles accorded by the prince of orange to the gouvernour of the towne of mastricht , and vviecke , and to the captaines , and souldiers therein . i. article . that the baron of lede to whome the gouvernement of the towne is comitted , the captaines , officers , & souldiers both horse & foote , and al such as receave pay from the king off spayne , off what qualitie or condition soever , although they have without leave quitted , & abandoned the service of the lords the states of the vnited provinces , together with the captaines of the companies , shall goe out with the savegarde off lives , and bagage , with their armes , flying colours , light matches at both ends , bullets in their mouthes , as they vse to march in the warr , to the army off the marquis sancte croce . 2. that on both sides shall remayne two hostages vntill their going out w ch : shal be on munday the 23 of this month . 3. that they shall have a hundreth suffitient waggons , to transporte their baggage , & that his ex cie : shall give them two hostages to the sayd army . 4. that the baron of lede shall carry out with him sixe peeces of cannon , with sixe tonnes of powder , and bullets fitting the peeces to be chosen by the sayd baron . 5. that the count mottery gouvernour of this place now absent , & all capt nes : officers , & men of warr as afore sayd both present and absent shall have two yeares tyme , to dispose of their inheritances , howses , goods , & moueables without any dammage , and in case they shall sell their sayd goods , they shal be free from any taxe , to be put vpon them by the states generall . 6. that the wiues of the men of warre as aboue sayd may remaine in the towne , the sayd two yeares to looke to their goods , & that during the sayd terme , they shall vpon request have waggons horses and boats delivered them for their conduct to namur or teilremont , and the like to such , as be wounded or sicke . 7. that all officers & souldiets wounded or sicke may stay in the towne aswell by the hostes , where they are now lodged , as in the hospitalls , & his excellency wil be pleased to give order there may be perticular care taken , that they may be vsed as is fitt . 8. that noe officer , nor souldier shal be arrested for any debte . 9. that the souldiers of his ex cie : army shall not goe into the towne , but the day of marching out , as also the souldiers of the towne shall not goe into the army of his ex cie : 10. that all horses , or other boote made , aswell before as during the seige , shall rest in the peaceable possession of such as have taken or bought them , without being questioned for the same . 11. that the prisoners on each side shal be delivered with out rantsome paying only the charges . 12. that all munition of warr and victualls belonging to the kings of spayne shal be delivered without fraude to such as his ex cie : shall appointe . given in the campe before mastricht the 22. of aug. 1632. signed henry d● nassan . the baron of lede . the articles of composition agreed on my lord the prince of orange , to the clergie & magigistrates of the towne of mastricht . i. article . that all offences , & injuries done , aswell by the clergie & religions pèrsons , as the temporalls , not only before , but during this seige , both on the one side , & the other , shal remayne wholie forgotten and forgiven . ii. that within the towne of mastricht , the reformed religon shal be frelie and publiquely preached , & exercised as it is exercised in the vnited provinces , & that in the churches of s t : ieames & hillary , iff they be convenient for it , iff not two other fitt churches shal be vsed therevnto . iii. that the lord high priour of s t : servaes , and all spirituall eclesiasticall , & religious persons , as the chiefe priour of our lady , and the chiefe , deacons , and chapiters with their supposts , the foure pastours , the colledges off the societies , all cloysters , and persons off what state & dignitie , order and function soever they be , none excepted , shall cōtinued & be mayntained , in their severall goods reuenewes , & dignities priviledges , freedoms , exemptions , and lordshipps , jurisdictions , collations of prebends , benefices , offices , functiōs administrations to vse & possesse , aswell within as without the afore said towne none excepted , even as they before this have enioyed , and possessed them , without any molestation therin demunition or hinderants whatsoever . iv. and accordingly the publique exercise of the romish catholique religion shal be taught in the churches , cloysters , & in every place , as the same hath bin exercised hitherto , without any let or hinderance whatsoever . v. that all persons familes , and goods , as also priviledges , immunities and freedomes , by water and by lande , of the burgers & inhabitants , likewise of the gilds , hospitalls the poores tables , the great holy ghost & such like foundations aswell within , as lying without the jurisdiction of the aforsaid towne , shall continue free and vnmolested . vi. that the lords the states of the vnited netherlands , shall vndertake nothing within the towne , and the iurisdiction off the same , then that with was graunted to the kinge off spayne , as duke off brabant , according to the charters made thereoff , and exhibited , & are kept in the towne , and shal be according to the antient costome , and some off late made and closed accounts shal be delivered over , and that to the bishopp and prince off luke , and the common vndevided iurisdictions , & other his demaynes shall remayne as they have don before this , and hitherto . vii . that the aforesaid lords the states off the aforesaid towne shal governe ioyntly together with the aforesaid the prince off luke as a perticular towne , and province a part from the other states , or provinces off both the aforesaid lords , as the bishopp , and king off spayne hath done the same , & governed the towne heretofore , aswell in matters of iustice and pollecy . viii . and concerning the publishing off placcats , & the edicts , together with the currant , and permission off coynes within the aforesaid towne , it shal continue and remayne as was accustomed in the tyme off the king off spayne , and as it was when the towne was in his possession . ix . the officers haveing any commission from the prince of luke , shall keepe their offices without any let , or difficultie whatsoever . x. that it is permitted to all burgers , & spirituall persons with their families , and goods , to departe out off the towne and at all tymes whensoever they shall thinke it good , may sell their inheritances , & goods , without haveing any charge layde vpon them whatsoever . xi . that with the lords the states generall consent , all inhabitants off the aforesaid towne , dureing the space off two yeares next ensuing , may goe , into any towne subiect to the king off spayne , there to dispatch their affayres vpon conditon , that before they goe they give vp their names to the governour off the towne off mastricht , and that they doe not attempt any thing to the preiudice , & harme of the states of the vnited provinces . xii . that for any newe impostes of the said towne , & the inhabitāts therof to be brought in nothing shal be don but with the communication and common advice off the lords the states generall off the vnited provinces . and the lord the bishoppe prince off luke . xiii . that the sayd gouvernours off the towne and the rulers thereoff shall not be taxed with any charges , touching new fortifications , but shall be done vpon the townes charges to mayntayne their ports and walls . xiv . the garrison off foote & horse with shal be layed in the aforesaid towne , together with the waggōs & the carriages off the ordnance shal be lodged , and layed vp as they , were in the towne in the tyme off the kings off spayne , or according as the occurences of busines shall requier , and as shal be agreed on by the magistrates . xv. all towne and other publique accompts , made and closed heretofore , shall continue so without any new charge to fall vpon them . all debts made during this seidge , as likewise before contracted in the behalfe , and in the name off the towne shal be payde out off the towns meanes , and the debts contracted in the name & in the behalfe off the king off spayne shal be payd out off the demeanes off the same in the crowne courte , off the lands over the maze expressed before the date hereoff , thus concluded in the army before mastricht the 22. off aug : 1632. sti : nono . signed : f : henry de nassau . winant-of gelders deacon of st. servaes for the clergie , henry conrade , cannon of our ladies church for the clergie i. cresen by letters of atturney from the magistrates signed , and also by order of his excie : iunius . the articles off composition graunted to the clergie , burgers , and souldiers of the towne , and castle of limburch anno 1632. that all offences , and hostilities committed , aswellby the clergie , as those of the laitie before , and during this seige , shall be wholly forgotten on both sides . 2. that the publique exercise of the catholique apostolique romish religion , shall remaine in the churches , cloisters , & every where within the towne of limburch , & thorow the whole province thereof over the maze , as hath bine taught vnto this daye , without any disturbance , or molestation : provided that they appoint a convenient place for the excercise of those that are of the reformed religion , seing there is but one church in the towne . 3. that the chiefe pryour & pastour of the parochiall church of the said towne , all other clergie men , & religious persons , as likewise all superiour & inferiour officers , iustices , & others of what state calling or condition soever they bee , shall enioye & bee mainteyned in the peaceable possession of their goods , estates , revenues , privileges liberties , immunities , exemptions , colations , iurisdictions , offices , and other places whatsoever , none excepted , aswell without , as within the towne , and as all and every one of them have heitherto held , possessed , & enioyed them , without any hindrance or preiudice to them whatsoever . 4. that all maires , shriefes , secretaires , forresters , proctours & other subordinate officers of justice , as they have bin invested in them for their lives , so shall they be kept and mainteyned in their offices without any disturbance or hindrance , vnlesse they themselves will remove out of them , as then they shal be permitted to doe soe . 5. that the lords the states of the vnited provinces shall receiue nothing within the said towne of limburch , but that which belongs to the king of spayne , as duke of brabant , and of limburch , according to the priveleges in esse , which from time to time have bin sworne vnto , to be kept and observed . 6. that al persons aswell clergie men , burgers laye men , as those who have bin souldiers , and have enioyed any entertaynment in the king of spayne his service , to such as are not willling to staye , & dwel in the towne they shal be permitted to goe out of yt , with their goods and families , or maye at any time sell their goods , and inheritances without any taxations vpon them , or at any time maye exchange them . 7. and as for those that are willing to dwell in the towne of what quality soever they be , they shal be permitted to goe and doe their affaires every where , provided that they attempt not any thing to the preiudice of the lords the states generall , and the prince of orange , but to doe the same with the fore knowledge of the gouvernour . 8. that the priveledges of the said towne touched before , and which are to be mainteyned , concernes also the point of the fortification & the keeping of the vvalls , with the other charges of the said towne . 9. that all publique accounts of the towne heretofore shut , & clossed shall continue so without let or obstacle whatsoever , which are due to the lord the count of noslie in all the countries over the maze , either as in qualite of gouvernour of the said province , or otherwise , for the calling in of his debts , hee is permitted to send and depute , at any time any one in his behalfe . the like is graunted also to ian de vaulx his secretaire for that which rests due vnto him , within the said province , conditionally that vnder this pretext nothing be attempted to the preiudice of the lords the states generall , and his ex cie : 10. that the guarnison which shal be layd in the said towne shal be billeied & lodged by the intervention of the magistrates , as shal be found most convenient , and as heither to hath bin practised . 11. that the recever of the king of spayne his demaines , within this county and durchie , shall freely receive the said demaines and the subsidie agreed on by the states of the said countrie on the other side off the maze , and all arereages , which are falne due vnto this day . 12. that hee maye drawe , prepare , and sell as much calamie stone , as maye satisfie the moneys levied in the name of the king of spayne , for the marchants of answerpe , and for as much as the mountaine of calamie stone is farmed out for , with this proviso , that the said receiuer & farmars of this mountaine , shall give vp their particular obligations , & that vpon their requests the lords the states generall vpon iust proffe will disburse the said moneys . this done and concluded the 8. of september 1632. betweene the aforesaid lord of stackenbrock on the one side , and those of the towne on the other side , and was signed stackenbrock . by the order of the maire , burgemaster & shriefs of the said towne , and was signed : ph. de kaldenbourgh . the speech of their excellencies the lords ambassadours extraordinary. from the high and mighty states general of the united provinces of the netherlands, taking their leave of both the honourable houses of parliament assembled at westminster. 10. april 1645. translated out of french into english: and printed by their excellencies order. steph. taylor secr. together with a moderate answer by a private gentleman. printed according to order. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93628 of text r200014 in the english short title catalog (thomason e278_9). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93628 wing s4867 thomason e278_9 estc r200014 99860816 99860816 112941 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93628) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 112941) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 46:e278[9]) the speech of their excellencies the lords ambassadours extraordinary. from the high and mighty states general of the united provinces of the netherlands, taking their leave of both the honourable houses of parliament assembled at westminster. 10. april 1645. translated out of french into english: and printed by their excellencies order. steph. taylor secr. together with a moderate answer by a private gentleman. printed according to order. parker, henry, 1604-1652. [2], 6 p. printed by m.b. for robert bostock, at the kings head in pauls church-yard., london, : 16. april 1645. a private gentleman = henry parker. annotation on thomason copy: "henry parker esq". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -relations -great britain -early works to 1800. a93628 r200014 (thomason e278_9). civilwar no the speech of their excellencies the lords ambassadours extraordinary.: from the high and mighty states general of the united provinces of parker, henry 1645 968 3 0 0 0 0 0 31 c the rate of 31 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the speech of their excellencies the lords ambassadours extraordinary . from the high and mighty states general of the united provinces of the netherlands , taking their leave of both the honourable houses of parliament assembled at wes●minster . 10. april 1645. translated out of french into english : and printed by their excellencies order . steph. taylor secr. together with a moderate answer by a private gentleman . printed according to order . london , printed by m. b. for robert bostock , at the kings head in pauls church-yard . 16. april 1645. the ambassadours speech . right honourable , two things have moved our lords and superiours to send us their ambassadors extraordinary into this kingdome , viz. their duty , and your service . the first , consisted in their power , and in the resenting of the present distractions . the other , being altogether in your choyce to accept , if you should like of it . we have long agoe , and divers times spoken unto your honours of the one , and the other : as likewise unto the king , who hath honoured so much our state , as to have accepted the offers of our interposition . but we are still with your honours upon the same termes ▪ we were at the beginning , without any certitude , or likelyhood to be accepted . we have already obtained our leave from the king , and have left his majesty full of good will , and disposition for a just and reasonable accommodation : likewise we parted from him well satisfied , concerning the point of the evangelique-protestant religion , upon the offers he hath lately permitted us to make and as concerning the royall rights or prerogatives , the liberties , and priviledges of this kingdome , and the parliament , and of all the subjects , no doubt when that his majesty shall be satisfied , his majesty will also satisfie every one . but sirs , we can stay no longer here , unlesse your honours accept of our interposition , without which we are uselesse : and from hence it is , our lords and superiours have charged us , in such a case , to take our leave , and returne to our owne home . in performance of which last duty , we are here come before you ; assuring you , we shall never cease to wish unto this heretofore flourishing kingdome , an accommodation and peace ; which is ▪ and ever will be as profitable , as necessary . the answer . your excellencies came into england to shew your selves christians out of hope to prevent blood and mischiefe , and partly to shew your selves friends to england , out of hope to prevent the utter ruine of this your neighbour nation . to accomplish these honourable ends you have addressed your selves both to his majesty and the parliament : but whereas his majestie hath accepted the offers of your interposition , you seeme to complaine that you have no certitude or likelihood to be accepted by the parliament . you doe not neverthelesse declare what that interposition is which the king admits or the parliament denies : for if the king doe wholly referre his cause to your umpirage , t were necessary that you plainly make this knowne to the parliament ; and if the king receives you no further then as friendly intercessors to intreat or perswade , in this he does no more then the parliament does . but you conceive the king offereth enough assurance for the evangelique-protestant religion ; and ( it may be ) you expect that the assembled states of england and scotland having drawne together for their assistance the best divines they can from all protestant countries , should attribute more to your judgement herein then to themselves . truly this seems to us something too unequall , and we much doubt whether his majestie be so fully resolved to resigne up himselfe and all his pretences in the point of religion to your finall decision . you further seeme confident , that his majesty will satisfie others when he is himselfe satisfied concerning his prerogative and our liberty : but this may be perhaps , because you doe not so experimentally understand what is likely to satisfie the king , as the best and wisest of his two protestant kingdoms doe . the kings intentions are knowne either by his professions or actions ; as for his professions we know they are and ever were very gracious , but whatsoever expressions he may make to you in your particular , he cannot promise a greater affection to religion and justice then the parliament does . and as for the kings actions we would gladly be instructed by you , but we cannot apprehend our selves lesse judicious in them then any strangers whatsoever . when your state was formerly in distresse , our ancestours did intercede otherwise then you doe now , and yet your provinces were as divided as ours are now , and your cause was as liable to dispute as ours is now ; and what we did tender then was from the intire body of our whole nation ; and to be cleere with you , we doe not looke so upon your interpositions now . for your good wishes to the prosperity of this kingdome wee thanke you ; and if you will propose a just and reasonable accommodation , whatsoever you thinke of us , you will finde us as full of good will and disposition to it , as you now beleeve the king is . finis . a description of the king's royal palace and gardens at loo together with a short account of holland in which there are some observations relating to their diseases / by walter harris ... harris, walter, 1647-1732. 1688 approx. 151 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 42 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45662 wing h882 estc r6026 13693879 ocm 13693879 101429 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45662) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101429) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 844:16) a description of the king's royal palace and gardens at loo together with a short account of holland in which there are some observations relating to their diseases / by walter harris ... harris, walter, 1647-1732. [6], 72 p., [1] leaf of plates : 1 folded ill. printed by r. roberts and sold by j. nutt ..., london : 1699. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng loo (apeldoorn, netherlands) netherlands -description and travel. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 john pas sampled and proofread 2009-01 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a description of the king' 's royal palace and gardens at loo . together with a short account of holland . in which there are some observations relating to their diseases . by walter harris , m. d. physician in ordinary to his majesty , and fellow of the college of physicians . london : printed by r. roberts , and sold by j. nutt , near stationers hall. mdcxcix . the preface . this description of the king's palace , and gardens at loo , was most of it written at the command of our late most incomparable queen , of ever glorious memory , who was not displeased with the sight of it ; and who , though she honoured this royal fabrick with the laying its first stone , yet could never have the pleasure of seeing it perfected : the wise and good queen's presence being , during the war , most necessary within the kingdom , whilst his majesty exposed his royal person in the field , for the preservation of us all , and for the benefit of mankind ; and did so eminently signalize himself abroad , that all the martial virtues which are reported in history to have belong'd unto any the most renowned of the roman or grecian heroes , have been evidently conspicuous , and united together in his majesty . since this description was first written , it has been corrected and enlarged , by the frequent opportunities i have had , of walking over the gardens , in the five years time that i had the honour to wait upon his majesty abroad . and the reading it must give some diversion to the curious , as the writing it was pleasing to me . also persons of quality , and great fortunes , may here find many things to admire , and also to imitate , if they please , when they are taking their summer diversions at their country seats . as for what i add , in the account of holland , i shall only tell you , i considered that a description cannot possibly represent things with that pleasure and advantage , as they are seen upon the place ; and i thought a few common observations i made in holland , and which i have recollected upon the printing this description , would not be unacceptable to some persons , for variety sake ; though i have been guilty of many omissions , rather than i would be tedious , by consulting authors , or reciting any of their observations , who have taken pains upon this subject , and been more large and accurate in their performances . a table of the chapters . the introduction . page i chap. i. of the situation of the palace and gardens . of the court before the palace . a short view of the palace it self ; and a summary account of all the gardens in general . p. 6 chap. ii. a description of the great garden , next behind the palace ; and first of that part of it , called the lower garden . p. 12 chap. iii. of the second part of the great garden , called the upper garden : together with the middle walk , and canals , which do divide this garden into the two parts . p. 20 chap. iv. of the kings garden , and , westward of it , a labyrinth , or wilderness . p. 26 chap. v. of the queen's garden , and another wilderness , beyond it eastward . p. 29 chap. vi. of the voliere , or fowl-garden . p. 35 chap. vii . of the park , and its fountains , canal , cascade , &c. of the viver , that supplies the fountains , cascades , and canals , with water . also a description of fix other vivers , or fishponds . p. 38 a short account of holland . the contents . that the gardens at loo were finished during the war ; when the french king put a stop to all his publick works , p. 49. the occasion of this account , 50. of the courage of the low-country men , ibid. a preference of the english to all others in that respect , 51. their preference in former times , 52. in turenne's time , ib. at the siege of namur , ib. of how great consideration the goodness of a general is to an army , 53. a remarkable instance of it in the revolution that happened in 1672. ib. of the unanimity of the dutch , 54. their great deference to his majesty's wisdom , ib. of the province of holland more particularly , 55. the low countries why so called , ib. of the canals in holland , ib. their water not offensive , 56. no variety of objects to be seen in the country , ib. a recommendation of the country about dort , 57. of the dutch brabant , ib. of a noble seat near zutphen , 58. of zealand , ib. the good effects that travelling abroad has , or ought to have , 59. how a traveller ought to demean himself in holland , ib. of their taxes , 61. of their justice , ib. their musick-houses at amsterdam , 62. of their food , 63. beer , and wines , ib. of their discases , 64. and particularly their fevers and agues , 65. of their phlebotomy , 68. why the dutch have so few coughs , and we so many , 69. of their provision for the poor , ib. of their charity in churches , ib. their apparel , 70. in what respect the dutch do deserve great consideration from us , 71. a remarkable observation of the emperor charles the fifth , against bigotry , ib. a strict alliance , and good understanding between england and holland , never more necessary than at present , 72. a prospect of the king's palace , and gardens at loo . a. the palace . b. the stables . c. other stabes . d. offices . e. orangery . f. fountain . g. lower garden h. upper garden i. the king's garden . k. bowling green . l. the queen's garden . m. a wilderness . n. another . o. the old court. p. the fowl garden q. the park . m. vander gucht scul a description of his majesty's palace of gardens of loo : together with some account of the people and country . the introduction . nothing does give posterity so noble an idea of former times , as the magnificence of their buildings . the remains we still have of the roman greatness in their publick structures are enough to merit our highest admiration . the ruins of their amphitheatres as they are now to be seen , their immense obelisks , their prodigious saquoeducts , their splendid palaces and temples , their subterranean catacombs , and even their via appia , and flaminea , or their causeways that were made near two thousand years ago , when rome was a republick , with a stone so hard , and so firmly laid , as still to remain entire a good way in many places , are all objects so conspicuous , and so durable in their kinds , that some of them are like to continue to the end of the world everlasting monuments of the just veneration due to ancient times , of their admirable skill , if not perfection in architecture ; and in a word , as undoubted testimonies of the splendor and magnificence of the greatest people that ever were recorded in history . what can give us such a representation of the pomp and grandeur of the kings of aegypt , as the wonderful pyramids there to be seen , and the illustrious ruins of grand cairo and alexandria ! our english indeed have bestowed their munisicence chiefly in lasting monuments of their piety , in erecting abundance of the noblest cathedrals that can anywhere be seen . and england may deservedly glory not only in the slately cathedrals she built at home , as well as in her palaces , universities , and other publick and private buildings , but hath lest in france the lasting evidences of her magnificence , by erecting those stately nostredames at paris , at amiens , at rouen , &c. at a time when great part of france was under the english dominion , and when the rest of it did as much dread the english power and courage , as themselves have of late years been a terror to all their neighbours . nay at this present time , by the publick authority ( to our honour and renown be it spoken ) there is now erecting , and almost finished , in her metropolis , one of the most spacious and magnificent cathedrals that ever yet was built in the world ; and the which , in the judgment of travellers , is like to emulate in its structure , even saint peter's at rome , and sancta sophia at constantinople . his majesty is possessed of many noble and stately palaces both at home and abroad . kensington and hampton-court are too well known to be more than mentioned . his castle of windsor may dispute for excellency in many respects with most of the royal palaces in europe . and at winchester there is another of his majesty's palaces , in a most admirable situation for health as well as pleasure , that wants but little of being finished . i cannot but wish this last were nearer to london , or were thereby better situated for his majesty's convenience . for i have sensibly experienced the benefit of that healthful situation , having had the happiness to be educated in the college at winchester ; where in seven years time i never knew one of the seventy children of that college to dye , although it be seated in the lowest , and consequently the most unhealthy part of that city . and others have assured me , that in fifty years past , there have not died above four or five of that excellent seminary of learning , and most of those too by violent accidents , not by epidemical diseases . the which is a consideration worthy of the thoughts of such parents , who would do their utmost to preserve their posterity , and are desirous to breed their children in the best school in england . in the low countries , in brabant , and elsewhere , his majesty's ancient hereditary palaces are dispersed in great number . the royal palace and gardens at loo are the subject of the ensuing discourse . i will only mention dieren , an ancient seat of the most illustrious house of nassaw , five leagues from loo ; honslaer-dike , two leagues from the hague ; soestdike , not far from utrecht ; the castle of breda , made much more illustrious of late by his majesly ; ryswick the auspicious place of treaty of peace , and now rendred everlastingly famous by the conclusion of a peace so happy and so honourable to the greatest part of europe . all which palaces ( except the last , where the king has never resided , it being so near the hague ) do remain nobly furnished for his majesty's reception , and have gardens belonging to them that might merit a distinct description . for buildings or themselves , howsoever noble and great , do appear very deficient without the ornament and conveniencies of a garden . italy , the garden of the world , and the great repository of rarities and antiquities , does now as much glory and pride her self in the pomp , and ornaments , and conveniencies belonging to her gardens , as in any of her so much celebrated curiosities . it is certainly one of the most innocent and sweetest diversions that can be desired ; it gives easy opportunities for retirement and contemplation , and conduces to the obtaining a chearful tranquillity of mind , and to the preservation of a healthful temper of body . it is a delight and satissaction to which some of the greatest princes and noblemen in all ages have had recourse , after they had been satiated and cloy'd with the pleasures and vanities of the world , or had been tired with the crosses and disappointments , the vexations and troubles , which do necessarily attend all conditions of life . and if there be any tolerable share of happiness and content to be any where enjoyed by an innocent man , out of the hurry and noise of the world , a compleat and spacious garden , furnished with variety of walks and groves , and adorned with fountains , cascades , grottoes , &c. must do very much towards the obtaining even a paradise upon earth . the gardens of loo are become so famous and remarkable to all the provinces near them , that curious persons from divers parts of germany , as well as out of all the united provinces , do frequently resort thither to satisfy their curiosity . i will not here enlarge in their praise and admiration , but leave it to the reader to make a true judgment of them from the description it self , which is at lest natural and plain , and as perspicuous as the nature of such descriptions ( sometimes necessarily intricate through the great variety of matter ) will admit , though indeed very destitute of the ornaments and flourishes that are usually made in the describing great things , to make them appear greater than they really are . chap. i of the situation of the place and gardens ; of the court before the palace ; a short view of the palace it self ; and a summary account of all the gardens in general . his majesty's place and gardens at loo are situated on the cast-side of a large sandy heath , or in the veluwe , a considerable part of the province of gelderland , one of the seven united provinces . the heath is extended southward unto the rhine , and northward unto the zuyder , or south sea ; westward it runs almost to amersfort , or within less than two leagues of it ; and eastward it is extended to the issel , a considerable river that divides overyssell from the veluwe . loo is three leagues from deventer , five from harderwick on the south-sea , five from dieren , another of his majesty's places , six from arnheim , and twelve leagues or hours from utrecht . it is an excellent country for hunting , and abounds with staggs , some roe-bucks , the wild boar , foxes , hares , and some wolfs . it is no less excellent for fowling , and has good store of woodcocks , partridges , pheasants , &c. in a wood near loo , there is a herniary for hawking ; and within a league of it north-cast , his majesty has of late caused to be made an excellent decoy , which supplies his family with good store of ducks and teale . and in the heath beyond the gardens , there are six vivers or large fish-ponds , somewhat after the model or resemblance of those in hide-park , the one communicating with the other . you will sind them described at the end of this treatise , in the seventh chapter . the new palace , lately built by his majesty , is near unto the old hoof , or old court , which is a castle surrounded with a broad moat , and purchased about 12 or 14 years ago from the seigneur de laeckhuysen , a gentleman of this country . they are separated from one another only by some of the gardens , which lye on the west-side of the new palace . the gardens are most sumptuous and magnificent , adorned with great variety of most noble fountains , cascades , parterres , gravel walks , and green walks , groves , statues , urns , paintings , seats , and pleasant prospects into the country . before the gate that enters into the court of the palace , there is a broad green walk between a double row of oaks , half a mile long ; and at the end of this walk next to the heath , there is a gate of iron rails between double stone pillars of an ancient model , the pillars being about a yard distant from each other , and joined at the top by a crown work on each side , wherein is cut his majesty's cypher , and at the bottom by a stone ground-work , or supporters . the golumns are of a good heighth . before this gate there are three walks between trees for a mile , or more , farther into the heath . on the south-side of the palace we do enter through a large gate of iron bars , painted blew and gildel , into a quadrangular court , of which the whole soughtside hath iron rails alike painted and gilded . the rails are placed on a low brick wall that is covered with free-stone the whole length , five inches above the brick . among these iron rails , which do rise above eight foot higher than the wall , there are at due distance eight and twenty pilasters , every one of them of one entire stone . the east-side of the court does contain offices and chambers for the officers and servants of his majesty's houshold . on the west-side of the court are the king's stables , and in these are kept horses for his majesty 's own riding . and at the end of this stable , adjoining to the rails before-mentioned , there is another double stable for his majesty 's other horses , and for those of some of his servants , extended westward about eighty paces on the road that comes from utrecht . at the other end of the rails , or adjoining to the east-side of the court , upon the road , there is another row of building , in proportion to the stables , containing a guard-house , a large orangery , or green-house , the king's coach-house , &c. in the middle of the court there is a fountain , whose basin consists of a wrought blew stone , and whose stone-work is raised two foot and a half high . in the middle of this fountain there are four marble dolphins , out of whose mouths do fall four sheets of water , to the east , west , north and south . the dolphins are placed upon a marble pedestal ; their tails are intertwisted , and turned upward in the middle of the pedestal . but this fountain has been ordered to be changed into a noble cascade , in a octangular basin , seven yards diameter . next unto the walk that encompasses this fountain , there are in this court four gazons , or green plots , with walks on every side paved with brick . on the north-side of the court in the king's palace , to which we ascend by nine broad stone-steps . the palace is built of brick , and had the honour to have its first stone laid by the hands of the most incomparable and best of queens , her late majesty of ever blessed memory . from the front , or body of the house , each wing does stretch out in two pavilious towards the two sides of the court , until the wings and sides do come to unite . besides the gate in the middle of the front , there are two others in the two outmost pavilious . over the gate of the front , and the garden-gate , and over the two outmost pavilions , there are frontispieces , or relievos on high , with representations relating to hunting . the pilasters of all the gates or doors , the frize , and the cornishes of the windows , do consist of free-stone . the body of the palace is leaded above , and adorned with ballisters ; and it has large shash-windows throughout . the hall we do first enter into , is paved with very large black and white marble . the dining-room below is very remarkable throughout , and especially in its marble and military devices , and glorious gilding . the great room above , that we do first enter into from the stair-case , and in the middle of the apartments , is not only adorned with large landskips , as well as the stair-case , but is very resplendent with its gilding on every side , and throughout all the cieling . the rooms of state , and the bed-chambers , and other chambers , are all provided and furnished after the noblest manner , for the entertainment and reception of great persons . but the antichamber to his majesty's bed-chamber has most excellent hangings , representing the functions or duties of cavalry , to wit , the incampment of horse , their foraging , their making of fascines , and the firing it self of two parties of horse in an engagement , most lively and naturally exprest , in four several pieces . the chappel is handsomely wainscoted , and the whole so compleatly finished , that nothing can be said to be wanting , and no cost spared in order to render the house magniscient , as well as the gardens . when we have gone through the hall of the palace , and advanced between a very large stair-case on either hand , we do come to the garden-gate , which is directly before the entrance , and consists of iron bars coriously wrought and painted . but before i describe particularly any of the gardens , it may not be amiss to take a short and general prospect of them , as also to name some of the most remarkable fountains and cascades in them , that thereby the whole may in some of its particulars be more distinctly comprehended . on the north-side of the palace , there is a large and most magnisicent garden , the which is divided into two parts , the lower garden , and the upper : the two divisions being separated by canals , by a low wall , and a broad cross-walk , in the which cross-walk there are on each side a double row of tall oaks ; but in the middle of this walk a considerable space is left open , without trees , for the more convenient view of all the fountains , the porticoes , and the cascades , that are beyond the said walk , from the garden-gate of the palace . the first partition of this garden , called the lower garden , has a terras walk on three sides of it ; and here we behold straight before us the fountain of venus , and beyond it another fountain of a young hercules . in the cross-walk that goes between those two fountains , there is on the right hand a fountain of a celestial globe , and on the left such another terrestrial globe . and at the end of the same walk on the right hand , upon the side of one terras walk , there is the cascade of narcissus , as also on the left , upon the side of the opposite terras walk , the cascade of galatea . in the upper garden we behold a most noble fountain , with a basin of a vast extent , and with three and thirty spouts , that in the middle of all throwing up the water five and forty foot high . a little beyond this , we see another fountain , wherein the water rises in the form of a peacock's tail , under which as also beyond it , are divers cascades . we do likwise here behold two large porticoes , or semicircular cloisters , with rails over them , and supported on divers pillars . on the west-side of the palace there is a garden under his majesty's's apartments , and called the king's garden . this has a noble fountain in the middle of it , and adjoining to it there is a large bowling-green . beyond this garden westward , there is another called the labyrinth or wilderness , some of whose fountains may be seen , as also statues in it , and painting , from his majesty's bed-chamber . on the east-side of the palace there is another garden , under the apartments appointed for the queen , and called the queen's garden . this bears a just proportion with that of the king 's , and hath such another noble fountain . and adjoining to this garden fourthwards , there are divers arbor walks , with five fountains in the middle of parterres . beyond the wall of the queen's garden , eastward , there is another handsom garden for retirement , or a labyrinth , answering the other , with fountains , statues , walks , &c. from the cross walk that divides the upper from the lower garden , behind the palace , we go through gates into the voliere , or fowl garden , west from those others . and still farther westward we enter into a large extent of ground , called the park , wherein are to be seen the long canal with spouts the whole length of it , all rising in the form of an arch. beyond this , is the cypher fountain and cascade , and beyond that the viver , or large quadrangular pond , which contains the water that supplies the jette's , and cascades . within this park is also the fountain of faunus , divers pleasant and long green walks , nurseries of young trees , groves , and canals ; and west of the viver there is a fine grove for solitude or retirement , and called the queen's grove . of all which now more at large . chap. ii containing the description of the great garden , next behind the palace ; and first of that part of it called the lower garden . so soon as we have pass'd through the place , we do enter upon a very broad terras-walk , extended on the right and left the whole breadth of this garden , the which is continued forwards by a brick-wall , and by other terras-walks on the right and left sides of it . the first terras-walk is paved with brick fourteen yards forwards , between the garden gate and the stone-steps , by which we are to descend into the garden . it is also paved with brick thirty paces both to the right and left . from the said paving , this terras-walk is continued to the garden walls on each side , in a green and gravel walk . the middle part of this walk is green about sisteen foot , and on each side of the green there is a gravel-walk , each of them ten foot broad . at both ends of this first terras-walk we do ascend by seven steps unto the side terras-walks , which are raised higher than the former , for the better placing of those noble stone-sabricks that compose the cascades of narcissus and galatea . these terras-walks do , like the former , consist of a green-walk in the middle , and a gravel-walk on each side of the green. in the middle of these side terras-walks , behind the cascades , there are seats next to the walls , and painted green. from the first terras-walk , near the garden-gate of the palace , there is a very large descent into the garden , first by three semicircular stone-steps , and after a little space by fifteen steps more , all of a very large circumference , the lowermost of those fifteen steps being twenty eight yards round . on the right side of the foresaid steps , upon the terras-walk , there is a large stone-statue , with a hart behind it , and on the left such another great statue , both lying or leaning on a distinct basis , and both holding under one arm a stone-vessel . these two statues and intended to represent two great rivers , the rhine and the issel , between the which rivers , the veluwe , and loo are situate . out of those stone-vessels there runs water , which makes an unexpected cascade on both sides of the steps adjoining to the wall. these cascades are made from the said stone-vessels , on each side , into seven double basins , one below another , besides an eighth large single basin , which receives the water of all the rest , at the bottom of the steps . all these basins are of a blew stone . the one half of these double basins is raised two or three inches , in order to retain the water , and the other half is equally sunk or made lower , that the sheet of water may fall from the upper into the lower basins . from all the three terras-walks there is a green slope , reaching from those walks above unto a low brick-wall below , that is only two foot high ; at the four corners of these slopes , in this garden , there are broad steps for descending from the walks above . and at the upper part of the green slopes there are abundance of little pipes of water , about a foot distance one from the other . each of them hath a copper head , wherein there are four small holes , through which the water is made to play , in order to water the slopes , and to preserve them always green. in the summer evenings they are made frequently to rain a small shower for the end aforcsaid . in the low walk below the green slopes , at every four yards distance , there are white stones , each of them above a foot and a half square , on every one of which there are urns and noble flowerpots placed , or to be placed , as on bases : and some of them have representations of divers ancient and modern curiosities carved upon them . and all along the wall of the lower garden , whither that which separates the first terras walk from the king 's , and queen's garden , or those that separate the higher terras-walks from the two wildernesses , those walls have such white square stones near about the same distance from one another , and for the same purpose . on the top of the said green slopes there do grow many pyramidal juniper-trees , with other curious shrubs intermixed among them . the slope from the first terras-walk to the low walk at bottom is about eleven foot : but the slopes from the side terras-walks to the said low wall have a descent of about fifteen foot , these being raised higher than the former walk , on the account of the cascades before-mentioned . when we have descended into the garden by the foresaid eighteen stone-steps , we do enter upon a broad gravel walk , into which advancing forty sive paces from the steps , we come to a noble fountain , in the middle of whose basin is a marble statue of venus at full length , and another of cupid under her left hand , he holding a gilded bow. this statue is supported on a small whale for its pedestal , with four great gilded tritons behow it , a large gilded shell being between each of the tritons , and each triton blowing in a large trumpet in one hand , their other hand being dispofed in different postures . at the end of each trumpet the water runs out in a broad sheer , incircling a great part of the broad end of the trumpet . also about the tritons there are many gilded rushes , and water-lilly flowers , which do all contribute to the ornament of this magnificent fountain . on the right and left of this statue , within the same basin , as also before and behind the statue , there are four gilded swans , which do spout the water in broad sheets towards the statue ; and all the swans are raised a little above the water . the basin is bordered with a blew stone about sixteen inches breadth . it has four angles , but on the four sides where the swans are placed , it has a circumflexion or semicircular cut into the walks , in form of four half-moons . on either side of this broad walk , next to the parterres , both before we come to the foresaid fountain , and also on the sides of the walk beyond the fountain , there are spouts at proper distances in a distinct canal ; and there are six spouts in each of them , which do throw up the water about a yard , though of late those spouts are now always stopt , to avoid the inconvenience of the waters being blown on the walk , or on the parterres . these canals are walled with free-stone , and bordered with the same three inches breadth . they are each of them about eighty foot long , and a foot and a half broad , but in those parts where the spouts are placed , the canals are widened unto three foot and a half squre every way , in order to avoid the winds blowing the water either on the walk , or parterres . these canals are paved , after the mosaick manner , with pebbles of a dark colour , but the figures that are made by the pebbles , and which run along the middle of the canals , and especially about the spouts , are made in a long sort of pebbles , pure white and black , of the diamond cut . if we advance still forwards beyond the fountain of venus in the same walk , we behold another noble fountain , in the middle of whose basin is a young naked hercules of marble , arising as from his cradle , also of marble ; the hercules squeezing a green serpent in each hand , and both the serpents spirting the water about two yards above the basin . on the right and left of the hercules , at a little distance , within the same basin , there are placed two dragons , each spirting seven several jette's towards the hercules . the basin of this fountain is likewise bordered with a broad blew stone , sixteen inches breadth ; and paved with a stone that is about a foot square . turning out of the aforesaid walk , from the fountain of venus , into a cross-walk on the right , we meet with a fountain in the middle , wherein is erected a celestial globe , placed on a marble pedestal , between which pedestal and the globe there are four naked boys in marble , incircling one another in ther arms. about the globe the twelve signs of the zodiack are curiously painted , the stars gilded , and out of abundance of the stars there do spout out jettes on all sides of the globe . passing beyond this globe , we behold at the end of the walk a most noble cascade , a fabrick of wrought stone , reaching from the terras-walk above , down to the gravel-walk below . the water here falls out of the mouth of a great head at the top of the structure ( a round carved covered basin being placed above the head ) into three great semi-oval carved basins , one below the other , each of them being two yards in front , besides the allowance of above two foot more on both sides of the two lowermost of those three basins , which two foot do serve for conveying the water that is to make the lesser sheets , which will be presently mentioned . on both sides of the uppermost of those three semi-oval basins there is placed a pine-apple in stone , by way of ornament ; and on both sides of the second of those basins , is erected a round scollopt basin of two foot diameter , that has a spout in the middle , which throws up the water about two foot . from three parts of those round scollopt basins , as well as from the whole front of the three great semi-oval basins , the water does fall into the uppermost of six lesser semi-oval basins placed on each side . these lesser basins are about a yard in front , besides an allowance of about two more for the forming of the smaller falls of water that are now to be mentioned . on each side of the six lesser basins , both on the right and left of the structure , there are made little sheets of water one below another in six descents , contiguous to those made from the foresaid lesser basins . but at the bottom of this fabrick , between the falls on both sides , there is an excellent statue of narcissus at length in marble , standing upright , but looking a little downward into the water in the common basin , or receiver below ; and holding a hunting horn in one hand , whilft he draws up the other by way of admiration , at the beholding his own reflection in the water . again , turning from the fountain of venus on the left hand the same distance in this cross-walk , as we did before from thence on the right to come to the celestial globe , there is , i say , on the left such another noble fountain , in the middle of which is crected a terrestrial globe . on this globe , europe , asia , africa and america , the four parts of the world , are exactly painted , and out of the several parts of it there do spring a great number of spouts , which throw up the water from all parts round it , as in the former globe . this is likewise placed on a high pedestal , round which there are four naked boys in marble , the first with a crown on his head , the second with a turhant , the third a negro in his short frizled hair , and the fourth with long hair hanging down his back : the four boys representing the inhabitants of the four parts of the earth . at the end of this walk , beyond this globe , and on the slope of the opposite terras-walk , there is such another admirable cascade as was just now described . only in the middle of this cascade there is a marble statue of galatea sitting with a lute in her hand , at the bottom of the fabrick , where narcissus was placed in the former cascade . all along the middle of this crofs-walk , between the fountain of venus and each of the globes , as also between the globes and the cascades now deseribed , there are little canals without any jette's in them , of the same length and make with the others that were placed on the sides of the first walk . this first partition of the garden , that contains all the aforesaid fountains and cascades , does likewise contain eight several parterres , all the quarters being separated by gravel-walks on every side . the four inmost parterres do consist of divers figures in box , encompassed with beds of flowers , and in those beds there are intermixed many juniper trees growing in pyramidal forms about round and high staves painted green. but the four outmost parterres do consist of green plots , that haves statues placed upon high pedestals in the middle of every one of them , and have beds of flowers a little interspersed among the green plots , besides other beds of flowers on all the outsides of those parterres , next to the gravel-walks . the statues in the middle of those green quarters are excellently cut in marble ; they are of apollo and pomona on one side of the garden , and of bacchus and a flora on the other side , standing upright on the foresaid pedestals . the beds and parterres of this and the other gardens , are not only adorned with pyramids of juniper and box , and with shrubs of marshmallows of all colours , but contain variety of flowers , which successively blow according to the seasons of the year . in the spring there is a variety of the finest tulips , hyacinths , ranunculi , anemond , auricula ursi , narcissus , junci , &c. in the summer there are double poppies of all colours , gilliflowers , larks-heels , &c. in the autumn , the sun-flower , indian cresses , the pass-rose or stock-rose , marygolds , &c. on the walls of these gardens do grow great variety of most excellent fruit , as the best peaches , apricocks ; cherries , pears , figs , plums , muscant grapes of all sorts ; and their props are every where painted green. at four yards distance from the before-mentioned fountain of hercules , we advance forwards unto two broad stone-steps , thirteen foot and a half in front ; on both sides of which steps there are stone-rails near five foot high , and on each side of the rails are pilasters of stone , which are raised a foot higher than the rails . on the two pilasters next to the steps are placed two beautiful sphinxes with their riddle express'd or carved ; and on the two others are seen two wolfs in stone , each of them giving suck to a romulus and remus . from those pilasters and rails there is continued the whole breadth of the garden a brick-wall , that is above four foot high , wherein there are also divers pillars of brick , faced with free-stone , for the placing of flowerpots . chap. iii of the second part of the creat garden , called the upper garden ; together with the middle walk , and canals , which do divide this garden into the two parts . when we are up the two stone-steps now mentioned , we pass over a canal into the middle cross-walk , that divides this garden , and is remarkable for its double row of tall oaks on both sides of it . this walk is eighteen yards broad from the two stone-steps , and rails , unto the bridge over which we are to pass the second canal , in order to go into the upper garden . the first canal is five foot broad , the second is fourteen foot . they run from west to east , and are supplied from cascades that are made at the west-end of the foresaid walk , which has iron-rails fastned in free-stone , that is half a foot above the brick-wall , and that hath also divers stone-pilasters , ten inches broad , and as high as then iron-rails . between those rails there is a gate of wrought iron , through which we are to pass into the gardens near the old hoof. from a marble head , placed in this wall over the canals , there is on each side a double fall of water into two stone-basins , that are one below the other . the uppermost basin is about a yard in front , and the lowermost a yard and a half . about the bridge of the second canal , there is a stonework , that is extended both east and west from the bridge about sifteen foot . at both ends of this stone-work , which crosses the canal , a fountain rises in the middle of the crofs-wall , and by the declivity of a basin both ways forms a sheet of water both east and west , and also the same on both sides of the bridge . moreover , out of the walls that are on both sides of this canal , and also on each side of the bridge , there are other falls of water from stone-basins , besides some others in other parts of the canal , made by raising the water , of stopping its passage , to a certain heighth . these canals are all along bordered with green turf , and have a green slope reaching from the border down to the water . advancing forwards from the second canal about a hundred paces , in a very broad gravel-walk , we come to a most remarkable fountain , of a vast circumference . the basin of it is octangular , and there are sixteen paces distance between each of the eight angles . in the whole it is a hundred and twenty eight paces round . 't is bordered with a broad raised stone-work , and paved with pebbles , like many of the other fountains , in divers sorts of uniform figures . in the middle of this great basin there is a spout that throws up the water forty four , or forty five foot high perpendicular . and round about this spout there are placed two ranks of other spout , each of the ranks containing sixteen , which do all at a small distance encompass that high one in the middle . the inmost of these two ranks do throw up the water twelve foot high , and the outmost rank six foot . this noble fountain containing no less than three and thirty spouts , does make an agreable shower of them together , and must abundantly please and divert the most curious spectator . the water of the spout which throws it up so many foot high , is brought from a hill two leagues distant from loo , and called asselt . but the sixteen spouts which do immediately encompass that high spout , are brought from another source , called orden , about a league off . and the rest of them are supplied from the viver . a little beyond this great fountain , in the same walk , we descend by three wide stone-steps to another admirable fountain , in the middle of which there are four naked boys in marble , with four beasts between them , those boys and beasts representing the four parts of the world. over the boys heads there are four gilded scollop shells , and over the inmost part of those shells a gilded basin inverted . out of the middle of this basin the water rises in form of a peacock's tail spread out at length , about a foot and a half above the inverted basin . this fountain hath its basin bordered with free-stone , sixteen inches broad , and its stone-work raised three or four inches . from the said border to the bottom of the basin , there is rough rockwork of divers colours . but the bottom it self is bordered with white marble ten inches round , and the rest of the bottom is paved with dark pebble , among which there are also intermixed marble stones in divers figures . as we do ascend from this fountain forwards , we meet with a fall of water from one semioval stone basin , extended four foot and a half in front , and placed between three stone steps on each side of it . at the four corners of those steps , bases are raised for the placing of flower-pots . and round this fountain there is a green slope equal to the height of the steps , by which we descend to , or ascend from the aforesaid fountain . farthermore , between those steps and the border of the basin to this fountain , there is a round gravel walk above four yards broad . going ten paces forwards beyond the former cascade , we come to another , where the water falls from three stone basins , one below another ; whereof the uppermost is about three foot in front , that in the middle four foot and a half , and the lowermost five foot , besides a farther extension of these basins on both sides , for the making of lesser sheets of water of eleven inches each in front , which are likewise one below another in three descents . here is also an ascent of five stone steps on both sides of the water , with four bases at the four corners of those steps , for the placing of flower-pots . so soon as we are up these steps , we do presently turn on the right and left of the walk into semicircular galleries or porticoes , below which there are two green slopes , one below the other ; and between those slopes there are flower-pots disposed the whole length of them . each of these galleries is forty paces long , and about six yards broad ; and each of them is supported by twenty pillars . they are covered with lead to shelter from the rain , and have white ballisters four foot high upon the leads , to which there is an ascent by stairs behind the galleries . on the wall within the galleries , there are drawn the gods and goddesses at length in fresco , thirteen of them in each gallery . they are paved with white and red brick . at the farther end of them there is a descent of seven steps into the garden . beyond these galleries the former walk ●ontinues between kitchen gardens on our right and left , but we cannot see them by reason of a hedge of dutch elm five yards high . at the farther end of this walk northwards , we come to another cascade and fountain . the cascade is from one plain , long basin , about eight foot in front . on both sides of it we do ascend by three stone steps that are five yards in length , unto another fountain , that has no spout in it . the basin of it is oval , and but seven foot in length . on both sides of this fountain there are seats , covered above , painted behind in fresco , and paved below with white marble . the open space about this fountain , and between the seats , is paved with a black , white , and yellowish pebble , set in divers figures . and here going up two stone-steps more , that are extended the whole breadth of the walk , we are stopt from going farther by large iron balusters , and a canal beyond them . in the canal below , there is another fountain in the midst of gardans , made of shells , petrified earths , or spungy stones , from the top of which the water does fall on three rows , or garlands of the same substances , placed one below another . lastly , on both sides of this fountain there are other falls of water to be seen below . nor is our view here limited , though our passage be ; for looking on still forwards , we carry our prospect between trees , unto a high pyramid , erected in the heath , about half a mile's distance from the end of the garden . in this second division of the garden there are twelve parterres , with gravel-walks between them all . the six inmost quarters adjoining , three of a side , to the middle broad-walk , through which we passed , do consist divers figures in green , encompassed with beds of flowers , in the which there are divers juniper trees growing up pyramidal about green round staves , and placed at convenient distances . the six outermost of these quarters , next to the garden-wall on both sides , are all plain green . from the low wall at the bottom of the first terras-walk , unto the stone rails or steps in the lower garden on the south-side of the middle cross-walk , it is about a hundred and twelve paces . and from the steps of the side terras-walk on the right , unto the opposite steps of the other terras-walk on the left , it is two hundred and twenty paces . beyond the aforesaid cross-walk , from thence unto the galleries , it is a hundred and forty paces ; and thence to the iron bars at the farther end , about a hundred paces more . chap. iv of the king's garden , and another westward of it , called the labyrinth . on the west-side of the palace , under his majesty's apartments , there is a garden called the king's garden ; which consists of two divisions . the one has three parterres , and a fountain near the middle of them . the other is a large bowling-green . the three parterres do consist of beds of flowers , bordered with box in divers figures , with pyramids of juniper , or box , in many parts of them . the fountain is bordered with white marble , thirteen inches broad : in the middle of this fountain there is a gilded triton , holding under his left arm a gilded dolphin , out of whose mouth springs a jette , that throws up the water about six foot high . on the border of this fountain there are placed at convenient distances eight gilded sea-dragons , every one spirting the water upon the triton in the middle . the bowling-green lies on the south-side of this garden , and has the king's stables adjoining on two sides of it . at the west-end of the gravel-walk , that is between the king's garden and the bowling-green , we do pass through a gate of iron rails , partly gilded , and partly painted blew , into another garden , called the labyrinth , or wilderness . when we have here cross'd a gravel-walk , a hedge , and a green-walk , we come to an ascent of three stone-steps , on both sides of which there is a stone fabrick with ballisters in the middle , and four wrought flowerpots covered , one on each side of the ballisters . from the stone-work on each side of the steps , the water falls from three marble heads into a common basin bordered and walled with stone ; in each of these basins there are two spouts which do throw up the water six foot high . advancing westward from the said steps about thinty six paces , we come to a fountain , in the middle of which there are four sea-cupids in stone , sitting on four dolphins . between the cupids there rises a spout out a serpent's head , that throws up the water about five foot , and out of every nostril of the four dolphins there do run other little spouts . the border of the basin of this fountain is a raised stone-work ; and it is paved with white pebbles , but towards the angles ( the basin being octangular ) there are figures of large flowerdeluces in a dark pebble . at this fountain there are eight several walks to be teen , between hedges of an equal heighth , all the hedges being between seven and eight foot high . of these eight walks four are green , and the four others are of earch without turf , and ungravelled . the green walks are placed between the others . at the end of all these walks there are to be seen statues , or paintings , and westward from the fountain , besides a large piece of painting , there is a fountain with two spouts , and a fall of water out of a head placed below the painting . north and south from this foutain , at forty paces distance , we come unto other fountains . in the middle of that northwards , there are two little boys of stone , with an otter between them , out of whose mouth there rises a jette , six foot high . it is bordered with rough rockwork of divers colours , with some large concha , or shells intermixed : the bottom of the basin is paved with white and brown pebbles in different figures . at the same distance from the fountain of the sea-cupids southward , there is another fountain , in the middle of which there is a naked boy in stone , holding a scollopt shell in his hand , through which there rises another jette like to the last now mentioned ; and below this boy there is a satyr in stone . the basin of this is bordered , like the other , with rough stones and shells , and the paving is with pebbles , after the mosaick manner . beyond these three fountains , north and south , the walk is continued to some distance ; and from all those fountains there are other walks also to the east and west . and besides these walks now mentioned , there are other walks and turnings between the hedges , into which when we have gone a little way , we are obliged to return into some of the former walks by the way we entered . lastly , the ground that is between these hedges , walks , and turnings , is all planted with fruit-trees of divers kinds . chap. v of the queen's garden , and another private garden , or labyrinth beyond it , eastward . on the east-side of the palace , there is a garden that is called the queen's garden , being under the apartments appointed for her majesty , as the king's garden before described was on the king's side . both of them are of the same dimensions . this garden is divided into two parts ; whereof the one , being next to the great garden , consists of three parterres of flowers , bordered with box , and having pyramidal juniper trees in divers parts of them . the parterres are on all sides encompassed with gravel-walks ; and on the walls here are divers fort of fruit-trees , grapes , &c. besides paintings of floras , &c. in some places . in the middle of the parterres is a fountain of arion gilded , playing on a lute , and riding on a gilded dolphin , out of whose nostrils there do rise two spouts five of six foot high . the basin is bordered with white marble , thirteen inches broad . on the border are placed at convenient distances eight gilded sea-horses , every one making a jette out of each nostril . the basin is paved with a square stone , about a foot broad . on both sides of this fountain are seats painted green , next to the parterres . the other part of this garden consists of divers gravel-walks within arbors , the whole length and breadth of it , and has five fountains in the middle of all the arbors . into the middle of the first arbor-walk there is an ascent of four steps , besides a like ascent of steps at both ends of the same walk , without the arbors ; or between them and the garden walls . between those three pair of steps , there is a green slope the height of the steps , and at the top of the slope there are long beds of flowers , with juniper trees intermixed . and at the corners of all the steps there are flowerpots . the first arbor-walk that runs from west to east , and is next to the garden now described , hath eight open spaces or windows , towards the parterres , besides eight other such windows on the inside , whereas the other three sides or arbor-walks have their windows only on the inside of the walk . these windows and five foot and a half long , and near upon the same height ; and they are square at bottom , and convex at top . the four long arbor-walks , on the four sides of this part of the queen's garden , are each above threescore paces long , and twelve foot and a half wide , at the four corners , or ends of these walks , there is placed a cupid above the seat , and from those seats we can see through windows cut in the inward arbors , diametrically cross this part of the garden , three of the five fountains , that are presently to be described . besides the four gravel-walks within the arbors , and three other gravel-walks without the arbors , next to the garden-wall ; there are other walks within arbors that are not gravelled , the which do wind and turn in uniform figures from the middle of one of the side arbor-walks to the middle of another . and between these there are parterres with fountains in them . in the middle of all the arbors there is a fountain with a large gilded triton , sitting on a rock of stones and shells , and blowing through a gilded horn a spout about eight foot high . the basin is border'd with rough rockwork . it is paved with pebbles , and white marble set among them , cut in oval , or diamond forms . from the middle of the four long arbor-walks unto this fountain there are four direct walks , and between these walks there are four little gardens , or parterres , separated from the said gravel-walks by hedges of dutch elm , about four foot high . in the middle of each of these four little gardens , there is a distinct fountain , and in each of the fountains there is place a gilded triton , sitting on a gilded sea-horse , or an a sea-goat , all upon rockwork , like that in the middle fountain ; and the basins of these are paved like the former . but these four tritons and basins are less in proportion than that in the middle fountain . one of these four tritons holds a cup in his right hand , through which there rises a jette six of seven foot . the second holds a trident in his hand , and through the three spikes of the trident are made three dards or spouts . the third holds a fish , and makes a spout through the mouth of the fish . and the fourth blows another through a twined trumpet . all the spouts in these four fountains do rise much about the same height . and besides these , the sea-horses on which the four trions do ride , do all make a little sheet of water from their tongues . about the first and largest of these five tritons , placed in the middle of those other four fountains , and the arbors , there are eight semicircular seats , covered behind and over head arbor-like ; the seats and prop-work , and also the prop-work of all the arbors being painted green . every one of these seats is above eight foot wide , and ten foot high . and between the four gravel-walks , which come to this fountain from the middle of the four side-arbor walks , there are two of these eight seats , as also between every two seats there is an entrance five foot wide into the partorres of one of the four lesser fountains . all along these gravel-walks , and round the middle fountain , there are placed orange-trees , and lemmon trees in portable wooden frames , and flower-pots about them . in a corner of the queen's garden , next to the terras-walk of the great garden , and under one corner of the palace , there is a fine grotto , consisting of the roots of trees , flints , and shells , disposed in a rough grotesco manner , and in one corner of this grotto there is a aviary . the room for the grotto is paved with black and white marble , there being two fountains in it over-against one another , and they are raised arch-wise from the bottom to the top of the room , the border round the fountains being raised above a foot from the floor , in order to hinder the water from wetting the room . the sides are embellished with divers sorts of shells , and all parts of the windows beautisied with the same , in divers figures . there are three gates or passages into this room , one from the queen's garden , another from the great garden , under the terras-walk , the third goes into a little room , where a couch is placed for repose , and thence we go into another room adorned all over with abundance of porcelaine , or china . the aviary is exposed to the open air , but incompassed with a small grate , to confine the birds ; and there is a place in the corner of the grotto for the birds to retreat into , from the rain , or weather . on the eastside of the queen's garden , there is another garden for retirement , with walks , and hedges of witch-elm , about eight foot high ; into which we do pass out of the former through a gate of wrought iron , painted blew and gilt. turning in it northwards in the second walk , we come to a noble fountain , unto which we descend by six stops ; but in the middle of these steps there is a small fall of water in six descents from a fountain at the top of the step ; and from thence the water runs in a small channel cross the walk that encompasses the fountain which i am going to describe . this fountain is oblong , or of an oval figure ; its diameter is in length twenty paces , and it is about ten paces wide . in the middle of this basin there is a round rock , of rough stones , shells , and forgecinders , about a yard above the water . out of this rockwork there springs a jette about five yards high , from the middle of it ; and from the other parts round about this rock there do rise abundance of other spouts . this fountain is bordered with green turf , on the slope of which border there are placed at due distances six collopt shells of wrought stone . into all these shells there is a fall of water from the mouth of a wrought head , joined to the shell in one and the same stone ; and from four parts of each shell the water falls into the basin of the fountain , which is not paved at all , the bottom being only of earth , as the border of it and the slope were of turf . round this fountain , next to the hedge , and directly behind the foresaid six shells , there are six statues in stone , or so many little cupids standing upon high pedestals of wrought stone ; and at the bottom of each pedestal there is a fall of water into a small square stone-basin , from whence the water runs under the walk into one of the heads and shells that were before mentioned to be placed on the slope below the border . the first of these cupids is drinking out of a stone-cup held in one hand , and has a bunch of grapes in the other . the second holds a tulip in his right hand . the third is reading in a book , through a pair of spectacles , held near the book . the fourth has a play-thing in his hand . the fifth has a snake , which he squeezes hard in his arms. and the sixth leans upon a spade . also round about this fountain there are placed fifty orange-trees in frames . going still northwards about thirty paces from this fountain , we come at the end of this walk to a statue of venus at length , a little stooping , and holding cupid by both hands . the venus is placed on a stone pedestal , and out of a wrought head at the bottom of the pedestal , there is a fall of water into a small stone-basin . a little eastward of this statue of venus , there is another fountain in a square stone-basin . in the middle of it there is a small fall of water from a round stone-basin , whence the water does fall equally all round in one sheet . and besides another cascade that is here made out of a head into a large basin , there are five other falls of water from out of the walls of this fountain , each of them about a foot in breadth . chap. vi of the voliere , or fowl-garden . at the west-end of the middle walk that divides the great garden into two parts , we pass through a gate of wrought iron , into a walk between high trees , that goes southward into the first labyrinth , described in the fourth chapter , and northwards as far as the heath , that is beyond all the gardens . at this garden-gate , we behold the old hoof directly before us westward , but are separated from it by two moats , between which there are five rows of lime-trees ; on the south of which the labyrinth is seated , and on the north the fowl garden , that is now to be described . advancing from the foresaid gate fifty paces northwards , we turn to the gate of the fowl garden on our left , to which we pass on a bridge over the moat . this gate is likewise of wrought iron , painted blew and gilt. going from this gate two and twenty paces , we descend by three steps to a noble fountain and cascade , round which fountain from the bottom of the steps to the border of its basin there is a walk twelve foot and a half broad , into which walk there are four descents by three steps , four opposite ways : and between the one and the other row of steps there is a green slope round the fountain . the basin of this fountain is oblong , or oval , and of a great circumference , the diameter at least forty paces in length , and about twenty four paces in breadth . it is designed for the use of divers sorts of fowl ; and there are houses built on the two sides of this garden , for sheltering the fowl. in the middle of this fountain there is a jette , that throws up the water about twenty foot ; and below the jette there is a triple cascade , made from three round basins , whereof the uppermost appears to make a sheet about a foot in depth , the middle-one near about two foot , and the lowermost four foot . between these three basins the spaces or intervals are filled all round with shells , &c. the which shells are seen round them through the sheets of water that fall from the said basins . on the north and south-side of this fountain , six yards from one of the descents by three steps , there are two summer houses , the one opposite to the other . they are within painted in fresco and bronze , and have cupola's over them , painted blew and gilded . into these houses we enter by folding doors , which consist : of two foot wainscot from the bottom , the rest in broad glass up to the cupola . each of these houses hath four shash-windows , besides the doors , and hath on each side of them contiguous to the middlemost and largest windows , an aviary , wherein are kept curious foreign , or singing birds . when the shash-windows next to the aviaries are opened , there is still a wire-grate remaining , to hinder the birds from flying out of their aviaries into the summer-houses . these houses are paved with white and red marble , cut into curious figures , but they are bordered all round with black marble , of half a foot breadth , over which border there is also a ledge of white marble , between the black , and the wainscot . the aviaries that adjoin to summer-houses , are likewise covered with lesser cupola's of lead , painted blew and gilded ; but large cupola in the middle has a round glas-window , and another little cupola above the window , and on the top of the highest cupola in each house there is a gilded pine-apple placed on a gilded basis . these aviaries have on three sides grates of wire , which do reach from the cupola above , to a stone-wall about two foot high at bottom . the two outmost side-grates have wooden shutters without them , and those shutters an oval glass-window in them towards the top . in the middle of the aviaries there is a jette , whose water falls into a little shallow leaden basin , near a yard square . behind these aviaries there are other lesser ones , open above , and on one side , for the receiving some particular birds , that must be more in the open air , or that must be kept alone by themselves . and besides these aviaries , there are in two corners of this garden , on the northwest , and southeast , two other houses in three divisions , for ducks , pigeons , poultrey , & c. with holes on both sides at the bottom for the fowl to enter . the middle part of these houses is now used for tame pigeons , and has a large wire-grate towards the air , and a spout in the middle , that falls into a shallow round leaden basin of about two foot diameter . round the uppermost walk that encompasses this fountain , there are high stakes joined together , five yards above this walk , being a prop for the hedges to grow on , that are now of that heigth , according to the manner that is frequently used in the low countries . in four places of this hedge there are also semicircular arbors , of the height of the hedge , with seats at convenient distances from the summer-houses . between this hedge and the wall of this garden there are some plain parterres bordered with box , and in other places ever-greens set here and here . chap. vii of the park , and its fountains , long canal , cascade , &c. together with the viver , that supplies the fountains and cascades with water : as also a description of six other vivers , or fish-ponds . the park is a great space of ground containing many long green walks , groves , nurseries : fountains , canals , cascades , the viver and divers corn-fields , within the pales . so that when his majesty is pleased to take diversion at home , there is not wanting game for shooting , setting , &c. as we go from the fowl-garden westwards , we do leave the old hoof on the the left hand , and at the west-end of this garden we come to a large wire-grate , of the bigness of a large gate , on both sides of which grate we pass through doors into the park , and first to a long canal , in the which there are no less than a hundred and eight spouts , half on one side , and the other half on t'other side of the canal . they throw the water above four foot high , and the water of every spout is made to fall on the contrary side of the canal . this canal is about six foot broad , and the distance between every one of the spouts is five foot , so as that between every two on the same side there are ten foot distance . at the beginning and end of the canal , there are placed two spouts falling the one upon the place of the other ; but all the rest do fall on the contrary side , and distant from the opposite spouts , the whole length of the canal . all these spouts do fall into the figure of an arch. this canal reaches from the gate of the fowl-garden already described , unto a great cascade that will be presently mentioned ; it has hedges on each side five yards high ; and on the farther side of the hedge south of the canal , has a stately grove of tall trees , and northwards of it has all along a nursery of young ones . about half way , the walk on each side between the hedge and the border of the canal is about five foot broad , but the other half way , next the cascade , the walk is widened unto fifteen foot on both sides . the canal is bordered with green turf , and has a slope of the same from the border down to the water . about the middle of this canal , on the south-side , there is placed a marble statue of a flora at length , on a high stone pedestal ; and on each side of the flora there is also a head ; the which statue and heads are seen as at the end of a long green walk north of the canal , the which walk is a hundred and seventy paces , to go from the canal unto the fountain of faunus , that will soon be described . at the west-end of this long canal , we come to a most noble fabrick of wrought stone , or to the cascade of the fishers , sometimes also called the cypher fountain . it is joined to the side of one of the walks about the viver ; it has ballisters at the top of the fabrick , and joining to the walk above ; and there are covered flowerpots upon the ballisters . on each side of this cascade there are two several ascents by stone-steps . and first we come to four steps , on the corners of which there are placed two little dragons , out of whose mouths the water falls into two scollopt stone basins at the bottom , under the dragons . from these four steps on both sides , we cross over other canals by a stone-bridge , and then come to eleven stone-steps more . these canals do serve to carry away good part of the water that makes this cascade , and the rest of it runs into the long canal , just now described . in the middle of this cascade , below the ballisters , there are four little boys a fishing , and drawing a nett full of fish ; the four little boys are of stone , with leaden net-work coloured like stone , in their arms ; and through a great deal of this net-work placed between the boys , the water falls into the a large wrought basin , and from this basin the water falls again in five several places between other net-work . two of these falls of water from the said basin are made into a stone canal below , that runs along the side of the wall , under the stone bridges into the canals on the north and south sides of the cascade . the three other falls are thence made first upon rockwork , and from thence into a common or general basin that receives the water aforesaid , besides what comes from the spouts , and bell , that will be presently mentioned . moreover , into the said canal that runs along the side of the wall of this casacade , there are four other falls of water , whereof the two outward are from two heads of stone , the two inward from two heads of marble , placed at due distances in the wall aforesaid . the water from the heads of stone falls directly into the canal , but from the heads of marble it falls into stone-basins , that are about a yard in front , and from them the sheet of water falls into the said canal . besides , out of the lower wall of this canal there are two other falls out of two more heads of marble into two other stone-basins of the same bigness with the former , and directly under those heads of marble and basins , that were before mentioned to be placed in the upper wall of the canal , or the side-wall of the cascade . and from these two basins the sheets of water of fall into the general basin at bottom . in the middle of the common basin there is a large inverted bell of water , near two yards high , and the diameter of its basis on the top seems to be much about two yards likewise . about this bell there do arise twelve spouts which throw up the water about eight foot . on the north and south sides of the basin , wherein were the said great bell , adn the twelve spouts , there are other lesser bells of water inverted , on each side one . these do rise about a foot high , and the diameter of them at the top is much the same . the common basin below the cascade is bordered with a broad stone of sixteen inches breadth , and walled with rock-work ; and the whole space between the said border , and the long canal before described , as well as to the stone-stairs on either side of this cascade , is taken up chiefly with little stone-canals of seven inches breadth , their border but two inches . but in the intervals between those little canals the space is paved with white and black pebbles in divers figures . from the two lesser bells the water does run along those little canals , which besides the flourish they do make on each side , do form the letters r. w. m. r. and above those letters the said small canals are so disposed , as to form the representation of a crown . moreover , from among these pebbles , with which all the intervals between the little canals are paved , there are made to rise , when 't is thought fit , by the turning of two scocks , about fourscore the most minute spouts that can be conceived . they are like a shower of small rain , artisicially made in a certain order . one half of the fourscore is made to play by the turning of one cock , and the t'other half by turning the other . and these cocks are turned in the walk above the cascade , or between it and the viver . every one of these little spouts plays about a yard high , and the pipe of every one of them is covered with a small copper cover , that has five little holes through which the water does rise in five small branches , like to a very small shower of rain . some of the covers of these pipes are half an inch , others are three quarters of an inch diameter . but in short , they do make a very pleasant and agreeable sight , whenever they are made to play : and they are intended to divert the spectators , by causing a small rain unawares on those who shall advance within the compass of their reach . i did before mention two pair of stone-steps , the one of four , the other of eleven steps on the north and south sides of this cascade . from the two sides of the lowermost , or least pair of steps , where the little dragons were said to be placed , there are continued from the steps on one side to the steps on the other side of the cascade , all round this space ( which was said to be paved with pebbles , and to consist of the soresaid stone canals ) two circles of stone of fourteen inches , breadth , which do serve instead of a double border to the whole ; the two borders keeping the same distance from one another throughout , as the steps do make in front , or breadth . when we are up the second pair of stairs of eleven steps , we enter upon a walk , that encompasses a large quadrangular pond , called the viver , being the common storehouse of the water that supplies so many of these fountains , cascades , and canals . the walk on the four sides of the viver is seven yards broad ; it is a gravelled walk ; and on the side next to the water it is adorned with juniper-trees two yards high , adn six yards distance from one another ; and on the other side of it has lime-trees at the same distance , besides large round bushes between the lime-trees . the viver is a hundred and forty paces long , and threescore and ten paces broad . it is bordered with green , and has a green slope from the border down to the water . at the west-end of the viver , in the middle of the walk , we do pass through another gate , the bars partly gilt , and partly blew , into a long shady grove , usually called the queen's grove , wherein there are divers walks , some near unto brooks of a clear running water , others at some distance from the brooks , and all of them as solitary and retired , as can well be imagined . this grove is of a good extent , and in the summer-time very delightful . and now before we end , let us return unto the east-gate of the fowl-garden , from whence we may enter north-west into a long walk between high trees , there being a grove on each side beyond the rows of trees . in this walk , when we have gone about two hundred and twenty paces , and there cross'd another long green walk , towards the middle of this walk , where the groves do end , we do at length come to the fountain of faunus , whose basin is round , and about fifty seven foot diameter . in the middle of this fountain there is crected the statue of faunus in stone at length , with an infant in his arms , and a goat at his feet to suckle the infant . this statue of faunus does lean upon a stone pillar , and stands upon a high pedestal of a blew stone , placed in the midst of a rock , consisting of many rough stones , petrified earth of divers colours , and large shells here and there intermixed . from about this rockwork there are made six double sheets of water , whereof each double fall is over-against a several walk . for from this fountain there are six distinct walks , one opposite to another . and round about it , between each of the six walks , near the corners of the walks , there are placed two statues in half-length of the termini , or gods of boundaries , twelve in all ; some of which twelve statues have the face of a man , and some of a satyr ; and they are placed upon pedestals two yards high . all these walks are twenty two , or twenty four foot broad ; they are green in the middle , and on each side of the green they are plain earth ungravelled , according to the dutch custom , to about four foot and a half breadth on each side of the green. the hedges of all these walks do consist of trees both great and small , planted close together . here are also other handsome long walks in the park , that are not mentioned ; besides brooks , and fishponds within the grove on the sides of the long canal . there is one thing more very remarkable in these many fountains and cascades that have been described ; as that they are supplied with a natural conveyance of water that does constantly run , and is not forc'd up with engines into great cisterns , where it must soon corrupt and stink , if not quickly discharged . whence it comes to pass , that the famous water-works at versailles have in this regard a very great disadvantage and inconvenience , because they soon contract corruption , and after they are forc'd to play , are found to cause an ill stench in the gardens . whereas at loo the water is always sweet , and there is no need of commands , or preparations for a day or two before , in order to make it run . these gradens in the whole are a work of wonderful magnisicence , most worthy of so great a monarch ; a work of prodigious expence , infinite variety , and curiosity ; and after nine years labour by abundance of workmen they were some years ago intirely finished , and brought to perfection in all respects . i should here conclude this description , if i did not judge it it may be acceptable to give a short account of six vivers , or fish-ponds , which his majesty has caused to be made in the heath , beyond the gardens . when i was at loo , two years since , there were about two hundred persons imployed in the making the said vivers , which are since finished . they are situated on the east-side of that walk which is continued from the end of the upper garden , between lime-trees , unto a pyramid that is crected half a mile off in the heath . the first of these vivers is about twenty yards distant from the lime-trees , and is eight hundred and forty foot , or two hundred and eighty yards in length . and it is two hundred and forty foot , or fourscore yards in breadth . all the six vivers do lye eastward of one another , and the water is conveyed from one to another , after the manner as in the fist-ponds in hide-park . to the first there is made a subterrancan passage , built of brick , from the canal that runs at the north-end of the great garden , by the which passage the water is brought into the first viver , and from that let into the others . the second viver is in length six hundred and twelve foot , or two hundred and four yards ; and it is two hundred and forty foot , or fourscore yards broad . the third viver is four hundred forty four foot , or a hundred forty eight yards long ; and of the same breadth with the two former . the fourth , sifth , and sixth vivers , are all of the same length , that is , three hundred ninety six foot , or one hundred thirty two yards long ; and they are all three of the same breadth , that is , four hundred forty four foot , or one hundred forty eight yards . the length of the three first vivers is extended northwards , but that of the three latter is made eastward ; the situation of the ground , wherein they are made , requiring this alteration . for on the north-side the heath has a rising ascent , which makes this alteration of the dimensions necessary . between the vivers and this rising-ground there is room enough for receiving the water that shall at any time be emptied out of them , in order to fill them with fresh water . they are not made above six foot deep , and the earth that is dug out of them does serve to make the banks round about them ; the which banks being raised three foot above the vivers , does occasion that their depth is but three foot more . the banks that surround all the six vivers are twenty four foot broad , and on those banks which so encompass them , there is made a pleasant walk , adorned with willows the whole circumference . but the banks which serve to separate them from one another , are but eighteen foot broad . these vivers are provided for the supplying different sorts of fish ; and are now finished by a model of mosieur marot , a very ingenious mathematician , who is the same person that first designed all these gardens and fountains ; but the orders relating to them were from time to time given by the right honourable the earl of portland ; and his lordship's directions were punctually observed by monsieur des marais , his majesty's chief architect , a gentleman of great endowments and capacity . a short account of holland . in the foregoing description i have given the reader a moderate comprehension of those famous gardens ; the finishing of which so nobly , and with that great variety , is the more to be admired , because it was done during the late war , when all things were at stake , and the event was feared so much by most men . and although things were not indeed in that danger from the french , as the roman state was , when hannibal was at the gates of rome , yet it puts me in mind of a brave action of that great people , who , whilst hannibal was just under their walls with his army , and some of the fields whereon he was incamped , happening to be then exposed to publick sale , were no destitute of purchasers of the magnanimity , who at that very time gave even the market price for an estate then in possession of the greatest and most deadly enemy that ever threatned that republick , from the first founding of the city . and this is the more remarkable , because the french king , at the breaking out of this war , though his coffers were then full of an inexhaustible treasure , as 't was thought ; and though he had an inclination to magaincent buildings beyond all his predecessors , yet he immediately ordered a full stop to be put to all his publick works : well foreseeing what a terrible storm he had brought upon his kingdom , and with how great a general he was like to contend . insomuch that this grand monarch , who was often said to give peace to europe , out of a certain peculiar generosity , when he had on a sudden snatcht away from his neighbours one province after another , and his slow enemies had begun to form their forces ; this monarch , i say , was by the late long and expensive war , by the firmness of the confederate union , and by the prospect of a peace with the turks , brought to such fears and apprehensions , that he purchased a peace with a strange and surprizing dismembring his great monarchy , and by the surrendring an incredible number of large and rich provinces , and many forts and strong towns that were thought to be impregnable . an since there is so near a proximity between loo and holland , i cannot here omit to say somewhat of that great , and considerable people , among whom these gardens are to be seen . but this subject having been excellently well performed , if not in a manner exhausted , by one of the best of our english pens , who has joined together the scholar and the gentleman in his writings , as well as any of our modern authors ; and particularly in his late essays upon ancient and modern learning , &c. i shall therefore refer my reader to sir william temple's curious observatios upon the united provinces of the netherlands , for a more distinct and full knowledge of this great subject ; and yet however i will not pass it by altogether in silence . the belgae , or the low countries , were for their valour and courage eminent above other people , even in the time of julius caesar , who at the beginning of his commentaries , de bello gallico , has these words . horum omnium fortissimi sunt belgae . when caesar had divided gaul into three parts , he says the stoutest and most couragious of them all , were the belgae , or low countrymen , then called gallica belgica , and since divided into seventeen provinces under the dominion of the house of austria , until william the wise and valiant prince of orange first rescued , and the invincible prince maurice of nassaw , by abundance of victories , and sieges , compleated the peace of , seven of those provinces , and established them in a free republick , on the 9th of april , 1609. again tacitus , lib. 4. says , quicquid roboris apud gallos sit , belgas esse : that the chiefest strength of all france was in these people . by which it appears , that the dominion of france was then greater than it is now , and yet europe was not overrun with it . that providence , which certainly counducts and over-rules the affairs of the world , sets bounds to empires , as well as to the sea. but to proceed , we have had , in the late war , sufficent experience of the fortitude and valour of the provinces now mentioned . for what horse have done their duty , or fought better upon occasion that the walloons , so miserable to look upon , usually called the spanish horse , though natives of flanders , and brabant ? or what foot have done better service in the late war than the dutch , either in sieges , or in battels ? for if i were to speak of the english soldiery , or were askt which were the best soldiers , the french or the belgae , i sshould answer , the englissh , as sir walter rawleigh did , when putting the question , in his book of the world , which were the bravest soldiers , the roman , or the grecian , made answer the english ; who , if they were in his time of such account and esteem , when only a queen , though she indeed a most excellent one , sate on the throne , and lest her armies to the conduct of her gener●is : what admiration ought now to be had of the english , when they have our present king at the head of them ! for we must not forget , tanti esse f , quanti imperatorem . that the strength of an army is to be truly measured by the valour and conduct of the general . and we may have some reason to doubt , whether alexander the great had a better army , or better soldiers , even of his grecians , with which it was his good fortune to conquer the world before him , and the which he led so boldly and bravely against a great concourse of persians , who were a weak and esseminate people ; than our edward the third , or henry the fifth , conducted against france it self , that was always esteemed a warlike people , and was long ago adjudg'd such by caesar himself , by his own experience , after he had conquer'd them , and the rest of europe . those two famous english kings , i say , did sufficiently manisest the superiority of english armies to all others , upon better trials than with persians , when they had kings at their head , like to themselves , and worthy to conduct them . the knowledge of this truth , made the late renowned and excellent general turenne , so much to covet english soldiers before all others , and even before his own countrymen , in the armies he commanded . and this made him so desirous of the honour , to be called father of the english , when he was their friend and prorector . the last demonstration we have had of the english undaunted courage , was lately before namur , where in the first attack that was made , the english red-coats struck such a terror on the french , by an unparalel'd bravery , that they were never able to recover themselves from the fright , during the siege . and when the town was forced to surrender , and the king then ordered away all the english to the succour of prince vandemont , after the famous retreat he had made , and to preserve brussels from falling into the hands of villeroy , at the time he bombarded it ; the elector of bavaria , as i have heard , begg'd of his majesty the detaining four english battalions towards carrying on the siege of the castle , and forts adjoining to the end that the same terror might still remain with the enemy , which the valour of the english had struck so deeply upon them . and of how great weight and force to the animating a people , or army , the genius of a good general is , may be evinced , by that dismal revolution , which happened to the united provinces in the year 1672. this people , so famous in history for their courage , and who had so gallantly signalized themselves for it against the spaniards , when they were besieged by them in leyden , haerlem , and alcmar ; when it happened that the inundation of the french armies came upon them in that year , they made no manner of resistance , their towns hardly staid for a summons to surrender , the french were advanced within sight of amsterdam , and all the people of holland seem'd to be without a soul , as they were without a head. now at this so strange and fatal a juncture , when once the perpetual edict , for abrogating the office of stadtholder , was annulled and at end , and the then young prince of orange was restored to the power and dignity of his ancestors , behold all things quickly recovered new life , the soldiers resumed the courage they had lost , and the many towns that were subjected to the french , in gelderland , over-issell , utrecht , and in part of holland it self , they were soon obliged to restore , and with the same celerity , as they had before over-run them . nay , and the strong town of grave , situated upon the maese , defended so well by chamilly , and which the french were so unwilling quit , was by the vigor and prudent conduct of the same successful general , our present most august monarch , soon reduced to the obedience of the states . moreover , to the same cause , under god , to the influence and conduct of the same general ; our most magnanimous king , at the head of the confederate army , spain does now owe , not only the recovery of catalonia , that was entirely lost ; but the preservation of brabant and flanders , by the surrendring of aeth , and courtray ; the restitution of luxemburgh and hainault ; and the late conquest of namur it self , in sight of a french army of above a hundred thousand men . and lastly , to the same generalissimo europe will ever be indebted for this glorious , and wonderful peace , that it now so happily enjoys , and which will always be recorded by historians , to the immortal praise of the great king william , and to the admiration of all posterity . the dutch are not now torn and divided into factions , and parties , but are generally unanimous in their counsels , calm in their deliberation , and soon resolve on such supplies or taxes , as are necessary for the safety and welfare of the state. formerly indeed , by the influence of french emissaries , they have laboured under divisions and animosities , to the detriment , and danger of the state ; and they have not always hearkened to the wisest counsel , witness their hasty conclusion of the peace at nimmeguen . but it is now become a frequent observation among the dutch , as a gentleman of theirs of good understanding , and considerable employment , informed me , that in all things wherein they have been found to follow the wise counsel and advice of our present king , they have always found themselves to be successful ; and whensoever they have rejected , or not followed the same wise counsel , they have as often proved unfortunate , as the events themselves have afterwards demonstrated . and hence it comes to pass , that now the state of the war for the next year can there be determined in as few days , as it is in months in some other countries . and now the pensionary of holland consulting two or two three days with the stadtholder , does bring matters of the greatest moment to a shorter issue , than can be easily expected from the different sentiments of a great number of counsellors , though never so wise . holland does contain a greater number of large , populous , and considerable towns , than possibly are to be found so near together in any other part of the universe . but though it abounds with multitudes of inhabitants , and is enriched with so many great towns , such as amsterdam , the hague , leyden , dort , delf , rotterdam , haerlem , the briel , &c. and others , as remarkable as the chief cities in other countries , yet it yields to their sustenance little or no product of corn or grain . they are sain to fetch from the baltick , and other places , where it is plentiful , corn enough to supply themselves , and their neighbours , who want it . and they do send out great fleets every year for that purpose . all this country is a low level , lower tan the sea it self in many places , and defended from the inundation of the sea by incredible dykes , or banks . all the seventeen provinces are commonly called the low countries ; no that they are all a low level like unto holland , but because they are situated towards the lower part of the rhine , and therefore are now called by authors germania inferior , or lower germany . the country of holland is excellent for pasture , and cultivated to the best advantage by mighty labour and industry of the inhabitants . they have cut large canals through all parts of the country , by means of which they do go commodiously and pleasantly from town to town , at a regulated easy expence , in cleanly and large vessels , covered from the weather , which set out constantly at certain hours , whether the passengers are many or few , so soon as a bell has done ringing . and by means of the said canals , they do enrich , and water their grounds at pleasure , and by wind-mills they do throw out the water again , as they judge convenient . as we travel along these canals , it is delightful to see so many noble country houses , bordering upon them , and adorned with near gardens , within sight of ●ll passengers . the water of these canals is not offensive to the smell , even in the summer time , although generally they are a standing water . possibly the great number of boats that are continually plying to and fro , and drawn by horses upon the trot , do keep the water in that agitation , that it has not time to putrify , and grow offensive . if this low country wants any thing , it is that variety of different objects , which we do enjoy so much here in england ; and the which variety is so acceptable and agreable to the nature of mankind , who do all , and in every thing , consist of variety , as in languages , voices , persons , countenances , gestures , hand-writing , cloaths , appetites , gustoes , and what not . for what can contribute so much to the establishing our healths , when declining into a consumptive state , as variety even of country-air ? or to what end has providence made that insinite provision of flesh , and fish , and all other sustenance , if not to please and gratify the different appetites of men ? and i am mightily mistaken , if even in physick too , the constant , long continuance of the same medicines will have that good effect on abundance of constitutions in chronical cases , as a change , and variety , and alteration of medicines . but to return ; there is little of our variety to be seen in holland . in travelling from place to place we do every where see the same sort of country again and again . one house that we look upon may differ in dimensions , or other circumstances from another house ; but the countrey in one place has the same aspect and resemblance to that in another , as an egg is like to an egg. so that after our first curiosity is reasonably well satisfied , our entertainment in the boats is commonly a book , or viewing the mixt company , or sometimes discourse of i know not what , to pass away the time . he that would see kind of paradise in this country , must go by land from dort one league towards breda ; and there he will see all the way a country so adorned with fine houses , and fine gardens , and with that variety of trees , planted in good order , and on all sides , that he will not know which way to cast his eye first , so many objects will invite him . perhaps he will find himself distracted with as much diverting variety , as a young gentleman or lady is wont to be , when they first come out of the country , and take the diversion of the ring in hidepark in good weather , on a sunday evening , when the town is full . i need not describe the charms , the lustre , the atractions of living objects there , originals in the greatest perfection that nature ever drew , and such masterpieces of man and womankind , as neither italy it self , nor all the world perhaps , can equal , or shew the like , as in this our paradise of women , as england has been often and justly called ; nor need i hint how the eyes of young comers do there nimbly rowl about , not without pain sometimes , and even danger of distortion . the dutch brabant to say nothing now of the velawe ) from bergen-op zoom to breda , boisleduc , and so to grave , is for much the greatest part a barren and sandy country , where horses do seldom travel above a league an hour . it is indeed a very strong frontier , and hard to be attempted ; and therefore the french , when they made their memorable inroad on these provinces in the year 1672. thought it more adviseable to hazard the difficult passage of the rhine it self , by swimming one of the greatest rivers of europe , than to make its attack upon any part of this large frontier , where the towns were so strong , and forrage would have been so scarce . i was never in frieseland , nor groningen , and therefore shall say nothing of those parts . once i rid from dieren to zutphen , over the issell , in order to see a most noble and magnisicent house of the right honourable the earl of albemarle , that his lordship has lately built about half a league from zutphen , and from which city there is a very spacious avenue , or access made to the house , between a double row of trees ; his lordship possessing a considerable estate in that province . this house has noble gardens adjoining to it , and made after the greatest models , with terras-walks , fountains , cascades , canals , &c. but they were not then finished , no more than the house , when i went to see them , after the last campagne . his lordship is descended of an ancient family in this country , and was baron of keppell , or kappell , a town of note in the jurisdiction of zutphen , before he was made an english earl ; and his lordship is admitted among the noblemen of holland , which compose one part of the states , or have their representation in the states general . it is now twenty years since i was in zealand , having been then sent to ulussing to see a sick gentleman ; whom after i had , through god's blessing , soon put into a state of sasety , i went to see middleburgh : and going thither upon a high causeway , and looking down upon the country , i could not but think it anciently belonged to the dominion of the sea , from whence it has therefore properly its name of zealand . they are towns of great : trade , and ships of the greatest burthen , or force , do ride in deep canals , in the middle of the streets of ulussing , as well as in some parts of middleburgh . great geographers may indeed write learnedly of all the world , though they never were out of the country they were born in ; nor ever hazarded their persons , by dangerous travels , in order to form their notions , or experience , yet i shall give but a short and slender account of my observations in these provinces , because my travels here have been none of the greatest . i always thought it my duty to continue in my proper post , that so i might be ready to receive the honour of the king's commands , when his majesty sshould judge it convenient to lay any upon me . for in my profession sudden accidents do sometimes happen , which will not allow that liberty or curiosity which other gentlemen may take at plaesure . travelling abroad is certainly of singular use to the accomplishing a gentleman . it enlarges all his faculties , and takes off that narrowness or littleness of mind , which for want of knowing the world , is apt to sowre his temper and conversation . it makes men have just , and kind , and charitable ideas of mankind ; and though many of our gentlemen have so great natural endowments , and have besides such advantages above foreigners , by their education in our own unversities , that they do not seem to want either this , or any other improvement ; yet travelling will , as it were , polish even a diamond , take off its roughnes , and give it a new lustre . and lastly , it will have that good essect , if it be well employed , as to make him love his own country the better . and e●glishmen , that travel , prove very unhappy , or make but little good use of it , if after they have seen what is to be seen abroad , they do not relish and admire the abundant happiness of their own country , much better than they did before . a traveller in this country must be easy , and obliging in his carriage , must make no noise , and but little dispute about his reckonings ; and then he will seldom have just cause of complaints . he must be contented with what he finds upon the spot , and must take care to put his host to as little trouble as may be . the more he appears a man of quality , the more he must expect sometimes to pay for it ; but in the general , if he be prudent , and of a quiet peaceable temper , he will travel in this country with as much frugality and fair dealing , as he can in any other , notwithstanding the clamors which have sometimes been made through the indiscretion of stranger . great taxes are here sussered patiently , and without murmuring , for the sake of the liberty , and security they enjoy . they are all laid as equally as possible ; and he that can invent a new and easy tax , that will not be grievous to the people , shall be sure not to fail of a publick reward . whatever is said of laws , their taxes are not like cobwebs , in which the lesser flies are usually catch'd , whilst the greater break through and escape . the inferior people , and the rich , do pay to a penny the same pound-rate , in proportion to their abilities . no body there thinks it their interest ( or at least it was never practised ) to promote unequal , or uneasy taxes , that shall crush one part with an insupporatble burthen , and leave other parts free from feeling the weight . and their excises , although they reach almost every thing imaginable , are but little felt bythe generality , or cause but few complaints , by reason that all do share alike in the payments , according to their consumption ; and that they reach the luxurious and expensive , more than the poor , or frugal people . their having but one flesh-market , and one fish-market , &c. in a large town , renders the collection also easy and certain . fustice is so well distributed among them , and severely executed , that many do think a traveller may with more safety pass through all the seven provinces with his purse in his hand , by day and by night , than go ten miles out of london with money in his pocket . insomuch that few do ' susser here on the account of felonies and burglaries , excepting some swart-makers of late , who did blacken their faces to conceal themselves in their robberies . but that gang has been happily disovered , and i think extirpated before this time . those that ever rob , or steal , are all hang'd in chains on the gallows , or remain on the wheel they were broke upon , until the fowls of the air have done picking their bones , and they drop asunder . the which exemplary punishment has that good effect in deterring others from the like offences , that it is thought more do dye by the hands of the common executioner in london at one or two sessions , than do on such accounts in a year in all the seven provinces . though all opinions , that are not dangerous to the state , do here find a refuge , and are tolerated without scruple ; yet idle people , who will not work for a livelihood , and have no visible way of subsisting honestly , will not long meet with a safe sanctuary in these provinces . the magistrate will soon find them out , and make them give a probable account how they live and subsist . they who desire to see what becomes of idle drones , or profligate wretches , may take a walk to the rasp-bouses , and spin-bouses , where they will find them busily employed at their daily tasks ; but if they will not work there according to appointment , the pump is ready for the one , to work or drown , and due correction to enforce the other . indeed the musick-houses , where loose people may meet in the evenings , are suffered by connivance , if not allowed by authority , at amsterdam , for some politick considerations , and particularly , that the east-india seamen , or others , when they are trouble with too much money , after a long voyage , may here have the convenience of disburthening , or soon ridding themselves of the incumbrance ; and may thereby be the sooner ready for another voyage . but even these houses do observe some order . no boisterous rudeness , or scandalous obscenities are here permitted . and if a couple co happen to agree matters , strike up a bargain , and resolve to try dangerous experiments , they must e'en retire from thence to private lodgings hard by , in order to commit their follies . if in other places of this famous city frailties of this kind do come to be taken notice of ; and the scout , or magistrate , who has his spies abroad , should receive information of such adventures , he enters all places immediatly without opposition , and where he finds offenders , he inslicts such fines and amerciaments as with sufficiently discourage debauchery ; and the law is soon dispatcht , being wholy in his own hands . their food is commonly fish , and they do generally seem to like it , and prefer it to flesh , for gusto , as well as cheapness . for here they study not the dainties of apicius , nor the roman or asiatick luxury . but in great plenty they do live with great frugality . their flesh they stew , or boil , and but seldom roast . for their fewel being turf , they cannot so conveniently , or so well roast , as we do with our coals and wood. their beer and moll , that are publickly sold , are wholsome , cool , and good , and fail not to quench the thirst ; whereas the liqours we commonly meet with here in our inns , and our london brewing for sale , is unhappily become such a mystery , that a great deal of it will rather increase than quench the thirst . their nimmeguen moll , that is so plentifully transported about holland , is a sort of oat-ale , much celebrated by them for its sanative vartues , like their fresh herring in summer . 't is a welltastd , mild , and wholsome ale , and 't is hoped , that our parliament , when the have leasure to consider it , will take some care of the wholsomness of our london brewing , both by brewers and vintners , since our health does depend as much ( if not more ) upon the goodness of the liquors we drink , as it does upon the food we eat ; since our table-beer that is well brew'd , is both a wholsome , and pleasant drink : and lastly , since we are come to that skill , or persfection now-a-days , that we an make wine without grapes , cyder without apples , and beer without malt. the wine they drink is either a sweet , and to us nauseous white-wine , which they call french wine , but generally such a white-wine , as i cannot remember to have tasted in france ; or else rhenish and old hock . the rhenish they are well known to make , or to store up plentifully , at dort ; and the hock they have sometimes most excellent in its kind . for it cannot be supposed , that after so long a war on the rhine , they can have that abundance of those wines in reality , as when the great tun of heydleburgh , and other magazines were in being , and the vineyards not destroyed by the fate of war. they have also common enough , a sort of sack , or spanish wine ; but it is as different from our canary , as posset-drink is from good table-beer . claret is no where to be found in their publick houses , unless perhaps at rotterdam , or in some french ordinary . and they are not yet fallen in love with claret , or else in pure civility to england do leave to us the free possession of a whole ocean of claret , fetcht from divers countries and people , who are contented to drink water themselves , and very little wine , that we may have enough to drown our selves in , for pleasure and diversion . they have also every where their wormwood-wine , which is commonly called by the name of alsom wine , and by the english for sound-sake , wholsome wine , and the which they do not drink only for a whet before dinner , or on physical accounts , but indifferently at any time of the days , or evening . it is made of the french wine before mentioned , and by its bitterness does take off that lusciousness , or nauseous taste to strangers . this country being cold and moist , their food commonly fish , their moll very cool that they so much drink of , and their usual wine rhenish or hock , their temper casily chills , and grows tender . insomuch , that they do as naturally fall into agues , or else into putrid fevers , as we do into inflammatory distempers , or into the most violent and malignant fevers , the effects of our luxurious living , and over-high feeding . and although they have many learned and good physicians among them , yer i know not how it happens , that their agues are not very easily , or very soon cured . many months are usually spent in such cures , and the agues very often first or last do turn into continued fevers , or from a safe into a dangerous state. for it happens that the use of the jesuit's bark is too much suspected among them , and deserves not to be tried , until all other ways have been long tried in vain . and this i observed at a time , when there was never a more general occasion of using the bark , and when the use of it was never more proper or effectual ; i mean , in the two first campaigns that i had the honour to wait upon his majesty , being the years 1693 , and 1694. agues were at that time very epidemical ; and the continued fevers had such remarkable remissions , that they were cured with as much certainty , if not speed too , by the bark , as the agues theselves , provided that proper evacuations did precede its exhibition . and i have reason to say with speed ; for i was then seldom obliged to make above three or four visits , even in those fevers . and by reason of the bark's so well agreeing with the fevers at that time , as well as the agues , i made use of as many pounds of the bark in either of those two years , as i have since done ounces in any subsequent campaign , or summer ; the nature of the fevers being since quite altered , and therefore requiring a different method of cure. and as for the common practice of the netherland physicians , in not using the bark for the cure of agues , i am apt to believe , that it may have proceeded from a fear of innovation in physick , by a new medicine of that importance . as it happened before to the learned faculty of paris , who were as much afraid of inovations , and all cried out , fire , , when spagyrical preparations came first into use . for prudent persons will not lightly relinquish an established method . and i can say farther in their behalf , that some few among them do begin to be convinced , that the bark does not deserve to be too much neglected in the cure of agues . i may add concerning it , what is said of the italians , when they are good , they are extraordinary good ; and when bad , as extraordinary bad : so it may be said of the bark , in what cases soever it is properly administred , no medicine was ever known to have such great and good effects ; but when it is improperly , or unseasonably given , it becomes one of the most dangerous that can be used . and therefore those who shall think fit to use this bark in hazadous or difficult cases , or in asthmatick persons , must be sure to have a very watchful eye over it , to observe whither it agrees , or disagrees , and accordingly to prosecute , or quickly desist from its use . but it may be objected , that agues are in some countries more dangerous in their nature , and difficult of cure , than they are in others ; as they are said to be with us , in the hundreds of essex , and in the isle of sheppey . and therefore that the dutch may have good reason for neglecting , or deferring , as they do , to cure their agues by the use of the cortex , or bark ; and which possibly they do think will not agree so well with their agues , or their tempers , as it is found to do with ours . to which i answer , that when i was abroad , i never observed one single person , either at loo , or in the field , who miss'd a cure of his ague by the use of the bark , or who had any relapse afterwards , that throughly followed my directions , both before , and after he had lost his fits. and in that success , i do think my self very much obliged to the worthy mr. rottermond , apothecary to his majesty's person , for his so good choice of the bark i used , and who is perfectly skilful in the knowledge of simples , and in all the parts of pharmacy . indeed some of his majesty's inferior servants had relapses through their own neglect and folly , because they would needs think themselves well before i did , and so soon as they had miss'd the fitt returned ; and this would sometimes happen more than once unto the same person . and however the bark has been sometimes censured , as if the cures by it were more subject to relapses than by other methods ; on the contrary , i am fully persuaded , that the cures of agues by vomits , seasonable purges , by cordials acidulated , or by amulets , or domestick applications alone , are all more subject to relapses , than those by the bark , if this be prudently administred . to confirm which opinion , i may add , that those who recover by the bark , look florid and vigorous , grow quickly athletick and strong , and eat and digest well ; whereas those who miss their fitts by other means , look pale and weakly some time after , and their natural functions do return more slowly , and by degrees , to their former strength and vigor . as for our agues , in the hundreds of essex , the cure by the bark does certainly agree with them , as well as with those in other places . and it was to this very place , that our once famous sir robert talbor had his recourse , in order to the first establishing his method of giving such repeated doses of the bark . i do apprehend an ague to be but a weak and slight attack of a fever , or to be an imperfect fever , or it may be said to be a fever by halfs . either the enemy that makes the assault is weak and feeble , or the fort that nature defends , is strong , and well prepared to make resistance . either the body is not sufficiently predisposed for such a combustion as the continued fever does occasion , or the pores are then but little obstructed ; and therefore after the two first proper symptoms of a fever , the coldness or shivering , and the burning heat , have a-while exerted themselves , there is alwasy in an ague a sudden succession of a profuse sweat , which terminates the fit. for when the burning still remains , and no sweat succeeds , the fever continues of course , and undergoes another denomination . the one may be said to make its impression more outwardly , and upon the pores ; the other not only so , but also more inwardly , and upon the vitals . the one falls chiefly upon the outworks , or upon the counterscarp , the other makes a breach in a bastions , or in the courtine . the attack of the one is not in it self hazardous , or dangerous to the state of the body ; the attack of the other is like a general assault , and proves of a critical nature , or determines the fate of life and death . and this is a more easy , and natural , and a more intelligible explication of the general difference between fevers and agues , than other accounts of them , that are more obscure and intricate , more philosophical , or artificially wrought into some ingenious hypothesis . i have observed , that in seasons or times when agues are very epidemical , as it is in countries where they are very common and frequent , the continued fevers are usually of the same nature and progeny , and do generally require a like method of cure , and are actually cured by a prudent use of the conrtex , as intermittent fevers , or agues are . only in the former we must always remember , as we must also sometimes in the latter , to take care that we use sufficient proper evacuations , in order to bring the small remission that they then commonly have , to some intermission , if it can be obtained , before we presume to give the bark . and then we may as safely and effecttually make use of the bark in the first , as we do without difficulty in the other . i hope the reader will excuse this digression , because , with respect to my faculty , it may be matter of note and illustration to some , if not of use and benefit also to the publick . the diet and air of the dutch do much contribute to their growing so plump , and fat ; and that may be one reason , why they bleed so sparingly , and seldom as they do . for when they do think fit to bleed , they will seldom or never take away more blood from a man or woman , than we do from an infant of a year old . how they came to fall into such an extremity of bleeding little , i cannot well comprehend , considering how profusely the french , and the more southern nations , do use venesection upon most occasions . nor are the dutch the most abstemious from wine and brandy , which will be apt to heat and inflame the blood , and consequently upon excess sometimes cause diseases that properly require large bleedings ; neither am i ignorant that their physicians are very learned men , and must read those excellent books of galen , concerning venesection . coughs , that are so common with us , are very seldom known among the dutch ; insomuch that in the autumn , when we are deafning one another with continual coughing , you may go into a church there , and not hear a single person cough . and for this reason i am induced to think , when an inflammation there falls upon the lungs , and causes a violent cough , they cannot so well deal with such a strange and foreign disease , as those who have less apprehensions of bleeding plentifully when there is occasion . i have been ask'd sometimes the reason , why holland has so few , or no coughs , and england so many . the true reason i conceive to be this : holland has as great a scarcity of minerals , as of corn , of its native growth . england does abound with minerals of divers kinds , that are very offensive to the lungs ; howsoever chymists may commend the preparations from them , for other physical uses . and our air does abound with mineral effluviums , and much of our water with mineral impregnations . this is also the reason , why the isle of sheppey , otherwise a rich country , is so unwholsome to live in . and this is the reason , why the waters of the danube , and others rivers in hungary are so unhealthful to drink of . for it was well said of plmy , the great naturalist : tales sunt aquae , quales terroe per quas sluunt . i cannot omit to take some notice of the good provision they do make for their poor , whereby they are not pester'd or molested in their streets , in their shops , in their coaches , with any crowd of beggars , which would serve to divert their chavity from proper and good objects ; i mean poor labourers , or housekeepers , who take much pains , to the getting little , towards a sorry maintenance of a great many children ; or such who through infirmities , or accidents , are disabled from getting any thing at all , and are above the trade of begging . if the poor there cannot work , or do want work , there is provision made for them both . the magistrate , or officers , do not think it any trouble to them , to go sometimes from house to house , to enquire privately into their condition , to observe what children they have , and to understand what they can , or cannot do , towards their maintenance . and accordingly , both the known , and unknown poor , who are ashamed to ask for what they want , are supplied by the publick from time to time . in their churches they do never assemble to serve god , but they manifest their love to their neighbour . there is always a bag transmitted to every person , with the notice of a little bell ; and i am told , that there 's hardly one single person , though never so mean or little , that comes to church , but does drop some mite , or doit , into the poor's bag , every time he comes . and whatsoever is so collected , or upon other occasions , for the poor , does not serve to fatten , and make merry , the petty officers , but is faichfully accounted for , and expended duly to its proper uses . the apparel of the dutch is grave , and free from levith . the men do put on black on sundays , and other high days ; and at other times dark colours . and this is the mode of all citizens , and many others , even fo the boors , not only in the seven provinces , but in brabant , and flanders . nevertheless , their nobility and gentry , both men and women , do dress as fine , and modishly , as we our selves , or others , that cannot for all the world help imitating of apeing the french. indeed i must say , we in england are not in such mighty hast for new fashions , but that we can make a shift to stay until our taylors do supply us , and make us happy with modes from frances , by their taking a journey on purpose to paris in vacation-time . but some of the princes of germany are more careful to be à la mode de france as early as may be ; for they have the fashions brought to them some hundred leagues in post-haste ; and , before the war , did use to keep couriers at paris ready , to bring them quickly matters of such great moment , upon the first invention of a new mode . as if peace and war , or a sudden irruption on a neighbour-state , could not be of greater concern , than a new-cut feather in the cap , or some surprizing masterpiece of gayety . and thus i have but gently toucht upon some of the customs , and some part of the good government of the dutch , which though in so near a neighbour-state , they cannot but be well known to many of our better sort , who are perfectly well acquainted with this part of the word , and much better than they can be informed by me ; yet i thought even the mentioning these things would not be unacceptable to some others , who have never been abroad . for it i should undertake the relation at large of only the curiosities of amsterdam it self , or should particularly speak of the keyser-grafs , the princes-graft , and the heer-graft , three spacious streets that do almst incircle the whole city , and three streets that contain more sumptuous houses , all of stone , throughout their long circuit , than can be well imagined by those who have not seen them ; or if i should treat of the pleasant and magnisicent gardens of sorgvliet , within a mile of the hague , given some years since by his majesty to the right honourable the earl of portland , and which no strangers , that have any curiosity , can omit seeing ; they are so admirable and pleasant : and the king does often retire thithes to dine , whilst he resides at the hague ; or lastly , if i should describe the charming sweetness of the hague , in the summer-time , the pleasantness of leyden , or enter into a repetition of what others have done with applause before , this account would soon swell into a volume , and a short memorandum into a prolix narration . to conclude , the dutch do deserve great consideration and kindness from us , as they are become a principal bulwork of the protestant religion , next unto england , whose church is without dispute the chiefest honour and glory of the reformation , and the brightest example of true moderation , between the gay decorations and paintings of superstition on the one side , and the mean and homely adrresses to divine majesty on the other . and now especially the dutch may lay nearer claim to our amity , when the protestant interest in general had never greater need of bulworks and defences ; when not only france does manifest an unparallel'd bigotry by an impolitick and unchristian rage and persecution , that may in time be found so to weaken and unpeople it sels , as to be a main cause of her declension , whatsoever glorious or formidable appearance she may make for the present ; but also divers roman catholick princes have with one accord , and with an unusual sympathy , in this age exerted a zeal against their protestant subjects , that is inconsistent with their own temporal interest , and contrary to the rules of humanity or prudence . and 't is certain , that whenever religion comes to be so far abused , as to lay aside the most essential part of it , churity , it blinds the eyes of all zealots , that they cannot see their own intorest ; it transports and turns them from all the rules of prudence and reasons , and makes men commit the most fatal , and extravagant errrors , in politicks and civil socity . it is worth the consideration of warm and imprudent princes , whose indiscreet zeal it so apt to instigate them to molest and harass their subjects for the sake of what honest and pious men cannot sometimes help , i mean , difference in religious sentiments , what happened to the observation of charles the fifth , after he had resigned the empire to his brother ferdimand , and the kingdom of spain to his son philip the second . this warlike and great prince , after he was grown weary of the pomp and glories of the world , and had made his retreat into a monastery , had abundance of clocks broght him thither by the best artists he could hear of ; and his desire was to make all his clocks strike together at the same hour . when he had long tried this attempt in vain , he brake out into this poius exclamation : how vain and foolish is it for princes to endeavour to make all their subjects to be of one mind , when no art is able to make a few clocks strike together at the same time ! and therefore , since now no former alliances , no common interest , no remenbrance of benefits lately received , no obligations , how great soever , can possibly restrain roman catholick potentates from trampling their own subjects under their feet , meerly for thinking otherwise than they do in matters of supperstition , and from attemptng to convert them by the powerful mission of irresistible dragoons , and by more refined methods than were heretofore practised in the ten dull pagan persecutions ; most certainly at hearty union , and strict alliance , and freindship , between england and holland was never more absolutely necessary than at this time , for the good and prosperity , shall i say , or for the preservation and mutual defence of both nations , and also for the maintenance and support of the protestant interest throughout europe . whilst we stand firm , and strictly united with holland , we shall have no need to fear the power or attempts of any common enemy ; our trane can never suffter in any great degree , and our riches will supply to us such smews of war , such an inexhaustible magazine of military force , as will defeat and overcome those princes or monarchs , whose ambition will never suffer them to be quiet , but whilst they are disturbing the peace of their neighbours , or who will needs be aiming at impossibilities , the philosopher's stone , or universal monarchy . finis tvvo memorable relations the former, a relation of some late conflicts betweene the portugals and the english at surat in the east-indies [sic] wherein the portugals were vanquished, many slaine, and many taken prisoners. the later, the copie of a letter written from bergen-vp-zoom by an english hand; wherein is contained, a full perfit and true relation, of the late (great and admirable) defeat of the spanish forces by water, by the prince of orange assisted with the english forces neere bergen, the 12. of september, 1631. 1631 approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10592 stc 20865 estc s110605 99846117 99846117 11063 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10592) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 11063) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1185:5) tvvo memorable relations the former, a relation of some late conflicts betweene the portugals and the english at surat in the east-indies [sic] wherein the portugals were vanquished, many slaine, and many taken prisoners. the later, the copie of a letter written from bergen-vp-zoom by an english hand; wherein is contained, a full perfit and true relation, of the late (great and admirable) defeat of the spanish forces by water, by the prince of orange assisted with the english forces neere bergen, the 12. of september, 1631. h. h. [2], 18 p. printed [by b. alsop, t. fawcet, and r. young] for nath: butter, and nich: bourne, london : 1631. the letter is signed: h.h. "alsop and fawcet pr[inted]. quire a; young the rest"--stc. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng naval battles -england -early works to 1800. naval battles -portugal -early works to 1800. netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -early works to 1800. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tvvo memorable relations . the former , a relation of some late conflicts betweene the portugals and the english at svrat in the east-indies , wherein the portugals were vanquished , many slaine , and many taken prisoners . the later , the copie of a letter written from bergen-vp-zoom by an english hand ; wherein is contained , a full perfit and true relation , of the late ( great and admirable ) defeat of the spanish forces by water , by the prince of orange assisted with the english forces neere bergen , the 12. of september , 1631. london , printed for nath : bvtter , and nich : bov●●● 1631. a relation of some late conflicts betweene the portugals and the english , at , or neare surrat in the east indies , by letters dated in surrat the 29. of september and ●7 . of october 1630. vpon the 22. of s●ptember 1630. arrived 5. english ships in the roade of swalley ( which is th● port of surat ) namely the great iames , the william , the blessing , the discovery , and the reformation , in the way of peaceable trade and marchandizing , who there found thirty portugall frigots of warre which had waited for them , 20. dayes before the said ships arrivall to oppose their trade there and in all o●her parts of the said east indies , ( as continually before , the portugals have done from the very beginning of the trade of the english there ) ●hi●h frigots had a little before seazed agreat ship o● portugals no lesse cautelously had opened and spread them selves in good order , the full length of all their frigots , as they purposely had contrived themselves closer along the shoare , as well for the safety of their owne people , as to terrifie the english from drawing any further for dread of the great ordnance , which with their harquebusses acrock ( usually mounted on their prigots sides ) was the refuge ( it seemeth ) they mainly depended on . but such was the undantednesse of the english , being stirred up to a high measure of fury by the hourely vexation and braving of the enemy , as being now come within shot , with a generall resolution , reioyeing at the occasion , after a shot or two received first from the portugals , put on in the very face or mouth of all their frigots : and perceiving that but three of them could use the advantage of their prowes against them , and that some of the rest were brought a ground , and so could not vse their great ordnance , but had onely their harquebusses acrock to gall them , advanced forward still plying their small shot with very good discipline , and the portugals no lesse valiantly replying with their double forces , as well from their frigots on sea as their squadron on shoare , but not able ( it seemeth ) to endure the violent rage of the english , they beganne to give ground , and the english most fier●ely following , entred pell mell amongst them even in the water , within lesse then pistoll shot of their frigots ; in which interim the vice-kings sonne was convayed aboord , but so narrowly escaped , that the party who provided for his safety was himselfe taken prisoner in the action , many of the english ( not fearing to runne up to the chinne in the water , even to the very sides of their frigots ) pursuing the victory with great flaughter , both on shoare and at sea , and at length returned with 27. portugals prisoners taken alive , without the losse of any more then one ancient man ( a corporall ) not wounded , but suffocated with heate , and wounding 7. more of the english . this they happily performed in the sight of myrza backhar and divers of the countrey people to their great admiration and the english nations great honour . the next day to the portugals great shame , they were constrained to leave the port : but the next day after ( being sunday the 24. of october ) about eight of the clocke the portugals put in execution their maine stratagem ( so much depended on by them ) and not without cause much feared by the english in firing of their foure prepared vessels , chayned together for the intended destruction of the english fleete , but the vigilancy of the english , prevented that great mischiefe intended by their ships boates , well manned on the head of their head . amble thereunto . first , it is well knowne to vs , that since the enemy was repulsed , and forsooke the siege of bergen , in the dai●s of marquesse sp●nola , they haue beene practising and plotting some dangerous designes to make them●elues masters of some of the isles of zealand , that by sloops , punts , and fl●t bottom'd boat● , ( which they haue beene a long time a preparing and making ) they might separate , and cut off our passage betweene holland and zealand . to this end , about two or three yeares agoe , they began to fortifie a village in brabant , called sandf ; le●te , which hath a creeke that comes out of the riuer called the scheld , which runs vp to antwerpe ; and made some forts vpon some p●tches of dry ground in the drownd land , called the cr●ys-sconces , and hoogerweif , that they might bring their boats and sloopes on the back side of lillo , and so auoyd the danger of shot in passing to sanduliet vpon the scheld , betweene two strong forts of ours , lill● and liefkeys booke , which lies opposite the one to the other . now his excellency perceiuing the enemies designe , and that he began to fortifie himselfe at sandfleete , and in the other places afore mentioned ; to preuent him from getting any more ground vpon vs , built likewise forts at a place called blawe-garne , as fredericke henries fort , calling it after his owne name , hawtames and carreys forts , so that the enemies forts may shoote at randome at our shipping , which runnes vp to lillo , and liefkeys booke , and ours towards their sloopes , which comes thorow the drownd land from antwerpe to sandsleete and their forts . now over against sandsleete and their forts , there is an iland called the doel , from which an old dyke doth runne from the doel to the scheld ; which his excellency hearing the enemies preparations , feared much that if the enemy had possessed before vs , and built a fort vpon it , they might haue cut off all reliefe and passage to lillo , fredericke henries fort , and lifkeys hooke : and thus much to giue you to vnderstand the situation of the place : which you may see more plainly in the card brabant , which i send vnto you . the enemy for the effecting of this great designe by water , hath beene this three or foure yeares a making of sloops , punts , and great flat-bottom'd boats , especially since our last flaunders voyage this yeare , to seek a reuenge in casting of new ordnance for them , making a brest of oaken plancks for their muskettiers to play ouer musket-proofe ; and furnished them with sailes , oares , and all other necessary equipage , and in the fore part of their greatest punts and sloopes planted three quarter and halfe canon , with other peeces to s●oote leuell with the water . they drew not passing three or foure foot water , and for the hasting hereof , against the last full moone and spring tyde , spared not to worke vpon the sabbath dayes . but before i goe on , i will digr●sse a little , and tell you of the franticke braine of a pape or popish priest , that would doe wonders . a drum of ours being sent from our army at druynen to antwerpe for prisoners , some of the enemy told him that there was a pape , that would bring their men into bergin vp zoom , ( which indeed hee hath done ) and would carry fiue thousand men vnder for the morning tyde ; our men of warre comming vp againe , yet with their often shooting from their battery , and out of their punts with their great ordnance , got cleare off them againe , and so with that ebbe fell downe towards bergen and beyond rommerswall , in the view of our army , and passing by , three or foure shot was made from the south sconce of bergens head to them , so that one of them shot off the rudder of one of their sloopes , which was taken and brought in . but before i proceed any further , i will shew you the list of their preparations , and how strong they set forward from antwerpe , viz. fifty great sloopes . tenne great punts , wherein their canon was planted . eighteene pleyts or great lighters , which make in all seuenty eight sayle . foure hundred small peeces of ordnance , as small brasse and leather peeces , chambers and murderers . foure thousand hand granadoes , and other fire workes . tenne halfe canon . twenty french canon , or three quarter canon , carrying bullets of 36. pound . betweene sixe and seuen thousand souldiers and saylers . eleuen barrells of money . great store of ammunition , us powder , bullets , and match . whose chiefe commanders were the prince of barbanzon and count iohn of nassaw ; and victuals , wine and beere for fourteene dayes . being thus prouided , as is aforesaid , and falling downe before bergen , at the first fight his excellencie and we hearing such a shooting the night before , and in this morning , being friday the 12. of this moneth , knew no better but that they had beene our owne men , which had beene put to a retreat ; not thinking the enemy had beene so madde to vndertake so high an attempt , as to come vnder our noses , and to dare and braue our army at noone day , our souldiers being on fire , and their fingers itching at them , and that onely the water parted vs ; his excellency , from the hill which is by his quarter , calls for his perspectiue glasse , discouers the burgunn●an crosle , and their sloopes and punts full of souldiers , and being falne downe a little beneath rommerswall , drawing a grosse together , and pointing as though they would land vpon the dyke of tertole ; sends my lord generall morgan away in all expedition with the gards his owne regiment , and other forces to secure that towne of tertole and the iland thereof . proffering to land , they cry'd to the peasants , which stood vpon the dyke to desend it with their armes , that they would wash their hands in the geufes blood ; but seeing generall morgan and his colours making such haste to meete them , they bethought themselues , and fell backe againe into the streame . but ere i conclude , there happened two wonderfull markes of the prouidence of god. sailing one after another like a company of wild geele , twelue or fourteen of their greatest lighters wherein but the second mark of the admirable prouidence of god , was this ; in the morning towards foure of the clocke , the lord sent a thicke mist , which did so blind fold them , as heretofore the enemies of gods children were in the old testament , so that they could not see one another , and count iohn in this mist ranne a ground , put forth a light , and the rest following , thinking he had been in the streame , were all like wise stranded with him . when the mist dissolued , they saw likewise our men of warre which came from holland and zealand in the head of them , which hindered them from recouering the point ▪ count iohn , the prince of barbanzon , the duke of borneuille , & two or three more commanders , being strucken with an amazement at this sudden worke of god , got into a little boate , and stole away from them , count iohn calling to them , and saying , nessieurs à dieu , cest mon d●rniers , euery man shift for himselfe ; which did much discourage and astonish their men , as they themselues confessed : so when that beganne to cleare vp , our men saw the grosse of their punts and sloopes lying vpon the sands and mud , and they by hundreds forsaking their sloopes , and casting away their armes , some swamme , others waded vp to the neck to get to the land to saue their liues , crying for quarter to the pesants , which at the first did repulse them : in the meane time count iohn gaue them the slip , and got into prince-land with those which hee had in his little sloope , leauing his sword , his leading-staffe , his horses , and his trumpetor and laquyes behind him . this morning being saturday , the 13. of september new stile , all the enemies sloops , punts , and lighters , all their ordnance , and ammunition , materials , mony and victuals , thirty commanders , as gouernours , lieuten●nts , coronels , captaines , and abf●r●sses , dullicum the gouernour of groll , which heretofore had brought them into the velowe ( sauing the prince of barbanzon , the duke of b●rn●v●lle , c●unt iohn of nass●w , barnesels sonne , and some others that escap●d in the sloope with count iohn ) were taken ; and the numb●r of aboue 4000. souldiers and saylers droue like flocks of cattle thorow our quarters , and hath filled all our vacant places at bergen vp zoom , steen bergen , and tertole with prisoners , hauing lost , as the pesants in the vosmare report , who haue buried them drown'd and slaine , aboue 800. of them , our souldiers and sailers hauing made braue booties of arms , money , clothes , and victuals , and fifty fiue thousand pound st●rling brought in by the admirall of zealand ; which the states , they say , will giue as a reward to the souldiers & saylers for their seruice . and this night , being the 15. of september , after thanks giuing to god , for this wonderful & powerful worke of his almighty and out-stretched arme , wee haue resounded the glory of god , from all our townes and forts , with the report and thundering of a thousand canon shot , towards the faces of our enemies ; to make them vnderstand in their army , which lies but fiue english miles from vs , at antwerpe , and along the coast of flaunders , what god hath done for vs : hoping shortly , as victors , after we haue bin nineteen or twenty weeks in the field , to returne to garrison . and thus , sir , to conclude , i haue truly and briefly related vnto you this victory , which god hath giuen vs without the losse of bloud , and not one man of our nation , but a seriant shot , that you , and the reft of gods people may reioyce with vs , because his deliuerances and his mercies to his people , endure for euer and euer . amen . resting your louing kinsman euer to command . h. h. from our army at bergen vp zoom the sixteenth of september , 1631. new stile . postscript . this precedent relation comming from a noble and worthy gentleman to his friend here in england , was obtained to the presse , with much importunity ; being the most exact and impartiall discourse that hath come to ourknowledge , concerning this action . and which , if wee durst manifest the author , would giue sufficient credit to the matter . such as it is , wee promise shall bee the last wee intend to publish of this matter . farwell . finis . digitus dei. or, good newes from holland sent to the wor. iohn treffry and iohn trefusis. esquires: as allso to all that haue shot arrows agayst babels brats, and wish well to sion wheresouer. peters, hugh, 1598-1660. 1631 approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a09517 stc 19798.3 estc s101483 99837297 99837297 1613 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a09517) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1613) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 998:06) digitus dei. or, good newes from holland sent to the wor. iohn treffry and iohn trefusis. esquires: as allso to all that haue shot arrows agayst babels brats, and wish well to sion wheresouer. peters, hugh, 1598-1660. [14] p. printed by abraham neringh, printer in rotterdam, by the ould head, [rotterdam] : anno. 1631. signed: h.p. (i.e. hugh peters.--halkett and laing). "relates to a victory gained by the british forces under sir horace vere and the earl of oxford in holland."--folger shakespeare library catalogue. formerly stc 19066. identified as stc 19066 on umi microfilm. signatures: a-b⁴ (-b4, blank?). reproduction of original in the yale university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of 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encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648. 2004-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion digitvs dei. or good newes from holland . sent to the wor. ll iohn treffry . and iohn trefvsis . esqvires : as allso to all that haue shot arrows agaynst babels brats , and wish well to sion wheresouer . printer's or publisher's device non nobis domine printed by abraham neringh , printer in rotterdam , by the ould head. anno. 1631. s rs since my condition & lot fell in these parts of the world which for a long time haue beene sedes belli : i haue not bin altogether negligent in taking up such observations as might either draw mee to a more serious consideration of gods prouidence , dispensing it selfe into many particulars , some more secret , & some open to euery eye : or such as might by their presentment unto mee of the worlds vanity & turnings , make mee see the glassie brittlenesse & shiftlesnesse of the creature , & so perswade to a stronger dependance uppon the creator , a being that hath happinesse in it selfe . not hath it bin the least of my care to cast an especiall eye uppon the seuerall victories , & vnparaleld deliuerances ( if wee take up all circumstances ) which this state hath bin honored with . in the compasse of three yeares or there about , i haue seene strange turnings & returnings of prouidence , ebbs of state that left vs ( at least the wise-hearted ) hopelesse of a flood : and then agayne high waters , that haue left many thoughtesse yea carelesse , of an ebb : heere haue i seene an enemy slighted at a great distance , & too much feared neerer hand , many mountainous designes which haue prooued mole hills in execution , heere haue wee seene men looking one way & the lord bringing the thing about another , sometimes god destraining for his glory where men would not giue it him other wayes : in a word heere hath bin imploiments for all kinds of spirits , all kinds of men , heere the sad heart hath had matter to feed those black vapors that cherish melancholy , & heere the freer spirit might h●ue a time to lauish it selfe out in warrantble ioyes & refreshments , heere the magistrate hath had worke enough to aduise , & the people to bring in their assistances , the souldier hath had enough how to deuise & how to execute to his greater advantage , and those that waite vppon the tabernacle haue had no reason to bee idle , where dayes of attonement , as well as the dayly sacrifice were to bee attended on : sometime wee haue bin slipping with dauid beside our selves and our comforts , while wee fretted at the foolish , and saw the prosperity of the wicked , sometimes with the same good-man wee were as those that dreamed , to see the downe-fall of the vngodly , & what chaff they were before the wind . truly ( s rs ) wee haue seene much of gods faythfulnesse & sufficiency , & wee ar to bee blamed if wee have not also seene our owne inability & nothingnesse . but whiles i haue let my meditations travel from one place to another they haue lodged longer in these two , viz : first in the consideration of our selues 2 o of the enemy : in the former whereof wee may take up matter of wonder , that the lord continues vs instruments of his glory , & the subiect of his goodnesse & bounty , who may iustly take shame to our selues that wee ar no more sanctified in our drawing neare unto him , or doe sanctifie him soe little : alas ( s rs ) strangers that looke uppon us may thinke that wee are his onely iewell , since wee are kept so safely : but the truth is our beauty is but blacknesse , our deformities are the speech of neighbor nations , & by the openesse of our folly wee make the daughters of the philistims reioyce . nor haue wee lesse worke in the contemplation of the enimy , being the center to which subtilty , cruelty , dilligence in euell , with many other the like , as so many lines haue their confluxe . what great cost haue they byn at in the not yet subduing a handfull of people nay ( which is admirable ) that which hath bin the cō mon breake-back to other states & countryes , hath bin the supplying of their treasures heere , & filling of their magazins , i meane their army . they haue had heere many plowers plowing uppon their back , & yet there remaines noe signe of a furrow , i wish wee saw noe steps of their sin . i will not heere discusse in what coyne the lord hath bin paid for his kindnesse , nor what proc●ede they haue returned of their talents concredited to them . i haue inioyed this common ayre with them , and haue had my share in their particular merties , i cannot bee silent . what a hand wee saw out of heauen by the surprize of wesel , and the bosch following that , as if the former mertie had not bin enough for thē ? heere i will not treate , i haue formerly advertisd about them : what mertie the lord hath sent them from the sea , & what siluer trophees from the enimy hath bin brought , is not now my purpose to speake : but since the lord by an especiall hand led me to looke vppon the beginning & end of this late deliuerance , i shall aduertise therein according to truth , in which i may not seeme ( it may bee ) soe particular as some may expect , because i dare not call opinion , fayth : nor so exact in tearmes , because a stranger to the language though a freind to souldiery : but this i shall doe , i will labor to shew truth in her nakednesse , or at least in her owne apparell ; and the order i shall propose will bee this ; first i shall present the bare history 2 , ly some obseruations from it , 3 ly i shall add some vses wee may make of it : and first for the history . whilst the illustrious prince of orange after a triple victory , viz : groll , wesell , and the bosch , had sate downe the last summer to refresh him-selfe euen la den with honnor ; sanballat and tobiah , i meane they of spayne and flaunders rose early , & went to bed late , eating the bread of carefulnesse , in cōplottiug the raising their honnor out of the dust , where hee had buried it , as an instrument in gods hand the yeares before : and surely if strength had answered their reuengefull spirits , the mischeife had had wings , before wee should haue knowne it was hatchd ; for heerein they far outstrip their enimies , that their waters run deepely and silently . now that you may vnderstand what they had in their eye , that should exhaust so much of their treasure this yeare , and perswade with their cleargie like the neighboring channels soe f●eely to emptie themselues into the common sea ; i shall acquaint you with marques spinolaes last will and testament left in the hands of the infanta at his departur out of these wars . two things hee aduised out of his lōg experience & best observations , that might infest the states , whereof the first was , that the current of their commerce with forreine parts might be stoppd , or at least lessened , & therfore would that from dunkerk , osten , & other parts ships should bee set forth for the intercepting them in the narrow seas , which counsaile the world obserues hath bin taken , & that with noe ordinary successe : that to this day dunkerk a meane dunghill hauen , dare write her selfe a m rs . the 2 o was this , that they should not spend themselues thus yeare after yeare , in the beseiging , beleaguring , & taking in of any one towne , which did spend them much treasure , & could not much disaduantage the enimy ▪ but that they should ( though with double cost ) attempt the diuiding of the provinces , especially holland & zeeland , which hee demonstrated to bee feasable . and for the better understanding the way , may it please you to take notice that about two or three houres sailing from dort , there lies a village calld the plate , with a conuenient hauen able to receiue many smal vessels : this village with the whole iland uppon which it stands is all together vnfortified , & soe are all places about it : this hauen lookes right against princeland a place of the same strenght with the plate , betwixt these two passe all our shipps to zeland , bergen , ter goose , tertoll , zeerikze● : ect . this yeare about the time of this attempt their army entred princeland ▪ ●othing remained but that they might make themselves m r of the plate , & soe 〈◊〉 once cut of the passage to zeland , & the parts aboue said , & soone put dort & roterdam the hart of the land in feare , from whence likewise they might haue an easie way to dunkerk , & they recourse to them agayne . this with the consequences being vnderstood i shall labor to show yow what faythfull ouerseers the marquese had to his wil , and how tender they are on the other side to follow the mind of the dead . after the prince of orange had retreated out of fflaunders , & ( whether through the foreslowing of time , or too many loope holes made in their counsails or unfaithfulnesse in men betrusted , or correspondence by any false heart with the enimy ) he had lost his designe , & inquartered himselfe at drunen , neare huisden , little other tidings came to vs , but the constant and extraordinary prouisions of the enimy by land & water , especially concerning certaine sloopes , & flat bottomed boates , & an engeneering preist , who should haue spent much oyle & candle in the advancing of a strange designe . the tidings whereof comming thicker , & the child being neere the birth the towne of bergen petition the ayde , who with that part of his army that lay at drunen , being about 12 or 14000. foot beside horse , set forward for bergen the 25. of august , and within 3. or 4 , dayes was inquartered on the north-side of the towne , sargeant maior cary being sent before with diuers companies for a safegard to those parts by which these shalloopes might passe , as also 15. or 17. men of war , that vsually waite uppon the in-land waters . vppon the 11. of septem : being thursday at 4. or 5 ' of the clock at night wee heard shooting from falconesse , and the doel , and there-abous , and saw shipping , but did generally conceiue that the enemy had made an attempt to come forth and was beaten back by our men , when as it appeared otherwise t●e next day for the next morning being friday wee discerned vppon the wals of bergen a fleete of 80. sayle or more comming towards the towne , and farther off some greater shipps in an other fleete : it is strange to see & heare how hardly men were drawne to beleeve that the enemy was so neare , nor was there much credit giuen to it till they were before the very towne of bergen : where my-selfe being a spectator amongst the rest , could tell above 80. sayle , who as it seemes came the day before from antwerpe , & soe past by our shipping ( as wee saw over night ) & onely changd a few shot without farther danger , sargeant maior cary carefully attending vppon the chardge committed to him , they bent their course toward tertoll land , & about 8. or 9. in morning 22. saile of their reregard comming on ground , the rest stayed for them betwixt rommers-wali & tertoll , till the returning of the next tide , which was at 3. in the afternoone : and thus they lay this whole day in the sight not onely , of berghen , but of the princes whole army : mee thought this time was alotted us from heaven , as if a voice had cried and bid vs yet try what prayer will doe : and if i should bee playner with you , & open you a window into my owne heart , mee thought this stopp was the time wherein iustice & mercy compeered before the great god of heaven & earth ( as indeed it was a time for our saddest thoughts ) take vengeance cries iustice oh spare sayes mercy : kill cries the one , saue the other : there are no sins like theirs , cries iustice : no god like theirs sayes mercy : give successe to this designe cries the one , lord they are thy enemies sayes the other : holland is p●oud & secure sayes iustice , but they may amend by this diliuerance : they haue not improoued former kindnesses , but they may bee tried by one more : reuenge thy sabbaths & let them haue noe rest that neglect this day of rest , heere mercye paused , at lentgh charging their teachers with this & excusing the poore people that knew noe better . you shall see what followed , and whic● preuayled the prince perceiuing that it was now no time to aske , what shall we doe , ●ut to bee doing , vnder command of generall morgan sent 3. regements 〈…〉 oll , to guard those parts from the incursion , & landing of the enemy , who went to their worke with no ordinary resolution , & came close by those partes where the enemy lay , & onely gave them notice by some shot that they there attended them , with which troopes the prince went in person : in the meane time count ernest advised for the cutting off the reregard , that lay on ground , & to that purpose commanded such warlike shipping as lay at bergen to be made ready , & 12 ▪ musketteres out of every companie of the army , to bee imployed in the designe , which came to 1200 or there abouts , the commander in cheife of our nation , was the noble & valiant earle of oxford lieutenant collonel to my lord generall vere , to whōe were added sergeant maior hollis . captaine . dudly , captaine skippon , s r thomas colpeper , captaine iackson , with some other officers : and this i must say , my hart wittnesseth i flatter not i never saw men hugg an enterprise so , the common souldier even beseeching their captaines with teares that they might bee preferred to it ▪ nor were they without the company of diuers noble volunteers amongst whom that noble gentle-man my lord crauen , ( who hath much honored his nation abroad ) must not be forgotten , who with the first presented him-felfe with his musket , ready to share in the common condition , whether good or bad . but as great bodyes mooue slowely , so these , tfor they set not forth till the enemie floated , who with the comming of the tide were soone at worke , & as before hauing a small boate with them , sounding the way ouer the many sands they were to passe , made toward zerickzea hauing gotten their whole fleete together ; about 4. of the clock ours followd them , & had the princes owneship to leade them the way , about 4 , came some of our fleet that lay by falconesse , & followed them & made in all about 25. saile , they passed betweene tertol & tergoose , on the one side whereof a godly minister before general morgan came had wi●h much & earnest persuasions drawne this neighbors into a reasonable order for their owne defence , on the other side not only 20 , companies of the princes awaited them , but also the boores or country people were in great readinesse being generally men of very good abilities in point of souldierie ; but it seemes that was not the white they shot at , wherefore they past on beyoud zereikzea , before our ships could come neere shot of them : about 9 ' of the clock at might the friday aforesaid , the princes ship shot by a village calld ould kerke , & in short time brought her peeces to beare vppō them , in so much as wee haue it by credible testtimony , that with one broade side shee killd 23. men , other ships of ours came vp with them like wise , & gaue & received such rough intertainement as passeth among men at such times : a ship of zeland had by one shot from the enimy 4 ▪ men slayne , & 4. hurt : our musketeres came not up to doe much seruice , for these reasons , 1 in such a hurry of businesse , & uppon the water command could not so easily passe , & besides that command they had , was to seconde the ships that were prouided to fight at length , & moreouer the worke continued not so loug as to make vse of all our men : the princes ship receiued shot : 2. in the sayles & 1 , in the midship , & quitted herselfe well , some 5. or 6. more did the like : but it playnely appeared the enimy seemed not much to regarde fighting , rather longing & striuing to bee m r of his designe , & therfore continually steered of their course , till towards morning the whole night being exceeding fayre for one houres space & noe more the lord east a mist uppon them , by which ( they themselues confessing it ) they were much distracted , lost their way , diuers of them came on ground , and the most of them at muschle-creeke not far from steenbergen , the vangard being at this time , within one houres time , or two at the most , of the place they aimed at : diuers of them blame fortune and their pilots , but in truth ( as some of them accknowledgd to myselfe ) the blow was from heauen . and to proceede , this confusion taught vs who was their generall , viz : count iohn of nassau , who would rather venture the infantaes displeasure , then pay soe deare for his entertainment heere againe , as hee had lately done at wesell : insomuch that hee with prince brabenson and some other cheifes left the fleete , and heere i must remember a complement was put vppon count iohn at his departure from antwerp , and embarquing , after many benedictions from the infanta , and ( questionlesse ) much water sprinckled uppon him and his company , to praeserue him from the displesure of s r neptune etc. the liuetenant generall of the horse had a cringe with him to this purpose , s t ( quoth hee ) the designe you are ingaged in , is weightie , the cost hath bin great for the aduancing of it , and it will require a whole man , but i must tell you i conceiue not count iohn to bee that man , and so they parted . and since wee haue spoken of muschle-creeke , i must tell you of a passage that concernes the said generall of theirs , where by i may put you in mind how fooles oracles may prooue wise-mens truths : not long before this attempt count iohn sending a trumpet to our army , wished him if the prince should aske what became of their shallopes , to answer that they meant shortly to come eate some muscles : hee came to y ● place indead , but i suppose hee had not time to fill his belly , or if hee tasted them i thinke hee hath not yet disgested them , that he cannot much reioyse at his banquet . some other sloopes followed their generall to prince-land , and fired them at landing , so that betwene willemstadt and musclecreeke i saw diuers of the hulls of them lying by the shore ; the rest quirred their boates with what speede they could , feare giuing them wings , and confusion and distraction taking away their wits : the reason they giue for making this great haste to the land is , because on these in-land waters they could expect noe quarter , and euery worme will reade us a lecture of the sweetenesse of life , 1400. seing a horse-man vppon a dike gaue themselues to him : a great conquest for one man ! divers in landing were drowned , many stript them selves to swim and so came naked to our army , most of their ships by the morning light were found in new fosse-mere where they lay that day with our ships by them . wee shall not neede to write what they returned the preists for their benedictions , but certainely many tuns of diuels , and especially to the preist who had the cheife hand in the plot , and did boaste great of carriing shipps under water and promising to bring their souldiers into berghen , which hee did truly performe : you must conceiue what a suddayne change heere was , when our men came to take possession of their vessels , & they scrambled away in the mud , which mynds me of a merry answere of the prince to one that told him the preist would bring their men vnder the water , hee sayd he then must send to zeland for some fishermen to prick them vp vpon their eel-speares . by 8. in the morning newes came to the prince of their forfaking their boates , whereupon he commanded diuers companies to march towards steen-berghen to enconter them supposing they might make head , but before our men were vpon their march , tidings came that most of them had giuen them selues prisoners ; & by 11. of the clock the first sight of them wee saw was 4 , or 5. captaynes with 2 ▪ capuchins presented to the prince , with whome hee enterayned neere an houres talke , who all blamed count iohn for his starting at a pinch : the capucians were presently begd by the duke of vensdome , into whose tuition and fauor they were soone returned : the next sight that was presented to vs was a fat trumpetter of count iohns in a carr there followed him the captaine of the princes ship on horsebacke behinde a gentleman , with the colours of the admirall of their fleete , being a burgoignian crosse which hee presented to the prince ; after him followed in two diuifions the prisoners , garded by a troope of the duke of bullen , which were betweene 2. and 3000. before the last diuision was a wagon laden with their officers ; and this was obseruable , that among all these , and 900. more wich lay at steen-bergen there was no english at all , but they were all dutch , and wallons ; these were sent to such places , as the towne of berghen had to entertaine them in , especially an old peice of a church receiued most . thus the saterday was cheerefully spent in veiwing these liuely tokens of gods fauor , on the day following command was giuen that publike thanksgiuing should bee rendred both in the towne and army in which ( i blesse god ) i had a share : and on munday-night ( with 3. volleyes af●er the manner heere ) it was made knowne very cleerely to antwerpe , and the enemies army ( some of our cannon hauing very wide mouthes ) vppon the sabbath was brought in dulken the once gouernour of grol , & a iesuite with him & so dayly diuers prisoners who had come on shore on diuers parts . nor did wee at this time thinke our labor ill bestowed to ride from place to place to looke on either their punts & sloopes , or our men bringing in the spoyle , som telling their freinds how hardly they had escaped , and shewing their chayne & gnawne bullets , som with rapiers , som scarfes , one with count iohns leading stasse , another with a buffcoate , & most laden with antwerpes beere : amongst diuers other things there came to my hande a knife of the keur lings who are som of their company about bridges , that ne●her giue nor take quarter , vpon which was engraven in dutch rithme . make hast from bridges prince of aurania : honnor your m r the king of hispania : let our flaunders alone , come not heere to pillage : for wee haue for you , nor citty , nor village . vnder which was pictured the towne of bridges , & the prince running from it on horse-back , surely as the deliuerance was great , so the purchase especially of amunition was not a little , as wee shall shew by the particulars following : and now mee thinkes by this time i saw the mother of sisera looking out of a window , & crying through the lattesse , why stay his chariot-wheeles so long ? iudg : 5. 28. etc. surely shee is much deceiued if she thinke they are deuiding the spoyle : thus the lord ouerthrew pharow & his host in the red sea , for his mercy indureth for ever . the weeke following the prince commanded most of the prisoners to bee set vppon ships without fayle or rudder , by the head at berghen , till order should bee taken for ransome : the poore women at antwerpe who had their husbands in the service , with their heauy complaynts at bergen gates made vs know how welcome those tidings were at antwerpe : the last weeke the drossart of breda treated for their deliuery , and so they are departing home , you may iudge with what ioy they shall bee intertained ; and presently vppon the miscarriage of the enterprise their army marcheth both from prince-land , and rosendale , whereof 32. companies of foote are gone for breda , and 10. of horse . vpon thurs-day wee had generall thanksgiuing in our churches & expressing our ioy by fires , guns etc. the sum of the officers taken by vs. colonels , lieuten : col : sargeant maiors , & men of great note . — 19. captaines . — 26. lieutenants . — 10. ensignes . — 28. sargeants . — 23. officers about the canon . — 6. som other officers , & church men . — 11. land souldiers . — 3151. sea men . captaines . — 12. lieutenants . — 15. quarter masters . — 7. shippers . — 1. sailors . — 820. coming out of antwerpe in all they were mustered aboue . — 6000. the number of the shipping come to our hands . shalloopes whose provision generally was 6. brasse peeces , 8. murtherers , 4. dunder busses , besides lether peeces . — 36. punts with one halfe canon and two three quarter canon . — 10. pleyts whose lading was lope-staues , nayls , ice-spurs . 10 horses , hardles , beesbridges etc. — ❧ — ❧ — 9. other amunition ships whose lading was powder , beere , deales — 7. that which i offer by way of observation cannot bee much : time wyll not afford it : yet these things briefly take notice of . 1 that reuenge is no sluggard , malice is vnwearyed : for wee vnderstand this worke & practise haue bin vnder hand these 6 yeares . 2. reuolters from religion prooue her sharpest enemyes : witnes ( besides iulian ) count iohn , who will bee the ring-leader in any designe that may make nothing of what hee formerly profest . 3 to expect better then stratagems tending to ruine from a popish enemy , doth argue either ignorance of their courses , or groundles confidence , 4 security ( hauing lost the vse of reason ) will deny the conclusion , rather then beleeue the danger . as wee saw when our people could hardly beleeue the enemy to be the enemy , though he lay before the ports . 5. high men are vanity , & low men are a lye : which was playne when wee saw neither the great commander , nor the comon souldier could helpe vs , the enemy out-brauing vs the whole day . 6. the creature cannot bee sufficient for our succor , for he is not allwayes a present helpe in trouble : wee could neither command wind nor tide , where as either of them might haue done vs much good . 7. the lord often layes the reine on the neck of his enemyes , they goe long vncontrold : these went all day in the face of our army vntouched . 8. sudden prosperity is no signe of lasting happynesse : these spiders had no sooner framed their web , but it was swept downe . 9. the lord brings his greatest workes about by accident , the tide not servng , which wee longd for , our ships could not come vp with them by day , & so escapt a scowring . their admirall putting out a light when he was on ground , brought the rest into the same net : they seeking a neerer way by the fosse-mere , lost their way . with many such like . 10. a poore creature is many times made the lords great host , as pharaohs lice agaynst him , and a hand full of mist throwne amongst these . 11. feare vnfits a man to know what hee should doe , & disinables him to doe what hee knowes ▪ otherwise they might haue made head vpon the water or the shore , & gotten good quarter , for ought wee perceiue . 12. cruell men haue often their punishments giuen them out in proportion they devising new boates , they shall perish in their boates , they will bring haltars for others which may serue them selues , the gallowes set up for mordecay serues haman . 13. the lord answers his servants some times in the very thing they aske , in our fast before the prince went into the field wee made vse of that text & that petition of dauids psal : 83. 15. so persecute them with they tempest & make them afrayd with thy storme : & behold wee haue our answere . 14. outward strength & humane policyes are no sufficient bul warks agaynst battryes from heauen : it was easily seene here was no want of skill in this designe the preparations were not ordinary , but what are tifney-walls to a canon-shot ? or their plots to gods mist ? 15. feare is an ill guide though a quick post , many hundreds of them leauing their owne strength & betaking them selves to the mercy of an enemy . 16. god like an indulgent father striues to reforme by shewing a rod : dauid had the same measure when hee confesseth , lord thou hast shewn me affliction . we saw what might haue bin our portion ; wee felt not what the enemy intended , & wee deserued . 17. diuine providence ( which fooles call foutune ) will serve it selfe vpon let vs sleepe & the enemy wake , let them attempt , & let vs study to prevent , let them bee strong & many , wee weake & few , let them goe on , & wee looke on , let them deuide the spoyle to euery one a damosell , an office before they come where they are ; yet prouidence will serue it selfe vpon all this . 18. it is remarkable that the lord doth sadly make the servants of idolls to know that ther maisters or gods are nothing . in this attempt they will set forth vpon saint crosses day ( it being by their almanack the eleuation of the holy crosse ) their generall of all their army being called by that name , and count iohn the leader of the nauall troopes being free of that company , such crosses let the enemyes of god euer carry with them . hee had one he wore on his brest before , he hath now another for his back : i wish i may doe him good at his hart , 19 , the lord doth not bind himsele to any particular meanes that wee many times vse & to often trust vnto , either for our deliuerance , or the confusion of our enemies : wee iudged of one meane , he vsed another in this great work , as was playne to be seene . 20. it is admirable to see what a man or people may receiue in poynt of honor & doe like wise in matter of action , if the lord goe out with them ; as this is notable , this prince of orange neuer yet ( since hee had the command ) went out , but hee returued triumphing . the lord euer make him triumphing & victorious in his cause . the vses wee may make in a word are these 1. let vs euer heereafter learne to know the creature by their owne names , & not to call a horse or a man a god , or a water or fort a sauiour : wee may take vp ●he words of the repenting church hos 14. the more fatherles the more merry , or the lesse wee idolize vpon our selves the greater succor we may looke for from heauen . 2. since the lord can rule & guide , dispatch & ouercome workes of this nature so well ; since hee hath thus graciously appeared in 31. as formerly in 88. let both england & holland bee willing to giue him the helme into his owne hands for euer . i wish his quarrell agaynst vs all bee not that wee haue vsed him too much like a comon-man . wee see ( though wee had never receiued his word ) that his place is at the sterne , let not religion lackquey to policy : kisse the sonne least hee bee angry . psal 2. 3. giue him ( who hath done all , & deserueth all ) all the glory : ioseph may haue any thing in potiphars house but his wife , & in pharaohs but his throne : as tender is the lord of his honor & glory as they of either . shall wee euen greiue his good spirit more . shall wee euer slight his sabbaths ? can it bee ? 4. see that prosperity s●ay not our foolish harts : the skill will bee how to improoue the mercy . sisera is then vndone when hee his careles in iaels tent , who was a neutrall : & such is outward prosperity , good & bad may share in it , the wisdome is how to vse it ; hee need walke warily that goes on a glassy sea with iron shooes . but the wind is fayre , the sea-men call , the dutch printer is weary hee craues pardon for his faults , i must end before i am halfe way the mayne . this at least may saue the writing many letters : you may trust the intelligence for the truth : & to the god of truth i commend you. in whome i am your lo. kinsman . h. p. a proclamation, for setling of the staple-port at campvere scotland. privy council. 1676 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05689 wing s1921 estc r183545 52612334 ocm 52612334 179637 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05689) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179637) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2794:31) a proclamation, for setling of the staple-port at campvere scotland. privy council. gibson, alexander, sir, d. 1693. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1676. caption title. dated at end: given at edinburgh, the eleventh day of october, one thousand six hundred and seventy six years, and of our reign the 28 year. signed: al. gibson, cl. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng free ports and zones -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. free ports and zones -netherlands -veere -early works to 1800. foreign trade regulation -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -commerce -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -commerce -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , for setling of the staple-port at campvere . charles , by the grace or god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to our lovits , macers , messengers at arms , our sheriffs , in that part conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : whereas upon occasion of the unsetled condition of the scots staple in the low-countreys ; the merchants of this our ancient kingdom of scotland have for diverse years past , suffered great prejudice , intheir trade and comerce to those provinces . and being graciously inclined to countenance all fair and just means , for setling of the said staple : we therefore gave full power and commissios to our resident and conservator of the priviledges granted to our subjects of scotland in the low-countreys ; to treat with any town or place most convenient and advantagions for the merchants and trade of this our kingdom : so the articles agreed by him with the commissoners of the prince of orange , and deputies of the town of campvere , for the re-setling of the scots staple-court within the said town , are approven by us : whereupon the said staple court is removed from dort to the town of campvere . and to the end this our royal pleasure , may be made known to all our loving subjects of this our ancient kingdom , we with advice of the lords of our privy council , do ordain pablick proclamation to be made thereof at the usual places of this our kingdom ; that no person may pretend ignorance , but duely obey our royal pleasure herein , as they will answer at their peril . and further , we , wish advice foresaid , do declare that the ancient standing acts of parliament made by our royal progenitors , in favour of the staple-court , and the conservator , are in full force and strength . and further , we ordain the royal burroughs in their meetings to make strick acts , that the staple may be duely observed , which we with advice foresaid , declare to be binding upon all our subjects whatsoever trading to , or residing within any town , or place of the united provinces . and we ordain thir presents to be printed and published at the market cross of edinburgh , and other royal burghs and sea-ports needful , that none may pretend ignorance therof . given at edinburgh , the eleventh day of october , one thousand six hundred and seventy six years , and of our reign the 28 year . al. gibson , cl. sti. concilii . god save the king. edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty : anno dom. 1676. a description of the seaventeen provinces commonly called the low-countries (the present stage of action) as also of the rivers, cities, commodities, strong towns, forts, and other things remarkable therein. clarke, samuel, 1599-1682. 1672 approx. 127 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33302 wing c4507 estc r26605 09514768 ocm 09514768 43370 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33302) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43370) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:24) a description of the seaventeen provinces commonly called the low-countries (the present stage of action) as also of the rivers, cities, commodities, strong towns, forts, and other things remarkable therein. clarke, samuel, 1599-1682. 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a description of the seaventeen provinces commonly called the low-countries , ( the present stage of action ) as also of the rivers , cities , commodities , strong towns , forts , and other things remarkable therein . london , printed for william birch at the blew-bible at the corner of the poultrey , at the lower end of cheapside 1672. a table of the seventeen provinces , cities , and chief towns which are described in this book . a general description of the low-countries pag. 1. of their commodities p. 2. of their rivers and fish p. 3. of their channels , and other waters p. 4. of their forrests and woods p. 6. of their fowl and birdsp . p. 6. the quallities of the peoplep . p. 6. of their arts and industry p. 7. the province of brabant p. 8. the chief rivers therein p. 8. the cities and towns p. 8. the city of lovain described . p. 9. the city of bruxels . p. 10. bolduc described . p. 11. mastrick described . p. 13. the province of lemburg described . p. 15 the province of guelders described . p. 17. ruermond described . p. 18. zutphen described . p. 19. arnhem described . p. 19. the province of over-issel . p. 22. deventer described . p. 23. swol described . p. 23. campen described . p. 23. vullenhove , described p. 24. the province of frisland . p. 24. the province of gromingen . p. 25. 29. leewarden described . p. 28. the i le of schellink . p. 28. the province of holland p. 32. 59 , &c. holland and zealand . p. 33. cities and towns in holland . p. 42. dordrect or dort described p. 43. harlem described . p. 43. delfe described p. 45. leyden described p. 46. goud described p. 47. amsterdam described p. 48. einchusen described p. 49. hoorn described p. 49. alcmair described p. 50. purmerenden described . p. 51. edam described . p. 51. rotterdam described . p. 54. st. gertrudenburg . described . p. 54. hague described p. 56 other villages in holland p. 56 isles belonging to holland p. 58. of voorn , goerde , somersdike , gorendike described p. 58 , 59. the province and city of utrecht described p. 61 , 62. the towns belonging to it p. 63. the province of zealand described p. 63. isles belonging to zealand p. 64. the walled towns in it p. 65. the isle of scowve described p. 66. the other isles described ib. middlebourg described . ib. veer or canfeer described p. 67. flushing p. 67. romerswald described p. 68. ter-goes described p. 68. the city of antwerp described p. 69. the province of flanders p. 72. walled towns in flanders p. 73. other towns p. 74. flanders flamigant described p. 75. the city of gaunt described p. 76. bruges described p. 78. the city of ipre described p. 80. scluse described p. 81. ostend described p. 82. neuport described and dunkirk p. 84. berg st. winnock p. 85. dam described p. 85. dixmund described p. 86. wern described p. 86. bourburg described p. 86. gravling described p. 86. cassel described p. 86. courtray described p. 86. oudenard described p. 87. ardenbourg described p. 87. middlebourg described p. 88. wervick described p. 88. merim described p. 88. comines described p. 88. flanders gallicant described p. 89. lisle described p. 89. doway described p. 90. orchies described p. 91. lanoy described p. 91. espeney described p. 91. armentiers described p. 91. tournay described p. 92. mortaign described p. 93. st. amond described ib. flanders imperial described . ib. alost described . p. 94. country of waes . described . p. 94. hulst described . p. 94. denremond described . p. 94. mount gerrard described . p. 94. bornhem described . p. 94. ruplemond described . p. 95. the province of artois described p. 95. arras described p. 96. st. omers described p. 97. beteene described p. 98. aire described p. 98. bapaulm described p. 98. renty described . p. 99. heldin described ib : st. pol described ib. perue described ib. lillers described ib. lens described ib. cambray described p. 100. the province of hanault described p. 102 mons described p. 104. valenciennes described p. 106. bouchain described p. 109. quesnoy described ib. conde described ib. landrecy described ib. avesnes described ib. chimay described ib. mariembourg described p. 110. philipvil described ib. beaumont described ib. mauberg described ib. bavays vallone ib. bins described ib. reux described ib. sogny described p. 111. breinle comte described ib. enguien described ib. halle described ib. lesny described ib. cheur described ib : at h described ib. st. guislem described ib. leuse described ib. the province of luxenburg described . p. 112. laxenbourg described p. 114. arlon described ib. rodemark described ib. theonville described ib. graumackren described ib. coning●-mackren described ib. bastonack described ib. mommedi described p. 115. neuscastle described ib. danvillers described ib. marvil described ib. st. vit● described ib. s●●me described ib. ivoy described ib. c●imay described ib. the province of namor described . p. 116. belgia : or the low-countries . described . the low-countries are seated very comodiously for all the provinces of europe . for northward it is but 5 or 6 dayes journey by sea from denmark . southward it consineth with france , and lorrain . eastward with almain , or germany . westward with england , and scotland . it 's also commodious for norway , and sweden : for a ship went from holland to norway in 46 houres . from lisbon its scarce 10 dayes voyage . the circuit of the country is about a thousand italian miles , or 34 flemish leagues . in that part of the low-countries that formerly belonged to the king of spain , are contained 208 walled towns : an hundred and fifty towns priviledged , as walled towns : six thousand three hundred villages with parish churches , besides a great number of other villages , and hamlets . the beeves of frisland and holland , are very great , and weigh some of them sixteen hundred pounds . yea , one there was presented to the earl of hockstrait which weighed two thousand five hundred twenty eight pounds of the country weight . the ewes in holland , frisland , and part of flanders bring forth 3 or 4 lambs at a time , and the kine often two calves . the country brings forth much mather , wherewith a great part of europe is furnished ? wood , and hemp , and flaxin great abundance . five principal rivers are in these countries : the rhine , the meuse , the scheld , haa , and emms , besides divers smaller . the muse affords abundance of sturgeons , so big , that some of them weigh 400 , and some 420 pounds , and are 12 foot long of antwerp measure . the muse yeildeth also great store of salmons , and salmon trouts , lamprayes , shads , congers , mullets , and divers other sorts of fishes , which coming into fresh water , become fat , and excellent good . the scheld , by reason of the vicinity it hath with the mouth of the meuse , hath divers sorts of fishes that come out of the sea , as sturgeons , salmons , salmon trouts , lamprayes , turbots , congers , shads , mullets , soles , &c. besides which , such an infinite number of frie come out of the sea , and are taken in this river , that multitudes of people are relieved therewith . besides these rivers , divers channels are cut out , and made navigable by mans hand , the principal whereof are at bruxells , gant , bruges , and middlebourg . the country hath not many fountains of running water , save in the mountainous part : but lakes , pools , and marshes many , which both fortify the country , and furnish it with fish. the sea ariseth at calais in flanders , in zealand , and holland 18 foot : but where it s pressed into a straight , as at bristow , it rises 66 foot : at st malo , and mount st. michael in normandy 80 foot. the depth of the sea between calais and dover is 24 fathom ( every fathom 6 foot ) between england and ireland 23. between wight , and normandy 28. near to sylly 60 : and so the nearer the main the deeper . herrings come out of the northern seas in incredible multitudes into our seas in august , september , and mid november : but the best are taken from mid september , 'till the end of october . the sooner the cold begins , the sooner they come , and in the greater number . they once compass our isle of great britain , and so pass into the northern ocean . their course is hard by the shore , and they swim gazing where they see any light , fire , or humane creatures . they have kings among them , as bees have , marked on the head like a crown , and are somewhat ruddy , especially upon the head. the kings goe before them , and they are followed with an infinite number , which in the night afar off seem like lightning , by reason that their eyes are bright like fire . they feed upon water only , and dye as soon as they are taken out . many cods are taken in the same months with the herrings ; and some of them are above 50 pound weight . of these two kinds of fishes they yearly make vast summs . salmons are taken at all times of the year in holland , and zealand . these 3 kinds of fish , yeild yearly to them ( the salt deducted ) six hundred thousand pound sterling . they have divers forrests , and woods , well stored with red and fallow deer , goats , wild boars , hares , conies , badgers , wolves , foxes , &c. whcth yeild good furrs . the fowl in this country are partridge , feasants , turtle doves , quails , black-birds , and in briefe , all kinds of fowl , and birds that be in england , both water , and land fowl , especially water fowl in holland . the people are valiant , and very skilful seamen : their hoyes are excellent good to brook the seas , by reason whereof they dispatch their voyages sooner than other nations . they are good linguists , and very skilful in merchandise . they excel in making woollen cloth , tapestry , fustians , silks , velvets , &c. they invented the art of painting , and the making of woollen , and linnen cloth , and of dying . the women govern all , both within doors , and without , and make all bargains , which makes them too too injurious and troublesom . the eldest daughter is of the greatest reputation , yet hath no larger a portion than the rest . they marry noble with ignoble , young with old , master and servant , into strange towns , and forrain countries . there are 17 provinces , brabant , lemburg , luxenburg , guilders , which are dutchies ; flanders , artois , heynalt , holland , zealand , namur , and zutphen , which are earldoms ; the marquisat of the sacred empire , frisland , malines , utrecht , over-issel , and groningham , which are seniories . lothier is a bare title , for the land remaineth in lorrain . the province of brabant described . brabant is bounded on the north with the meuse , which severeth it from guilderland , and holland : south with haynalt , namurs , and lieg : east with the meuse , which severs it from another part of guelderland : west , with the scheld , which severs it from flanders , and the principality of alost . the air is good , and most of the soil fruitful . the length of it from south to north , from gemblours to st. gertrudenbers is ▪ 22 leagues ; the breadth from east to west , from helmont to berghes is 20 leagues . the circuit eighty . the principal rivers of brabant are the meuse , and the scheld . towns walled are 26 , whereof lovain , bruxells , antwerp , and bosleduc are the chiefe . tilmond , leewe , and nevelle are but small . the rest are arshcot , bergh , meghen , breda , diest , maestricht , steenberg , lire , vilvorden , gemblours , joudaign , hannut , lamden , halem , sichenen , herentalis , eindoven , helmont , and grave . smaller towns unwalled , yet market towns , fair built , and enjoying the priviledges of market towns , are eighteen . villages with parish churches are seven hundred . the city of lovain described . lovain stands by the river of dele : the air is so temperate that vines prosper both within , and without the town . it s 4 miles compass within the walls , and six without . the buildings are beautiful : the temples , monasteries , the church of st. peter , and the publick pallace , are sumptuously built . it s of a round figure , and hath many goodly gardens , vallyes , mountains , meddows , and springs within it . the university was founded anno christi 1426. in it are about 20 colledges , the principal whereof are lilium , castrum , porcus , falco , and trilingue . it hath many lesser towns under the jurisdiction of it . the city of bruxells described . bruxells stands upon the little river sinne : it s of the same bigness with lovain . it hath 2 walls about it , between which , towards the east , the court is resident . it 's excellently seated for all kind of commodities , both for pleasure , and profit . there is a goodly channel made by art from bruxells into the river of dele , and thence into the scheld . there are also 5 notable scluses for the back water . in it there are 7 gates , 7 churches , 7 noble houses : and the buildings in general are very sumptuous . here is made great store of armor , and excellent arras , both of silk , gold , and silver . there are in it 52 occupations , divided into 9 members , called the 9 nations . it hath under its jurisdiction nivelle , and vilvorden . bolduc described . bolduc stands upon the river of deese , but 2 leagues from the meuse . it 's a great town , strong , well peopled , rich , and well built . the cathedral church is dedicated to st. john , which is a goodly one , and hath a very beautiful dial upon it . it 's the fourth principal town of brabant . under the jurisdiction of it are 4 countries , called the four members , wherein are contained these towns , helmont , eindovers , meghen , ravestein , grave , and divers other villages . the three small capitall towns of brabant are , telmont that stands upon the little river geet ; but the town is now decayed . leewe , that stands upon the little brook gheef : it 's strong , being a frontier against lieg . nevelle , it stands in a fruitful soil , and is full of quarries of excellent stone . besides these , there are in brabant arshcot , which stands upon the little river demere , made a dutchy . bergen op zoom , seated upon a little hill , by the river zoom , which passes through the town , and half a league thence falls into the scheld . it 's neer to the seas , and hath a reasonable good haven , not far from antwerp . hoochstrate , not environed with any wail , erected into an earldom by charles the fifth . meghen , stands upon the river of meuse , an ancient earldom . breda , stands upon the river merck : it s a good , and a pleasant town , and in it is a sumptuous castle , with double ditches full of water : it belongs to the prince of orange . diest stands upon the river demere : a good town , and hath two colledges of canons in it . the city of mastrick described . mastrick is cut through , not in the midst , but on one side by the meuse . there is a goodly bridg of stone built over the river . the lesser part of it makes , as it were , an angle , which is called by the name of vich : this part belongs to the principality of liege : but the chief body of the town is under the low-countries . it 's a very fair and strong town , and hath two colledges of canons in it , and in one of them the duke of brabant is a canon . the whole compass thereof is about 4 english miles . round about the walls runs a deep ditch : the earth about it is loose , and maniable : yet is it not peopled answerable to the compass of the walls , but a great part of it is void ground , especially towards the walls , which notwithstanding are well provided with platforms . steenbergh , is now decayed , but was sometime a town of great power and importance , with a goodly haven . lire stands upon the little river nethe . it 's a strong town , both by nature and art. vilvorden stands upon the river sinne : the town is strong , and hath a castle in it . gemblours , hath an abby in it , and a famous library . there are also jondoign , hannut , landen , halen , which stands upon the little river of geet : sichenen ▪ upon the river demere ; hentalls upon the river nethe : eindoven upon the brook dommele . helmont upon the river ade : and grave upon the river meuze : all walled towns : other villages are omitted . ravestien stands on the left side of the river of maze . it s a good little town , with a castle in it . the province of lembourg described . lembourg stands upon the river of weser beyond the meuze , in which is found the stone called coperas , which being incorporated with brass maketh latin. there is also much iron , and some lead . walkenbourg is a reasonable town , having a large territory and jurisdiction : it 's 2 leagues from mastrick . dalem is a little town with a castle . rode-le-duc is a little ancient town with an old castle . carpen is a great village with a collegiate church , and a strong castle neer it . malins stands upon the river of dele , which passeth through the town , and ebbs and flowes a league above it . it is a goodly strong town , because it may be drowned almost on all sides . in it are 7 parish churches , and a monastery of about 16 hundred nuns . heyst stands on an hill , and hath 7 boroughs at the foot of the hill , all pertaining to this village . horne is a castle neer to the meuse , not far from ruermond , and hath a goodly jurisdiction neer unto the castle gives name : and wiert is a town belonging to it , beautified with a goodly castle . the province of guelders described . guelders is bounded on the north with friesland , and the zuiderzee : south with the meuse ( which divides it from brabant ) and with gulirland : east with the rhine , and cleavland : and west with holland , and the bishoprick of utrecht . the country is flat , having but few hills , but many pleasant woods , and store of corn , and cattel . it hath two and twenty walled towns , whereof the cheif are nimegue , ruermond , zutphen , and arnem . the other walled towns are , hatten , elburch , harderwick , wagheningen , tiel , bomel , bronchorst , doesburg , doetecum , isheerenberg , lochem , grol , bredervoerde , ghelder , stralen , venloo , wachtendonck , and erkelens . towns unwalled , yet priviledged as walled towns are , kepple , burg , ghent , batemburg , montfort , and echt. in it are above three hundred villages with parish churches . nimegue stands upon that branch of the rhine that is called whael , where its larg , and deep . it s a fair town , strong , rich , and well peopled . it hath a very fair , and ancient castle , with an excellent prospect round about . ruermond described . ruermond stands upon the very point of the river ruer , where it , and the maze meet . it s a beautiful , strong , and well-peopled city : the country about it is very fruitful . under the jurisdiction of it are these towns ; venloo , a strong town , guelder , stralen , watchtendonck , and erkelens , which are all walled towns ; montfort , echt , and niewerstat , burroughs built like towns ; as also kessel , midler , and criekenbeeck ▪ a league from rucrmond is the fair village kessel , with a strong castle in it . zutphen described . zutphen is situate upon that branch of the rhine that is called issel , and the river berkel runs through it , which there empties it self into issel : it s well built . it s the third principal town in guelderland . under its jurisdiction are doesbourg , doeterum , lochem , grol , bredervoerd , and bronkhurst , all walled towns. zutphen hath a great fort on the side opposite to the river , and two lesser ones for the better defence of it . the city of arnem described . arnem stands upon the rhine . it s a well built town , fair , and larg . it s chiefe town of guelders , and the veluwe , which is but a little country , but exceeding fruitfull , especially abounding with fish , being compassed about with zuiderzee , rhine , and issel . it abounds also with all kinds of venison . under its jurisdiction are wagheninghen : hattem which is a strong town ; hardwick , and elbourg , all walled towns , with divers villages . other walled towns are these . hattem which stands upon issel , a great , and strong town . elbourg which stands upon zuiderzee . hurderwick , which also stands upon zuiderzee : wagheninghen , which stands upon the rhine : tiel , which is a strong town , and stands upon whaal : bomel , which also stands upon whaal , and is a fair , and strong place : bronchorst which stands upon issel ; doesbourgh , which stands at the entry of fossa brusiana into the river issel , a good town and well peopled : doetecum , which stands upon the old issel : tserenberg , a good town : locchem which stands upon berkel : groel , &c. verloo stands upon the meuze , it s a good , and a strong town : wachtendonk stands upon the river niers : erkelens is a reasonable good town . all these are walled , and stand in guelderland . towns unwalled are , keppel , and bourk , both which stand upon the old issel : ghend , which is neer to the whaal : battenbourg which stands upon the meuze : montfort , a very strong castle : echt , neer to the pleasant wood echterwalt : culembourg , a good town standing upon the leck : buren is in the midst of guelderland , hath a strong castle in it , and under the jurisdiction of it , a great country , and many villages ; it stands neer to the river liugh . the province of overissel described . overissel is bounded on the north with west-frise , and groninghen : south with the country of zutpheu ; east with westphalia ; and west with the zuiderzee , and the river issel . the country is very plain , and without hills , very fruitful , and abounding with grain . the river vidre , or vecht , runs through it . it hath eight walled towns , namely . deventer , swol , cumpen , vallenhove , steenwick , hasselt , oetmarse , and oldezeel . other towns of importance , though unwalled , are , meppel , theelmuyden , coevorden , hardemberg , omme , almeloe ▪ goer , diepnehem , delden , and enseede . there are in it about a hundred villages . deventer described . deventer stands upon the river issel : it s a very strong , and well fortified place , larg , fair , well built , and well peopled . it s the metropolitane of the whole country . swol described . swol stands upon a little river that runneth into the vidre . it s a very strong town , fortified with a double ditch , and strong rampers . cumpen described . cumpen stands at the entrance of issel into zuiderzee , and is comprehended in the country of overissel : it s a very fair , and a larg town . vallenhove described . vallenhove stands upon the zuiderzee : it s a good town , and served very well with all sorts of victuals . the other towns and villages are not worth naming , save only ghelmuyden , which stands upon the very mouth of the vidre , and hath a strong castle in it . the province of frise-land described . the river embs divides east-friesland , which belongs to upper germany , from west-friesland , which appertaineth to the lower : and as it grows nearer to the sea , so it enlargeth it self , that the mouth thereof makes a gulph . here is the city of embden seated , one of the most considerable towns of all the maritine parts , by reason of the frequency of people , and opportunity of commerce , which is much holpen by the haven thereof , being held to be one of the most commodious in all the north. the flemish-friesland maketh two provinces . that which joyns upon germany is called groninghen , from the city of the same name . a city very well peopled , and suspiciously seated , being the chiefest key of those confines . it is seated very low , as is its sister province , which retains the name of friesland . in winter the fields stand full of water , and there is no coming to their habitations but by their banks . in summer the land lyes dry , and yeilds great store of pasturage . you would say , that in those parts , the sea is interchangably turned into the land , and the land into the sea. by reason of the low situation , and great humidity there are no woods in the country , nor almost any sort of trees that may serve for firing : but where nature is therein wanting , the inhabitants make it good by their industry . for they make use of turfs cut out of the earth and dryed in the sun , instead of wood : these are the woods of friesland , and the usual fire of the inhabitants . in divers other parts of flanders they suffer the same wants , and with the same industry provide against them . frise anciently was a kingdome , and reached from the mouth of the rhine into denmark : but that which we here describe is vvest-friesland : the other towards the river visurgis , is called east-friese . vvest-friese hath north and west the ocean sea : south , zuiderzee , and the country of overissel : east it hath east-friseland . under its signiory are many isles adjoyning unto it , the principal whereof are schelnick , and ameland , in which are divers villages . there are no rivers in this country save only ems , and lauwers , but issel , and vidre are neer to it : there are very many great channels throughout the country , made as well for transportation , as for draning of the waters , which otherwise would overflow all . for its a marish country , flat , and full of waters : the river ems severs it from vvestphalia . they have small store of grain , but numbers of cattel , and turfe is their fewel : but the poorer people burn cow-dung dried in the sun. many of their kine bring two calves a piece , and their ewes two or three lambs , yea , sometimes four at a fall . they have also store of good horses . this country is divided into three principal counties : the county of ostergoe , the county of vvestergoe , and the county of the seven forrests . all of them contain walled towns , and others enjoying the like priviledges , being rampered with trenches and ditches , eleven namely , leewarden , doccum , franiker , bolswaerd , sneck , ilst , slotem , harlinghen with a castle , vvorkum , hindelopen , and straveren . there are in it four hundred and ninety villages . leewarden described . leewarden is seated two leagues from doccum : its a good , and a great town , having a strong castle in it . franiker is a good town , and a university : of the rest there is nothing remarkable . the isle of schellinck described . in this island are some villages abounding with excellent good pastures , great plenty of cattel , and very good fish , especially dog-fish , which are taken in this strange manner . the men disguise themselves like beasts , and so go to the sea-side , at such times as they know the fishes use to come forth to refresh themselves with the air upon the shoar . then these disguised men fall a dancing and leaping ; with which sport , the fishes are so greatly delighted , that thereby they are drawn far from the sea , while , in the mean time nets are pitched between the sea and them , which being done , the dancers throw off their disguised apparel , and discover themselves , whereupon the fishes retire towards the sea , and are taken in the nets . the province of groeninghen described with the city . it s a very great , rich , and well-built city , under the diocess of the bishop of munster . it hath a great and larg jurisdiction ; and through the city passe divers rivers , in divers channels , some made by art , and some by nature , which make the town very strong . groninghen lyes upon the utmost bounds of that consine which joyns together the upper and the lower germany . there is not in that part of the low countries a more noble city than this , either for the number of inhabitants , for the quallity of the buildings , or for the frequency of commerce . it forms the body of a province which lyes about this city , and which takes the name , and almost the whole government from thence . it s seated low , well provided of a wall , and ditch . it hath some works within the circuit thereof of the modern fashion ; and the rest , for the most part , are of the ancient . it enjoyes very large priviledges . the province of holland described . holland is as much to say , a hollow land , because the very foundation of it stands upon the water ; so that if you go , or ride , the ground will tremble under you . it s bounded north and west with the sea : south with the meuse , and brabant : east with the zuiderzee , and guelderland . through it run many armes of the rhine , and meuse , besides a number of channels made by art , almost between every village of moment . it hath in it a number of islands made by the sea , the rhine , and the meuse , of divers names , yet all comprehended under the name of holland . the ground is so low that they are fain to fence it , with dikes , and rampers , as well against the sea , as against almost all the rivers and channels into which the sea ebbs and flows ; so that in many places you shall see the sea above the land , yet kept back by these banks . this country hath few trees in it , because the ground is so spungy , that it is not able to bear the weight of a tree ; and yet lesse quantity of fruit and grain grows in it for the same reason . yet have they such plenty of grain from the easterlings , and denmark , as is not only sufficient for their own use , but liberally to impart to other countries . and they have such plenty of rhenish wine from germany that they spend more than in the country where it grows . flax they have none growing , and yet make more linnen cloth than any country in the world. wool also they have none of their own , and yet make an infinite number of cloths . they have no timber , and yet spend more in building of ships , and fencing their dikes then any other country doth . their principal home-commodities consists in breeding of horses , the kine in their fat pastures , and meddows , and turfe , whereof they sell an infinite quantity to other countries . the butter and cheese made in a year in holland amounts to above a million of crowns . but their greatest commodity comes by fishing , and navigation . holland and zealand described more fully . both these provinces lye on the north and west side of flanders . in holland , the rhine , and the meuse ; and in zealand , the scheld , fall into the sea , in such larg channels , as loosing the condition of rivers , they seem to carry new seas into the sea. on the contrary , the ocean first washing the said two provinces for a long tract of ground , and turning then ( as it were ) from a sea to a river , it penetrates into each of them by divers channels , and hides it self there in sundry gulphs . from hence , joyning with the rivers , and together with them cutting zealand thorough in many places , it makes thereof many islands , and reduces holland into a peninsula . and together with these three aforenamed rivers , which are the chiefest of all flanders , there are in holland divers other lesser ones : and , as if art would contend with nature , there are added thereunto an infinite number of channels cut out by mans hand , which are made for the greater accommodation of the country . there are within holland also a great number of lakes , and standing waters ; so as the situation of both these provinces being well considered , it is to be questioned whether the space of ground be greater which by the water is won from the earth , or from the water by the earth . nor is it less disputable , whether their country do more abound with , or be more wanting of those commodities which men enjoy in other places . for through the condition of their situation they want both corn , wine , oyle , wool , wood , hemp , flax , and almost all other commodities and delights which are used in more temperate and dry climates : and yet again , there is no country , not only in the northern nook , even not in any part of europe , which abounds so much as holland and zealand in almost all the forenamed commodities , yea , even of those which are less necessary for the maintenance of humane life : so great is the advantage which these two provinces receive by the sea , and rivers , whereby their commerce with all other countries is made so easie , which since they have introduced , and made so familiar in both the indies , it cannot be said how much both merchandizes , and merchants are increased in both of them . hence it is that they abound so much with people , and that their cities , towns , and villages are so well inhabited . yet the sea likewise is as full of ships , and other bottoms , and all their watry places with other sorts of boats , which all of them serve for habitations , especially to mariners , and fishers . great is the number of people that apply themselves to these two vocaitons in holland , and in zealand . they make houses of their ships , and of their houses schools : here they are born : here they are bred up : and here they learn their professions . and the marriners especially , who practising their callings , in running so oft , and so boldly from the one pole to the other , and wheresoever the sun communicates it self to mortals , grow so expert therein , as though they may be equalled , yet they cannot be out-done in this seafairing mystery , by any nation whatsoever . in briefe , these people are generally given to traffique , and are extraordinary industrious in manual , and mechanical arts. their greatest delight lyes in their meat , and in their feasts , by which they temper the melancholly of their tedious winters , which are rather long than sharp , the country abounding much more in rain than in frosts . they are generally well shaped in body ; and as candid in nature as in countenance : pleasant in their leasure times ; but fierce in their warrs , and much better in fighting at sea than by land : they feed most upon fish , and are whit-meats , wherein their country doth infinitely abound . they have alwayes been inclined to a free government , and have ever tenaciously held their ancient customs . holland is full of great cities , good towns , and infinite in villages . but by reason of the frequency of forreigners , and multitudes of natives , amsterdam hath alwayes been the chiefest city of this province . even whilst commerce flourished in antwerp , great was the concourse of forreigners to amsterdam : but commerce failing in that city , by reason of the warrs with spain , it is so mightily encreased in this other , as amsterdam is at this houre the place of greatest merchandizing , not only in holland , but in all the north. in zealand middlebourg is the town best peopled , and of greatest traffick ; yet cannot that province come any thing neer holland , neither in circuit , people , nor plenty . it s almost impossible to enter either of these provinces by force : becaus not only the chief places but even the commonest towns are environed , either by the sea , rivers , lakes , or by earth , than which there can be none more low , nor more miery : so as it is no wonder if these people , being thus favoured by nature , were both so sierce in taking up arms against spain at first , and with the like animosity maintained them till they had procured their own peace . bentivog : hist : of fland : pag. 73. zealand . where the scheld falls from the more inward parts of the land , gliding for a good space along the confines of brabant and flanders , it comes at once out of both those provinces ; and at the coming out , divides it self into two large branches : the one bends towards the north , and retaines the name of scheld ; the other runs towards the west , and is called honte . here , both of them growing greater , as they draw neerer the ocean , before they fall thereinto , they joyn together in divers spacious gulphs ; among which the islands of zealand are rather buried than raised up ; so low are they seated , and so oft doth the sea do mischief there . this low situation is notwithstanding endeavoured to be remedied by the inhabitants with exceeding high , and firm banks . but this remedie doth not alwayes give them security , of which the island of zuitbevolant hath had sad experience , it having in former time been one of the greatest , and best peopled of all the zealand islands . in the year 1532 , the sea arose with one of the most terrible tempests that was ever seen in those parts , and rending the banks asunder , and bearing down whatsoever withstood it , it overflowed from the one side to the other , and did actually drown a great part of the island , to the utter and most horrible destruction both of man and beast , and a great number of intire villages , which were miserably swallowed up by that deluge . this fell out on that side that lies neerest to brabant and flanders ; this being the first island that the scheld , in forming its abovesaid branches , cuts off , and divides from the continent : yet that angle which lyes neerest to the firm land , remained still unprejudiced , and is yet inhabited . on the west , this island looks towards flanders : on the north towards brabant : and in it stands tergoes , a small town , better fortified by nature than by art , being fenced on the one side by the scheld , upon whose banks it is situated : it is environed on an other part with certain marish grounds : and it s fortified by art on the weakest side , which lies towards the firm land . holland is not above 60 leagues in circuit , and where its broadest a man may ride over it in 6 hours ; yet are there in it nine and twenty walled towns : namely , dordrecht , harlem , delft , leyden , goud , amsterdam , einchusen , horn , alkmur , purmerenden , eadam , monichedam , wesp , naerden , woerden , oudewater , schoonhoven , helstien , vianen , leerdam , asperen , hueckelem , gorichom , workum , huesden , rotterdam , schiedam , st gertrudenberg , and sevenbergen . besides these there are divers little towns , which have been walled , and enjoy the priviledges of walled towns : namely , medemblick , beverwick , muiden , neuport , ulaerdingen , and gravisand . there are besides above four hundred villages , some of which are large , and have great immunities . holland hath also under it divers isl●s : the chief are vielandt , texele , weringham , urak , and ens , wherein are some villages : as also voorn , goerode , sommersaike , corendike , and pierskille . dordrecht described . dordrecht stands upon the merune , which river is compounded of the rhine , the meuse , and the ling. it s a great , rich , mighty , and well-peopled town . the city of harlem described . harlem lyes in a large plain , divided every where into lovely meddows ; the ground in holland being usually fitter for pasture than for tillage . on the one side it hath a wood nigh at hand , which is but very little , and serves rather for pleasure than for fireing . on the other side the river sparen runs within the walls , which , washing the walls on the outside , with an other branch , that presently joyns with the former , makes of that part of the city , an iland . towards the south this river communicates with a great lake called , harlem meer ; and towards the west , with a larg gulph , called tie , which , entring into other greater ▪ gulphs , falls not into , but is rather enclosed by the ocean . the city is provided of a good ditch , and good walls , not flanked according to the modern fashion , but with great towers , after the ancient mode . the circuit of the walls is great , and the city is very well peopled ; and to the number of the inhabitants , as well in private as in publick , doth the condition of the buildings answer . neer this city , almost at an equall distance , within half a dayes journey , lye two of the chiefest towns in holland , amsterdam on the east , and leyden on the south . it s a town very well built , and beautified with goodly meddows both within and without , but especially with a most pleasant forrest , and environed with many goodly villages , and fortresses , and is seated in a most wholsom air . it s the greatest town in all holland . here printing was first invented , and after perfected at mentz , whence some attribute the invention of it to that place . delfe described . it s a goodly larg town well built throughout with broad and pleasant streets , and beautified with sumptuous and stately churches . it lyes upon a river which joyns upon the mause . leyden described . it s one of the six capitall towns of holland , and chiefe of rhineland . it hath under it nine and forty burroughs , and villages . it abounds with all sorts of provisions , and with sea-fish , and fresh-water fish , and of water foul. it s strengthened with an ancient castle . leyden is situate in a flat and low country , full of ditches , and channels , and is beautified with pleasant meddows , gardens , arbors , and walks round about it ; within it are inclosed one and thirty islands , from one of which to the other men go in boats : and over and above these there are nine or ten other islands , from the one of which to the other , bridges are built to pass over , so that in that town are one hundred forty five bridges , whereof one hundred and four are of stone , the rest of wood. in this town are yearly made above twelve thousand cloaths . the town is well peopled ; her streets are large : her buildings well polished : it s well flanked round about : her ditches are every where deep , and in sine , she is a very compleat city . the women are very fair , and the air wholsom . goud described . goud is also one of the six capital towns of holland . it stands upon the river issel , not that issel before mentioned , but another different from that . for this issel ariseth at isselstein in holland , and passing by montfort , oudewater , and goud : at isselmond it entreth into the leek , holding his course from his rising to his fall between the old rhine that cometh from utrecht , and the said river of leek ; and being , as it were hemm'd in between these two rivers , it 's a strong , rich , and well fortified town . amsterdam described . amsterdam standeth upon the goulph tie . it s one of the goodliest havens in the world ; for you have sometimes at once five hundred sail of ships riding in the port. the town is so rich , that though a fleet of three hundred sail , laden with all kind of merchandize arrive there , the citizens within five or six dayes will buy up all their wares . in this town are built yearly many ships , and above twelve thousand cloths made . amstordam is built upon piles under the ground , as venice is , so that the buildings of these towns are more chargeable under the ground than above , though the houses are very sumptuous , and fair . this town is very strong , and held to be impregnable , by reason that it may be invironed at pleasure with water , and is almost in all points like unto venice , and little inferior to it in any thing . for its the greatest town in all these parts of the world. einchuysin described . it standeth upon the very point of the gulph zuidersee , that fronteth frisland , from whence it is distant not above two leagues . it 's a good town , and in it are many ships built . hoorn described . hoorn stands upon the zuiderzee . it 's a fair , rich , and a reasonable great town , and hath a good haven , and is of so great strength , by reason of the multitude of channels round about it , that it seems almost impregnable . in this town there is kept yearly a mart of butter , and cheese , whereunto there is brought so great a quantity , as furnishes , not only these countries , but spain and portugal also . alcmair described . alcmair is a very rich town , by reason that the country round about it yeelds more plenty of butter and cheese than any other place in holland . it 's not strong , save only by situation , lying ( as do all other towns in that country of waterlant ) drowned amidst water and mud. it 's within five hours journy of harlem , and may be said to be the gate whereby to enter by land into waterlant . for that side of the province , being shut up on one part by the sea , on an other by the gulph of zuiderzee , and almost all the rest by other waters , and channels ; and making the shape of a peninsula , it leaves but a very narrow space of entrance by land ; and there , a little within stands alcmair . purmerenden described . purmerenden is a town with a good castle appertaining to the counts of egmont . edan described . edan stands neer to the zuiderzee . it 's famous for the great number of ships of all burdens that are built in it , and the innumerable multitude of excellent good cheeses that are made in the country round about it . moni●kdam , and wesp , are two good little towns , with great store of good meddows , and pastures about them for feeding of cattel , and likewise they have a great deal of fish. woerden hath a strong castle in it . oudewater stands upon the issel . neer hereabouts grows great plenty of hemp , of the which almost all the cables , cords , and nets that the fisher-men , and marriners of holland , and zealand use , are made , by which many of the inhabitants grow very rich . schoonhoven stands upon the leek . it s a fair town , and hath a commodious haven , and here so great abundance , and plenty of salmonds are taken ▪ that the staple of salmonds is kept here . iselst●in : about this town is great controversie whether it belong to holland , or to utrecht . vianen stands upon the river leek . leardam stands upon the river ling. asperen stands also upon the river ling , which runs through it with a pleasant murmuring noise . hueclelen stands likewise upon the river ling , and hath an ancient castle in it . gorichom stands upon the whaal where it meets with the ling. it s a good town , and hath in it a strong castle . from the church steeple of this town , you may see two and twenty walled towns , and an infinite number of villages , which is a most pleasant sight to behold . every day there is a market in this town of butter , cheese , and other victuals of an incredible quantity brought into this haven , and from thence transported into other countries , and places , which makes the inhabitants here to become very rich . workum stands upon the whaal . huesden hath a fair castle , and many villages are under its jurisdiction . rotterdam stands upon the channel of rotter , neer to the meuse . it s a strong , a fair , and a populous town . st gertrudenberg is for situation very strong : it hath the meuse on the one side with its name turned into merwe , and of such a breadth , that it being there ready to fall into the ocean , the channel thereof seems to be a sea rather than a river . there falls also into the merwe upon another side , another little river of but a short course , called donge , and it ends its course neer unto the walls of this town ; yet is the bed thereof also so broad and deep , as its capable of any vessel whatsoever . the places thereabout are so low as men walk more upon the tops of banks , than upon plain ground . the artificial fortifications are answerable to the situation of it . sevenbergen stands also upon the merwe : it s a good town . unwalled towns in holland , and yet enjoying the priviledges of walled towns , are medemblick , which stands upon the north sea of holland , and in the best country of all holland for feeding of cattel . it hath in it a strong castle . muyden , which stands by the gulph zuiderzee , upon the little river of weight . it s a good town , with a strong castle on the contrary side of the river , and a bridg to pass between the castle and the town . nieuport , ulaerding , which stands neer to the mouth of the meuse , a very ancient town . principal villages in holland are hague : or haghen : or lettay stands neer to the west sea. it is the fairest , the richest , and the greatest village of europe , containing two thousand houses , and among them , divers that are very sumptuous ones , especially the beautiful and large royal pallace , built like a castle , and environed with strong and larg ditches . in this pallace is a colledge of cannons , with a very beautiful chappel in it , and a gallant library . they will by no means wall this village , accounting it more honour to inhabit the fairest , and mightiest village of europe , than a city , which being walled , would be inferiour to many . at the hague is a goodly wood stored with all kind of venison , and beautified with many antiquities , and medals graven in fine marble , and worthy to be remembred . it s not watered , nor cut through with any river . halfe a league from the hague is the abby of losdune , in which is the tomb of margaret countess of hennenberg , with an epitaph thereon , whereby it 's said , that she brought forth as many children at one burthen , as there are dayes in the year . schaghen is situate in the utmost northern part of holland . it s a fair , and large village with a goodly castle . iselmont stands upon the river of merwe . it s a good village with a fair castle . eghemont stands neer to the west sea. it s a brave village with a goodly monastery . brederode is a castle whereof the noble family of brederode beareth the name . walkenbourg is a small burrough , where every september a notable fair of horses is kept . catwiik standeth on the sea , where the ancient mouth of the rhine that came from utrecht then fell into the sea. britania is a fort that was built by the romans , since swallowed up by the sea. petten stands in the utmost of the north part of holland , upon the downes . the isle that belongs to the iurisdiction of holland described . in the isle of voorn is the briel , which is a good and strong town , and after it ulissinghen . in the i le of voorn is also the town gerulit , which hath divers villages under its jurisdiction . the soil of this iland is very fat , and fruitful , and bringeth forth abundance of divers sorts of grain , as also of the hearb called hellem , like to broom , the great roots whereof are the principal strength of the sea banks , and dikes of holland and zeland , which otherwise , being but sandy , would easily be born away with the wind . the second isle is goerede . in it is a town of the same name , being fair , and great . somersdike is a third island , called also voorn , because it lyes directly against holland . in it are divers villages , but the chief is called somersdike . gorendike the fourth , and pierschelle the fifth isle . the soil of both these is excellent good , and they have divers villages in them . this country of holland is exceeding populous : the people are tall , well proportioned , cheerful , and valiant , very courteous , and civil . their towns are well built , their houses wonderfully well furnished , and their furniture exceeding fine , and neat above all the countries in the world. their shops , buildings , ships , dikes , rampars , channels , divises to maintain their banks , and to preserve their meddowes , and pastures , by passing the water from one channel to another , and so into the sea , and all other works that they take in hand , are so excellently , and skilfully done , that its wonderful to behold them . the women in holland are very fair , wise , painful , and so practiced in worldly affairs , that they imploy themselves in most kind of mens exercises , especially in merchandize . by the peoples industry in merchandizing , breeding of sheep , and cattel , shipping , fishing &c. this little province is wonderful rich ; and there is no one foot of it , but yeilds some profit : yea , the very downs , being nothing but sand-hills , breed great abundance of conies : and the very sea-rocks afford them great store of eggs , and infinite number of fowl , which they sell into divers countries , both raw and baked , fresh and salt , which turns to their great commodity . to conclude , considering the great wealth that groweth in this country by cheese , butter , flesh , fish , foul , chickens , eggs , linnen , and woolen cloth , turfe , and shipping , it may be called a treasury of all good this . the province of utrecht described . utrecht hath on the north , west , and south holland , and on the east guelderland . it contains the city it self of utrecht , and four other walled towns : namely , wick at duerstede , rhenen , amersfort , and montfort : and under the jurisdiction thereof are about seventy villages . the country is dryer than holland , and so very fruitful of grain . utrecht stands upon the ancient stream of the rhine , which before it brake into the river leek , had its course this way into the sea. it s seated in a country so miraculously well inhabited , that in one day you may go from utrecht to fifty walled towns , standing from thence in an equall distance . you may also go from utrecht in a morning , and dine at whether you please of six and twenty walled towns , and return again to supper at utrecht in your own house . the town is larg , mighty , and very stately , and sumptuously built , and full of goodly cellars , and caves , vaulted , with wonderful art and skill . in it are many goodly churches , whereof five are the principal . towns of the jurisdiction of utrecht , are first , week at duersteed , which is a town well built , standing upon the leek , with a good castle in it . 2. rhenen stands also upon the leek . about it is excellent good ground for turfe . 3. amesfort stands upon the little river of eem : it s a fair town , and well peopled . 4. montfort , which stands upon the issel : it s a pleasant , and a strong place . the province of zealand described . zeland is as much as to say , a land won out of the sea ; under which name are contained fifteen or sixteen islands , which being united together , make one body , and have the title of a county . zeland is parted southward from flanders with the left arm of the scheld , called hont ; eastward from brabant , with the right arm of the scheld , which retaineth the ancient name of scheld ; north , it is sever'd from holland with a goulph of the sea called flack : west it hath the sea towards england . the principal islands of zealand are seven , which are ( by an arm of the scheld ) neer to the entrance thereof into the sea ) divided into the oriental , and occidental . the oriental isles are , schouwe , dueland , and tolen . the occidental are , walkaren , zuidheveland , northewland , and wolfersdike . towards the sea these islands are defended with hills of sands , called the downs , thrown up by the surges of the sea. towards the south they are defended with rampars , and banks made , and with great pains and charge maintained by the people , being ten flemish ells high , and twenty five thick at the bottom . they are made of the hardest clay that can be gotten : within they are thick built with wood , and stone , and covered without with mats strongly wrought . zealand is a very fruitful country , and produces excellent pure and bright corn ; great quantities of coriander , and bay trees that bring forth ripe berries , which grow not in any province of the low-countries besides : it produces also abundance of good madder , and diverse other simples . as also of turfe . it hath great abundance of excellent good pasturage for the cattel , and no less plenty of fish. in this country are eight walled towns : namely , middlebourg , sirixee , cunfere , ulissenghen , tollai , st martins-dike , romersvale , and goses : there are diverse other smal places unwalled , and one hundred and two villages . the isle of schouwe described . this isle hath been much encroached upon by the sea , yet it s seven leagues in circuit . in it are these towns : sirixzee , the ancienst town in all zealand , their traffique is salt , and mather , whereof there is great abundance in this isle . the isle of duveland hath its name of the great abundance of doves that breed therein . it s in circuit four leagues . in it are many villages , and gentlemens farms . in the isle of tolen is the town of tolen , which gives name to the whole isle ; and st. martins dike , with divers small villages . the occidental isles are : walkeren , which is ten leagues in circuit . it s a strong and fruitful island , full of people , and of great wealth . in it are seven good towns : as first , middlebourg , so named , because it stands in the midst of the isle . it s a very strong town , well fortified , walled , and diked . the streets are large , the houses , churches , and monasteries very fair built . it s a great town of traffique of all kinds of merchandize . it stands not upon the sea , but upon two channels , one whereof called the new-channel , is as strait as a line , and is made so wide and deep , that a ship of a hundred tun may come from the port of rumue , even up to the very town of middlebourg . the second walled town is veere , or canfer , standing upon the north coast. in it is a goodly arsenal , wherein all furniture for warre by sea is used to be kept . ulussenghen is the third walled town . it s the key of the sea of these low-countries , because all ships that go up to antwerp must of necessity passe by this town . the chiefe villages of walkeren are , vvestcapelle , dombourg , ramekins , where standeth the fort of zeerbourg to secure the entrance into the river on that side . and ramue , or armuyden , which hath the goodliest haven in all christendom . sudbourg : and divers other good villages are in this isle . the next of these iles is zuidbes●veland , which is the greatest of all the isles of zealand . much of it was swallowed up by the sea , anno christi 1532. romerswald is the principal town in it , seated upon the east towards berghen . goes , or tergoes is an other town that stands upon the north coast : besides there are many good villages in this iland : with pleasant woods , and thickets , well stored with fowl , and wild beasts , for hauking and hunting . northbeveland is almost wholly swallowed up by the sea. vvolfersdike is the least of all these islands having only two villages in it . the city of antwerp described . antwerp lyes on the right side of the scheld , and extending its walls for a long space on that side which looks towards the river , it afterwards makes a great compass towards the other which commands the fields . that river cannot be mastered by a more noble city , nor that city be watered by a more noble river . it flourisheth exceedingly in the number of inhabitants , in beautiful buildings , and in merchandizing , which is chiefliest occasioned by the commodiousness of the scheld , it being a river of so great breadth and depth , and ebbing , and flowing so far into the sea , as that it is there capable of the greatest vessels which sail upon the sea. towards the field side , the city is environed with one of the statelyest walls that can be seen , as well for the breadth of the platform within , as for the noble bastions without ; and the ditch is every where answerable . on the other side towards the river , the river it self serves for a defence , and therefore on that side , there is only a single wall. the platform of the wall towards the fields is of such a breadth as many rowes of trees stand round about it , so as it serves no less for delight than for defence . antwerp is in , or rather joins upon brabant , of it self making one of the seventeen ancient provinces , by the name of the marquisat of the sacred empire . the province of flanders joyns upon the contrary side of the river , which place partakes thereby of all the advantages afforded , both by so large a river , and of a city of such merchandizing . the citadel of antwerp stands upon the banks of the scheld , upon the south side of the city . it is a pentagon , composed of five royal bastions . of all other modern fortifications , it hath been esteemed so famous , as it hath served for a pattern to almost as many citadels as have been built in any country since . some of her flanks lye towards the city , and the rest lean towards the champian ; respect being here had ( as in all other castles ) to be able on one side to command the city , and on the other , to receive necessary succour upon all occasions from without . there lyes a good space of ground between the citadel and the city . the noble province of flanders described . flanders is now bounded on the north with the sea , and the branch of the scheld that is called hont : south with artois , hainault , and vermandois . east with the ancient scheld , and part of haynault : west partly with the sea towards england , and partly with the river au , and part of artois that borders upon callice , and boloign . the length of it from antwerp to the new-foss is thirty three leagues ; the breadth from ninoven to graveling thirty leagues . the aire is very wholsome , especially southward : the country flat : the soil fruitful , especially towards the sea , and towards france . they breed great store of cattel , especially of good horses .. flanders hath divers rivers running through it : namely , scheld , lis , and tender , and many other small streams : the rest is supplied with channels made by hand to receive in the sea , it hath many pleasant hills , especially flanders gallicant . there are in flanders 28 walled towns : the three capitall are gant , bruges , and ipre : the others are lisle , douay , tournay , courtray , oudenard , alost , hulst , termond , bieruliet , neuport , scluse , dunkirk , graveling , bourbourg , damme , dixmude , uvern , ardembourg , ninove , berg de st winoc , montgerard or grammont , gassel , denise , orchies , and lanoy . towns unwalled , yet rich , fair , and populous , are about thirty , the chief are ostend ( now fortified with rampars and ditches ) oudembourg , messine , belle , poperinge , toroue , ostbour , axsele , middlebourg , loo , werwick , blonchberg , houck , rosselar , tielt , ghistell , eeclo , lombartside , steechem , houscot , munchereed , mardike , meeren , hallewin , wastene , steegberg , mergen , haesbrook , and armentiers . besides these there are one thousand one hundred fifty four villages , many of them as great , rich , and populous as any in europe . as also many castles , fortresses , and noblemens , and gentlemens houses , very beautifull to behold . what great alterations the king of france hath made of late , i cannot give an account . this country is divided into three parts , namely , flanders flamigeant , so called , because the flemish language is used in it : this is the chief part of the country . the second is flanders gallican , so stiled , because the walloon language ( which is a bastard french ) is used therein . the third is flanders imperial , because it was long under the obedience of the empire . the first lyes towards the sea , the second towards the walloon countries . flanders flamingunt described . it s bounded north with the sea , south with the river lie , and flanders gallican ; east with the scheld , and the imperial flanders ; west with the new foss , and with artoys . the soil is all sand , and naught for wheat , but produceth plenty of oats , beans , pease , vetches , flax , hemp , and very good fruits of divers sorts . in this part of flanders are the three capitall towns , namely , gaunt , bruges , and ipre , and le franc , which makes a fourth . in it also are the four parts of the sea , with berg de st winnoc , and many towns walled and unwalled . the city of gaunt described . gaunt stands about four leagues from the sea upon the rivers , scheld , lis , lieve , besides which , there are a number of brooks and fine fountains which come into the city , some by natural course , and some by art , all which at their issue out of the town , being received into great ditches made by hand , pass into the sea by a great channel , carried by infinite pains , and charges for the space of four great leagues into the sea of zealand neer to the gulph called sass . not long since also they have opened a certain little island , which before stopped the course of their ships , so that a reasonable boat may passe from the sea to gaunt , to the inestimable profit of town and the country thereabouts . gaunt is very strong both by nature and art , very beautiful , and one of the greatest cities in christendom . the walls within are seven miles in circuit , and without more then ten miles , but it hath many wast places within it . there is a citadel in it built by charles 5th 1540. and the buildings in general are very stately and magnificent . within the walls of gaunt are six and twenty isles , made by the rivers and channels above mentioned ; and there are ninety eight great bridges , and an infinite number of smaller , under which great boats pass with victuals , and merchandize . there are six principal water mills , and above one hundred wind mills , and of hand and horse-mills an infinite number . churches great and small , monasteries , and hospitals &c. fifty five , as also many goodly libraries , and it s divided into seven parishes . there are also divers schools for the bringing up of poor children at the town charges . the trade of weavers is of the greatest estimation , by reason of the linnen and woollen cloths , serges , tapestry , fustians , bucherams , wosted , and such other stuff , made in this town and province . the city of bruges described . bruges is so called of the multitude of goodly bridges about the town , and stands in a pleasant plain , three leagues from the sea. it hath no river but a channel made by art called the reye , so large and deep that it seems to be a great river . it 's divided into divers branches , which being navigable , pass to many parts of the town ; and where they issue out , being all united together , they pass to dam , and from thence to scluse , where they discharge themselves into the sea. but since by infinite charge , and marveilous industry they have cut a larger and deeper channel , by which a ship of a hundred tun may passe from the sea up to the very town . bruges is a rich , fair , and a mighty town : the circuit of the walls within is four italian miles and a quarter . it 's wonderfully peopled , and the buildings are passing sumptuous , the streets large , and strait , and it hath in it many goodly places , especially the market place , from the which the six principall streets pass strait to the six principall gates , which is very pleasant to behold . in bruges are above 60 churches , the chief whereof is st. donate . the city is divided into sixty quarters , and into nine parishes . there is a goodly place in the city called the lodging of the water , wherein is a wonderful engine turned by a horse that draws up water , and disperses it by pipes all the town over . here are made much fustian , serges , sayes , buckrams , woollen cloth , tapestry , and silk , the citizens are civil and courteous . the women fair , gratious , and sober in their behaviour . the city of ipre described . it takes its name of the brook hypre which runs through the midst of the town . it s strongly seated , and hardly can be besieged . it s much fortified by art , and made almost impregnable . it s a fair and reasonable rich town , and well built , though the houses are most of timber . in it are such multitudes of leaden pipes to convey water from the river and channels into every private house , that its commonly said , that the foundation of ipre is all lead . the hall for the sale of cloths is ancient and admirable . here are made many cloths , serges , sayes , &c. the jurisdiction of ipre is very great , and extends over the country round about it . the inhabitants are very civil and peaceable . scluse described . scluse is one of the goodliest havens in europe , being able to contain five hundred ships . the town is strong , being double-ditched . it hath a strong castle , but severd from the town . scluse doth not lye altogether upon the sea-side , as doth ostend , but a little more within land. yet there runs a channel on the right hand of it , whereinto the sea enters , and is large enough to receive any vessel whatsoever . on the other side thereof , some lesser channels joyn with this greater , so as there is but little mannageable earth , unless it be upon one side which is towards brugus , an island of about two leagues about , lyes almost over against sluce , between the bigger channel , and some others on that part , all which fall into the sea , and it s called cassante : and ostend lyes upon the same sea-coast upon the west , about sive leagues from sluce : and flushing lyes much upon the same distance towards the east . ostend described . ostend stands upon the sea-shoar , in the midst of a marish ground , and of divers channels which come from the continent : but chiefly it s environed almost on all sides by two of the greatest of those channels by which the sea enters into the land , and grows so high , when it is full sea , as that you would rather think the town was buried than situate in the sea. formerly it was an open town , and was rather an habitation for shepherds than for souldiers . but the opportunity of the seat being afterwards considered , the houses were enclosed with a platform instead of a wall ; and from time to time , the line was so flankt round about , as it proved to be one of the strongest towns in all flanders . it s divided into two parts , called the old town , and the new town . the former , which is the lesse , stands towards the sea : the latter , and greater , lyes towards the land. the old town is fenced from the fury of the sea by great piles of wood driven into the ground , and joyned together for the defence of that part , and there the waves sufficiently supply the office of a ditch . the channels may be said to do the like on the sides , especially at full sea , when , of channels , they become havens , being then capable of any kind of vessel ; and by them , at all times , barks of a middle size enter into the ditches , and by them into divers parts of the town it self : the town is but of a small compass , and is ennobled rather by its situations and fortifications , than by any splendor of the inhabitants , or buildings . nieuport described . nieuport is a good little town with a castle in it . the haven is good and well frequented . a league and a half from the town is the fair and famous abby of st. bernard , that hath an excellent library of all sorts of books belonging to it . dunkirk described . dunkirk hath a haven that is reasonable good , and commodious . besides the former fortifications of this town , our english lately , when they had taken it , strengthened it very much , and since then the french king hath much enlarged and fortified it . berg st. winoc described . this town was so named from a goodly rich abby , built upon an hill , together with the town , to the honour of st winoc an englishman , of a holy life . it hath a number of good villages under it . the country about it is very fruitfull . in this town are made many cloths , and an infinite number of serges , the best and finest in all flanders . damme describe . damme was sometimes an haven town , by reason that the sea flowed to the walls thereof , and thereby made it mighty and rich , but now it s in a very poor estate . here in may is a great horse fair kept . dixmund described . dixmund is a pretty fine little town , in which every year in july is a fair of horses , and other merchandize . wern is a good fair town , and hath the title of a viscounty . bourbourg is a fine and a strong little town appertaining to the kings of france . graveling stands upon the river of aa neer to the sea : since the recovery of calais by the french , it s made the strongest fort of the low-countries , having five bulwarks . it appertains to the king of france . cassel was sometime a mighty and a famous town . now it s in a reasonable good estate , but it s a very small town . courtray stands upon the river lis , which passeth through the midst of it . it s one one of the ancientest towns in flanders : it s a good town , and well built , and hath a strong castle . it s so fortified that it s made almost impregnable . in it are made great quantities of woolen cloth , and of very fine linnen . oudenard is one of the best esteemed towns in flanders , both for its situation , traffique , and people . it lyes upon the scheld , almost in the midway , between turnay and gaunt . it s begirt with a good wall , and the wall with a large ditch , within the wall it s furnished with good platforms . it hath on one side an eminent rising ground which commands the town . in it is made great store of tapestry and linnen . ardenbourg , formerly called r●dembourg , was once a chiefe town in flanders . it s now a good little town ; their church is one of the fairest in flanders : these are all walled towns. the unwalled towns are middlebourg is environed with trenches , banks , and rampars . comines stands upon the river lis , where is a fair castle , and a rare library . vvervick also stands upon the river lis , and hath a very fair church in it . in this place , not many years since was born martin chastelin , who , notwithstanding he was born blind , yet made all sorts of tools and instruments of musick , and played well on them , and that without any master , or instructor . merim stands upon the river lis. it s a good town , well ditched , with a draw-bridg , and is made a very strong fort. the other towns have little observable in them , and i passe them over . flanders gallicant described . it hath on the north flanders flamingant : on the south the country of cambresy . on the east the scheld ; and on the west the river lis , and the earldom of artoys . it s a small country , but the soil thereof is very fat and fruitful of all things , especially of wheat . it produceth also mather , and excellent good oade . in it are great plenty of excellent pastures for cattel . in it are contained the fair towns of leisle , dovay , and orchies : the great signiory of tournay , and the country of tournesy , &c. the citie of lisle described . it s so called , because formerly the country about it was nothing but ponds , pools , and marishes , though now by art , and industry , they are dryed up , and made firm land. round about the walls of the town , and of the castle , passeth a small brook , which , at the village of duellesmont , falls into the lis. in it is a very strong castle : it s a very good , and ancient town , well built , and well inhabited by gentlemen , and merchants , and curious artificers . it hath under it a goodly signiory , and is the cheife town in this flanders . dovay described . dovay is the 2d town of this country : it standeth upon the river scarp . it s a good , and a strong town , having many fountains , fair buildings , and a great number of churches . it hath jurisdiction over a great country , and is a place of great traffique , and a university . orchies described . orchies is a good and a pleasant town , wherein are made many serges , and such like stuffs . lanoy is a strong place , where is made much linnen and velvet . espency is a fair and a famous village , having the title of a principality . armentiers is so mighty and rich a village , and so well peopled , that its priviledged as a walled town . between armentiers and steegheers is a fruitful and pleasant country , called la love , having in it four great villages , whereof the chief is leventis , being priviledged as a walled town . the city of tourney described . the city of tournay , together with the country of tournesis , hath a particular government of its own . it lyes in the gallican flanders , and may be numbred among the noblest cities of all flanders , as well for its ancient foundation , as for being amply furnished , both with people , traffique , and buildings . it s on all sides surrounded with fair and fruitful fields , and through the midst of it ( under divers bridges ) runs the scheld , a river which begins here to ennoble it self ; not being well navigable before . the english in king henry the eighth's time , while they held it , built a good castle therein , which in that age was esteemed strong , but not to be compared to the later royal fortifications . it s only flanked with towers after the old fashion . on the lower side of the scheld joyns the ditch , which on the upperside is wholly dry . it s a fair , rich , great , and mighty town . the houses are beautifully built : the monasteries , churches , and convents are very stately and magnificent . mortaign stands in the country of tournesis , and upon the river of scheld . it was once a strong town , but now is a village of small account . st. amond is also in the country of tournesis . it s a goodly village standing upon the scarpe with gates and ditches like a city . in it is one of the chiefest abbyes in flanders . flanders imperial described . this country is very small , being contained between the rivers of scheld and dender , all along upon the frontires of brabant . it s now called the county of alost , of the principal town thereof . alost stands upon the dender . it s a good , and a very strong town , and hath yearly a great fair of hops . to this county of alost is also annexed the little country of waes , and divers villages : as hulst , which is walled . axele , bouchout , and assenede , which four towns have divers villages under their jurisdiction . under it also are two principalities , namely , steenhuyse , which is a very good village , and gaur , with a strong castle in it . tenremond stands upon the mouth of the river denre , where it entreth into the scheld . it s a rich town , and strong both by nature and art , and a place of great trading . montgerhard , in french grandmont stands upon the denre . a pretty fine and pleasant town . bornhem is a good village with a strong castle in it , and hath divers other subject to it . rupelmond stands upon the mouth of the river rupel , where it entreth into the scheld . the soyl through all flanders imperial is excellent good and fruitful : especially it produces much excellent good madder . the province of artoys described . artoys is bordered north with the river lis , and the new channel which seperates it from flanders : south with dourlans , which is the frontire of picardy : east with flanders gallicant , and the country of cambresis : west , towards monstrueil upon the sea , it borders again upon picardy . the soyl is very fruitful , the air wholsome , the country wants no commodity , but only wine : it yeilds much corne wherewith it furnisheth its neighbours . in artoys are twelve walled towns , and eight hundred fifty four villages , and many abbies , convents , and monasteries . the chief towns are , arras , st. omers , betune , aire , bapaumes . the lesser are hedinsfort , renty , st. pol , perue , lillers , la bassee , and lens . the city of arras described . arras stands within a bow shot of the scarpe . it s a very great town , but divided into two parts , each part having a several wall ; the one named the city , and appertains to the bishop ; the other the town , and belongs to the prince . the city is little , but faire , and very well fortified . in it is the sumptuous church of the virgin mary , in which is a rare library . the town is very large and wonderful strong , both by nature and art. the streets are fair and broad , and the market place scarcely to be matched . in the town are many cellars and vaults , very artificially made , and paved , to withdraw their families into , in case of a siege . it hath a great jurisdiction over many places about it ; and in it are made many excellent serges . st. omer described . it hath its name of one st. omer , who first built a church of that name , and stately abbyes of great revenues . st. omer is a frontire town against france , and stands upon the river aa . it s a very strong town , and well peopled , and hath a country of very great importance under it , and jurisdiction over many villages . neer unto it is a goodly lake of fresh water , in which are many little islands ( yet not so little but you may put a good number of cattel to feed in many of them ) the which are moveable , and may be drawn with a cord , fastened to the rushes that grow in them , which way you will ; and under them are multitudes of fishes , that defend themselves there from ●ll weathers . betune described . betune is a good , and a strong town , where is made great plenty of excellent good cheese that is sold into divers countries . aire described . aire stands upon the river lis. it s a good , and a strong town , with a castle of great antiquity . the houses in this town are very well and orderly built . bapaulm described . bapaulm is a little , but a strong town , because it cannot be besieged for want of fresh water , which is not to be had within three leagues thereof . it hath also a very strong castle , and a large country , and a good jurisdiction under it . renty is but a castle with a good village standing upon a little brook ; yet it s a very strong place . hesdinfert is marvelously well seated upon the river canch . it s one of the most strong and defensible places in all the low-countries , and hath many large priviledges ; it 's a fair town , and well peopled , and is now called hesdin . st. pol hath of a long time been honoured with the title of an earldom , and hath a goodly jurisdiction over a large country , and a great revenue . perue is under the jurisdiction of st. pol , and is a place of good importance . lilliers is a reasonable passable town . lens is but a little town , yet hath a large territory , and jurisdiction . the villages of artoys , that be of any importance , having the priviledges of markets , and fairs , are avennes le comte , aschicourt , st venaut , courriers , blangis , ligny , and pas. the city of cambray described . cambray stands upon the scheld which runs through the midst of it . it s seated upon the edg of the frontiers made by the two provinces of henault and artoys , on flanders side , towards france , opposite to piccardy . it enjoyes a free government under the spiritual and temporal dominion of its arch-bishoprick . it is endowed with very large priviledges : full of noble churches , whereof the cathedral is such as hath not the like in any of the neighbouring cities . it s sufficiently provided also of other edifices both for use and ornament . yet the inhabitants are not answerable in number to the houses ; many of which being ecclesiasticks , forraign commerce and merchandizing doth rather languish than flourish there : neither doth the scheld yeild commodity for it . for the river hath its head but a little above the city , and therefore is hardly navigable hereabout . the city of cambray is about a league in compass , and is environed with an ancient wall , flankt for the most part after the ancient mode , but with many bulwarks also , after the modern way of fortification . it hath a ditch which is very broad and deep on one side , whereinto ( for the most part ) the scheld runs : the rest by reason of its height , is dry , but so much the deeper . on the east stands a citadel with four royal bulworks , having a great half-moon between two of them which are next to the fields , and divers other defences , for the custody of the ditch . here is made much sine linnen called cambrick . cambray hath under it a goodly signiory and jurisdiction , called cambresis , in which are divers villages , and places of importance , and among others , the castle of cambresy , six leagues from the city , in which the peace between the chief princes of christendom was concluded , anno christi 1559. the province of haynault described . haynault is so named of the river hayne which runs through it . it s bordered north with brabant , and flanders ; south with champaign and picardy ; east with the county of namur , and part of the county of lieg ; west with the scheld , and part of flanders gallicane . it s twenty leagues long , and sixteen broad : the aire is wholsome , and the soyl excellent good by reason that the country is watered with many rivers , namely , the scheld , the sambre , the tender , and many other small rivolets . there are also in it many lakes , marishes , ponds , pools , fountains , goodly woods , and pleasant forrests . haynault aboundeth with fragrant and fair pastures , and meddows for all kinds of cattel ; with good fruits , and profitable trees , especially with great plenty of good corn. in divers parts of it are iron mines , lead , and quarries of stone for all kinds of building , yea , of the touch-stone . there is also great store of excellent white lime and sea-cole . in haynault there are twenty four walled towns , namely , montz , valenciennes , bouchain , quesnoy , conat , lan dresy , anesnes , chimay , mariembourg , phillips ville , beamount , mauberg , bovais , bins , reux , segny , brain le comte , eughien , halle , lessme , cheure , at h , st guisline , and leuze . there are also in it nine hundred and fifty villages , with many castles and signiories : many of these villages are great , and fair , and have titles of honour annexed unto them , as pequicourt , fontayn , laling , montigny , antonig , barlamon , barbanson , aimeries , and many others . the city of montz described . the city of mons receives its name from its situation , which in their language signifies a mountain or hill. but the rise of the earth there is so gentle , as it cannot be said to be mountainous . it s a very noble city , as well for the concourse of people , as for commerce . it hath many good houses in it , and there the king of spains counsel used to sit , which administred justice to all the country . all which prerogatives gave it the precedency over all other cities in the province of henault . it commands large and spacious fields round about it , which may be questioned , whether they abound more in pasture or in tillage : nor is the territory there of less rich in woods , nor generally indeed all the rest of that province of henault . this city is stronger by its natural situation than by manual industry . it is cut through on the lower side by a little rivolet called trulla , which as soon as it goes out of it , falls into another , somewhat bigger called hain , which crossing through the province before it be gotten quite out , falls likewise into the scheld . this province of henault looks towards the south of campania and picardy in france . mons ( saith another ) is a noble city for situation , inhabitants , and buildings . it s a very strong town both by nature and art , and may be environed with water at pleasure . the city wall is very strong , and besides it s fortified with three large and deep ditches , and with an ancient castle . the town is great and fair , and beautified with sumptuous buildings , both publick , and private , with very clear fountains , and with rich citizens , and artists . the city of valenciennes described . valenciennes stands upon the scheld , and the little river rovelle , the which , besides that they make many goodly , and strong isles in the city , pass almost under every particular mans house , to the great beauty and commodity of the place . the seat of this town is so strong ( besides the fortifications made by art ) that it may at pleasure be drowned upon one side with water ; and it s so defended by hills on the other side , that it can hardly be besieged but by two camps , and therefore is almost impregnable . in the city is a store-house , where great store of artillery , and ammunition is kept for the defence of the place . it s a very goodly , large , and beautiful city , as well for private , as for publike buildings , namely , churches , monasteries , &c. especially our lady church is very fair , being built after the ancient mode , with three vaults , sumptuous arches , and goodly pillars of marble , and porphyrie . st. john's church also is a stately building ; but the town house , called la hall , is the stateliest of all the rest , being built all of square stone curiously wrought , and of such greatness and magnitude , that it alone were a sufficient ornament to the whole city . on the left side of this hall there is an excellent building of a great heighth , in which is a clock and a dial , shewing not only the hours of the day and night , but also the course of the moon , and of all the planets , and likewise of the months , and divers other things . under this clock-house , and so under covert , is the corn-market , being great and large ; and above in the hall is a place to sell wool and cloth : there are also in it fencing schools , and places for all publick courts , magistrates , and officers of the town : a gaol , or common prison : so that in this one building is compact together all offices , serving for the commodity and glory of the town . in this city also are divers monasteries , hospitals , and other religious places endowed with good revenues . there is also in it a fair colledg , and many schools , for the education of orphans , and poor children , wherein they are taught divers arts and occupations . and in it are cloths , woosted , linnen , as fine as cambrick , changeable taffaties , and almost all sorts of mercery wares , &c. it hath a great jurisdiction , and enjoyes great priviledges , and franchises , more than any other town of the low-countries . it s very well peopled . it s the most merchantlike town in all these parts . bouchain stands upon the river scheld . the town is strong , and the castle is counted impregnable . it s the principal county of osternand . quesnoy is a strong townin , which are made woosteds , and great store of linnen , by which means there is great traffique in this town . conde also stands upon the scheld . it s a good little town . landrecy stands upon the river sambre : the town is little , but very strong . avesnes stands upon the river hypre . it s a good and a strong town . chimay stands in a forrest upon the little river blanche . it s well built , with a fair pallace for the prince , a goodly garden , and a labyrinth . mariembourg stands between the rivers blanch and noire . it 's a very strong town having four great bulwarks . philipvill is so fortified , that it 's held to be impregnable . beaumont is a fine little town standing upon the knapp of a goodly hill , whereof it beareth the name . maubeug stands upon the river sambre which passeth through it . it 's a good town of merchandize . bavays vallone is a very small town . bins , or binch stands upon a branch of the river hayn , and is a good and pleasant town . reux is a little town , but stands very pleasantly in a fruitful soyle , and hath many villages under its jurisdiction . soigny stands upon the little river sein . breine le comte is a very ancient town . enghien is a good little town wherein great store of tapestry of all sorts of prizes is made . halle stands upon the river sein which runs through it . lessny : through it passeth the denre ; and here great store of linnen cloth is made . cheure stands upon the little river hunell : it 's a pleasant little town . at h hath the denre running through it . it 's a little , but a fair , pleasant , and rich town , because great plenty of linnen is made in it . st. guislem taketh its name from the abby that stands in it , which is the chiefest abby in all haynault . leuse is a good town . among the villages in haynault , many of them have strong castles in them , and though unwalled , enjoy the priviledges of walled towns. there is nothing else memorable in them . the province of luxembourg described . luxembourg is a dutchy . it beareth the name from the principal town thereof . it s bounded north with the countries of lieg , and namur : south with lorrain : east with the river moselle , and the bishoprick of trevir : and west with part of the forrest of ardenne . it s replenished with mountains , and forrests , and containeth the greatest part of the forrest of ardenne : it s divided into two parts ; the one called famenne , which is fruitful of corn , and many other good things , and hath some mines , and divers sorts of good stone , of some of which , excellent good lime is made . it yeilds also some wine . the other part is called ardenne , which is barren , and produces little corn ; but hath store of red and fallow deer , goats , hares , conies , and exceeding great plenty of fowle : as also wild hens of two sorts , one as large as turky cocks , called limoges , the other as big as our common hens , called bruiers . many rivers run through this country , especially the moselle . luxenbourg contains in circuit about seventy leagues , and in it are twenty walled towns : namely , luxembourg , arlon , rodemark , theonvil , gravemakre , coningmakre , dickrich , vireton , estewerck , vandalen , bastonac , mommedi , neuschasteau , danvillers , marvil , la roch en ardenenne , durby , st. vite , marche and salme . divers castles there are in this country very ancient and noble , like to little towns. there are likewise in this dutchy one thousand one hundred sixty nine villages , divers of which are fair , and great , as la rochotte , avio , and st. hubert . the city of luxembourg described . luxembourg hath the river elze passing through it . it s large , and a very strongly seated city , yet but reasonably built , having been often destroyed by the warrs . arlon hath suffered much by the warrs . rodemark is a good little town with a strong castle . theonville stands upon the moselle , having a goodly bridg over the river . it s a marvelous strong town . gravemackren , and coninkmackren stand both upon the moselle . bastonack is a good little town , and is commonly called paris en ardenne . mommedi stands : upon an high hill , at the foot whereof runs the river cluirs . it s a strong town . neuscastle is also a strong town . danvilliers , is a fair and a strong town . marvil stands upon the chiers . st vite is a little , but a very pleasant and fine town . salme is a good and a rich town . ivoy , chimy , and some other towns have been so often destroyed in the warrs between france and spain that there is nothing remarkable in them . no province in all the low-countries , is so replenished with nobility as this dutchy of luxembourg , who govern their subjects and tenants like to the peasants of france , or rather like slaves , contrary to the liberty of the rest of the provinces of the low-countries . here they hate laws and lawyers , and end their controversies among themselves without any process . the province of namur described . namur is bounden with brabant , haynault , luxembourg , and lieg . it s a small country , and yet abounds with riches , and many good things . it s stored with people , and those very industrious , and faithful to their prince . the nobles are valiant and well used in military discipline . the air is very wholsome , the country is well watred with many rivers and brooks , especially the mouse , and the sambre , which besides the benefit of portage , furnisheth the country with abundance of fish. it s well replenished with woods , and forrests , the greatest whereof is called marlaign , which abounds with all sorts of venison , and fowl. the valleys produce abundance of corn and grain : the hills are full of goodly woods , excellent cleer fountains , rich mines of iron , and some of lead , quarries of fine stone for building , as marble of all sorts and colours , black , white , tawny , and porphiry , or jasper , which is red streaked with white , blew marble , but mingled with white , which perfects the beauty of it . besides divers other sorts of fine stone . they have also excellent lime , and sea-coal : much salt-peter is also made in this country . but especially the forges of iron are so many that the whole country seems to be vulcans forge . in the country of namur are four walled towns ; namely , namur , which gives name to the whole country , bovines , charlemont , and valencourt . and there are beside in it one hundred eighty two villages , and many fair and rich abbeys . the city of namur described . it stands between two hills , upon the river meuse , and through it passeth the sambre , which there falleth into the meuse . it s a fair and a rich town with a strong castle in it . bovines stands upon the meuse , and is a reasonable good town . charlemont is a town wonderful strong , and of exquisite fortifications , though but small . valencourt stands in a very fruitful country , and is a good little town . the principal villages in this country of namur are dave , which is a goodly village , with a strong castle standing upon the meuse . it hath also a great jurisdiction , and is honoured with the title of a vicounty . other villages of note are floren , vascy , and sanson . these are all the low-country provinces : yet because the bishoprick of lieg , and the town of aquisgrane , are neighbours , friends , and in league with them , take this brief description of them . the bishoprick of liege described . this country north and west is bordered with brabant : east with the meuse and namur , and south with luxembourg . the air is very wholsom , the country pleasant , and abounding with all kind of grain ▪ and fruits . as for flesh , fish , venison , and fowl of all sorts ▪ there is great abundance , and of tast excellent good . mines there are also of iron , and some of lead , and veins of brimstone , and a few of gold that is very fine . quarries there are also of stone excellent good , as of alablaster mingled with black ; marble of all sorts , as in namur ; great plenty of pit-cole , digged so deep , that sometimes they go under the very chanel of the meuse . the cole of this country is much sweeter , and casteth a far greater heat than that of haynault , or namur . the turfe also far suppasseth that of holland and brabant , for which cause the ligeoys , boast , that they have in their country three things passing all other countries , namely , bread better than bread , iron harder than iron , and fire hotter than fire . this cole is kindled with water , and quenched with oile . in this country also is made great abundance of salt-peter . in brief , this country is so pleasantly seated , the aire so wholsome , the soyl so fruitful of all things serving for the use and delight of man , to which adde the great freedome which the people live in there , that it is not unfitly called , the paradise of priests . under this bishoprick of lieg is contained a very large jurisdiction , of towns , castles , bourgs , and villages ; namely , the dutchy of buillon , the marquisat of francymont : the county of lotz and hasbain : two and fifty baronies , and many rich abbeys . there are under its jurisdiction ( besides the half of mastrieke ) twenty four walled towns , namely , legi , buillon , francimont , lotz , borkworm , tongres , hoey , asselt , dinant , masiek , stochem , bilson , st. truiden , tuin , viset , varem , beringh , herke , bree , per , hamont , siney , foss , and covines , besides one thousand and eight hundred parishes with churches ; besides hamlets , castles , and baronies of noble men . the city of liege described . liege standeth in a pleasant valley upon the river meuse , being environed with hills on all sides . the meuse entreth into it with two branches , and maketh many pleasant isles within the town . the rivers that pass through this city are ; first , the meuse , then the little river lieg , and lastly three little brooks , ute , vese , and ambluar , all three being stored with excellent good fish , especially ute hath one sort of excellent delicate fish above all the rest called utins . there are also within this city many clear springs and fountains , and that in such abundance , that some houses have two or three of them . it 's a very great and a large city , containing many hills , vallies , rivers , and vine grounds , being about four italian miles in circuit . the buildings are very fair , being all of stone ; and above all , the bishops pallace is most stately and magnificent . but in number of churches , and beauty and riches of them , in monasteries and convents , this town passeth all the towns in lower germany , yea , of france also . for there are in it eight collegiate churches , with canons , who are very rich , especially the canon of st. lambert , the patron of the town . in this city of st. lambert , among divers old rich jewels and reliques , is a great image of st. georg on horsback , all of pure gold , which charles duke of burgundy gave , to make amends for his hard usage of this city when he took it by storm . there are also in it four rich abbeys , having in each of them a goodly library . there are also three nunneries , and all the four orders of friers , some of which have two convents . there are also thirty two parish churches ; and so many other churches , monasteries , and hospitals , within and without the town , that the churches are accounted in all above a hundred . this city is well replenished with people , many of which live very idely , their language is french. it s an imperial city , but they are only bound to furnish the emperor with a few men in his warre against the turks . hubert thomas writeth , that at one time there were students in this city , nine kings children , twenty four dukes children , twenty nine earls children , besides a number of barons , and gentlemens children , the greatest part of which were canons of the rich colledge of st. lambert aforementioned . buillon is a great castle , stanstanding very artificially upon the point of a hill , with a great bourg under it . the castle is larg , and well fortified , and very strong both by art and nature . it hath the title of a dutchy , and hath under it a great country , and a large jurisdiction . francimont was sometimes a walled town ; it s now but a village , yet hath it a strong fort in it . neer to this place is a village called thou , where are many good lead mines , and quarries of excellent black marble . lootz , or borchloon is a country with a large territory , and jurisdiction under it . it s a pretty little town . brockworm stands upon the jecker . it s a pretty town and well peopled . tongres stands also upon the jecker , which at mastrick entreth into the meuse . here is a marvelous way formerly all paved with goodly stone , raised up of wondrous heighth between two walls , which reached from tongres to paris , which is above two hundred italian miles , some parts whereof remain unto this day . certainly it was an ancient work of the romans , who usually imployed their armies and subjects in such stupendious works , to keep them from idleness , which is the mother of sedition and civil-warres . eight leagues from tongres , and five from lieg , is the village of spa , or spaw , within half a league whereof is the fountain , so famous for the virtue that it hath to cure the tertian ague , the dropsie , the stone , the exulceration of the lungs , the sciatique , and all diseases of the stomack , and the liver . this village of spaw stands in a fair wood , which is part of the forrest of ardenne , and the fountain most commanded is called la fountain de savenier , the water whereof tasteth of iron , there being many iron mines thereabout . the water is of most virtue in july , when the weather is hottest . hoey was sometimes a famous city , bearing the name of a furious river that here falls into the meuse . the meuse runs through the midst of this town , over which is built a very stately bridg. it s now a reasonable good town , with a strong fortress in it . the country about it abounds with iron mines and cattel . hasselt stands upon the river demere . it s an indifferent good town and well built . dinan stands upon the meuse , and is seated in a very good country abounding with black marble , with mines of iron , and quarries of other very good stones to build with . it hath a castle in it . maiseeck is a reasonable good town , standing upon the meuse . stockhem is a fine little town , standing also upon the meuse . bilsen is but a little town . st. truden , or centron is a fair town , and their language is flemish . tuin , or tovin stands in haynault , but is subject to the bishop of lieg . it s an indifferent good town . the other towns are reasonanable good , and of some account . as for the villages there is not much remarkable in them , and therefore i pass them over . an account of the great difference that is between the country and people of lieg , and the country and citizens of aix , though they be but six leagues asunder , and both in the same climate . lieg is in subjection , aix in liberty , but both under the protection of the empire . at lieg they speak french , at aix dutch. the liegeoys are pleasant , and sociable : they of aix unsociable , and melancholly . yea , the very air and soyl retain the same difference : for its summer at lieg when its winter at aix : yea , oft its snow and ice at aix , when its warm at liege . the city of aix , or aquisgrane described . aix is situated between the dutchy of brabant , limbourg , juliers , and the bishoprick of liege . charle-main was the founder of this city , who ordained it to be the chiefe city of the empire , and that the king of the romans should receive the iron crown at aix by the arch-bishop of colen , who is the metropolitan thereof ; the silver crown at millan , and the imperial crown of gold at rome . here he dyed , and was buried anno christi 813. aix is a goodly city , and the country about it is very pleasant and fruitful , but the buildings of the town do not answer the fame of the place , saving the hot baths , which are very fairly built , and are very wholsome for many diseases . aix is an imperial city , but payeth only a small tribute to the emperour ; otherwise it enjoyes freedome , and hath the duke of cleves for protector , next neighbour and perpetual confederate . finis . a discourse written by sir george downing, the king of great britain's envoy extraordinary to the states of the united provinces vindicating his royal master from the insolencies of a scandalous libel, printed under the title of (an extract out of the register of the states general of the united provinces, upon the memorial of sir george downing, envoy, &c.), and delivered by the agent de hyde for such to several publick ministers : whereas no such resolution was ever communicated to the said envoy, nor any answer returned at all by their lordships to the said memorial : whereunto is added a relation of some former and later proceedings of the hollanders / by a meaner hand. downing, george, sir, 1623?-1684. 1672 approx. 169 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 89 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36497 wing d2108 estc r34994 14919782 ocm 14919782 102935 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36497) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102935) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1568:19) a discourse written by sir george downing, the king of great britain's envoy extraordinary to the states of the united provinces vindicating his royal master from the insolencies of a scandalous libel, printed under the title of (an extract out of the register of the states general of the united provinces, upon the memorial of sir george downing, envoy, &c.), and delivered by the agent de hyde for such to several publick ministers : whereas no such resolution was ever communicated to the said envoy, nor any answer returned at all by their lordships to the said memorial : whereunto is added a relation of some former and later proceedings of the hollanders / by a meaner hand. downing, george, sir, 1623?-1684. [2], 31, [1], 139, [4] p. printed by john luttone ..., london : 1672. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -england. new york (state) -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse written by sir george downing , the king of great britain's envoy extraordinary to the states of the vnited provinces . vindicating his royal master from the insolencies of a scandalous libel , printed under the title of [ an extract out of the regicter of the states general of the vnited provinces , upon the memorial of sir george downing , envoy , &c. ] and delivered by the agent de heyde for such , to several publick ministers . whereas no such resolution was ever communicated to the said envoy , nor any answer returned at all by their lordships to the said memorial . whereunto is added a relation of some former and later proceedings of the hollanders : by a meaner hand . london , printed for john luttone , and are to be sold at the blew anchor in the poultrey , 1672. a discourse written by sir george downing , the king of great britain's envoy extraordinary to the states of the united provinces , &c ▪ the envoy extraordinary of his most sacred majesty of great britain , &c. having lately seen a certain paper entituled , [ an extract out of the register of the resolutions of the high and mighty lords estates general of the vnited provinces , upon the memorial of sir george downing envoy extraordinary from the king of great britain ] did not at all think it fit for him to take any notice thereof , but to pass it by as a pamphlet ( of which sort there come out too many here every day ) ; in regard that no such resolution had been communicated to him by their lordships , not any one word given him in answer to his said memorial : and he had accordingly past it by , without taking any notice thereof , had he not since by accident been informed by several publick ministers residing here , that the said pretended resolution had been brought to them by the agent de heyde : whereupon he now holds himself obliged to complain in most serious terms to their lordships the estates general of the vnited provinces , of this strange and irregular way of proceeding ; that while he is residing here on the behalf of the king his master , papers , in form of answers to his memorials , should be given to other publick ministers , here and elsewhere , and sent all over the world , and yet concealed from him ; and thereby neither opportunity of being convinced , if any thing of reason should have been said therein , nor on the contrary of vindicating the honour and justice of the king his master in what he is therein unjustly charged and defamed withal . suppose that he the said envoy extraordinary should have proceeded in that manner , and have given the memorial ( to which the said paper is a reply ) to all pubblick ministers residing here ; and sent it to all courts abroad , and should have printed and exposed it to the view of the world , without giving it to their lordships , what would they have thought thereof ? and what might have been expected that they would have said to it ? can their lordships imagine that this way of acting doth tend any way to the justifying of their cause , as to the working of better impressions concerning the same in the minds of those publick ministers , or their masters ? or rather , that they must be exeeedingly scandalized thereat , as looking more like a surprise of them and their judgments , than otherwise ; and considering that they may to morrow be dealt with in like manner , in relation to any paper they may give in ; and see the affairs of their masters traduced and defamed , without any opportunity or possibility of clearing the same . and as to the matter of the said paper . is it enough to say in general terms , that the said memorial was ill , graunded , or abusively informed , without particularizing at all how , or wherein ; or so much as excepting against any one word thereof , much less disproving the same ? and again ; if the things wherewith they are charged therein , be true ( as they both are , and must now be taken by all men to be , since nothing is made out by their lordships to the contrary ) to what purpose is the whole sequel of the said paper ? if it be true ( as it is ) that the royal master of the said envoy was no sooner returned to his kingdoms , but that he was immediately , and from day to day , troubled and importuned with a crowd of complaints of his subjects against those of this countrey ; all which notwithstanding , his majesty did not grant any one letter of marque , nor betake himself to any way of force for the obtaining of their reparation and satisfaction ; but instead thereof , for an everlasting memorial of his great kindness and good-will towards this countrey , and for the facilitating of the bringing to a conclusion the late treaty with them ( finding the complaints and pretensions of his subjects to be so numerous and great ) was pleased after all to suffer very many of them , and those to a vast value , to be utterly mortified and extinguished ; and the rest ( except the business of the ships bonadventure , and bon-esperanza ) after so much money and time had been already expended in the pursuit thereof , and many of them ready for a determination , to be pu● in a list , and proceeded upon a-new according to the fifteenth article thereof ; no ways doubting , but that all possible speed would have thereupon been used in bringing the matter to an issue and that for the future better order would have been observed to ▪ wards his subjects . but having waited now above 27 months sinc● the conclusion of the said treaty and in that time their lordship being continually call'd upon b●… his said majesties envoy extraordinary , yea by his majesty himself in several audiences to thei● embassador : yet so it is , that thos● matters are still so far from bein● ended , that in truth they seem to be now rather further from it , than at the day of the signing of the said treaty ; and on the other side , new injuries daily heaped , and the same designs of the east and west-indie-companies carried on for the utter overthrow of all the trade of his majesties subjects in those parts of the world , as appeared by the business of the ships hopewell , leopard , and other ships in the east-indies , and by the business of the charles , james , mary , sampson , hopeful , adventurer , speedwel , &c. upon the coast of africa . all which are matters hapned since the conclusion of the said treaty . and after all this , and notwithstanding his parliaments application to him upon the account of his aggrieved subjects , in so solemn and extraordinary a manner ; his majesty was yet so far from being inclined to any other than ways of accommodation , as that he did by a publick writing , or declaration , declare , that he would yet try what could be done by amicable endeavours at the hague , before he would make use of any other means ; ( the which was also very well known to their lordships ) and did thereupon accordingly give orders to his envoy extraordinary , to press them afresh : and further to make out his peaceable and moderate intentions , and to take off all umbrage from their lordships , to let them know ( as accordingly he did in publick conferences with their deputies ) that his majesty would not in any kind trouble their fleets which they then expected from the streights and east indies , nor their fisheries upon his coasts ; yea , further to put them out of all doubt , ordered a far less equipage of shipping for the summer-guard than had been known these many years : but all this was so far from working the desired and intended effect , as that on the contrary their lordships betook themselves to arms in an extraordinary manner , ordering the fitting out with all speed a great fleet , and hundreds of carpenters forthwith dispatched to work upon it night and day ( holy-days as well as working-days ) ; whereby his majesty seeing himself wholly defeated of his good intentions ; and instead of satisfaction for his subjects , braved and threatned with those equipages , which could have no other regard but upon himself , was at last inforced for his own defence , ( though very much contrary to his inclinations and intentions ) to arm also . and whereas it may be pretended , as if their lordships having fitted their fleet , did desire that his majesty would be pleased ( for avoiding of all inconveniences ) to keep his fleet within his harbours , and that then they would keep in theirs also ; it is to be considered , that this proposition was not made until that they had actually put to sea a fleet near as numerous as the whole that his majesty was equipping , and which was actually gone towards his coasts : so that this could not but be construed to be rather a mocquery , than otherwise , for that thereby they had a fleet at sea to do what they pleased , and in the mean while his majesty had tied his own hands , and obliged himself to keep within doors ; but he was yet pleased to assure them , that his ( if it did go out ) should not do them the least injury ; still , in the mean while , pressing here at the hague by his minister , and himself urging their ambassador at london , to hasten the dispatch of the matters in difference : and as a further testimony of his desires of living in good correspondence with this countrey , he did declare his willingness to enter into a treaty for the better regulating of the trade and navigation of both , and the prevention of such disorders for the future ; and for the quicker dispatch and ripening of so good a work , a project thereof was in his name tendred to them long ago , and yet to this day not one word of answer thereupon . and if it be also true ( as it is ) that their lordships began the seizing of ships in these parts , stopping the ship from gottenburg bound for london ; and though pressed again and again to set her at liberty , yet still retain'd her , and to this day not so much as a word of answer why , or upon what account . these things being so , can there be any doubt who is the attacquer or aggressor ? unless it must be held for a maxim , that let their lordships and their subjects deal with his asoresaid majesty and his subjects from time to time , and from year to year , as they please , yet they are not attacquers or aggressors ; but if his majesty or his subjects , after never so many years sufferings , and all amicable endeavours first tried , to have obtained their satisfaction , without to this very day having been able to obtain it in any of those numerous cases of piracy and violence committed by the people of this countrey against them , whereof complaint hath been made from time to time unto their lordships by his majesties minister : if after all , any thing be done by them towards the righting of themselves , his majesty must be called and reputed the attacquer and the aggressor . let their lordships make out , that the complaints in the said memorial are ungrounded , and his majesty will yield unto them : but if otherwise , who will think it strange if at last something be done towards the righting of them . and as to the particulars mentioned in the said paper to have been suffered by them from the english ▪ though those matters have not been treated of between their lordships and the said envoy extraordinary , but between the king his master and their ambassador at london ; so that it is not properly his business to reply thereunto , but to refer them to that answer which his majesty hath promised to give concerning the same ; yet seeing their lordships have been pleased not only to mention and insist thereupon in the aforesaid paper , but indeed to say nothing else by way of answer to the complaints in his memorial ; he cannot but say thus much thereunto . that the places and ships said to be taken from them , were all belonging to the west-indie-company of this countrey , and nothing complain'd of in the paper to have been taken from them belonging to any else of these countries : and when it shall be considered , that in the list of damages alone , there appears to have been near twenty english ships successively , within a very few years before the conclusion of the late treaty , taken in a hostile manner upon the coast of africa , only by the shipping of the said west-indie-company , with their whole lading , to a very great value ; and not only so , but the men that belonged to them , very many of them most barbarously and inhumanly treated , put into most stinking dungeons and holes at casteldelmina , there to lie in the midst of their own excrements , nothing but bread and water given them , and thereof not enough to sustain nature ; their bodies tortured with exquisite and horrid tortures ; and when any of them dyed , the living and the dead left together ; and such as escaped , turned out to perish by hunger or wild beasts in those miserable countries , or to be carried away captives by the natives ; by which means , several hundreds of his majesties good subjects have perished and been destroyed . and to this hour , notwithstanding all sollicitations and endeavours , not one penny of satisfaction given to the persons concerned in any of the said ships ; and ever since the conclusion of the said treaty , ships of warr have been kept by the said company upon the said coasts ; which though they have not proceeded so far as to take more of the shipping of his majestie 's subjects , yet they have done that which is equivalent , and as ruinous to that trade ; stopping and hindring every one that they met withal from all commerce ; and to that effect pursuing them in an hostile manner from place to place : and where-ever any english anchored by them , hindring and shooting at , and taking by force , with their ladings , all boats of the navies that endeavoured to come aboard them , and their boats that would go on shoar ; yea , depriving them of so much as any provision or refreshment of fresh water ( as appears by the complaints made by the said envoy extraordinary from time to time to their lordships concerning the same ) : and publishing a declaration in the name as well of the states general , as of the said company , wherein they deduce their right to that whole coast , to the exclusion of all other nations : and notwithstanding all complaints to their lordships , neither the said declaration disavowed , nor any thing of satisfaction given , but still new complaints coming ; and among others , that of their having stirr'd up the king of fantine by rewards and sums of money given him to that end ; and supplying him with all sorts of arms and ammunition for the surprize of his majestie 's castle at cormantine in those parts ; concerning which also proofs have been since given to their lordships by the said envoy extraordinary ; so that there was an absolute necessity impos'd upon his majesty and his subjects , either of losing all that had been actually taken from them , and withal abandoning for ever that trade it self ; or otherwise of betaking themselves to some other ways for their relief . and it will rather be thought strange that their patience did hold out so long , than that now at last something should be done towards the righting of themselves . besides , as to the business of capo corco , did not the same envoy extraordinary long ago complain in the name , and by order of the king his master , in publick conferences both with the deputies of their lordships the estates general , and also with those of holland in particular , of the injurious possessing and keeping of that place by those of the said west-indie-company , deducing and remonstrating at large his master 's right thereunto , the ground having been bought by his subjects of the king of that country , for a valuable consideration , and a lodg or factory built thereupon ; and those of the west indie company of this country being got into the possession of the place meerly by fraud and treachery ; but no reflection made thereupon by their lordships , much less any hopes given of ever obtaining any restitution from them . and indeed , if his majesty had not been able to rescue out of their hands the least boat or penyworth of goods since his return to his kingdoms ( concerning which complaint had been made by his envoy extraordinary , of its being forceably taken by them from his subjects ) what hopes of their quitting to him any such place ? especially remembring that business of the island of poleroon in the east-indies , which hath been a restoring by them ever since the year 1622 , at which time it was by solem and particular treaty promised to be done ; and again , by another treaty , in the year 1654 : and by orders of the estates general and east-indie-company of this countrey , in the year 1661 : and again , by treaty in the year 1662 : and yet to this day we know nothing of its being delivered : and can it be thought strange , if invited thereunto by the king of the said country , that his majesty should after so fair warning condescend to suffer his subjects to endeavour to re-possess themselves thereof ? and as to the business of new netherland ( so called ) this is very far from being a surprize , or any thing of that nature ; it being notoriously known , that that spo●… of land lies within the limits , and is part of the possession of his subjects of new england , ( as appears most evidently by their charter ) and that those few dutch that have lived there , have lived there meerly upon connivence and sufferance , and not as having any right thereunto ; and that this hath from time to time , and from year to year , been declared unto them , but yet so as that the english were contented to suffer them to remain there , provided they would demean themselves peaceably and quietly : but that the said dutch , not contenting themselves therewith , did still endeavour to encroach further and further upon the english , imposing their laws and customs , and endeavouring to raise contributions and excises upon them , and in places where no dutch were or had ever been : whereupon they have formerly been necessitated several times to send soldiers for the repelling of them . and as to what is said in the said paper , as if though the english should formerly have had any pretence to the said place , that yet the said pretence is cut off by the fifteenth article of the late treaty . to this he doth reply , that that article doth only cut off matters of piracies , robberies , and violence ; but as to the rights and inheritances of lands and jurisdictions , that it doth not at all concern or intermeddle with the same . and that this is so , there needs no other argument but the producing of several examples out of their own courts of justice , whereby it will appear , that indeed as to the plundering and taking of ships , or the like , that all such causes ( if hapned before the time limited in the said treaty ) did cease upon the conclusion thereof ; but as to such as were then depending concerning the inheritances of lands , that they have still continued to be pursued : as for example , the case of sir thomas lower , an english man , for certain lands claimed by him in zealand . besides , those of new neather-lands , had since the conclusion of the late treaty , made new incursions upon the english , and given them many new provocations ; and by their charters they have jura belli within themselves , without appealing first into europe : and if after all this , his majesty hath suffered them according thereunto to rescue themselvs from such continued vexations and mischiefs ; can any prince think it strange , or be surprized thereat , much less the most christian king ? ( for whose satisfaction this paper seems to be more particularly calculated ) : whereas he hath been pleased this very same year , to order or suffer ( with his privity ) his subjects to re-possess themselves in like manner by force and arms , of a certain place called cayenne , which they pretend to have been wrongfully possessed and kept from them by the same west-indie-company . and as to the business of cabo verde , and the taking of their ships , and what else is alledged to have been done in those parts ( except that of cabo corco ) : 't was but in the month of june last , that the first complaint was made thereof to his majesty ; and did he not immediately return for answer , that he had given no order or direction to captain holmes ( the person complained of ) for the doing thereof : that he did expect him home very speedily ; and that , upon his return , he would cause those matters to be examined , and right to be done them , and the offenders punished ? and did not the said envoy extraordinary upon the twenty seventh day of july last , deliver a memorial to them to the like effect ? and could more be said or done for their satisfaction ? yea , could their lordships themselves within their own countries demand more of any of their schepens , or most inferior court of justice ? and doth not the fourteenth article of the late treaty say in express terms , that in case any thing should happen upon the coast of africa , either by sea or land , that twelve months time shall be given after complaint , for the doing of justice : yet did they not within about six or seven weeks after ; resolve to send a considerable fleet of theirs into those parts , to the number of ten men of war ( besides the ships of the said west-indie-company ) under the command of one van campen , and strengthned with a considerable body of their milice , under the command of one hertsberg ? and did they not within about six or seven weeks after that , put a resolution into the hands of the said envoy extraordinary , by their agent de heyde , and about the same time give it to the king his master , by their ambassador at london , denoting and containing the instruction given to the said van campen ? and whereas they are pleased to complement his most christian majesty in the said paper , as if upon his score in hopes of the good effects of his good offices for the accommodating of matters , and for the making their cause the more clear , they had hitherto forborn the proceeding against his majesties subjects as they might have done : is it not therein expresly declared and set down , that that force was not sent thither barely to defend what they had , and to take care that nothing more should be attempted upon them ; but in down-right terms , to attacque and fall upon his majesties subjects , and to carve out their own satisfaction and reparation ; and to pass by his doors for the doing thereof ? and that , seconded and backed with another great fleet under their chief sea-officers ; an affront and indignation too great for the name of king to suffer and digest without just resentment . and moreover , whereas their lordships had lately invited his majesty of great britain , and other christian princes , to send fleets into the mid-land-sea to act jointly against those barbarians ; and that he did accordingly declare unto them ( in writing , and by his envoy extraordinary ) his intentions of sending , and that his fleet should act junctis consiliis with theirs : yet so it is , that while it was acting there , pursuant thereunto , and in expectation of being seconded and appuyed by theirs , according to their promise , de ruyther was on a sudden commanded thence . and whereas their lordships would make the world believe that they had proceeded with such singular and extraordinary franchise and clearness towards his said majesty , in communicating their intentions and designs ( as abovesaid ) ; yet , is it not evident , that the said orders must have been given to de ruyther much about the same time ? and though sir john lawson and his majesties fleet hapned to be in the same port with de ruyther when he quitted those parts yet neither did he in the least impart unto him his intentions of quitting the same , or whither he was going ; and though the king of great britain hath since , several times pressed their ambassador at london to be informed whither he was gone , and upon what account ; yet to this day his majesty hath not been able to obtain any satisfaction or assurance concerning that matter : whereupon , and all other circumstances being laid together , he hath just reason to suppose and believe , that he is sent and employed against him ; and that while his majesty was continuing ( according to common consent and agreement between them ) his fleet against the common enemies of the very name of christian ; and at a season , when it more than ordinarily becomed every one to shew something of their zeal against them ; theirs is call'd off , and turn'd against him. nor is it to be imagined that de ruyther's instructions , which are concealed , should be more favourable than those which were avowed to be given to van campen . and is it then to be wondred , that his majesty shews himself a little concerned ? or is it now to be doubted , who is the attacquer or aggressor ? and if de ruyther is in one part of the world making warr against him ; what is to be said against it , if his majesty not having at this time in those parts a suitable force to resist him , doth make use of what he hath nearer home to endeavour to secure himself , or to get something of theirs into his hands doth either common right , or h●● majesties treaty with this country oblige to seek satisfaction only i● that part of the world where th● injury is done ? and so doth tha● at all alter the case , because th●… their forces acting against hi●… out of europe , his do something against them , in europe ? his majesty hath been very fa● from beginning with them in an● part of the world ; but if at th● time they are actually with a considerable fleet of the estates falling upon him , and his subjects and he hath thereupon given order to the stopping of some o● their ships in these parts ; will not all the world justifie his majesty herein ? and when withal , themselves also began the stopping of ships in these parts , and that he hath all those reasons of complaint against them above-mentioned . given at the hague this 16 of september , 1664. g. downing . of the cruel ingratitude , infidelity , and insufferable wrongs of the dutch. there are so many pressing arguments , for the justness of this war , against the dutch , and so generally known , that this treatise will seem needless , and impertinent ; however it will not be amiss in this juncture , to revive the memory of such execrable cruelties , horrid ungratitude , and insufferable wrongs , and abuses , the dutch have exercised from time to time against us , to the intent i may irritate , and provoke further the already enraged spirits of such english , wh●… are willing to sacrifice their lives in the preservation of the honour , an● safety of their king and country . it is not so long since , but it easily remembred , who were the rise , who under god was the maker , and yet durst the ingratitud● of these hogens , prompt them to draw a sword against him , that gav● them being , and to whom they ow● their being now in a condition of making this dispute about the dominion of these seas . and contend for th● right of the flagg , whereas it is b●● as yesterday they had licences , an● for a tribute , to fish therein , grante● them by his majesties royal predecessors . o insufferable impudence for mushroom states to struggle with their maker ! caesar endured with out exclamation the senators pon●… yards , as whetted by a seeming jus● revenge ; but when that of his own imp brutus was presented against him , he covered his face , leaving the world with no less shame , then indignation , against so much unnatural ingratitude : should millions of such barbarismes now crowd together , they would be all outdone by these peoples inhumanities . it would make your heart bleed , were you at palaroon , to read there the inexpressible cruelties of the dutch written in bloody capitals , what unconceivable conspiracies did they contrive against the english in america , to their utter ruine and extirpation . but above all , who can forget those unspeakable tortures the dutch inflicted on the bodies of the english in amboyna , and afterwards cruelly butcher'd them : the memory whereof , whilst sun and moon shall run their heavenly course , or an english spirit breath , can never be forgot , nay scarce forgiven . if we consider how loud and pressing the cry of blood is , or with what high severity god ever proceeds against it , though his wrath for some small time may seem to be a sleep , we have just cause to believe that there is a heavy account must be given by the dutch , for that execrable tyranny of theirs , executed upon the english in that place ; and am almost fully perswaded , that the time is now come , wherein his most gracious majesty , by the effusion of the blood of hollanders , shall endeavour to appease our incensed god , for the innocent blood of ours , which was plentifully spilt by them , as well in other parts , as both the indies . to take away a mans life without the course of justice , though it be with the greatest civility , and easiness of death imaginable , is a crimson crime , and which god hath denounced murder , and will punish accordingly ; but to heighten , and multiply a death , withall the previous tortures that a passionate diabolical malice can invent , cruelty inflict , or the frame of mans body undergo , is so far from being manly or christian , that it is beyond savageness and bestiality , and approaches that accursed frame of spirit , that he hath plung'd himself into , who sits in the horrid seats of darkness . i shall only , briefly touch upon some particulars of this bloody history , as not delighting in such speculations , which acquaint the mind with extremities , and criticisms of sin , a relation which hath brutishly out-done all former records , and examples of cruelty . there hapning some differences in the indies , between the supposts of the english and dutch companies , a treaty was agreed on in london in the year 1613. another at the hague 1615. but neither effected any thing to purpose ; however 1619. there was a solemn composition of all those differences , and a method laid down for their future proceeding , as well in trade as otherwise ; but in consideration of the blood and cost ( as was pretended ) the hollander was at , in the expulsion of spaniards and portugalls out of the isles of the moluccoes , &c. and for the building forts for the suture security of the same , it was agreed on , that they should enjoy two thirds of the trade , the english the third , and that the said forts should be maintained by taxes leavied on the merchandize : their cheif fort was at amboyna , where the english had planted five factories , the head of all the rest ; a place of considerable strength , for it had four bulwarks , with their curtains ; and upon each of these points , six great peices of ordnance mounted , most brass , the one side thereof is washed with the sea , and the other divided from the land , with a ditch of five fathom broad , very deep , and alwayes filled with the sea ; in this fort there were two hundred dutch soldiers , and a company of free burghers , besides four hundred mardikers , ( as they call them ) in the town ready to serve this fort or castle at an hours warning ; they having withall , several tall ships in the harbour , for traffick , and defence . the english had here in this town , an house of their own , in which they lived under the protection of the castle , for two years after the treaty , and in respect thereof in amity on their sides with the dutch. but after this time several debates arose , and by reason of the treacherous and unjust proceedings of the dutch , the just and miserable complaints of the english were dispacht away to jaccatra , now called nova battavia , where their grievances being not heard , they were sent into england , and discussed with holland , but no favorable result hence accrewed . hereupon the differences encreasing , a sword was found by the hollander to cut asunder what their tedious disputes could not untie . on the eleventh of february 1622. in the fort , the sentinel secured upon suspicion an inquisitive japoner , who was put to the torture , and thereupon he confessed , that he , and several of his country-men , had plotted the surprizing of the castle : upon this , other japoners were tortured and examined , who confessed the like ; during the time of this torture , which was four daies , several of the english went to the castle , partly to do business , and partly to see these supposed malefactors , not dreaming they were in the least concerned , having never had any converse with any of these prisoners . there was at the same time in the castle , a debauched english-man , who for offering to set a dutchmans house a fire , was confined , and him they shewd the grievously ▪ tortured japoners , telling him withall , that they had consessed that the english were joyn'd with them , in this confederacy ; assuring him , if he would not confess the like , he should be worse served ; upon the torture he confessed , as the rest had done : hereupon they instantly sent for what english there was in amboyna to come immediately to the governour , who obeyed the summons ; but they were no sooner entered the castle , but secured , and sharply charged by the governour , with this conspiracie , having so done , they seized the merchandize of the english-company , into their own custody , with all their books and writings ; nor did they omit securing the english in the rest of the factories , whom they all threatned with the torture , if they would not confess , what ever the governour and the fiscal would have them , the major part being fully resolved to stand to the truth , received their hellish torture , but the punishment was to great for man to bear , and so by their confessions helped the dutch to murder themselves , as well as their poor innocent country-men . judge you by the manner following of their insufferable torture , whether these poor souls would not say any thing , nay dye willingly to be freed from it ; thus they used them , first they hoised the prisoner up by the hands with a cord , on a large door , where they made him fast with two staples of iron fixt on both sides , on the top of the door posts , extending his hands one from the other , as wide as they could stretch them ; being thus made fast , his feet hung about two foot from the ground , which having extended as wide as they could , they fastned them to the door trees on each side ; then they bound a cloath about his neck and face , so close no water should pass by ; that done , they poured the water sostly on his head , until the cloath was full up to the mouth , and nostrils , and somewhat higher ; so that he could not draw breath , but must withall suck in the water , which being still continued to be poured in softly , forced all his internal parts , so that the water came out of his nose , ears , and eyes ; and often , as it were stifling and choaking him , at length taking away his breath , he falls into a swound ; then taking him down quickly , they make him vomit up his water : being a little recovered , they triced him up again , and poured in the water , taking him down thus five or six times , as often as they saw him faint : by this means his body would swell twice or thrice as big as before , his cheeks like great bladders , and his eyes staring and strutting out beyond his fore-head ; after this , as they found him obstinate in the maintainance of the truth , they would trice him up again , and with lighted candles burn him in the bottoms of the feet , until the fat thereof dropt out the candles , yet for all that apply fresh candles ; burning him under the elbows , and in the palms of the hands , as also under the arm-pits , until his inwards might be plainly seen . having by their extorted and forced confessions , accused one the other , they were all thrown into a loathsome dungeon , where having lain a while , they were brought to the castle-yard , where they received sentence of death ; before their suffering , they desired to take the sacrament in testimony of their innocency , but it was denyed them ; however , they all unanimously called men and angels to witness , they dyed innocent of that conspiracy was laid to their charge . as i wish the occasion of publishing this at first had never been , so i wish justice once had , the remembrance hereof may be for ever buried . but this breach being national , and to this day but in part satisfied ( by some signal victories obtained over them , before and since his majesties happy restauration ) and the blood there and elsewhere by them spilt , no doubt still crying loud , it had been injust in the first publisher to have buried it in silence ; and a great sin of forgetfulness in not reviving the remembrance ; for as the beginning of these torments were from a causeless and slight suspition of an improbable and ineffective plot , so by that means were we forced from our possessions in those parts , and the injury became complicated both against justice and interest . i cannot but add unto their cruelty , the extream malice they bore to the english in those parts ; polaroon , one of the islands of banda , was taken by the dutch , notwithstanding according to the treaty 1619. they knew it was to remain in the possession of the english ; but knowing withall , that it must be restored again , they exercise all the malice in that island , hells consistory could assist them with : they first take all courses to make the island little or nothing worth : they demolish and deface the buildings , transplant the nutmeg-trees , plucking them up by the roots , and carrying them into their own islands , of nera and poloway , burning what trees they thought unfit for transplantations ; nay , at last they found away to dispeople the island , and to leave it so , that the english might make no use of it , worth their charge of keeping it . to effect which , they entertain a run-away , the son of an orankey or gentleman of polaroon , who having committed some notorious fact , which deserved death , fled to the dutch at nera , acquainting the governour , that the polaroons had a design with the help of the people of serran in their curricurries , to massacree all the dutch in polaroon , and polaway . immediately upon the indicium of this malefactor , the governour sent for the orankes to him , of whom seventy came , which he secured , they knowing nothing of his design ; and presently sent two hundred men to polaroon to secure the rest ; having taken them prisoners and brought to the castle at nera , they were secured with water and fire , as afterwards those of amboyna were ; two dyed on the torture , and the rest , which were one hundred and sixty , upon their own forced confessions , were condemned and executed ; the women were forthwith removed from palaroon , and distributed into other islands , subject to the dutch , leaving that place destitute of the help of the country people , without whom , neither the dutch nor english , can maintain their trade in the indies . neither did their treacheries , wrongs , and abuses , center here only , but strecht themselves out from east to the west indies , practising and perpetrating such inhumanities and injuries , as are not fit for christians to nominate . for instance , be pleased to observe , that the colonies of new-england , consisting of several governments , have the dutch setled on the south-west of them , at the manatha's or the new-netherlands ; and the french to the north-east , along the great river of canada , who till of late have held a friendly correspondence , and have afforded each other a mutual assistance against the common enemy , the barbarous indians . about the year 1646. the dutch being reduced to a great exigence , and strait , by the indians : implored the english aid and assistance , which immediately was sent them , under the command of one captain underhil , a gentleman of excellent courage , prudence , and conduct , who prizing christian blood , beyond indian wealth and treasure , ( being proffered an hog shead of their wampam pege , indian money , to withdraw the english forces , ) slighted their offer , and fell on those infidels , in vindication of the dutch , cutting off in one night , fourteen hundred of them , not without the loss of english blood considerably , and all to resettle ( with the assistance of the almighty , ) the hollander in peace and safety . but ingratitude over-clouding these heroick actions , and their accustomed treacherous , and barbarous cruelty , extending it self from east to west , running in its proper channel of dutch infidelity , quickly sought out their neighbours , their noble friends and defenders , the english : and nothing would serve the turn , but that they must return destruction , for being the happy instruments of their then and former preservation ; this their unworthy inequality of retribution ( without puting into the ballance their former and latter inexpressible ingratitudes ) is enough to chronicle the hollander , perfidious , ungrateful , bloody , and cruel . it is no difficult matter to make it appear , how they about six years after indeavoured to repay the english kindness by their ruine : for in march 1653. with presents and large promises , they instigated and hired four of the grand princes of those territories , a fierce barbarous and bloody people , fit instruments for so horrid a design , on a sabbath day , when all families were at divine worship unexpectedly to fall on the english and to burn and slay what possibly they could ; and for the better perfecting this diabolical plot , they supplyed the indians with arms and ammunition , which were dispersed in all their habitations , they having a ship sent them on purpose from holland , with all necessary tools , fo● the acting a second amboyna tragedy . but the omnipotent god ( who hath ever been a most merciful protector of the english in those parts , as in the pequet war , &c. ) did through his infinite goodness , most timely , before the bloody day of acting , cause an indian that should have been an executioner , to be a revealing deliverer , who informed the magistrates of boston , of the dutch and indians bloody intentions ; whereupon they requested several merchants of that town , with all expedition , to march forth toward the indian habitations , to see what they could discover . the first wigwambs or indian houses they searcht , they found them full of arms and ammunition , ( which have ever been prohibited the indians by the english ) all their musquets were charged with powder and ball , which , with some of the principal indians , were carried to boston ; who upon examination confessed the dutch had set them a work : all that we could then doe , was but to put our selves in our best posture of defence . having thus given you a summary account of some of their cruelties , i cannot omit one particular passage , chronicled by themselves , wherein you may see in the cruel disposition of one , the bloody inclination of the whole flemish nation . at the siedg of leyden , a fort being held by the spanish party , was after taken by the dutch by assault or storm . the defendants according to the law of arms , were put to the sword , where one of the dutch , in the fury of the slaughter , ript up the captains body , and with a barbarous hand tore out the yet living heart , panting among the reeking bowels ; then with his teeth rent it , still warm with blood , into gobbets , which he did spit over the battlements , in defiance to the rest of the army . now as we have with brevity displayed the cruelty and treachery of the nature and actions of the hollander , both at home and abroad , so we must not forget what hath been by them committed , since the year 1660. at which time it was his majesties particular care , to conclude a strict league with the states general of the united provinces , upon such equal terms as would certainly not have been broken , if any obligations could have kept them within the bounds of justice , or friendship : this league was inviolably kept and maintained on his . but in the year 1664. such and so many were the complaints of his majesties subjects , abused and wronged by the ungrateful hollander , that the king , with the unanimous vote of both houses of parliament , was provoked to war , finding it a vain attempt to indeavour the prosperity of the three kingdoms , by peaceable wayes at home , whilst the people thereof were still exposed to the injuries and oppressions of the states abroad . his majesty spent a whole summer in negotiations and indeavours , to bring them to reasonable terms ▪ which , notwithstanding all he could do proved at length ineffectual , for the more his majesty pursued them with friendly propositions , the more obstinately and unworthily they kept off from agreeing thereunto : upon this ensued the war , in the year 1665. and continued to the year 1667. in all which time our victories and their losses were memorable enough , to put them in mind of being more faithful to their leagues for the future . which victories they endeavoured to stifle by misreporting them conquests to their people , over the their gallantly equipt english navy ; and particularly that of the third of june , 1665. under the conduct of his royal highness the duke of york , narrative whereof was printed for general satisfaction , and to preven● misreports , which are commonly through ignorance , or malice , begotten upon occasions of that nature : and lest that signal victory should be forgotten , in short , it was this ; the dutch fleet was brought on our coasts ( in all probability ) rather in expectation of finding ours in disorder , upon the proceeding foul weather , or by the reports of our unreadiness ; then from their own innate valour , but they were much mistaken , for it cost his royal highness but little time to make ready , his fore-going care , and the cheerfulness of our men , having prevented all hazard of disorder , and the happy arrival of the colliers , haveing supplyed us with , what we only wanted , men , but not courage : the dutch , perceiving this , stood off to sea , the number of their ships being one hundred and ten sail , besides ten fire ships ; we followed them till that evening , and the next day forced them to fight : upon the whole matter , it pleased god to give his majesty a great and signal victory , the enemy being driven into the texe●… as far as the draught of water , and the condition of our ships would permit , the day being also very far spent the summe of all is , the enemie●… whole fleet was defeated , thirty of them burnt or taken , opdam with his ship , blown up , as is supposed by a lucky shot in the powder-room ; most of their admirals killed , with many more of their principal officers ; and according to their general computation , eight thousand seamen and soldiers ; on our side only one ship lost , with some other slight damage . the god of heaven be praised for preserving his royal highness , to be the great instrument of so signal a success , and continuing him to the perfecting this great work in hand , to the honour of his majesty , and the welfare of his people . and that you may trace them farther , in their unworthiness and ingratitude , this victory , with the fear of being made no people , had no sooner brought them on their knees , and his majesty out of his accustomed clemency , and commiseration , had received them into favour , by making peace with them , but they returned to their usual custom , of breaking articles , and supplanting our trade . for instance , the states were particularly ingaged , in an article of the treaty at breda , to send commissioners to his majesty at london , about the regulation of our trade , in the east indies , but they were so far from doing it on that obligation , that when an ambassador was sent over , to put them in mind of it , he could not in three years time , get from them any satisfaction , in the material points , nor a forbearance of the wrongs his majesties subjects received in those parts . to give you an account of every particular wrong , and injury , the english suffered by the dutch , in their east india factory , would be a task as difficult to do , as to tell the spokes of a running coach-wheele ; let it suffice , his majestie is throughly sensible of them , from the just and miserable complaints of the sufferers , and will now with gods assistance , now call them to a severe account , for all their insufferable wrongs and abuses , which the east could not contain ; and therefore they went a little farther in the west indies . for by an article in the same treaty , his majesty was to restore surinam into their hands , and by articles upon the place confirmed by that treaty , they were to give liberty to all the king of englands subjects , in that colony , to transport themselves , and their estates , into any other of his majesties plantations . in pursuance of this agreement , the place was delivered up , and yet they detained all our men in it , only one emiminent person they sent away prisoner , for but desiring to remove according to the articles . to what a height will this insolence and perfidiousness of theirs arrive to , if not timely check't and prevented ? how arrogant and presumptious will they be , if the bladder of their pride , blown up with violence , and oppression , be not suddenly prick't , and so let out the airy opinion of their supposed strength , and greatness ; i know not what their arrogance and ambition , may prompt their precipitate indeavours , but if they think that our god above is deaf , and doth not hear the loud cryes of the injured , and oppressed , and that his vice-gerent , here on earth , the king of england , will not endeavour the redress of his abused person and people , they are worse then that impudent impostor , who in despight of his saviour , threw his dagger into the air , as if he would have stab'd heaven therewith , but was at last forc't to confess , vincisti me galilaee . they will now find , i hope , a good god to direct a great and gracious prince , how to punish such a vild and ingrateful people : not so supinous or careless , as the dutch abusively have pictured him , with his hand in his pockets , as an idle-spectator , looking on his ships as they burn'd at chatham . i confess it was a suddain hot feaverish fit , and unexpected but let them have a care they have not many thousand shaking cold ones for it . — nec surdum , nec tiresiam quenquam esse deorum . — they 'l find none of the gods are either deaf or blind . but to return where i left off , my passion carrying me a little from my present subject , though not from the present purpose . our ambassadour complaining of this behaviour , after two years sollicitation , obtained an order for the performance of these articles , but commissioners being sent , and two ships to bring our men away , the hollanders according to their former practises , sent private orders contradictory to these they had owned in publick , whereby our commissioners journy thither , was to no other effect , then to bring away the poorer sort of people , and the prayers and cries of the wealthier for releif out of that captivity . whither this practice participate not of the nature of hell , i will give any rational man leave to judge ; since the mouth of that infernal place stands alwaies gaping to receive , but will let none out . thus notwithstanding his majesty made complaints by letters , to the states of holland , of this unjust detention , yet never received one word of satisfaction . it is not to be wondred that they venture on these outrages upon the english in remote parts , when they dare be so bold , with his majesties royal person , in their abusive pictures , so grosly , that as it is not fit to be named ; so none but a beastly boarish flemming would do it . but let de wit look to it , he that would have the states of hollands arms over his head , and that of england pictured under his feet , i question not but he will find that the belgick lyon with his crack't sheafe of arrowes , cannot defend his sides from being gored by the enlish unicorn . yet still see is in bearing these majesty was , and still is in bearing these matchless contumelies and abuses , represented in pictures , false historical medals , and pillars , this one would think sufficient to exasperate his majestie into an high displeasure , since it is so evilly rescented by all his majesties loving subjects , and will undoubtedly be revenged : but his majesty graciously declares , it is not what relates to his particular self , but the safety of our trade , upon which the wealth and prosperity of england depends , the preservation of his people abroad from violence and oppression : and the hollanders daring to affront us , almost within our very ports , which move his just indignation against them ; and what english-man will not be assisting with his life and estate , in so just a cause , wherein the honour of his king , and the welfare and safety of all his temporal concerns consist : surely if we have left any thing of an english spirit , we cannot but be herein active , and as england never wanted men of courage , so i hope she will not want power ( if confidence may be put in the arm of flesh ) to chastise the insolencies of our enemies . who would have thought they durst have disputed the right of the flag , a prerogative so ancient ; it was one of the first of his majesties predecessors , and ought to be the last from which this kingdome should ever depart ; it was heretofore by them never questioned , and i know not how it should , it was expresly acknowledged in the treaty at breda , and yet it was not only violated last summer , but afterwards justified and represented by them abroad as ridiculous for us to demand . his majestic may well call this an ungrateful insolence , since in the time of king james , and king charles , they never left cringing , till they got a permission to fish in our narrow seas , and thought it an high obligation , although they paid a large tribute for so doing ; large did i call it ! no , but small , considering the vast benefit that did accrew unto them thereby . and now i think it will not be amiss , here in this place , to give you some account of this fishing-trade , according to my best information . the coasts of great britain , do yeild such a continual sea-harvest , to all those who with diligence labour in the same , that no time or season elapseth in the year , in which industrious men may not employ themselves in fishing , which continueth from the beginning of the year , to the latter end , in some port or other upon coasts ; and therein such infinite shoales of fishes are offered to the takers , as may justly move admiration : the hollander i am sure is not ignorant hereof . the summer fishing for herrings , begins about midsummer , and lasteth to the latter end of august : the winter fishing for herring , lasteth from september to the mid'st of november ; both which extend from bughoness in scotland , to the thames mouth . the fishing for cod , at almby , wirkinton , and white-haven , from easter to whitsontide . the fishing of hake at haberdeny , abarswith , and other places between wales and ireland , from whitsontide to saint james-tide . the fishing of cod and ling , about padstow , within the lands , and severn from christ-tide , to midlent . the fishing for cod , on the west part of ireland , from the beginning of april , to the latter end of june . the fishing of pilchars , on the west of england from st. james-tide to september . the fishing for great scalping , and many other sorts of fish , about the islands of scotland , and in several parts of the brittish seas all the year long . and that you may know what plenty of fish we have in our seas , not many years since , upon the coasts of devonshire , in one day were taken five hundred tun of fish , and about the same time three thousand pounds worth of fish in one day , were taken at st. ives by cornwal in small boats , others of the same party adventuring in a calm , among the holland busses , not far from robinhoods-bay , returned presently to whitby , full fraught with herrings ; and reported , that they saw some of those busses take ten , twenty , and four and twenty lasts of herrings at a draught , most of them returning with an hundred lasts of herrings in one buss , into holland . at another time it was observed , that a fleet of colliers returning from new-castle to london , about the well near flamborough-head , met with such multitude of cod , ling , and herrings , that one among the rest , drew up in a small time , as many as were sold for neer upon as much as her whole lading of coales amounted to , and some hundreds of ships might have been there laden in two dayes and two nights . out of which wonderful affluence and abundance of fish swarming upon our seas , that we the better perceive the infinite gain which the dutch make thereof , and by that means , how infinitely beholding they unto us , i shall insist upon the number of fishing vessels , they have formerly and lately imployed upon our coasts , and by their vast income , how they have increased , in shipping , in mariners , in trade , in towns and fortifications , in power abroad , in publick revenue , in private wealth ; and lastly , in all manner of provisions , and store of things necessary . how poor and low these hoghen moghens were , in q. elizabeths time , is unknown to few ; at which time france tyred with labour , the striving of her own children , had caused in the bowels of her state , and child by the cold distrust conceived of the revolted hollanders success , ( rebelling against their lawful soveraign ) deserted them into despair , as well as other neighbouring princes : then may they remember , how england opened her tender arms , to receive their fugitives , and her purse to pay their soldiers : so that a foot of ground cannot be called theirs , that owes not a third part to the expence , valour , or counsel of the english , of whom such glorious spirits have expired in their defence , as have been thought at too too mean a rate , to double the value of what they thought for . did not the english dispute their title at ostend , till they had no earth to plead on , the very ground failing them before their vallours ; yet whilst fighting there , not only against the flower of the spanish army , but the plague , hunger , and cold despair ; so that it may be said without hyperbole , the nobility and gentry , queen elizabeth lost , doubled the number , the cruelty of spains great philip had left you . the assistance that wise queen gave them , was good self-policy ; she made them able to defend themselves against spain , and was so at the pole ; but they who inable them to offend others , as her successors have done , have gone beyond it questionless had this thorne been removed out of the spaniards side , he might have been feared too soon , to grasp his long intended monarchy , were the spaniard possessed lord of the low-countries , or had the states general the wealth and power of spain , the rest of europe , might be like a people at sea , in a ship on fire , that could only chuse whither they would drown or burn . we have cherished this starveling viper too long in our warm bosomes , and now doth not only hiss at , but indeavour to sting those who brought them to life , from almost an irremediless condition . since we succoured them abroad , and gave them leave to fish in our seas , pray consider their vast increase of shipping . they had many years since , seven hundred strand-boats , four hundred evars , and four hundred gallies , drivers and jod-boats , wherewith the hollanders fisht on their coasts , every one of these employing another ship , to fetch salt , and carry the fish into their own country ; being in all three thousand sail , maintaining and setting at work at least fourty thousand persons , fishers , tradesmen , women , and children . besides they have an hundred dager-boats , one hundred and fifty tuns a peice , or thereabouts ; seven hundred pinds and well-boats , from sixty to an hundred tuns a peice , which altogether fish upon the sea of england , and scotland , for cod and ling only , and these too for the most employ other ships , to bring them salt , and carry the fish home , making in all sixteen hundred ships , which maintain and imploy at least four thousand persons of all sorts . for the herring season , they have at least sixteen hundred busses , all of them only fishing on our coasts , and every one of these maketh work for three other ships which attend her ; the one to bring in salt from forrein parts , the other to carry that salt and cask to the busses , and to bring back the herrings , and the third to transport the said fish into forreign countries : so that the total number plying the herring-fishing , is six thousand four hundred . moreover , they have four hundred vessels at least , that take herring at yarmouth , and there sell them for ready-money : so that the hollander ( besides their three hundred ships fishing on their coasts ) have at least eight thousand and four hundred ships only maintained by the seas of great britain , by the which means principally , holland being not so big , as one of our shires in england , conteining not above twenty eight miles in length , and twenty three in bredth , have increased the number of their shipping , to at least ten thousand sail , and to that number they add in a manner daily , although the country it self affords them neither materials , nor victuals , nor merchandise to be accounted of , towards their setting forth . secondly , let us consider the increase of their mariners , from the number of their ships , fishing on our coasts , which as we said before , were eight thousand four hundred , we must allow more hands to the fishing concern , then for bare sailing ; if suppose ten men to every ship , one with another , the total of marriners and fishers , will amount to fourscore and four thousand ; out of which number , they continually furnish their longer voyages , to all parts of the world ; for by this they are not only inabled to brook the sea , and to know the use of the tackle and compass , but are likewise instructed in trade , and in the principles of navigation and pilotage ; insomuch as their chiefest navigators , have had from home their education and breeding : and hence they are become , as skilful and knowing in all the sands , sholes , creeks and channels belonging to our coasts , as the best of our pilots . thirdly by reason of those multitudes of ships and mariners , they have extended their trade to all parts of the world , and therein ( to speak the truth , ) have out-thrown all ever yet have used the sea , many bars length , exporting in most of their voyages , herring and other fish , returning in exchange , the several commodities of other countries . from the southern parts , as france , spain , and portugal for our herrings , they return oyl , wine , prunes , hony , wool , grain , with store of forraign coyn ; from the streights , velvets , sattins , and all sorts of silk , allom , currants , all grocery ware , with much money . from the east country , for our herrings , they bring home corn , wax , flax , hemph , pitch , tar , soap-ashes , iron , copper , steel , clap-board , wainscoate , masts , timber , deal-boards , polish-dollars , and hungary-gilders . from germany , for herrings , and other salt-fish ; iron , steel , glass , mill-stones , rhenish-wines , battery-plate , for armour , with other munitions ; also silk , velvets , rashes , fustians , poratoes , and such like frankfort commodities , with store of rixdollars . from brabant , they return for the most part ready-money , with some tapestries , sayes and hull-shops : yea , some of our herrings are carried as far as brasile ; and that which is more strange , and much to our shame , above four hundred of their ships , fish with ours at yarmouth within ken of land , uncontrould , making us pay ready-money for our fish , caught by them on our shores . fourthly , by this their large extent of trade , ( originally derived from the benefits they have received from the kingdom of england , ) they are become as it were devisions of the whole world , whereby they have within a century or more of years , so enlarged their towns , that the major part of them , are as big again as they were before ; for instance , amsterdam , leyden , and middle-borough , having been lately above twice enlarged , and their streets and buildings so orderly set forth , that for beauty and strength , they may compare with most , upon which they bestow infinite sums of money , all originally flowing from the bounty of our seas ; from whence , by their labor and industry , they derive the beginnings of all their wealth and greatness , and particularly for the havens of the aforesaid towns , whereof some of them cost forty , fifty , or an hundred thousand pounds . fifthly , by reason of the number of their shipping , and mariners , and so great a trade occasioned by fishing principally , they have not only strengthned and fortyfied themselves at home , to repell any further polemick attempts of the king of spain , but have likewise stretched their power to the east and west-indies ; in many places whereof they are lords of the sea-coasts , and have likewise fortified on the main , where the king and people are subject to their devotion , and our country-men the english , lying open to all the out-rages , a cruel and imulting tyrant can inflict upon them . so formidable they are both by sea , and land , that none but a carolus a carolo , knows how to lore their top-saile of their insufferable pride , and bring by the lee , their matchless insolence . sixthly , how mightily the publick revenue and customes of the state are increased , by their fishing , may appear in that about forty or fifty years since , over and above the customes of the merchandize , excises , licenses , waftage and lastage , there was paid to the state for custom of herrings , and other salt-fish , and cask paid for waftage , which cometh at least to as much more : besides a great part of their fish sold in forraign parts for ready money , for which they commonly export for the finest gold and silver ; and coming home recoyn it of a baser allay , under their own stamp , ( witness the scarcity of our old gold ) which is no small means to augment their treasure . seventhly , as touching their private wealth , it will appear by the abundance of herring , and other fish by them taken . for instance , during the war between the king of spain , and the hollander , the dunkirkkers , by taking , spoyling , and burning the busses of holland , and setting great ransome on the fishermen , enforced them to compound for great sumns of money , that they might fish quietly one year , whereunto the next year after the fishermen among themselves were to pay a dollar upon every last of herrings , towards the maintenance of certain ships of war , to convoy and secure them in their fishing ; by reason whereof , there was a record kept of the several last of herrings taken that year , and it appeared thereby , that in one half year , there was taken three hundred thousand last of herings , which being at twelve pound per last , amounteth to three millions and six hundred thousand pounds ; whereas at sixteen , twenty and thirty pounds they are sold in other countries . this great trade of fishing , employing so many ships at sea , must consequently maintain a very great number of tradesmen , and artizens at land ; as spinsters , and hemp-winders for cables , cordage , yarn , twine for nets , and lines , weavers to make sail-cloaths , receivers , packers , dressers , tacklers , coopers , blocks , and bowl-makers for ships , keelmen and labourers , for removing and carrying fish , sawyers for planks , carpenters , shipwrights , boat-men , brewers , bakers , and a number of others , whereof a great part may be maimed persons , and unfit to be otherwise employed , besides the maintenance of all their several wives , chidren and families ; and further , every man or maid-servant , or orphan , having any poor stock , may venture the same in their fishing voyages , which affords them ordinarily great increase , and is duly paid according to the proportion of their gain ; this makes them have so few beggars amongst them , and we so many , in not finding out such like means , to imploy the poorer sort of people ; the appurtenances hereunto belonging , will cost us no more than theirs did ; and since we have the propriety of the seas , we want only industry to effect this purpose . lastly , holland is so poor of it self , that it yieldeth little , saving some few hops , madder , butter and cheese ; yet notwithstanding , by reason of this art of fishing , aboundeth plentifully in all manner of provisions , as well for life as luxury , nay for defence too ; all which they not only have in competent proportion for their own use , but are likewise able from their several magazines , to supply other countries . the premises considered , it maketh much to the ignomy and shame of this kingdom , that god and nature offering us so rich a treasure , even to our own doors , we notwithstanding neglect the benefit thereof , and by paying money to the ungrateful hollander , for the fish of our own seas , impoverish our selves to inrich them . but thanks to almighty god , that hath put it into his majesties heart to put a stop to their further proceedings herein , and do not doubt but he will once more make them acknowledg , that the soveraignty of the narrow seas belong to him alone , his majesties prerogative by immemorable prescription , continuall usage and possession , the acknowledgment of all neighbours , states , and the municipal laws of this kingdom , and that unto him ( by reason of the said soveraignty , ) the supream command and jurisdiction over the passage and fishing in the same rightfully appertaineth . why may not the english then make the same advantages of these seas , as the dutch , whom we are now chastiseing , not for their industry therein , but for their ingratitude , incivility , and rag-manners ? the task will not be very difficult , if this method may be observed as followeth . by erecting two hundred and fifty busses , of reasonable strength and bigness , there will be employment found for a thousand ships , and for at least twenty thousand fishermen and mariners at sea , and consequently for as many laborers , and tradesmen at land. the herrings taken by those busses , will afford the king twenty thousand pound custom outward , and for customes returned inward , three hundred thousand pound and more . we have timber sufficient , and at reasonable rates , growing in this kingdom , for the building these busses , and every shire affordeth men of able and hardy bodies , fit for such employment , who now live poorly and idlely at home ; provision we have cheap enough , and great plenty thereof , and our shores and harbours are near those places , where the fish do haunt ; for drying our nets , salting and packing our fish , and for succour in stress of weather , we may bring our fish to land , salt and pack it , and from some parts of this kingdome , be at our markets in france , spain , or italy , before the hollander can get home . but this we shall the better and sooner do , if we consider and endeavour to reforme certain wants , and abuses , which heretofore hath hindred us , from effecting this good and great work , whereof these that follow , are none of the least . the non-observance , ( or but slightly ) of the old custom , and the statute laws , for observing fish-daies , from whence scarcity of flesh proceedeth : thus fish being not bought so frequently as it ought to be , the want of sale decayeth the trade thereof . want of order and direction in our fishing , every man being left to himself , and every man fishing as liketh him best . whereas amongst the hollander , two of the best experienced fishermen are appointed to guide the rest of the fleet , and the rest are bound to follow them , and so cast their lines according to their discretion . again , the hollanders set forth in june , to find the shoal of fish ; and having found it , dwell amongst it till november ; whereas we stay till the herrings come home to us , and somtimes suffer them to pass by us , ere we look out , our herring fishing continuing only seven weeks at most , and their 's twenty . the hollanders busses are great and strong , and able to brook foul weather , whereas our cobbles , crayes , and boats , being small and thin-sided , are easily swallowed by a rough sea , not daring to adventure far in fair weather . the hollanders are industrious , and no sooner are discharged of their lading , but presently put forth for more ; whereas our english , after they have been once at sea , do commonly never return again , till their money taken for their fish be spent , and they in debt . the hollanders do retain the merchants , who during the herring season , doe duly come to the places where the busses arrive , and by joyning together in several companies , do presently agree for the lading of forty busses at once ; and so being discharged , they may return speedily to their former fishing ; whereas our fishermen , uncertain of their chapmen , are forced to spend much time in putting off their fish by parcels . what else may be considered in this particular , i will leave to the serious thoughts of better head-peices than my own . thus as i have given you a summary account of the vast advantages , which will accrue unto us , by the regular , orderly , and industrious fishing on our own coasts , so i have briefly related how highly indebted the hollander is to the king of england , for his wealthy fishing ▪ trade ; yet they are so far from acknowledging any debt , that instead thereof , they have most unworthily thrown dirt ▪ in his majesties face , a gracious prince , who hath indeavoured by kindnesses , to charm these swarming frogs , who are now ready to become an egyptian plague , by croaking against him , in his own waters . they say hollands opulent and wealthy citty amsterdam was founded on herring-bones . for all my just animosity against the dutch , as an englishman i cannot but be somewhat afflicted , to see the dutch here now let me crave leave to address my speech to this ungrateful neighbour , and thus a little expostulate with him . 1. hath not his sacred majesty been alwayes so tender of his royal word , that he made with you before he left the hague , and the preservation whilst you needed it , and friendship , since god hath inabled you to subsist , as he scarce , had set foot on his royal throne here , before the sence of your safety , no less then of his inspired him , with an earnestness , to renew , or strengthen his royall alliance with your , not so observable in respect of any neighbour beside , doubling i am sure in retalliation , the poor and few marks of gratitude have dropt from you ; rather expunging his kindnesses , with your more frequent injuries , and imputing your failing , to the less courtly nature of your soile and people ; then the want of gratitude and civility , to so potent a neighbour as britain , who next to god , may be styled your maker , who hath dispensed with thousands of dangers and inconveniences for your sake ? 2. have you not had liberty to trade , and to become denisons ; nay so graciously you have been used by his sacred majesty , and his royal father , even to admiration , that you had power to buy and purchase land in fee-simple , tale or otherwise in any of his cities and countries ; no mark of distinction being imposed , in relation either to honour , profit , or justice ; witness the acts of naturalizing so many of your spawn , in the twelsth , thirteenth and fourteenth years of his present majesties reign ? 3. do not the maritan towns of kent , essex , suffolk , and norfolk , &c. aboundwith the issue of those swarms , the very sound and noise of their fellowes calamities , had driven out of their hives ? and notwithstanding the present just war his majesty hath proclaimed against the states general of the united provinces , he hath mercifully provided for the aforesaid dutch-inmates , and all such who are necessitated to withdraw their persons and estates out of those countries : nay , observe his majesties special care of your people inhabiting this his kingdom , in his own words : and because there are remaining in our kingdoms , many subjects of the states general of the united provinces , we do declare , and give our royal word , that all such of the dutch nation , as shall demean themselves dutiful towards us , and not correspond with our enemies , shall be safe in their persons and estates , and free from all molestation and trouble of any kind ; how illy you have deserved this continuance of so many kindnesses , i dare appeal to your own consciences , or any impartial person to judge . 4. can you think so wise a council as this kingdom was steered by , did not apprehend ; that though the making you free might fortify the queens out-works ; yet it could not but as much dismantle the royal fort of monarchy ? i know not whither you were a president to the late usurper , who for many years , steeped the three kingdoms in their own blood : but sure i am , your principles may teach subjects to depose their princes , and be no losers by the bargain ; which ( by the way ) hath rendred you unpleasant or unacceptable to all neighbor monarchs , fearing by your practices you will furnish their subjects with pretences upon all occasions of advantage to do the like . 5. was not the assisting you an occasion of our invasion in eighty eight , by a navy held invincible in the creed of rome , till the more glorious valours of the english ( assisted by the lord of hosts ) had clearly confuted the popes title , even to the amazement of the clists , and wonder of the world ? the only reason then that kept king philip from heading a royal army in his own person , was the fear he did apprehend of his being cast in his passage out of spain , ( as his father charles the fifth was ) upon the british shore , knowing the english were cordial in your preservation , then ever to suffer him to come and goe in peace , when he came on so bloody an errand . 6. and though he , as a magnanimous prince , and so great a monarch as he was , yet he did often desire his sister of england to hear his just defence , for his so rigorous proceedings ; she refusing to dispute the truth of your complaints , presuming it more probable for a stranger to be a tyrant , then that the natural inhabitants upon a slighter cause , cast themselves into the no less bloody , then scorching flames of a civil and uncertain war , she seeming rather to forget the obligations she owed him , either as a private person or brother , when he was king of england , then her neighbours oppressions . i shall not need here draw blood in your faces by application , your consciences ( if you have any such thing left ) will do it for me . 7. were not your messengers received into england in the quality of embassadors , they being then too modest to own higher titles , then of poor petitioners , casting themselves prostrate at the feet of no less potent tribunal , then what you were admitted to in the quality of embassadors the other day , and the which you now fight against ; at which time , ( i blush to think thereof ) your embassadors was pleased to say , that in this conjuncture they would condescend to strike to us , if we would assist them against the french ; but upon condition , that it should never be taken for a president here after , to their prejudice : this was such a condition which would soon have reduced us to a miserable and contemptible condition . did not your embassadour forget himself , what and where he was , to be admitted into the quality of an ambassadour , was an honour you could never have attained to , but through the clemency of a gratious prince ? your messengers in the same quality but narrowly escap'd the gallowes , when they went with their petition to his catholick majesty ? and did not his late sacred majesty , out of his princely goodness imbroider your messengers with titles , unworthy such ingratitudes , as you afterwards shewed him and his , against your alliance then made and professed ? 8. have you not opened your arms , to receive those into your councils and pay , that even the whole world doth blush at the reflection of so horrid an act ; such is it that tears fall on my pen at its relation , as if it should say , thou art not able to express blackness ? wherein holland , canst thou glory ? not with colouring it with a charitable protection ? o no! then what satisfaction can you give the world ; or fancy to your selves , when you shew a president how to protect the most horrid regicide that ever drew breath , such as are culpable of no less crime then the blood of the best of kings , and one who espoused you as it were into his royal family ? 9. nay , see farther your ingratitude , that no sooner providence had measured out the kingdom into peace , by restoring our dread soveraign unto his undoubted right , and the words of a firm alliance and amity , ( concluded betwixt him and you , ) scarce cold in his mouth , but what wonderful outrages you committed on our ships and merchants , in allmost all places and ports , where you could either find or meet them , but especially there , where you were able to treble the english power and strength , who if equally but man'd , or shipt , would have reduced your brandy-courages into that combustion which they say that wine bears , and that only by its flames to behold your own ruines : nay , such was your ingratitude , as if nothing were more indifferent to you , then who were happy , so england were miserable ? 10. if you were not willing for those many years , to come stealing and bribeing the usurpers so long for your fishing , why should you be so tutchy now , with such as inquire whether it was worth your cost , or their honour , to defend the propriety thereof , to the utmost hazard of their lives and fortunes ? i understand that the late usurpers did not only give you the fish , but baits to catch them , ( lampries i mean ) loaden by boat-fulls out of the thames , which they would never have done , had they been as full of circumspection as that creature is reported to be of eyes , this kindness to you ( as all other kindnesses shown to you use to do ) made you so insolent as to fly in their face , sor which they were forced to bring you into better manners , witness the several victories they obtained over you in the year , 1652. but more especially , that neer portland , wherein you were totally overthrown , imputing your want of success , to want of powder ; but i think those few of yours which were left , they sent home with a powder . lastly , all this considered , why may not his majesty assume to himself , the rights of disposure and regulation of that which is undoubtedly his own ? and why may he not take , till by you , that never questioned style of lord of the british ocean ? as well as you at guiny , and the east-indies , that strive with your maker , who shall be most high and mighty . with these expostulations , pray take some of these following queries . some pertinent and necessary queries to the present subject . 1. what other alliance can afford you so safe harbourage in case of foul weather at sea , as england , scotland and ireland ? if none , whether contingencies driven in by storm under our shelter , your west , and east india , and straits men , may not exceed all the coales and tobbacco prizes , de ruyter , or any under him , shall scrape up in his naval expedition ? if the raising a flying army in the netherlands , may not one time or other be reduced to such a faction , especially when headed by one that cannot keep the same consort with you , as to cause the resolving you into the first principles of both poor , distressed , and oppressed ? nay , it may be , further reduce you to be vassals to some of your right or left hand neighbours , whose aim is wholly to root up that vine , which they perceive is likely to ecclipse ; but more willing to destory the glories of their rights , and benefits of their traffick and trade . 3. if venice may not unproperly be called the signet on neptunes right hand ; whether england and the netherlands being in a strait confederacy , may not be styled his two arms ? by which , in relation to their shipping , he embraceth the universe . 4. whether your maiden towns ( as you call them ) may not longer enjoy that title under the alliance of england , who hath many more rich and beautiful havens and harbours , then any other neighbouring nation . 5. whether the making an honourable peace with england , by complying with her just commands , may not be accounted putting of money to more than common interest ? 6. in case it so happens , whether their wisdomes do not cease too dangerous and chargable wars ; the which if not done , may not be the sole cause of having it said , their blood was upon their own heads ? 7. whether in case zealand , or any other of your provinces irritated by the inconveniences that must inevitably follow , may not be tempted to divide , and adhere to the stronger and honester side ? and which that is your wisdoms , may easily resolve from the dispute , his royal highness , and the incomparable rupert gave your meenhere , opdam ? 8. whether the world may not afford us and you , a sufficient trade without intruding , or encroaching on each others interests ? 9. whether monarchs do , or can look upon you under a milder aspect , then traitors , without a tacit consent of the like power resident in their people : whereas england doth , and ever did esteem you in a more honorable relation and interest ; for though you , like dial of ahaz , recoiled so many degrees back in the sphear of policy , it is naturally more proper for that hand , and that power which first made you a free state , to be touched with an inclination ever to maintain that honour and interest , which the blood of so many of their brave country-men hath expired in the setting it up ? 10. whether , as you are compared to the ant for industry , so in this , as one saith , the ant is a wise creature , but a shrewd thing in a garden or orchard , and truly so are you ; where ever you light in a pleasant or rich soyl , like succours and lower plants , you rob from the root of that tree , which gave you shade and protection . thus let me tell you , your wisdome is not indeed heroick ; as courting an universal good , but rather narrow and restrictive , as being a wisdome , but for your selves ; which to speak plainly , is descending into craft ; and is but the sinister part of that which is really noble and coelestial . nay , in all , they hold so true a proportion with the emmet , as you shall not find that they want so much as the sting ? 11. whether holland affords not the people one commodity beyond all other regions , if they die in perdition , they are so low , that they have a shorter cut to hell , then the rest of their neighbours : and for this cause , perhaps all strange religions throng thither , as naturally inclineing towards their center : besides , their riches shews them to be pluto's region ; and you all know , what part that was which the poets did of old assign him ? 12. whether the duke d'alva's taxing of the tenth penny on the netherlands , did not fright it into a paulsie , which all the mountebanks they have bred since , could never tell how to cure : for at the approach of a wagon , the earth shall shake as if it were ague-strucken ? 13. whether if mount aetna , be hells mouth or fore-gate , holland be not the postern ; for some call it the port esquiline of the world , where the whole earth doth vent her crude black gore , which the inhabitants scrape away for fewel , as men with spoons do excrements from civit-cats . 14. whether escutcheons are not as plentiful in holland , as gentry is scarce ; for every man there is his own herald , and he that hath but wit enough to invent a coat , may challenge it as his own : a coat they must have , though their ancestors were never known , which in ●ight of heraldry , shall bear their atchievment , with an helmet for a baron at least , marry the field perhaps shall be charged with three baskets to shew what trade his father was ? 15. whether the dutch people , are so generally boorish , but that most of them may be bred a statesman , they having all this gift , not to be so nice conscioned , but that they can turn out religion to let in policy ? 16. whether their country is not the god they worship , war their heaven , peace their hell , and the spaniard , the devil , they hate , custome their law , and their will their reason ? 17. whether the hollander was not bred before manners were in fashion , and that makes his conditions as boorishly-churlish as his breeder neptune ? 18. whether complement be not an idleness they were never trained up in , and that 's the reason of their happiness , that court vanities have not stole away their minds from business ? 19. whether the hollander , had he not been a subject to spain , would not have loved the nation better ; and that which confirms their eternal hate , is , that they know the world remembers they were once the subjects of that most catholick crown ? 20. whether their shiping is not the babel which they boast on , for the glory of their nation ; it is indeed a wonder ; and they will have it so , but we may well hope they will never be so potent at land , lest they shew us how doggedly they can insult where they get the mastery ? 21. whether equality of number , when they meet our ships at sea , be not as dreadful to them , as a falcon , to a mallard , from whom their best remedy is to steale away : but if they come to blows , they want the valiant stoutness of the english , who will rather expire bravely in a bold resistance , than to stain their honour by an ignoble flight . 22. whether democracy be not the best government for the low countries , since there had need be many to rule such a rabble of rude ones ? tell them of a king in jest , and they will cut your throat in earnest . 23. whether there is under heaven such a den of several serpents as amsterdam is ? you may be what devil you will , so you push not the states with your horns . 24. whether the dutch place their republick in a higher esteem than heaven it self , by their boundless toleration ; and had rather cross upon god than it ? for whosoever disturbs the civil government , is liable to punishment ; but the decrees of heaven , and sanctions of the deity , any one may break uncheck't , by professing what false religion he please . lastly , whether they had not rather keep an old fault in which they discover manifold and manifest errors , than in an easie change to meet a certain remedy ? his majesties propriety and dominion over the brittish seas clearly asserted ; and some other of the dutch insolencies detected . it is easie to be proved by the ancient interpreters of the mosaical law , that the sea is no whit less capable of private dominion , than the land. in numbers you shall find it expresly written , and let your borders be the great sea ; that is ( as the rabbins comment on the place ) the main ocean and its islands . you may read , that pompey the great , being admiral of a great navy , had a commission given him by the senate , as absolute lord of the sea ; nay , many of the roman historians have called the sea their sea , because it was in subjection to , being wholly subdued by , the roman power . thy borders are in the midst or heart of the sea , saith the prophet ezekiel of the tyrians : and it is affirmed in ancient history , that the city of tyre built by agenor , made not only the neighbouring-sea , but what seas soever her ships sailed in , to be of her dominion . there was an ancient custom used in the east , that when great kings had a design to bring any nation under their power , they commanded water and earth , the pledges of empire and dominion , to be delivered unto them ; conceiving that the command of the sea , as well as of the land , was signified by such a token . and if we take a view of these late times , as to the rights and customs of forreign nations , we shall find , that the commonwealth of venice hath enjoyed the dominion of the adriatique-sea for many ages . the tuscans to this day have an absolute dominion in the tyrhene-sea ; and those of genoa , in the lygustick . to conclude : that the dominion of the sea is admitted amongst those things that are lawful , and received into the customs of nations , is so far from contradiction , that nothing at all can be found to controul it in the customs of our later times , unless it be by the encroaching hollander , who bordering so near our shores , hath done , and doth endeavour to violate the right of his most sacred majesty , under the pretence of civil community . besides , it is most evident from the custom of all times , that commerce and free passage hath ever been so limited by princes in their territories ; that is , either granted or denied , according to the various concernments of the publick good. princes are concerned to be wary and careful , that they admit no such strangers , or forreign commerce , where the commonwealth may receive any damage thereby . some oppugners to the mare clausum introduce this argument , that the water is open to all , and therefore by law it must be open at all times to all men . what a trifle is this ? before the distribution of things , there was no land which did not lie open to all , before it came under particular possession . if the hollanders should object this argument against our dominion over the narrow seas ; i would ask them the reason of their custom in delph-land , called jus grutae , which hath ever been under the care of those officers called in dutch , pluymgraven , whereby the beer-brewers are obliged to pay the hundredth part for the use of those waters . having thus in general given you an account , that almost amongst all nations there hath been allowed a private dominion of the sea : we shall now come nearer home , and inform you , that the ancient britains did enjoy and possess the sea as lords thereof , before they were subjected to the roman power . we find no history of britain to which any credit ought to be given , elder than the time of julius caesar ; at whose coming we find the britains used the sea as their own for navigation and fishing ; and withal permitted none besides merchants to sail into the island without their leave ; nor any man at all to sound or view their sea-coasts or harbours . amongst several kings of old , that not only ruled this land , but had also dominion over the sea , i find none more potent than king edgar ; who possessing an absolute dominion of the seas , sailed round it once a year , and secured it with a constant guard of ships , of which , as is reported , he had four thousand eight hundred stout ones ; and what dominion this was king edgar had as absolute lord of the sea , appeareth in these words , i edgar king of england , and of all the kings of the islands , and of all the ocean lying about britain , and of all the nations that are included within the circuit , &c. after him , king canutus left a testimony , whereby he most expresly asserteth the sea to be a part of his dominion : for placing himself by the sea-side on southampton shore , he is reported to have made trial of the seas obedience in this manner : thou , o sea , art under my dominion , as the land also which i sit upon is mine : therefore i command thee not to wet the feet or garments of thy soveraign . although the event did not answer his expectation , yet by this he professed himself to be soveraign of the seas as well as of the land. there is nothing more clear , than that the kings of england have been accustomed to constitute governours , who had a charge to guard the english sea , and these were called custodes maritimi . in this number you shall find in parliamentary rolls of the 48 of hen. 3. thomas de moleton , who is called captain and guardian of the sea ; this title was afterwards changed into admiral , in the days of edward the third : the principal end of calling that parliament , was concerning the preservation of peace both by land and sea ; giving us to understand , that the land and sea together , made one entire body of the kingdom of england . and that the dominion of the seas is properly in the power and jurisdiction of the king , may appear by those tributes and customs that were imposed and payed for the guard and protection of those seas ; and this was paid to the reign of king stephen . since , subsidies have been demanded of the people in parliament upon the same account . neither was this imposed only on the english , but also upon the ships of forreigners , every vessel paying after the rate of six pence a tun that passed by , such ships only excepted that brought merchandize out of flanders . if a vessel were employed to fish for herrings , it payed six pence a week for every tun ; if for other fish , so much was to be paid every three weeks ; as they who brought coles from newcastle to london , every three months . mr. selden that learned antiquary affirmeth , that before a court of delegates in france , in express terms it hath been acknowledged , that the king of england hath ever been lord not only of the sea , but of the islands therein contained , upon the account of being king of england . but to give greater light to this truth , we may from several records produce many testimonies , that the kings of england have given leave to forreigners , upon request , to pass through their seas . there are innumerable letters of safe conducts in the records , especially of henry the fifth and sixth ; and it is worthy of observation , that those letters were directed by those kings to their governors , or sea admirals , vice-admirals , and sea-captains . and to clear all at once : the kings of england have such an absolute dominion in the english seas , that they have called the sea it self their admiralty : and this we find in a commission of edward the third , the title whereof is de navibus arestandis & capiendis . and as a freedom of passage , so a liberty of fishing , hath been obtained by petition from the kings of england . we read that henry the sixth gave leave to the french , and other forreigners , sometimes for a year , sometimes but for six months , to go and fish throughout his seas , provided that the fishing-boats and busses , exceeded not the burthen of thirty tuns ; and if any forreigners whatever should molest or disturb any of the king's subjects as they were fishing , they were forthwith to lose their license , and the benefit thereof . in the eastern sea , which washeth the coasts of york shire , it hath been an ancient custom for the hollanders and zealanders to obtain leave by petitioning the governour of scarborough-castle . it is worth the while ( saith the reverend mr. cambden ) to observe what an extraordinary gain the hollanders do make of fishing on the english seas , having first obtained leave from the castle of scarborough ; for the english have ever granted them leave to fish , reserving always the honour and priviledg to themselves , but through negligence resigning the profit to strangers . king james took special care that no forreigner should fish on the english or irish seas , without leave first obtained ; and every year at the least this leave was renewed by the commissioners for that purpose at london . a remarkable example of fishing in this nature we find in the days of henry the fourth . an agreement was made between the kings of england and france , that the subjects of both kingdoms might freely fish throughout part of that sea which is bounded on this side by the ports of scarborough and southampton , and on the other side by the coast of flanders , and the mouth of the river seine ; the time was also limited betwixt autumn and the beginning of january . and that the french might securely enjoy the benefit of this agreement , the king of england sent letters to all his sea-captainsand commanders . by this we may plainly see , that these limits wholly excluded the french from that part of the sea which lies towards the west and south-west ; as also , that which lieth north-east of them , as being so limited by our henry at his own pleasure , as sole lord and soveraign of the whole . there is amongst the records of edward the first , an inscription pro hominibus hollandiae , &c. for the men of holland , zealand , and friesland , to have leave to fish near yarmouth ; the king's letter for their protection runneth in these words : the king to his beloved and trusty john de butelarte , warden of his port of iernemuth ( now called yarmouth ) greeting : for as much as we have been certified , that many men out of the parts of holland , zealand , and friesland , who are in amity with us , intend now to come and fish in our seas near unto iernemuth ; we command you , that publick proclamation be made once or twice every week , that no person whatsoever employed abroad in our service , presume to cause any injury , trouble , damage , hindrance , or grievance , to be done unto them ; but rather , when they stand in need , that you give them advice and assistance in such manner , that they may fish and pursue their own advantage without any lett or impediment . in testimony whereof , we have caused these letters to be made patents , and to continue in force till after the feast of st. martins next ensuing . here you see that the king granteth a protection to fish ; and he limits it within the space of two months . he alone also protected the fisher-men on the german coast ; nor might the fishermen use any other vessels than what were prescribed by our kings . upon which accounts all kinds of fishing was sometimes prohibited , and sometimes admitted ; this restriction being added , that they should fish only in such vessels as were under the burden of thirty tuns . and this appears by the letters of king edward the third concerning the laws of fishing which were directed unto the governours of several ports and towns on the eastern shore : the words are these : for as much as we have given leave and license to the fishermen of the neighbouring-ports , and to others who shall be willing to come unto them for the benefit of fishing , that they may fish and make their own advantage with ships and boats under the burden of thirty tuns , any prohibition or command of ours to the contrary notwithstanding . we command you to permit the fishermen of the said towns and others who shall be willing to come to the said places for the benefit of fishing , to fish and make their own advantage with ships and boats under the burden of thirty tun , without any lett or impediment ; any prohibitions or commands of ours made to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . this is evident also in the records of king edward the fourth ; for he invested three persons with naval power , whose office it was to guard and protect the fishermen upon the coasts of norfolk and suffolk ; and the charges of the guard were defrayed by the fishermen of the said seas at the pleasure of the king of england . neither were any persons admitted to a partnership in this kind of guard , except those who were appointed by the king of england ; lest by this means perhaps it might derogate from the english right ; which is a manifest sign and evidence of their dominion and possession of the place . and this may yet more clearly appear by the limits and laws usually set by our king to such forreigners as were at enmity with each other , but with amity with the english : and to this effect is the proclamation of king james ; who having made peace with all nations , did give equal protection to the spaniards and the vnited netherlands , at that time exercising acts of great hostility one against another : our pleasure ( saith he ) and commandment is to all our officres and subjects by sea and land , that they shall prohibit as much as in them lieth , all hovering of men of warr of either spaniard or hollander near to the entry of any of our coasts or havens : and that they shall rescue and succour all merchants and others that shall fall within the danger of any such as shall await our coasts . and it is further to be observed , that as our kings have very often commanded , that all manner of persons should cease from hostility throughout all the places extended into their territories by sea : so they indulged the like priviledg for ever throughout the more neighbouring-coasts of the french shore , that all manner of persons , though enemies one to another , should securely sail to and fro , as it were under the wings of an arbitrator or moderator of the sea ; and also should freely use the sea , according to such spaces and limits as they were pleased at first to appoint ; which , without doubt , is a clear evidence of dominion . in the next place i shall cite some of the publick records kept in the tower of london , in which the dominion of the seas is expresly asserted , as belonging to the kings of england . we read that edward the third , in his commissions given to geofry de say , governour or commander of the southern and western seas , and to john de norwich of the northern ; expresseth himself in these following words : we calling to mind that our progenitors the kings of england having before these times been lords of the english sea on every side , yea , and defenders thereof against the invasions of enemies ; do strictly require and charge you by the duty and allegiance wherein you stand bound , that you set forth to sea with the ships of the ports , and the other ships that are ready ; and that you arrest the other ships under our command ; and that with all diligence you make search after the gallies and ships of warr that are abroad against vs , and that stoutly and manfully you set upon them , if they shall presume to bend their course to any part of our dominions , or the coasts of scotland , &c. we read also in the reign of the said king , in the preferring a certain bill in parliament ( which is the voice of the state of the realm ) that he was usually accounted king or soveraign of the seas by all nations ; written in french , and thus translated into english : the nation of the english were ever in the ages past , renowned for sea-affairs in all countries near the seas : and they had also so numerous a navy , that the people of all countreys esteemed and called the king of edgland , the king or soveraign of the sea. another testimony to the same effect we read in the parliamentary records of henry the fifth , where the tenour of the bill runs after this manner : the commons do pray , that seeing our soveraign lord the king , and his illustrious progenitors , have ever been lords of the sea ; and now seeing through god's grace it is now come to pass , that our lord the king is lord of the shores on both sides the sea , such a tribute may be imposed on all strangers passing through the said sea , for the benefit and advantage of our said lord the king , as may seem agreeable to reason for the safeguard of the said sea. the answer subscribed to the bill was , soit avise par le roy : for the king at that time resided in france , being lord of that countrey as well by conquest as inheritance . many other testimonies in this nature may be produced , which to avoid prolixity i must omit . neither hath the high court of parliament only given this attestation to our kings as supream and soveraign of the seas ; but to confirm it , all the judges of the land were consulted herein , and all jointly averred , that the king's sea-dominion , which they called the ancient superiority of the sea , was a matter out of question his right . neither is this truth confirmed only by our laws , but by our medals . there hath been a piece of gold often coined by our kings , called a rose-noble , upon the one side whereof was stamped a ship floating in the sea , and a king armed with a sword and shield , sitting in the ship it self as in a throne . but what need we labour to produce so many testimonies at home , from our records in the tower , and other places , from our high courts of parliament , from our laws , from our coyn , and from our histories , to prove this truth , since it is acknowledged even by forreigners themselves , whom it most concerneth , by striking sail according to the ancient custom , by every ship of any forreign nation whatsoever , to any king's man of war , which is done not only in honour to the king of england , but also in acknowledgment of his soveraignty and dominion at sea . the antiquity of this custom , and that it hath been in use above these four hundred years , may appear by this following testimony : at hastings , a town scituate on the shore of sussex , it was decreed by king john , and the assent of his peers , in the second year of his reign , that if the governour or commander of the king's navy , in his naval-expeditions , shall meet with any ships whatsoever at sea laden or empty , that shall refuse to strike their sails at the command of the king's governour or admiral , they are to be looked on as enemies , &c. mr. selden in his excellent treatise called mare clausum , saith , if any ship whatsoever had not acknowledged the dominion of the king of england in his own sea , by striking sail , they were not to be protected on any account of amity , and penalties were appointed by the kings of england in the same manner , as if mention were made concerning a crime committed in some territory of his land. but above all that yet hath been said , there cannot be produced a more convincing argument than the acknowledgment of the sea-dominion of the king of england by very many of our neighbouring-nations . at what time the agreement was made between edward the first of england , and philip the fair of france , reyner grimbald governour of the french navy , intercepted and spoiled on the english seas the goods of many merchants that were going to flanders ; and not contented with the depredation of their commodities , he imprisoned their persons : hereupon a bill was exhibited against the said reyner grimbald , and managed by procurators on the behalf of the peers and people of the english nation ; with these were joined the procurators of most nations bordering upon the sea throughout europe ; all these instituted a complaint ; and all these complainants in their bill do jointly affirm , that the king of england and his predecessors have time out of mind , and without controversie , enjoyed the soveraignty and dominion of the english seas , and the isles belonging to the same , by right of their realm of england : also , that they have had , and have the soveraign guard thereof , with all manner of cognizance and jurisdiction , in doing right and justice according to the said laws , ordinances , and prohibitions , with all other matters which may concern the exercise of soveraign dominion in the said places . but more particularly , we do find an acknowledgment of the sea-dominion of the kings of england , made by the flemmings themselves in the parliament of england , in the reign of edward the second ; the records of the parliament speak it thus : in the fourteenth year of the reign of edward the second , there appeared certain embassadors of the earl of flanders to treat about the reformation of some injuries they received : and as soon as the said ambassadors had been admitted by our lord the king to treat of the said injuries , amongst other particulars they required , that the said lord the king would at his own suit by vertue of his royal authority , cause enquiry to be made , and do justice about a depredation by the subjects of england upon the english seas , taking wines and other commodities from certain merchants of flanders ; alledging , that the said merchandizes taken from the flemmings , were brought within the realm and jurisdiction of the king ; and that it belonged to the king to see justice done , in regard that he is lord of the sea. in the seventh year of king james , this right was very strenuously asserted by proclamation , and all persons excluded from the use of the seas upon our coasts , without particular license ; but the hollander continuing his encroachments till after the death of that wise and learned king ; charles the first of ever blessed memory , issued a proclamation for restraint of fishing upon his seas and coasts without license , in these terms : whereas our father of blessed memory , king james , did in the seventh year of his reign of great britain , set forth a proclamation touching fishing , whereby for the many important reasons exprest therein , all persons of what nation or quality soever ( being not his natural born subjects ) were restrained from fishing upon any the coasts and seas of great britain , ireland , and the rest of the isles adjacent , where most usually heretofore fishing had been , until they had orderly demanded and obtained licenses from our said father , or his commissioners in that behalf , upon pain of such chastisement as should be fit to be inflicted on such wilful offenders : since which time , albeit neither our father , nor our self , have made any considerable execution of the said proclamation , but have with much patience expected a voluntary conformity of our neighbours and allies to so just and reasonable prohibitions and directions as are contained in the same . and now finding by experience , that all the inconveniencies which occasioned that proclamation , are rather encreased than abated : we , being very sensible of the premises , and well knowing how far we are obliged to maintain in honour the rights of our crown , especially of so great consequence , have thought it necessary by the advice of our privy-council , to renew the aforesaid restraint of fishing upon our aforesaid coasts and seas without license first obtained from us : and by these presents do make publick declaration , that our resolution is ( at times convenient ) to keep such a competent strength of shipping upon our seas , as may ( by god's blessing ) be sufficient both to hinder such farther encroachments upon our regalities , and assist and protect those our good friends and allies who shall henceforth by vertue of our licenses ( to be first obtained ) endeavour to take the benefit of fishing upon our coasts and seas in the places accustomed . given at our palace of westminster , &c. this proclamation being set forth in the year 1636 , served to speak the intent of those naval-preparations made before in the year 1635 , which were so numerous and well provided , that our neatherland-neighbours being touched with the apprehension of some great design in hand for the interest of england by sea , and of the guilt that lay upon their own consciences for their bold encroachments , soon betrayed their jealousies and fears , and in them a sense of their offences , before ever the proclamation was made publick ; as i might shew at large if it were requisite . instead whereof , i shall only insert secretary cook 's letter , written to sir william boswel the king 's resident then at the hague ; in which letter you will understand the grounds and reasons of that great naval preparation , and the king's resolution to maintain the right derived from his ancestors in the dominion of the seas ; and therefore i have here rendred a true copy of it so far as concerns this business , as most pertinent to our purpose . sir , by your letters , and otherwise , i perceive many jealousies and discourses are raised upon the preparation of his majesties fleet ; which is now in such forwardness , we doubt not but within a month it will appear at sea . it is therefore expedient both for your satisfaction and direction , to inform you particularly what was the occasion , and what is his majesties intention in this work . first , we hold it a principle not to be denied , that the king of great britain is a monarch at land and sea , to the full extent of his dominions ; and that it concerneth him as much to maintain his soveraignty in all the brittish seas , as within his three kingdoms ; because without that , these cannot be kept safe , nor he preserve his honour and due respects with other nations . but commanding the seas , he may cause his neighbours , and all other countries , to stand upon their guard whensoever he thinks fit . and this cannot be doubted , that whosoever will encroach on him by sea , will do it by land also , when they see their time . to such presumption mare liberum gave the warning-piece , which must be answered with a defence of mare clausum ; not so much by discourses , as by the louder language of a powerful navy , to be better understood , when overstrained patience seeth no hope of preserving her right by any other means . the degrees by which his majesties dominion at sea hath of later years been first impeached , and then questioned , are as considerable as notorious . first , to cherish , and as it were to nourish our unthankful neighbours . we gave them leave to gather wealth and strength upon our coasts , in our ports , by our trade , and by our people . then they were glad to invite our merchants residence with what priviledges they desired . then they offered us even the soveraignty of their estates ; and then they sued for license to fish on our coasts , and obtained it under the great seal of scotland which now they suppress ; and when thus by leave or by connivence they had possessed themselves of our fishings not only in scotland , but in ireland and england ; and by our staple had raised a great stock of trade ; by these means they so encreased their shipping and power at sea , that now they endure not to be kept at any distance : nay , they are grown to that confidence , to keep guards on our seas ; then to project an office and company of assurance for the advancement of trade ; and withal prohibit us free commerce even within our own seas ; and take our ships and goods , if they conform not to their placarts . what insolencies and cruelties they have committed against us heretofore , in ireland , in greenland , and in the indies , is too well known to all the world . in all which , though our sufferings and their wrongs may seem forgotten ; yet the great interest of his majesties honour is still the same , and will refresh their memories as there shall be cause . for , though charity must remit wrongs done to private persons , yet the reflection on the publick may make it a greater charity to do justice on crying crimes . all this notwithstanding , you are not to conceive that the work of this fleet is either revenge or execution of justice for these great offences past ; but chiefly for the future to stop the violent current of that presumption , whereby the men of warr and free-booters of all nations ( abusing the favour of his majesties peaceable and gracious government , whereby he hath permitted all his friends & allies to make use of his seas and ports in a reasonable and free manner , and according to his treaties ) have taken upon them the boldness not only to come confidently at all times into all his ports and rivers , but to convey their merchants ships as high as his chief city , and then to cast anchor close upon his magazines , and to contemn the commands of his officers when they required a farther distance . but , which is more intolerable , have assaulted and taken one another within his majesties chamber , and within his river , to the scorn and contempt of his dominion and power . and this being of late years an ordinary practice which we have endeavoured in vain to reform by the ways of justice , and treaties ; the world i think will now be satisfied , that we have reason to look about us . and no wise man will doubt , that it is high time to put our selves in this equipage on the seas , and not to suffer the stage of action to be taken from us for want of our appearance . so you see the general ground upon which our counsels stand . in particular you may take notice , and publish as cause requires . that his majesty by this fleet intendeth not a rupture with any prince or state , nor to infringe any point of his treaties ; but resolveth to continue and maintain that happy peace wherewith god hath blessed his kingdom and to which all his actions and negotiations have hitherto tended , as by your own instructions you may fully understand . but withal , considering that peace must be maintained by the arm of power , which only keeps down warr by keeping up dominion ; his majesty thus provoked , finds it necessary , even for his own defence and safety , to reassume and keep his ancient and undoubted right in the dominion of these seas , and to suffer no other prince or state to encroach upon him , thereby assuming to themselves or their admirals any soveraign command ; but to force them to perform due homage to his admirals and ships , and to pay them acknowledgments , as in former times they did . he will also set open and protect the free trade of his subjects and allies , and give them such safe conduct and convoy as they shall reasonably require . he will suffer no other fleets or men of warr to keep any guard upon these seas , or there to offer violence , or take prizes or booties , or to give interruption to any lawful intercourse . in a word , his majesty is resolved , as to do no wrong , so to do justice both to his subjects and friends within the limits of his seas . and this is the real and royal design of this fleet. whitehall , april 16. 1635. your assured friend and servant , john cook . nay farthermore , you may see the dominion of his majesty in his brittish seas , clearly represented , asserted , and fully proved , by that propriety of title and soveraignty of power which the duke of venice exerciseth on the adriatick sea , if you will consult mr. howel in his commonwealth of venice , which by the manner of prescription , the consent of histories , and even by the confession of their adversaries themselves , is almost the same with his majesties of great britain . but his majesty hath one title more above all theirs , which is the title of successive inheritance ; confirmed as well by the law of nature , as of nations ; and is so much the more considerable , in regard of the infinite advantages of the profits of it , as the brittish ocean in its latitude and circumference exceedeth the small boundaries of the gulph of venice . yet so it is , that the indulgence of the kings of england to their neighbouring-nations , especially to the hollanders , by giving them too much liberty , hath encouraged them to assume a liberty to themselves ; and what at the first was but a license , they improve into a custom , and make that custom their authority ; insomuch , that some of the most busie of them have openly declar'd against the king's propriety on the brittish seas : amongst these is one hugo grotius , a gentleman of great ingenuity , but in this particular so inclined to obey the importunities and serve the interests of his countrey-men , that he disobliged himself of the dutch , and moreover ( to speak the truth ) of his conscience it self : for if you look into his sylvae , upon the first inauguration of king james , he is pleased to express himself in these words , tria sceptra profundi in magnum cojere ducem ; which is , that the rights of the english , scottish , and irish seas , are united under one scepter : neither is he satisfied with this bare profession ; sume animos a rege tuo , quis det jura mari , take courage from the king , who giveth laws unto the seas . in the same book in the contemplation of so great a power , he concludeth , finis hic est , qui fine caret , &c. this is an end beyond an end , a bound that knoweth no bound , which even the winds and the waves must submit unto . but with what ingratitude have the dutch answered the many royal favours which the kings of england have almost perpetually conferred on them ! if there be no monster greater than ingratitude , what monsters are these men , who of late are so far from acknowledging their thankfulness , that ( like vipers ) they would feed upon and consume those bowels which did afford them life and spirit . we may observe , that in their lowest condition ( which is most suitable to the name of their abode , called the low-countreys ) they petitioned to the majesty of the queen of england ; whose royal heart and hand being always open to those that were distressed ( especially those that were her neighbours ) upon the account of religion ; she sent them threescore thousand pound in the year 1572 ; and presently after , there followed four regiments of foot , and after them the warr encreasing , there were sent over col. north , col. cotton , col. candish , and col. norris , with other persons of quality ; who for the honour of the english nation , made in that warr excellent demonstrations of their valour , and redeem'd the dutch from the power of those who otherwise would have brought them to a better understanding of their duties . at the last the prince of orange being slain , presently after the death of the duke of alanson ( brother to henry the third of france ) the queen of england sent over to them robert duke of leicester , with great provision both of men and money , accompanied with divers of the nobility and gentry of good account ; and although the said earl not long afterwards returned into england , and the affairs of the hollander were doubtful till the fatal battel at newport ; yet queen elizabeth of ever blessed memory , out of her unspeakable goodness to the distressed , and to those that suffered for religion , did ( as long as she lived ) assist the hollanders both with men and moneys ; she gave them hope in despair , gave them strength when weak ; and with the charity of her princely hand did support them when fallen . and although the hollanders do ungratefully alledg , that it was a benefit great enough for the english to assist them in reason of state , because by so doing they kept out a war from their own countrey . it is most certain , that at that time the english had no cause to fear a war at all , but only for their cause , and for the taking their parts : for it was for their cause that the english in the year 1571 , had seized upon the sum of six hundred thousand ducats on the west of england , being the money designed from spain to the duke d'alva , for the advancement of the spanish interests in the netherlands . and although the hollanders do further alledg in their own excuse , that they were so grateful , as that they offered unto the queen of england the soveraignty of the netherlands , which she would not accept ; and therefore none of their fault that she obtained it not . it is in reason truly answered , that the queen of england well knowing that she was in danger to draw a perpetual war on her self and her successors by the accepting such a gift to which she had no right , did wisely refuse their liberality ; and yet for all that , she continued to aid them without that chargeable obligation . the hollanders do further alledg , that the queen of england had the cautionary towns of the brill and flushing , with other places , delivered into her hands . it is true , she had so , and thereby only enjoyed the benefit of being at the greater expence of men and money . but pray take notice , that most certain it is , that the hollander had no sooner made a truce with the king of spain , and the arch-duke albertus , but he began presently to set the english at naught , and take the bridle out of their hands ; whereupon immediately ensued the bringing of english clothes died and dressed , into holland , and the adjoining provinces , without ever making the king of england , or his ambassador leiger at the hague , acquainted therewith . and to make amends for this their sawcy and insolent affront , in a more high and peremptory way they demeaned themselves to king james himself . for whereas the duke of lennox , as admiral of scotland , had by order from the majesty of king james , in the year 1616 , sent one mr. brown to demand of the hollanders ( then fishing on the coasts of scotland ) a certain ancient duty called size herring : they began to contest with him about it ; and after a long disputation , they paid it as in former times it had been accustomed ; but not without some affronting terms , that it was the last time it should be paid . and it is most certain , that the same gentleman coming the year following with the same authority and commandment with one only ship of his majesty 's to demand the duty aforesaid , but by them he was denied it , who as plainly as peremptorily told him , that they were commanded by the states of holland to pay it no more to the king of england . of which he took witness , according to his order from his majesty . this taking of witness did so startle them , that without any more ado they pretended an order to arrest him ; and so they carried him into holland , where a while he was detain'd . nay , a little while after , such was their insufferable abuse , that when mr. archibald ranthim , a scotch gentleman , and residing at stockholm in sweden , where he sollicited for some sums of money due to the english merchants ; at the same time in the same city was one vandyke lying there as an agent for the states of holland , who said unto some principal persons of the swedes , that they need not be so hasty in paying any moneys to the subjects of the king of england , or to give them any high respect , because the said kings promises were not to be believed , nor his threatnings to be feared . for which vile and insolent speeches being afterwards challenged by mr. ranthim , he had no better excuse than to say , he was drunk when he spake those words : and by this means his excuse of playing the beast , did excuse him from playing the man. now from these insolent affronts by words , let us proceed , and come to what they have done by deeds , more than what i have already declared in my preceding discourse ; where , in the first place , we may observe their rude demeanour to out english nation in the northern seas , on the coasts of greenland , and those parts about the fishing for whales , and the commodity of trayn-oyl ; where violently they have offered unpardonable abuses in an hostile manner , driving the english away to their great loss and prejudice . their pride of heart was so high , that it would not give their reason leave to apprehend , that fishing at sea is free for every man , where it is not upon the coast of any countrey unto which the dominion of the sea belongeth by ancient prerogative . and yet all this is but inconsiderable in regard of their usage of our english in the east indies , where in open hostility they have as fiercely set upon them , as if they had been most mortal enemies , having in several encounters slain many of our men , and sunk sundry of our ships ; and when they had taken our men prisoners , they would use them in the sight of the indians in such a contemptible and disdainful manner , as if it at their own home , and all places else , the english in respect of them were but a sordid and slavish nation , and the hollanders were either their superiors , and might use them at their own pleasure ; or the english were so spiritless , or so unpowerful that they durst not be revenged , but quietly must put up all the affronts and injuries which they received at their hands . and as for the commodious and profitable trade which the english have had in muscovy for above these fourscore years , and some other countreys that lye upon the east and north , which the hollanders have now gotten quite out of their hands , to the great grief and prejudice of several merchants in london ; what shall we say , seeing not long since they have been acting the same again with our english merchants in turkey ? and it is a practice so usual with them to spoil the trade of other nations , that when they cannot find any occasion to do it , they will show a nature so wretchedly barbarous , that they will not stick to spoil one another . and yet all this proceedeth out of an ignoble and sordid spirit ; for let them arrive to what wealth they will , they can never be the masters of a noble and generous disposition . had it not been for their neighbouring nation of the english , they had never arrived to the liberty of a free state ; yet so ingrateful have they been , that they have endeavoured to forget all the obligations of humanity , and have digged into the very bowels of those who did preserve them . so many examples of this nature may be instanced , that i am forced to omit them for want of room . the perfidiousness and ingratitude of the hollanders to the english , may be traced all along ever since they shook off their obedience to the king of spain , even unto this present time . but we will pass from their hypocrisie and cruelty practised abroad , and look on their actions at home . how , almost but the other day , did they labour to impose upon his majesty , and sir george downing his envoy extraordinary , by delivering papers to many publick ministers of state at the hague ; as if his majesty and his envoy had been pre-possessed with them , when they had not the least notice of any such thing ? how have they seemed to be most desirous of peace , when at the same time they have omitted no days , even those appropriated for holy duties , to drive on their preparations for warr ? how have they stood in defence of their violent and unjust proceedings ; and instead of redressing their injuries , they have encreased them ? about the year 1662 , they concluded a treaty with the english ; and having engaged , that better order should for the future be observed ; they have since heaped new injuries , endeavouring the utter overthrow of all the trade of his majesty's subjects in the east and west indies ; witness our ships the hopewell , leopard , and some others in the east-indies ; and the charles , the james , the mary , the sampson , the hopeful adventurer , and the speedwell , on the coast of africa . and after all these acts of the highest injustice , and their utmost endeavours for driving on a war , they have done and would still make the world believe , that his majesty is the first vndertaker of it : who from his own mouth to their ambassador in england , and by his injunctions to sir george downing his minister in holland , hath given so many and such remarkable demonstrations to the contrary . what can they say to the memorial of the complaints which sir george downing exhibited to the states general , importing , that in the space of a very few years , almost twenty english , with their whole lading , to a very great value , have been seized upon in a very horrible manner , and the men in them most barbarously and most inhumanly treated , being put into stinking and most nasty dungeons and holes at casteldelmina , where they did lye bedded and bathed in their own excrements , having nothing but bread and water given them , and not enough of that neither to sustain nature ( their bodies being under the fury of exquisite and horrid torments ) ; and when any of them dyed , the living and the dead were left together ; and such as outliv'd that cruelty , were exposed in the woods to famine , or to the mercy of wild beasts in those desolate countries , or to be carried into captivity by the natives , by which means several hundreds of his majesties good subjects have perished and been destroyed . and to this hour , notwithstanding all sollicitations and endeavours of his majesties envoy , not one penny of satisfaction can be had either for the loss of the ships , or the persons concerned in any of them ; but to the contrary , they have ever since hindred , and shot at the english ships that have anchored by them . how inhumanly and treacherously was one captain jordan butcher'd by them , who sailing from bantam with two ships , the one called the sampson , and the other the hound , to the great islands of burnew , he discovered three or four dutch ships standing in for the same port ; and being confident that they intended no good to him , he gave order to prepare for the encounter ; fully resolving to fight it out to the last man , rather than to yeild himself to the unmerciful hands of his insulting and approaching enemies . the dutch summoned to deliver the ships upon fair quarter ; but captain jordan ( who had a great heart in a little body ) absolutely refused to yeild upon any condition whatever . the dutch pretending to be unwilling to shed blood , called out to the english , and told them , that they knew well enough that little captain jordan was there ; and desired them to perswade him to parley with them : the captain being informed of it , refused to have any conference with them : whereupon they desired that he would but shew himself on the quarter-deck , that by a fair compliance they might stop the effusion of blood , which otherwise must follow . whereupon capt. jordan ( thinking that to speak with them could not much prejudice him ) did shew himself on the quarter-deck ; and after the exchange of some few words , told them , that he knew the justice of his cause , and the injustice of theirs ; and was resolved to fight it out : the hollander alledging , that their strength was far greater than his ; and it was rather desperateness than true valour to fight upon such a disadvantage . this prevailed nothing with capt. jordan , who told them , he was resolved to fight it out , and leave the success to god. the dutch finding him untractable to their demands , held him still in discourse , until a musquet-bullet from one of their ships laid him dead on the quarter-deck as he was in parley with them . at that very instant of time , whether by treachery , or by accident , it is uncertain ; a part of the other english ship , called the hound , was blown up , and many of her men mortally hurt : the amazement was so great , that the english were enforced to yeild ; who having taken them , did instantly lade them with bolts , and did not allow them so much favour as they showed to the heathen . thus may we observe what injury and wrong we have all along sustained by the dutch , who have got many of those islands where now they have seated themselves , by cruelty and bloodshed , and by murthering the english and their friends . these indeed are sad relations ; and though dismal in themselves , they are but the prologues to their more bloody tragedies . but to give further proof of their confidence and ambition , they have published a declaration , wherein they assume and challenge to themselves a right to that whole coast , to the exclusion of all other nations ; although by order from his majesty , sir george downing both in publick conferences with the deputies of the lords general , as also with those of holland in particular , hath at large remonstrated his majesties right and interest in some part therein , having by his subjects bought the ground of the king of that countrey for a valuable consideration , and built a factory thereon ; and yet for all this , some of the dutch west-india company by fraud and treachery have got into the place , and no hopes of the restitution of it ; for they are resolved to keep that by violence which they have obtained by deceit . moreover , what can they say for themselves concerning their stirring up the king of fantin by rewards and sums of money , and supplying him with all manner of arms and ammunition , for the surprizing of his majesties castle at cormantin in the west-indies ; so that an absolute necessity is imposed upon his majesty and his subjects , either of losing all that have been actually taken from them , and abandoning for ever that trade it self , or of betaking themselves to some other way for relief . the island of polleroon hath been surrendring back to the english ever since the year 1622 ; at which time by a solemn and particular treaty it was promised to be done ; and again , by another treaty in the year 1654 ; and by an order of the states general , and the east-indie-company of that nation , in the year 1661 ; and again by another treaty in the year following : and yet to this day there is not the least mention of any thing restored . and should any man then think it strange , that his majesty after so long an experience of the perversness and deceitfulness of that nation , that he now endeavours to re-possess his subjects of those places which by the hand of violence and oppression the dutch have forced from them ? now as for the business of the new-netherlands ( as they call it by i know not what authority ) it hath been abundantly elsewhere proved , that the said land is part of the possession of his majesties subjects in new-england , which their charter plainly and precisely sheweth and expresseth ; and those few dutch who lived there heretofore , have lived there meerly upon the connivence and sufferance of the english ; which hath been permitted them so to do , so long as they demeaned themselves peaceably and quietly . but the dutch not contenting themselves therewith , have encroached more and more upon the english , imposing their laws and customs , and endeavouring to raise contributions and excises on them , and in those places where the dutch had never been ; whereupon they have been several times necessitated to send soldiers for the repulsing them . since the conclusion of the late treaty , the dutch have made new incursions upon the english , and given them many new provocations , and have ordained a trial of causes among themselves , and a proceeding by force of arms , without any appealing into europe at all . and can any prince then think it strange , if his majesty of england suffer his subjects to rescue themselves from such continual vexations ? his most christian majesty in the year 1665 , was pleased to order his subjects to re-possess themselves by force of arms of a certain place called cayen , which the french alledged had been wrongfully kept from them , and detained by the west-india company of the netherlanders . we might in the next place alledg de ruyter's leaving the english fleet , when with united counsels and forces they were to act against their common enemies the pyrates and barbarians in the midland-seas , according to the treaty soon after his majesties happy restauration . we may alledg their instructions given to van campen in the year 1664 , at what time his majesty entertained not any open war against them ; which instructions was in down-right terms , to attack and fall upon his majesties subjects in the west-indies , and to carve out their own satisfaction and reparation . lastly , their refusing to strike , and denying his majesty the right of the flag , even in his own seas : witness sir robert holmes late meeting with eight dutch men of war convoying their smyrna-fleet homewards , which had no doubt come short of home , had not that brave commander been overpower'd with numbers : in which short , but sharp conflict , as there was not an english-man which gave not large proof and demonstration of his courage ; so particularly , the right honourable the earl of ossery , acted wonders that day , almost baffling the belief of their eyes who were spectators of his incredible valour . thus i have in part drawn to the knowledg of all , the cruelties , ingratitudes , injuries , and wrongs , done unto the english by the treacherous dutch ; yet not one hundred part of what they are ; and for their hainousness , deserve only a pen of steel to record them in the wrinkled brow of time , there to remain to posterity . and if all the premises aforesaid be not cause enough to provoke his majesty to maintain the justice of his cause by the force of arms , we will leave to the world , and to his enemies themselves to judg : and surely that sword is to be feared , that striketh with the hand of justice . finis . postscript . they that will needs bear all the world before them by their mare liberum , may soon come to have nec terram , nec solum , nec rempublicam liberum . neptune's welcome to his royal highness james duke of york , upon his first appearance at sea , to fight the hollander . am i awake ? or have some dreams conspir'd , to mock my sense , with what i most desir'd ? view i th' undaunted face , see i those looks , which with delight were wont t' amaze my brooks ? do i behold that mars , that man divine , the worlds great glory , by these waves of mine ? no , i find true , what long i wish'd in vain : my much endeared prince is come again . so unto them , whose zenith is the pole , when six black months , bright sol begins to role ; so comes arabia's wonder from the woods , and far , far off is seen by memphis floods , the feather'd sylveans cloud , like by her flye , and with triumphing plaudits beat the skye . to virgins , flowers ; to sun-burn'd earth , the rain ; to mariners fair winds amidst the main ; cold shades to such , who by hot glances burn , are not so pleasing , as thy blest return . swell my proud billows , fail not to declare , your joys as ample , as his conquests are . and you my nymphs , rise from your moist repair , and with your lillies crown this princes hair. kiss each his floating castles which do run upon our waves , swift as the rising-sun . eye of our western-world , mars-daunting prince , whose valiant deeds the world can't recompence . for to thy vertues and thy deeds is due , all that the planet of the year doth view . o days to be desir'd ! age happy thrice , if you your heaven-sent good could daily prize ! but we ( half palsie-sick ) think never right of what we hold , till it be from our sight . i see an age , when after some few years , and revolutions of the slow pac'd sphears , these days shall be 'bove others far esteem'd , and like the world 's great conquerers be deem'd , the names of caesar , and feign'd paladine , grav'n in times surly brows , in wrinkled-time , shall by this princes name be past as far , as meteors are by the idalian star : for to great brittains isle thou shalt restore her mare clausum ; guard her pearly shore , the lyons passant of dutch bands shalt free , to the true owner of the lillies three . the seas shall shrink , shake shall the spacious earth , and tremble in her chamber , like pale death . thy thundring cannons shall proclaim to all great britain's glory , and proud holland's fall. run on brave prince thy course in glory's way , the end the life , the evening crowns the day . reap worth on worth , and strongly sore above those heights which made the world thee first to love . surmount thy self , and make thy actions past be but as gleams or lightnings of thy last . let them exceed those of thy younger time , as far as autumu doth the flowry-prime : so ever gold and bays thy brow adorn : so never time may see thy race outworn . so of thine own still mayst thou be desir'd : of holland fear'd , and by the world admir'd : til thy great deeds all former deeds surmount : thou 'st quel'd the nimrods of our hellespont . so may his high exploits at last make even with earth his honor , glory with the heav'n . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a36497-e4190 kings decl. poor robins character of a dutch-man as also his predictions on the affairs of the united provinces of holland, together with a brief epitomy of the ingratitude of the dutch, and the english at amboyna, polaroon and other islands in the east indies. poor robin. 1672 approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a55409 wing p2877 estc r30114 11245073 ocm 11245073 47098 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a55409) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47098) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1449:6) poor robins character of a dutch-man as also his predictions on the affairs of the united provinces of holland, together with a brief epitomy of the ingratitude of the dutch, and the english at amboyna, polaroon and other islands in the east indies. poor robin. winstanley, william, 1628?-1698. [3], 6 p. printed for benjamin harris ..., london : 1672. the poor robin pamphlets are generally attributed to winstanley--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion poor robins character of a dutch-man , as also his predictions on the affairs of the vnited provinces of holland . together with a brief epitomy of the ingratitude of the dutch , and their barbarous cruelties committed on the english at amboyna , polaroon , and other islands in the east indies . tho savages to scythian rocks confin'd , that know no god nor vertue of the mind , but only sence pursue , who hunger tame , with slaughter'd lives they and their food , the same are not so cruel as these men so rude who do requite love with ingratitude . london , printed for benjamin harris at the sign of the stationers arms in bell-alley in cole-man-street . 1672. reader , thou art desired to take notice that , that idle pamphlet entituled , poor robins collection of antient prophesies , was none of his doing nor concern , but done for profit by some other person , and not poor robin . poor robins predictions on the affairs of the united provinces . of holland . europe now being the stage of action , whereon mars seems to keep his court , and english men like the athenians having i●ching ears after news , being more desirous to know what is to come , then to rectifie what has been done amiss formerly ; and i coming under the notion of an astrologer or star-gazer , and foretelli●g as many tru●hs in my predictions as any of my brethren a●manack-makers ; being th●reto perswaded by many of my acquaintance , and yet ( to confess truth ) not without some relish of profit to my self ; have also ( amongst others ) adventured to show you my ju●gement of affairs , knowing , that ( with the mouse ) i can eat as far into a holland cheese as another . but some cavilling spiri●s will be apt enough to say , that these kind of predictions are but meer cheats , that now a dayes , the surest way of prophecying is after the thing is come to pas● ; that the stars are not so legib●e to an astrologers understanding , that out of them he can read what future events will ensue . this is the opinion of a great many , but to such nullifidians , hear what the divine du-bartas sayes , senc●less is he who ( wi●hout blush ) denies what to s●u●d ●●●c●● most app●re●●lies : and ' gainst experience he that spits fallations , is to be hist from learned disputations , and such is he who doth affirm the stars to have no force on these inferiours . though heavens effects we most apparent see in number more then heavenly torches be , but to come more close to our matter , to speak something of these people who are of late transmografied from the poor distressed states , to the high and mighty hogen mogens , that scorn to eat fat bacon with out bread and butter ; in whose bellies ( like barrels ) lie many pickled herrings stewed therein with brandy ; that scorn to drink by retail , but by whole-sale ; whose cups are not in decimo sexto but in folio , whose noses in the cup in winter saves the labour of a toast , and is enough to give their drink a second brewing ; blind men with eyes , and cripples with legs on , who will for fourteen hours together sit , emptying the bouls of wine , the brains of wit. those who have seen my observations and predictions which i made upon the blazing star or comet that appeared in december , 1662. may there find what direful effects i prefaged would ensue thereupon , especially to zealand , holland , and the rest of the united provinces , whose tayl tended directly towards them , for such warnings questionless come not in vain ; and though we cannot excuse our selves from many and grievous sins , yet such monstrous ingratitude as the hollanders have shown to the english , such bloody and inhumane butcheries committed by them against us at amboyna , polaroon , and other places in the east indies , such insolencies at sea , and ingratitude by land , must needs cry aloud for vengeance . ingratitude is a vice so accurst that of all vices we account it worst . i also by the eclipses which happened in the next year , told some of my friends who are now living to justifie it , what sad ●ffects they did portend to that low-country , but high-minded people . for when pale faced cynthia at noon dayes doth intercept sol● most refulgent rayes , but some great sta●e eclipseth and from hell alecto looses all these furies fell , grim lean fac'd famine , fou● infectious plague , blood thirsty war and treason hateful hag : here pouring down woes universal flood to drown the world in seas of tears and blood . we read in aesop of a man who found a snake nigh dead with cold , which he kindly took home , warm'd and nourished , when growing lusty , instead of thanks it would have devour'd the man. such are these dutch low landers , who near expiring in the time of queen elizabeth , being ready to give up the ghost , and turn under scullars to charon the ferry-man , were by the english kindly aided and assisted , by whose valour they retained their country , and now being warmed without with good cloaths , and within with brandy , they spurn , kick and molest that nation , without whose aid they had been at this day no nation themselves . call me ungrateful man ( says the poet ) and call me any thing ▪ i was a vice detested even amongst the heathens themselves . the lyon out of whose foot androgeus pulled the thorn , even that dumb beast could have taught them better manners , for he in requital sav'd his preserver● life ; but for man who should be endued with reason above beasts , to come so far behind beasts in gratitude , what thing can be more unreasonable ? well may we therefore cry out with rombus the schoolmaster in sir philip sidneys arcadia . o temporibus , o manoribus . but to perswade a dutch man to thankfulness , is almost as hard a task as to disswade him from his dearest delight brandy , that liquor which he accounts of more then the poets do of helicon , or the thespian spring , and of which if you refuse to pledge him , he will presently be at snick-a-snee , where though he kill you , they will be so far from stopping him , that with one voice they will cry , lope sceilum , lope , which is in english , run thief , run , a very fit appellation for them ; for hear how the poet doth enstile drunkenness ▪ audacious thief , that oft before ones fact , steals man away , and leaves a beast in place . and so much are they adicted to that swinish vice of drunken●ess , that not only whole nights are consumed by them ; but in their cups they will also consult of matters of state ▪ a custome which the o●d grecians used ; but more temperately , for thus in homers il●a●● we find nestor advising again●mn●n . phoebe convivium senibus , deret te , nec inderens est : plena tibi vimo tentoria , quod names achivorum . quotidianae ex thracia per latum po●tum advehunt . omnis tibi est comm●ditas excipiendi , multisque impe●as , multis autem congregatis , illi obdies qui op●●mum . consilium consulerit . lib. 1. feast thou the antient , it befits thy place , with wine by greek ships daily brought from thrace . thy tents abound , provis●on at hand , of all sorts hast thou , and men at c●mmand . many assembled so , am●ngst the ●est , his cou●sel follow that a viseth best . this their so great inebriation caused as i co●ceive our eng●ish proverb when they see a man fudled , to say he is as drunk as a dutch-man ; well may we therefore conclude of these men who are so given to stagger , that they are near falling ; and then th●se water rats who in adversity creep and fawn like spaniels , and in prosperity scorn and ●●●lifie their superiors , may be reduced from la●di●g fat b●con when they feed on it with butter , to be fair and mannerly , and eat bread with their pudding , it is said of an english man , that by two things he may be known wheresoever he comes ; the one is , that let the weather be never so hot , he will endeavor to get towards the chimney at co●ner ; and hi● s●cond character tells us , that when he hears the cl●ck strike , upon the first stroke , he asks him that is next him ▪ what is it a clock ? he has not the patience to tell it himself , whereby he might know , but by his inquisitiveness hinders the other also from telling it , by which means they both remain ignorant ; these are two harmless things which often in jest i have heard spoken of our nation . now there is also two things whereby a d●tch man may be known , the first is , that tell him of any benefi● received , and he hath the art of forgetfulness at his fingers ends ; and for the second , that when he rises in a morning , the first word that comes out of his mouth is to ask for brandy ; and i have also heard it ( i suppose jestingly ) spoken , that when the women wean their children , they only take a sucking bottle and fill it full of brandy , of which when the child hath once tasted , he never regards his mothers milk afterwards . a dutch man is like an o●●er , that lives partly on the water , partly on the land , and gets preys upon both , all is fish that comes to net ; and as when living he commonly feeds upon fishes , so when dead the fis●e● commonly feed upon him ; for though ●e may escape st. ●homas a waterings , yet for the most part he makes his exit at sea , when for to save the charges of a grave he is thrown into the water , where one shark devours another . stra●ge thing in nature ' ●is if you i● heed that one shark should upon another feed , hogs will not feed on hog● , neither yet will the wolves eat wolves , nor seek their blood to spill ; but o a dutch man he is dainty mea● , and dress in pickle fit for sharks to eat . a dutch man in his great breeches is like to the picture i have seen of some body , and such he would feign accounted to be . he keeps a bust●e in the world , drinks , slavers , and when he is a hungry offers up his devotions to a pickled herring , which he will maintain by nine●een severall arguments , to be the rarest dish in the world , and his chiefest argument is , because it is a shooing horn to draw down drink . he is very curious to keep his shoes clean , yet had rather foul a room by vomiting , then to be bated one ace of his beloved liquor . in sum , when sleep had a little revived him of the staggers , he looks like a toast drown'd in ale , which is only fit to be thrown away . he is judged to be very chast , and the reason is , she must be very mercinary indeed that will admit him to her imbraces , yet such trading may be , because those people deal for ready money , and should she do a courtesie for a dutch man he would not thank her for it , though perhaps he might have cause to remember her in his bones . but to draw towards a conclusion of the character of a dutch man , least we bestow more cost of the sauce then the meat is worth . i shall only add a word or two of exhortation to those sons of neptune and bellena , our gallant sea-men , and so finish at this tim● . brave martial spirits , whose valour the world admires and dreads ; you are now entring on the theatre of honour and renown , fighting for your king and country , then which no cause whatsoever more just and glorious , victorious fame attend● your undertakings , in so just , so laudable , so honourable an enterprize . dread not those men whose high ingratitude hath justly made them odious to all sorts of people who have but the least pretensions to honesty . go on bravely , fight valiantly , and never fear but to come off victoriously . then shall the chronicles record your names , with lasting honour and your splendid fames , shall ever live , who for your countries good , so bravely and undauntedly have stood . finis . the case stated between england and the united provinces in this present juncture together with a short view of those netherlanders in their late practises as to religion, liberty, leagues, treaties, amities / publish'd by a friend to this commonwealth. friend to this commonwealth. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31203 of text r9758 in the english short title catalog (wing c1204). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 135 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31203 wing c1204 estc r9758 11669983 ocm 11669983 48029 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31203) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48029) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 485:5) the case stated between england and the united provinces in this present juncture together with a short view of those netherlanders in their late practises as to religion, liberty, leagues, treaties, amities / publish'd by a friend to this commonwealth. friend to this commonwealth. [2], 54 p. printed by tho. newcomb, london : 1652. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. netherlands -history -1648-1714. a31203 r9758 (wing c1204). civilwar no the case stated between england and the united provinces, in this present juncture. together with a short view of those netherlanders in the [no entry] 1652 23651 7 0 0 0 0 0 3 b the rate of 3 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-02 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case stated between england and the united provinces , in this present juncture . together with a short view of those netherlanders in their late practises as to — religion , liberty , leagues , treaties , amities . publish'd for the information of , and a warning to england ; by a friend to this commonwealth . — they rewarded me evill for good , psalm 35. 12. and joab said unto amasa , art thou in health my brother : and joab took amasa by the beard with the right hand to kiss him , but amasa took no heed to the sword that was in joabs hand ; so he smote him therewith in the fift ribb , 2 sam. 22. 9 , 10. who knowing the judgment of god ( that they which commit such things are worthy of death ) not only do the same , but have pleasure in them that doe them , rom. 1. 32. for thus saith the lord of hosts , after the glory hath he sent me to the nations that spoiled you ; for he that toucheth you , toucheth the apple of his eye , zach. 2. 8. london , printed by tho. newcomb , and are to be sold by anthony williamson at the queens-arms in pauls church-yard , near the west-end , m. dc . lii . the case stated between england and the united provinces , in this present juncture . had it pleas'd the supream disposer of all things ( who changeth times and seasons , and doth with the nations of the world as he pleaseth ) to have continued the ancient amity and friendship that hath been between the commonwealth of england and the vnited provinces ( which on our parts hath always been endeavoured ) it would have been matter of great content unto us , to have wanted the opportunity of discourses of this nature , the english nation having given for almost a century of years together , the most unparalel'd testimonies of their affections and love unto those countreys ; but since they seem to chuse war rather then peace , in bringing their armed fleets to our borders , and there in a hostile manner assaulting , and endeavouring to destroy part of our navy , whilst the amity between them and us continued , yea , even when their ambassadors were treating with us for a strict league and vnion ; and notwithstanding the great tenderness of this state to avoid every thing that might lead to a rupture , saving the undoubted rights and dominion of this nation , and the justice they ought to administer to their people , thereby enforcing us to some engagement ; and seeing how necessary it is in such times as these , that the people be rightly informed in the state of things , i have briefly placed a few things together as the state of the case , whereby the people of england may know , how much it concerneth them to look about in this present juncture . when the spaniard was likely to have swallowed up the people of the vnited provinces , their libertie and exercise of the protestant religion in the days of queen elizabeth , and the sad groans of those then distressed states ; were by their publick ministers breathed forth to the state of england ; though the constitution then of this nation was under monarchy ; though the nation had but then abandoned the practise of the popish religion professed therein for many hundreds of years before , which greatly dissetled the peace thereof , and caused many rebellions ; though this nation was then engaged in war with ireland and the countreys about ; though the chief government thereof was by a woman , matter of encouragement to enemies both abroad and at home to designe upon england ; though all these were very great grounds , wherefore england should have looked to her self , and not empty her treasures , and weaken her force for the preservation of others , especially when that thereby she was likely to provoke the spanish powers against her self ( as it afterwards fell out in 1588 ) yet so open was the heart of the people of england to receive the cries of the vnited provinces , so tenderly did they resent their condition , that as if it were not now the dutch , but the condition of england ; they willingly espoused their quarrel , undertook their protection : the parliament of england advanced queen elizabeth several subsidies for this work , and england enabled her to lend the dutch eleven hundred thousand pound sterling , ( which was a great sum of mony in those days , and to them especially , who could then hardly raise any considerable sum for the management of so great an affair in all their provinces ) ship'd them over many thousands of english men , when their own countrey afforded very few souldiers : and all this when neither league , amity , or reciprocall kindness required them thereunto ; and which through the goodness of god ) put a present stop to the spaniard , who was breaking in upon them like the breach of the sea ; and in time helped them into that condition which hath occasioned them to give themselves the title of high and mighty states ; and assisted their nation so , not for a year , but for above four score years ; not in the beginning of their wars only , but till the last year , that by peace there was an end of war ; not when their condition had a probable dress of advantage upon it , but when it was under the greatest improbabilities : and this not with a thousand mens lives onely , but with the lives of many thousands , whose blood was shed in their wars . nor did the necessity of our engagements with rebels within , and the neighbour nations round about , cause us to withdraw our help from them ; but so dear were their liberties and the profession of the protestant religion with them to us , that it seem'd to be but one nation , one cause and quarrel ; being entertained by us with the affections of brethren , the love of friends , and the respects of neighbours and allyes ; nor have we envyed at , but rejoyced in their welfare and prosperity . in process of time when the late king of england , thought fit to put in execution , what had been before contrived in his father's days ; to wit , the enslaving of england ; and to that end advanced his prerogative , above the law , by which he ought to have ruled , both by his oath , and the constitution of this nation , and his power upon the consciences of his subjects in the injunction of superstitious innovations in religious services ( which with his tolleration of popery , permitting of many jesuits , and the popes nuntio in england , himself being sometimes seen at mass ) were black symptomes of the antichristian darkness coming upon us : and to advance this end levied arms against the scots , who ( then ) both saw and opposed those growing mischiefs ; when these things answered not his expectation , but rather turned both nations into union to withstand such proceedings , he countenanced , if not commissionated that horrid , and not to be parallel'd rebellion in ireland , the blood whereof is not stopt to this very day ; and yet when he saw the parliament more resolved to oppose his wicked and tyrannicall proceedings , and that nothing would serve them , but justice on his evil councellors , and security for their laws and liberties , being grieved that he had condiscended to any thing ( though it was their due , and what was forced from him ) that concern'd their liberty ; and that he might recover all that the people of england had got of their own of him and his predecessors , at once by the sword ; he set up his standard at nottingham , bidding thereby defiance to the parliament , and the laws of england ; whereupon the flames of war broke forth in every part , and nothing but the levying of arms , and the sad calamities of war abounded in all parts of this nation : when the parliament were thus enforced to wrastle with the powers of the king , the malignity and opposition of most of the nobility and gentry ; the whole prelaticall and atheisticall party , the court , and monopoly dependants ; the name of a king which had then some awe amongst the people , the treachery and apostacy of many of their members and officers in civil and military imployments : the war of ireland , and the powers of forraign kingdoms , who in point of interest might be expected to ingage against them ; and that through the blood of the people , and the hazards of war , they were constrained to proceed for the obtaining of that liberty , which the king was in duty to have preserved from whom could they expect any affections , but from the dutch ? who in point of interest , being themselves a commonwealth , but even now torne out of the jawes of monarchy through a sea of blood , and millions of treasure : in point of preservation , we being the generations of those , who took their cause , out of the dust , and set it in the throne ; and who ballanced always the late kings envy and malice to that state : themselves also having the designes of the prince of orange in their own bowels , working up towards the height of that tyranny , which the enemies sword would have set up in england . and in point of gratitude to those people , who had chosen the neatherlanders before their own safety , in theirs and the neatherlanders greatest times of danger , were so deeply engaged . one would think that their affections , their bowels , their money , their force , and their very souls should have been ready , to be powred out for the parliament , whom god made formerly the very instruments of their beeing , and upon whom they might write the foundation under god of their prosperity , at least that they should not maligne their cause , or advantage their enemy . but instead thereof their envy to our nation , malignity to our cause , assistance to our enemy , affronts and scorns to us and our friends in the day of our calamity , have exceeded ; shall i say any , nay all our neighbours round about ; they became our enemies treasury for money , their magazine for armes and ammunition , their arsenall for artillery , and warlick provisions both by sea and land ; their refuge and shelter , their place for counsell and advice , and no doubt had publickly asserted our enemies interest , had not the consideration of their great advantage in getting the trade and riches of england into their hands by our wars , perswaded a seeming newtrality . nor did these things satisfie them , as if they thought they could never shew respect enough to our enemies , and enmity to us ; borrel and raynswoold their ambassadors , in the year 1645. coming into england , upon pretence of recōciling our differences , besides other disservices , in the then house of commons assigned the justice of the quarrel on the kings side ( an unparaleld affront , and every way unfit to be given by any , especially by forreigne states , who were not concerned in our civill differences ) and which the lords and commons in parliament then took notice of in their declaration to the states generall of those provinces . afterwards mr. strickland , our agent , had the door of the states generall shut against him for the space of about one year and a halfe , and never admitted audience ; though at the same time macdowell , agent for the king of scots , had admittance , to whom when dr. dorislans was added , he was assassinated in their provinces , and to this day not so much as a warrant sent forth by the states general for the apprehending of those murtherers , nor have they proscribed them their dominions , nor any thing done by them , whereby their abhorrency of the murther of a publick minister might appear . nor have things rested here , but when the lord saint joh● and mr. strickland were lately sent over ambassadors after the death of the prince of orange ( upon whom as a cause some of the former injuries against us were laid ) how were they affronted , and endeavoured to be mischieved by prince edward , who called them doggs to their faces ; and apsley who designed to strangle the lord saint john in his chamber ( to say nothing of all the abuses attempted upon them by the ungoverned multitude , & on their followers , and the assaults on their houses ) and though they were some days in their power , after complaints and demands of justice made , yet were not secured , and brought to justice , or proscribed to this day ; which being added to the former affronts and injuries , and the delayes in the treaty , though it provoked not the parliament to a demand of present reparation ( so tender have they alwayes been of a breach with them ) yet they so ill resented it , that it was one reason wherefore they recalled those ambassadors . it will be too long to reckon up the severall supplies of officers , souldiers , arms , ammunition , artillery , money , ships , and provisions , that have been issued from those countries for the assistance of the late king , and the then king of scots his son , in their warres against the parliament of england , in england , scotland , and ireland ; particularly the 20000 arms , 26 field guns , and 250 barrels of powder , shipt aboard two ships at amsterdam for england ; when the king of scots was lately at worcester with his army , and at the said kings desire . likewise , the many intollerable injuries , depredations and murthers committed on severall of the english nation , as in the case of amboyna , sufficiently known to the world , & which was perpetrated even when the people were alive that saw what the english had done for them in the dayes of queen elizabeth , and soon after a solemn treaty and agreement made of all differences between the nations in those parts : the many high insolencies and affronts given this nation at sea , in dragging the colours of england under the sterns of their ships , after they had most injuriously taken their ships and goods from them , and caneing the seamen for being ( as they call'd it ) against their king ; some of this practised on severall english but the last summer , and the robbing of the english merchants of their ships and goods at sea to very great values . such things being fitter for a volume then a few sheets of paper . it will take up too much time also to particularize their late securing our ships and goods severall times that were within their coasts , there being no cause given by us for such proceedings ; the marching of their forces to their frontier towns , beating up of drums for voluntiers to man 150 sail of ships of warre , which they declared to us they were providing ; their people calling for arms against us , and raging after such a manner , as the english merchants went not without danger in their streets , and all this when their ambassadors were treating with us here for a strict league and union , and when we had no thoughts of engaging against them , or began any preparations to reinforce our navy , though it was high time after such alarms as those , for the parliament of england to provide for the security of their seas and traffick . and that they might indeed shew their good will to this commonwealth , after much time had bin spent in treating for a more strict union , and things were drawing to some conclusion , is it not manifest that they meant nothing lesse then a peaceable accommodation , and intended their treaties as the disguised ushers of treachery and warre ; in that trump on the 19 of may 1652. with 42 ships of warre , came up to the downs , and there assaulted our generall blake , who riding neer foulstone with fourteen ships only , was enforced for some time by himself and afterwards with the rest of his fleet , to maintain four hours sharp fight till night parted them . in which the providence of god mightily appeared , in preserving our fleet , and repelling the enemy to his losse & dishonor and therby delivered this island at that time from the design , treachery , domination and cruelty of those people , who when their tongues were smoother then oyl , prepared war in their hearts , and with their hands put it in execution . nor can it be otherwise understood then a designed engagement , if so be his anchoring in dover road with his fleet , when extremity of weather did not enforce him ; his refusing to strike , when dover castle by their shot summoned him thereto : the denying the merchanrs of dover the night before the fight , to perform their accustomed civility to visit their fleet ; his sending two of his ships to major bourn , who lay there onely with eight sail of ships , the striking of those ships , and their endeavours seemingly to excuse van trumps coming so neer , and alledgeing the reason why he came no neerer , ( viz. ) to avoid giving offence , in regard of the controversie ( as he called it ) of the flag ; and that he intended no injury to the english nation : which made major bourn jealous that they intended some mischiefe ; therefore he commanded out two ships to attend their motions , and sent generall blake notice of their being there : his moving the next day towards the french coasts when generall blake came in sight of him , and upon speaking with a dutch vessell , which made all the sail she could to him , and wafted her flag to signifie as much ; his comming up presently with full wind and sail to generall blake , who rode alone from his other ships ; his refusing to strike ( the ancient and undoubted acknowledgement of the english right and soveraignty in the adjacent seas ) when generall blake summoned him thereunto by a gun without a ball , another with a ball , his fiering through generall blakes colours , and falling upon him with a broad side immediatly without any parly , before generall blake gave him a broad side ; his setting up presently a red flag , which being the signe before given ; the rest of his ships fel on our general , and maintained with him & his other ships , a very hot fight , as aforesaid , and as by the narrative of the engagement , and the examinations of his own officers , and letters relating thereunto , printed by order of parliament , and ordered to be given unto their ambassadors , as an answer to their papers and desires for the proceed of the treaty doth appear . together with his being angry with one of the said captains in holland , because he struck sail to our friggats , as he came from the streights , as the said captain and the lieutenant now taken prisoners , upon their examinations acknowledge ; besides what other accounts we have received of their debates , and preparations to engage our fleet . now what hath england done to these people , that might occasion any such disingenuous and hostile proceedings ? oh , that they would produce their cause , that we might answer thereunto , and leave it to the world to judge ! certainly had they any reall cause to assign , that might bear weight in the ballance we should have heard thereof ere now ; for they are a people that are seldom wanting in things of that nature . only we heard that the granting of letters of mart by us , hath been made use of to incense those people against this state , and by making of them mad , under that pretence to shed their blood in an unjust war , and to hasten their own and the destruction of their countrey . there is nothing more clear then that the granting of letters of mart , in cases where justice is denied to be done , after it hath been duely sought ( as is our case ) is a necessary , lawfull , and just way , according to reason ; and the laws of nations , practised throughout the world , and by themselves ; and that such letters of reprisall are so far from being the occasion of war , that they are in such cases the ultimate preservatives against nationall engagements ( otherwise for injuries done to the subjects of any nation by a forraign people , war must effect the satisfaction , or it may be lawfull for any to rob and spoyl on the seas , that are enabled with power so to do ) it might occasion some discourse of that nature at large , and the quoting of their own , as well as the practises of other nations for instances : but thus hath been the case with us , that for very great injuries and blood , and after above twenty years waiting in some cases for justice of them , which being denyed , the justice of this state renewed but one letter of reprisall upon them in the case of mistriss paulet , granted by the late king for recōpence of 20000 l. principal , besides charges , of 20 years standing , her self and family being brought thereby to a morsell of bread ; yet when that was understood to be made use of by some malignant spirits , to prevent that union , which was said to be endeavouring by their ambassadors in their treaty , that all occasion might be taken from those that sought occasion of difference , this state suspended that act , before it was fully satisfied ; and not only so , but all letters of reprisall upon the french , who had so notoriously , and to very great damages injur'd the merchants of england ; notwithstanding that these wronged men had been at a great deal of costs to set out ships for recompence , and had not accomplish'd it , being thereby enforc'd to sit down by the loss of those charges also . and all this to remove any occasion of clamour , that might unduely happen upon the searching of dutch ships for french goods ; though it is a known thing that the french covered their goods in flemish bottoms , to avoid giving the english satisfaction : and this we did , notwithstanding that we paid the dutch for the fraught of the french goods found aboard them , without taking any of their goods at any time : the contrary whereof our merchants have found , when as the dutch have taken not only the portugall goods found aboard the english , but such english ships and goods also , without making of satisfaction to this day , of which we have pregnant testimonie ; yet the searching for french goods aboard their vessels , is so equitable and necessary , that it is impossible ( unless we land armies in france ) to have any reparation , so long as the french may wholly manage their trade in dutch vessels . but to any rationall man , this cannot be the cause of the late transactions of those people to us ; for first a long time before any letters of reprizall were granted , they performed all those evil offices aforementioned in the generall ; and since those letters of reprizall both on themselves and french for their sakes , have been suspended : their admiral with his fleet came to our borders ; and whilst we lay securely , in a time of friendship and treaty , came upon and assaulted part of our navy , as is formerly mentioned at large ; whereby it appears , that as they formerly helped on our destruction so far as it concerned their profit , and to lay us , and our liberties at the feet of a bloudy tyrant , so it is now their resolution , as they are able , to bring down this nation to serve their lusts and cruelty ; and this as a reward for our saving of them from the sword of spain , and spilling our blood and money on the ground to lay the foundation , and secure the structure of their riches and prosperity . the blood of amboyna shewed formerly how such things relished their pallats ; and the clapping captain green and his men in chains of late : together with the outrages committed on our ambassadors , and several english people in their territories : their severall arrests on our ships and goods in their ports , and the late engagement of van trump do now clearly demonstrate . though every weeks occurrences fild our ears with the noise of their preparations , and the ranting and vile expressions against this state : the abuse of the english there , and their ambassadors giving our councell of state and parliament , papers of their resolutions of setting forth one hundred and fifty ships of war , extraordinary ( which we might then very well conclude , and have cause now to be assured , were intended against us ) yet till those papers came , the parliament moved not at all , in any extraordinary preparations : and then how requisit it was for this state to prepare , for the security of their seas , and of that part of the ancient and undoubted dominion of england , let the world judge . yet , so did they prepare , as only to secure their own right , and what high time it was so to do , the forementioned insolent and hostile behaviour of some of their ships to captain young , for which the states gave one of the captains a chain of gold , and of van trump , to our navy , whom they continue still in his imployment , thereby owning his late action is evident to all men . it is worthy observation to consider unto what a height of ingratitude , injustice and forgetfulness , the pride of these men hath lifted them up ; it is not unknown to the world , and to themselves , though they would willingly forget it , what was their condition , when england first undertook their protection , and what england hath done for them ; how they have permitted them to pass through their seas , to manage their merchandise , and required only their striking to our ships and castles in acknowledgement of our soveraignty . and to fish in our seas , sometimes upon the requiring of a certain tax , sometimes freely , and yet so bold are they upon our former indulgence , and condiscentions as to come up to our very dores , and by treachery and force endeavour to snatch the dominion thereof out of our hands , though they cannot assigne one particular , wherein the english hath designed or attempted any incroachment upon their rights and priviledges ; but have maintained them against all their opposers . and no doubt but those men , who with so much impudence and wickedness have attempted , to dispoyle us of so antient and indubitable a right , whereby our very defence ( for those seas , and our ships , are the outwalls and bulwarks of this island ) is endeanoured to be broken ; will also as they have oportunity labour to dispossess us of our land inheritance . but as the former kings of england took a severe course to chastise and cut off such luxuriant exorbitances , and as the providence of god hath in their late engagements given them a very great check , so we doubt not but the wisdom and justice of the state ( through the assistance of god ) will so effectually proceed in the vindication of such wrongs , as shall let them know , what right of ours they have encroached upon , and by effectual ways perswading them from attempting such usurpations for the future . what high time it is to take order with such men , and reduce them to their proper bounds , let the world judge ; and if that hereafter this state exerciseth a more strict command over their own jurisdiction , in letting those men know at what rate they shall buy their intrenchment on our liberties , they may thank themselves for such experience . it is not the bare complement of striking the flag , that hath been the occasion of these late contests , as they would seem to pretend , to gull and cheat well minded people , as if so be for such a slight thing , as the putting off a mans hat , or the not putting it off , were the ground of the late engagement , or of what shall ensue thereupon ; in vain is such a snare as this set in the sight of england ; but it is the absolute and substantial soveraignty of the narrow seas , which on our parts by such a deportment as the striking of the flag , or topsail to our ships on those seas , is required to be acknowledged , and so hath been for many hundred years , understood , agreed unto , and acknowledged by the nations of eruope , which the dutch by refusing to strike would deny . a thing of such high importance , that the former kings would never endure , but in their commissions to their captains at sea , commanded them to require obedience thereto by all , or to fire , sink , or destroy them ; and which both houses of parliament in their ordinance to that purpose , commanded their maritin officers . now the dutch refusing to strike , do deny our title , and by their armed fleets endeavour to take possession of our inheritance : therefore though to extenuate their hostility , and cover their designes , they would fain make the striking of the flag a frivolous thing ; yet it is of as much concernment to us , as the dominion of those seas , and therin of our defence , and the commodity of fishing , which those seas yeeld in abundance ; and which themseves have found to be of so vast an advantage , as that they know it to be the great staple of their trade and merchandize , and the food of many families ; the sweetness whereof they having tasted through our former licences , and our late neglect by reason of our warres , would now to settle it upon themselves , force into their own hands . and this together with the managing of our trade for our best advantage , held forth in the act for navigation ; and what else may be found convenient for such an end , may be strongly presumed to be the true grounds of their quarrell against us , and of the late engagement , though the assignment of the latter is too grosse for them to hold forth to the world : for that is as much as to take upon them to give law to england . the truth is , what through the negligence of former kings , and the corruption of their ministers of state , the overlooking the subtilties and encroachments of these people , the ties of gratitude and friendship that were supposed to be upon them , and the confusion of our late warres , they had not only got a staple of trade as aforesaid ; but had almost ingrost all our trade , and thereby spoyled us of our navigation and maritin defence . our long voyages about the world , which carried the reputation of england through all the parts thereof , being curted to their borders , and mostly in their own ships , to fetch from their stores at the second hand , and to retail it in england ; by reason of which , our gallant ships being drawn up and neglected , in a little time , we might insensibly have those locks of ours cut off , and be fallen upon by them , when we were not in a capacity to resist . now because the commonwealth of england is through the mercy of god , brought out of its war & blood ; & through dear experiences taught to mind its own concernment , and to foresee and avoid such snares as these . and because the dutch see themselves prevented of ●●aking our markets , emptying our pockets , and fishing in our troubled waters , as they had done for many years before , therefore are they offended , and would now by force , if they could , conclude us under that & a worse necessity , and rather then fail , embroyl us and their people in a bloody warre , which themselves have already begun , and this is the true reason wherefore they have all along assisted the late : king and his son in all our warres , and have been troubled at the late rout at worcester , and our other successes , as much as the gavalier ; because they knew that a commonwealth would deprive them of those sweet bits , and might be expected to pursue things for their own advantage . besides , they had large experience what their gold could do at court , which in a commonwealth well ordered would be of little effect : & no doubt these things had prevailed with them openly , to have asserted the kings interest , had not ( as i have said before ) the advantage of trading to all our ports during our warrs , blinded them into a seeming newtrality . 't is true , nature hath shut them up from all merchandize , if our passage through the north and south seas were denied them ; therefore hath this nation made their seas so far open , as to give them liberty through them to passe unto their traffick ; and that they may safely passe , have been at the vast costs of strong navies : but must they therefore deny our dominion thereof , and to make such acknowledgement as ought to be , and hath been time out of mind agreed upon , and submit●ed to by all nations ? or must therefore the riches in those seas be as much theirs as ours ? this , were it in their own case , would be said by them to be an inference very forraign , & would not be indured , nor indeed ought it so to be . because a man permits a thorough-fare through his ground for the accommodation of travellers , or the countrey , shall the passenger therefore refuse to acknowledge the propriety of the owner to his land ? shall he refuse to perform such a thing , as he shall require for the acknowledgement of his propriety , lest in time it become common through prescription ? shall the herbage , corn , wood , or whatsoever grows upon it , or the mines under it , be by him claimed with as equall a right as the proprietor ? or will it be good manners or honesty for such a passenger with armed force , to deny the acknowledgement of the right of the owner , and to endeavour the making common the said land , and what growes upon it , or within it ? if the proprietor hereupon shall to such persons shut up his passage , and with armed force secure the growth of his land from such intrusion , and blood should be drawn thereupon ; whom will you judge in such a case to be the occasion thereof , the proprietor , or such an ungrateful and injurious passenger ? this , upon due consideration , wil appear to be much our present case , and which i should be more large in ; but that a learned treatise on that subject , will be shortly brought forth to common understanding in the english tongue . nor ought the specious and gilded covering of a treaty for a more strict union to have any influence at all , to ●harm the english nation into the least parting with any thing of their undoubted rights , or losse of time in prosecuting their opportunities for satisfaction and security : in regard that both by former & later experience , we have not found such sincerity as may lay a foundation for us to pitch upon in that particular , & where we cannot be assured of that , as a foundation ; to what advantage wil the conclusion of any thing bee , or what encouragement is there for any proceeds in things of that nature ? for though leagues are confirmed with all the sacredness that man knowes of to bind the performance , yet if advantage be paramount to such stipulations , when a fair opportunity is presented , no bonds be they never so high and intrinsecall , will be able to preserve those leagues from doing homage to the supream deity of gain & profit . principles that center not in the performance of leagues and covenants further then are for advantage , what differ they from that tridentine one , that faith is not to be kept with hereticks . and upon such quick-sands , the foundation of true peace cannot be laid . and indeed the english nation have by experience found , that some states have not retained that simplicity in poynt of treaties , which england hath held forth to them on all occasions . i wish that our neighbours of the vnited provinces had administred nothing of this nature to us , whereby we may be rationally put to a losse in this particular . certainly their carriage in the businesse of amboyna , within a year or two after the conclusion of the treaty in the year 1619. and their not making satisfaction to this day , though it should have been by the year 1625. their chusing arms rather then satisfaction for other injuries done by them to us , and the late assault of trump on our fleet upon our borders , whilst we were in amity , treating for , and neer a conclusion of a strict union , gives us just ground so to understand them : and we wish that the serious reflects on what their carriage hath been to other states in this particular , mentioned in the later end of this discourse at large , besides our own experience , to say no more , gave us not fair warning how we trust those , who when they speak of peace , have war in their hearts ; if their former ill offices to this state had been reflected on , as they did deserve , there would have been occasion enough wherefore this state should have refused any treaty with them , til satisfaction had been first given , and security . but notwithstanding all , the parliament hoping that their own former actions had reproved them , and being willing to take all opportunities to continue friendship between them and us , as they had alwayes done heretofore , past over all other considerations , and having given their ambassadors honorable and friendly entertainment , ordered the councel of state to treat with them ; in which there was an uninterrupted proceeding , till by the late hostile assault of our navy by van trump , themselves cut the cords thereof , and gave us to understand what dealing we were to expect at their hands . notwithstanding , when a little after the said assault , the lord pauw came over to england as an extraordinary ambassador , pretending that he had full power to accommodate all things . the parliament gave his lordship honorable entertainment , and the councell of state , notwithstanding their other great occasions , were rather before hand , then otherwise , in the management of the treaty , desiring if it might have been rather an accommodation then a warre ; yet during the space of almost three weeks , the time that he was here , he neither agreed with the parliament in the matter of fact of the late assault , nor proposed any thing in way of satisfaction , nor in compliance with that one demand of the parliament viz. to have satisfaction for their extraordinary charge they had been put to by their late preparations and assault . nor produced full power to conclude what should be agreed upon ; but desired that the matter of the assault might be past over , or put into examination : and that there might be a cessation of arms whilst those things were treated on ; though when the spanish plenipotentiaries at munster did earnestly desire a cessation of acts of hostility both by sea and land , whilst the late treaty was at munster : the states plenipotentiaries , particularly , the lord pauw himselfe answered , that it was not usuall for states to make any cessation of arms during a treaty , and was utterly against it . though that cessation was desired by the king of spain , whose government the states had shaken off , and the war was on that foot : and the cessation which the lord pauw desired of us , was in the name of that state , whose navy in the time of amity and treaty had endeavoured to have surprized our fleet at our doors . and when he heard that our fleet was set sail , june 26. it staying in the downs all that time he had been here , expecting what conclusion should be made , the next day he desired a passe and safe convoy for himselfe and the rest of the lords states ambassadors , because as he said a cessation of armes was not granted ; though the parliament put the cessation onely upon the paying or giving them security for the extraordinary charge they had been put to by them as aforesaid , as the parliament declaration mentions at large . and having taken their leave of the parliament on the wednesday after , they departed towards gravesend , and so for holland . now let all europe judge between us and the neatherlanders ; what could we have done more for them , then we have done ? or hath any nation done so much for a forraign people ! the loan of hundreds of thousand pounds , the blood of thousands of english , men , love , tenderness , bowels , affections , the espousing their quarrels , undertaking their protection , when they were at the lowest , and like to be swallowed up quick ; even then when our outward condition was seemingly weak , being newly come out of papacy torne with intestine tumults , engaged in war with other nations , govern'd chiefly by a woman ; and all this when no tye of league , or friendship required any such thing , or former civilities : this hath been the dealing of england towards them , not for a year , but for a score of years , not with the affections of friends only , but with the love of brethren , not for our advantage to give law to them , possess their towns , and riches , or to add them to the territories of england ; but to enable them to give law in their own borders , to possess their habitations , and estates in safety , and to make them not only distinct from their enemie ; but entire , strong , and absolute in their own jurisdiction : we picked no quarrels , or made pretences to keep their cautionary towns , no , we delivered them ; though all our money is not paid to this very day . we made not our selves a third party to serve our selves upon them , or have we joyned with their enemie . we envied not their prosperity or riches , but rejoyced in their good condition . we wished not them broken , that we might be replenished ; nor hath so much as a thought to destroy them , come into our hearts : we have not beat the drum , or sounded first the alarm of war to them , or made the first preparations thereunto , though we have been thus ill requited by them , for all our love , money , our powring forth of our blood for them , and hazarding thereby our own beeing , though we have been thus maligned and hated , even beyond the measure of the cavaliers hatred , envy and malignity . thus endeavoured with the exercise of our religion , lives , liberties , wives , children , estates , and all that 's pretious and dear to us , in the world , to be delivered into the bloudy power of that tyrannicall king , who had wanted not a will to betray even themselves to the spaniard , as he did those nobles of flanders , who had sent to him for protection , and whose heads the king of spain cut off ? thus affronted in parliament by their ambassadors in the year 1645. who to their faces gave the justice on the kings side . thus shut out of dores , when our agent strickland could not have audience with the states general , though he waited for it a year and a half . thus murthered barbarously when our resident dorislaus was assassinated in their territories . thus scorned , abused and assaulted by the uncommanded rabble ; cursed by prince edward to our ambassadors faces , and designed to be strangled by that vile apsley , when our ambassadors were last there . and this notwithstanding all our former injuries , we were treating with them for a more strict union thus slighted in that slow treaty to no purpose ; and the plain declaration of their looking for a scotch line to measure our ruins , before they would measure our peace : thus tortur'd and barbariz'd in those of amboyna ; kick'd out of dores in being dispossest of those islands contrary to league and agreement . plundred and robb'd in the taking of our ships and goods , that traded that way , and to other places , to great values ; trod underfoot in their disgracefull dragging our english colours after their sterns , when they had robb'd our ships . thus dared by the commonaltie beyond measure , in their belching out of oaths , curses , slanders ; and by their masters in preparing fleets to infest our coasts : beating up of drums for voluntiers ; and endeavoured to be destroyed in trump's late assaulting our fleet in the time of treaty , and whilst there was amity between us : greater love and assistance then by the english to them hath not been shown to a people never was love so ill requited and abused , never was patience so much provoked , nor ever had people a juster ground , to look them in the face in case of engagement , which they have now forced , the righteous god will judge between them and us . the people and cause of god in this nation is holynesse to the lord , all that devour it , shall offend , evill shall come upon them . scotland hath found it so with a witness : even the people of god amongst them , who endeavoured its destruction . ireland is yet paying dear for it , and upon france are the vials powring out ; those of our own nation that assisted this cause , in the beginning , and were eminent therein in godliness and honesty , falling upon this stone , afterwards have been broken in pieces , so tender hath it been in the sight of god , even as the apple of his eye . oh , thou belgia ! what will become of thee in the day , when thy rage , thy cruelty , they malice , thy scorne , thy ingratitude , thy opposition to this hallowed thing , shall come into remembrance , and is not that day already begun ? when every crying a aha , every b clapping of thy hands , every stamping with thy feet : every rejoycing in thy heart , with despight ; every of thy taking c vengeance , and revenge for the old hatred ; every of thy saying she is d broken , she is turned unto me , i shall be replenished , she is laid waste ; every of thy taking them up on the e lips of talkers , and making them the infamy of the people ; every of thy f blasphemies , in saying , they are laid waste , they are given us to consume , g when as the lord was there . every of their h reproaches and revilings shall be remembred , and carry with it a weight of vengeance for recompence : every i evil neighbour will be visited in the day that god doth k avenge the controversie of his cause ; what then will become of you , that have done more against it then all the ill neighbours ? he hath begun it already , the kings , and great ones of england , scotland , and ireland , have drunk deeply of the l cup ; they are become a desolation , and their cities shall not return ; the people have wallowed in their blood , have m cursed their god and their king , and looked upwards . even godly men that have walked in this n craoked path , god hath led them forth with the workers of iniquity : god hath been o jealous for it , with a great jealousie , and out of the p mouth of the lyon and the jaw of the mighty hath he pluck'd it , and set it up on q high ; he hath lift up his r banner , upon it , and advanced it as a ſ signe to the kingdoms of the earth , whoever will not bow down unto it , we may rationally expect , according to the precedent series of divine providence , must be broken in pieces . and who are you , oh yeneatherlanders , that dare to set your selves against the lord , against what he hath done , and is doing in these nations ; to endeavour to strike out all the glorious characters of his footsteps and presence , what his arm hath brought to pass for him , and his mighty power establish'd in these dominions ? who are you that dare to think , that you can root out this cause , and give the lye to all the appearances of god , the prayer , the faith , the prayses of his saints in these nations ? who are you that say their t gods , are gods of the hills , therefore we will fight with them in the valleys . they stood against their own forces , but they shall not against ours : the land is given them in possession , but the deep is ours , and we will swallow them up as in the belly of hell ? our god is the same , and so is our cause on the sea , as well as the land ; spain found it so in the year 1588. and all others have since our late wars and troubles . take heed least divine power work revengeingly there , as it hath begun upon you already , and burie your carcasses in the mighty waters : and take heed , least that though we would pass by , yet god will not pardon what you have done against his cause and us . what is it that hath turned your hearts against your friends , and set you to so ill requite their love , their bloud , their hardships for you ? what is it that hath made you to affect and assist that cursed thing of monarchy in these nations , which you before us , saw to be a plague , and adventured your all to be rid of it , and which hath confounded all its supporters ; and which god hath made to appear to be an accursed thing as clear as the sun at noon day ? what is it that makes you retrograde to your principles of a free state , that having known the benefit of freedom , through the bloud of england , you should endeavour the slavery of england ? why should you be angry , that we stand upon our legs , and honestly proceed , to serve the advantage of our impoverish'd countery , and to improve , what god in nature , providence , and by the dreadfulness of war , hath handed to us ? why should you covet our trade , and riches , and not rather be contented with what god gives you , though it were with a sparing hand ? why should you rather delight to see us in our blood ; our cities and habitations laid waste ; our bodies , wives , virgins , prostituted to the mercy of the bloody enemies of god and us : and rather then fail , endeavour it with your own hands , then that you should be disappointed of the sweetness of that gain , you got by our losses and ruines ? why should you be grieved at the heart , that you did not fully assert the king of scots interest , when as you see god is against him , and against his bloudy house ; and the lord knows how much you are under vengeance , for what you have done for him , already ? would you be thus measured to your selves ? doe you think that the cause here which hath in its weakest condition born down all before it like a mighty torrent , will not quit it self against your unrighteous attempts ? think you that this state , who to do their people right , have not spared king , nor constitution , friend or brother ; but have travelled through ten years bloudy wars ; waiting upon god for such a day as this , even in the way of his judgments , which he hath brought forth ; ought or can with a salvo to their duty , and a due regard to the presence of god , with them in pursuing right , and the reputation hee hath put upon them , permit the people of england to be so grossely injur'd ? no , no , should they , which i trust never will be ; the lord will finde a way , to preserve his cause amongst us , and right us on our enemies ; for it is god that manageth our cause and interest , whose wonted presence as we found it upon your late assault ; so we doubt no , but that he will signally manifest that he is with us upon our future engagements . in the humble confidence of which , we go forth , and wait upon him for a blessing on our undertakings . i had thought here to have concluded ; but sithence the states of the united provinces , and their abettors talk so much , of the reformed protestant religion , and of liberty , and endeavour to insinuate some indearment upon the hearts of many , upon that account : it seems to mee to bee worth the while , and very necessary a little to discourse , how far those states , have by their actions appeared considerable , at to those two grand and noble interests , and those things being well weighed , together with the cause now on foot in england , their carriage to other states in point of leagues , treaties and amity , and particularly with this nation , how far it is safe for england to enter into a strict league and union with those people . interest is the true zenith of every state and person , according to which they may certainly be understood , though cloathed never so much with the most specious disguise of religion , justice and necessity : and actions are the effects of interests , from whom they proceed , and to whom they tend naturally as the stone doth downward . so that unless it be in some things seemingly contrary acted , now and then , the better to work about the grand end : ( for the devil himself mostly deceives , when he appears as an angel of light ) and in cases of necessity where force and power constrain another course , ( which will return into the old channel , the first opportunity ) thereby the measure of every state and person may be taken and determined . therefore it will be requisite to instance in some of the practises of the united provinces in reference to the things proposed ; where by some judgment may be given therein ; and if such presidents be not according to what they do pretend , yet it is but their own picture , by which if they would not have themselves known , they should have forborn by such practises , to have set it forth to the world , or by their late actions to necessitate us in point of our safety and intimate concernment , to set forth any thing of that nature , for a warning to england : it being so farre from us to delight in the uncovering of their nakednesse , that we wish ( if the lord had pleased ) that there had been no such things done , or any occasions offered us , to take notice thereof , since we have wished so well to , and done so much for their advantage . first , concerning the interest of the protestant religion : true it is , that it hath been there for many years professed , and exercised ; and with the fruit of the power of godliness , in many afore time , and wee hope at this present that some are there eminent for the profession thereof : and they have been a place of refuge to many precious saints , from the bitter persecutions of the enemies of god , and true religion , which god hath always taken well even of moab , and hath rewarded it with long and many kindnesses , and for his peoples sake , and the hiding of his out-casts , hath lengthned the tranquillity of places , who otherwise have been the people of his wrath : and if any thing prevail with god to save them from destruction , certainly this will be a chief one : but withall it is to be considered , 1. that all other religions , have had their professions there as well as the protestant , and the exiles thereof received and protected , even of what is most contrary to the doctrine of the gospel of christ , and the scriptures . 2. the exercise and protection aforesaid is upon a state principle of advantage , not upon a principle of true religion , whereby they not only keep quiet at home , but draw all such people to their quarters . ( it being the only place of such priviledge in the world ) and thereby have been possessors of their vertues , ingenuities , friends , occupations , persons , and estates . 3. in the 36 articles that themselves proposed to england , as the matter of a treaty for a strict union formerly , and in their late treaties here , they have neither mentioned , nor proposed any thing concerning religion . 4. in point of gain , they have not only deserted the opportunities of effecting the liberty of the true protestant religion in other places , which they might have done by their power and interest ; and particularly their own flesh and bloud . contrary to their holy and perpetual union ( as it is styled ) but have assisted popish princes against the poor protestants ; when they have been contending in bloud for their religion and liberty , as by the following instances may appear . in the 13 article of the union of vtricht , in the year 1579. it is said ; that what concerneth the point of religion , those of holland and zealand shall dispose of it according to their pleasure , and the other provinces of this union , may regulate themselves according to the intention of the treaty of peace about religion made between archduke matthias , governour and captain general then of these lands , with those of his councel of the states general in the year 1558. in the first article of the said union is promised an eternal union , and never to separate , ( consequently never to forsake the members that have signed the said union ; amongst those that signed the said union , are also those of antwerp , those of gant , and those of bruges . contrary to this union those of holland and zealand , made a truce with the spaniard in the year 1609. for 12 years , and a peace in the year 1648. and left out the said towns of antwerp , &c. notwithstanding that there was all likelihood , that they might have delivered those towns , from the yoak of the spaniard , and have obtained freedome , if they would for those of the protestant religion in those towns , especially for antwerp , as by what follows may appear . for the town of antwerp , 't is true it was taken by the duke of parma , and in the spaniards possession ; but how easily it might have been re-taken , will appear , when as it is considered , that upon a new league and agreement made with lewis 14. king of france , and the states of the united provinces to pursue the war against the spaniard conjointly : the said king drew 20000 foot , and 4000 horse into the field in flanders , according to the third article of the said league , infesting the spaniard on the one hand , whilst the prince of orange drew his army forth towards antwerp , upon the same article , to assist the taking in of which , the french over & above the former agreement of men and money , lent them 3000 horse and 3000 foot , which also were shipped and landed , as desired , ready to join in performance of that exploit . the prince of orange having taken in the castle of teemche , lying by the scheld beyond autwerp ; the french the town of dunkerk , might easily have made himself master of the town of antwerp ; they within having as good as tendred themselves up to him ; yet the prince of orange neither besieged nor assaulted the said town : but having left the castle of teemche , assoon as he had taken it , in a manner , the design pretended against antwerp vanisht , to the great discontent of the french , whose 6000 supplies were not made use of , and committed many outrages , in the county of waes , and the leaving that town in the hands of the spaniard , and the poor protestants there , their owne flesh and blood ( called in dirision brothers ) to the oppression of the catholiques , and other mischiefes to this very day ; contrary to the union aforesaid , whereby they were obliged to redeem them ( if taken ) out of the hand of the spaniard . how easie it was for them to have possessed antwerp , the forementioned particulars do evince ; and the whole army of the prince of orange that were there know , and the world is not ignorant thereof : and all this for no other reason , as can be imagined , but that the town of antwerp being thus reduced , would have drawn to its selfe its ancient and great trade , which holland and zealand enjoyes , whilst antwerp continues in the hand of the spaniard , and the scheld shut up . in the year 1624. presently after the treaty of campeigne , made between lewis 13. king of france , and the states of the vnited provinces , concerning a subsidie against spain ; another little treaty was at the hague , between the king of france , and the states , wherein the states agreed to furnish the king of france with 20 ships under the command of admiral haultaine in a design to shut up genoa by water , whilst the constable lesdigueries should besiege it by land . the war between the protestants of france , of which rachel was the chief , and the king of france falling out in the mean time , the said king agreed also by his ambassador monsieur de belluion with the said states for 20 ships against the protestants of france , whereof having received 8. the french king by his ambassador monsieur d'espesses at the hague , moved the states , that in regard he had present need of the other twelve ships , which were not yet ready , that the states should let him have twelve of the twenty that were designed for genoa , to be commanded by french officers , though the lords states judged it better , that they should be commanded by their own . and these ships were to be imployed against the duke of sonbize principally , who was tending to england for reliefe : whereupon the lords states deputed the lords of essen , noortwyck , and bootelar , to enter into conference with the said ambassador ; who after many debates the 12. of aprill 1625. at the hague , did finally agree and conclude , first , that the 20 ships should he forthwith sent to sea , and that the admiral haultain , that should command them , being come to the height of callice and dover , shall give advice thereof to his majesties troops being at haure de grace , that they may there imbarque themselves , and that they then doe joyn with the fleet , and conjunctly steer their course to the isle of wight ; where being informed where the duke of soubize did keep himself , and what forces he might have : and having first resolved how they might set upon him , then they should put aboard the french foot into 12 of those ships , which afterwards should be commanded by french officers , under the conduct of the admirall haultain , and this notwithstanding without removing out of the ships , the dutch captains , officers , or mariners : but in case they should be informed , that the duke of sonbize was reduced to obedience , or that the 12 ships of supplies were arrived , then the said 20 ships shall remain under the conduct of their captains ; and the last 12 arrived ships shall be commanded by french captains ; and then the 20 according to treaty , might passe , as it was agreed on . these ships were imployed against the duke of soubize , and the charge defrayed by the french king ; and if any of the said ships came to miscarry in the french service , the loss was to be made good by the french king . whilst the admirall haultain was at sea in the design aforesaid , a gentleman came to give his wife a visit ; who asking her how she did , she told him , that she was very much perplext , and troubled in herself , not being able to satisfie her own conscience : for if she prayed for the prosperity of her husband , then she should pray against her owne religion : for her husband served against the protestants : and on the other side , if she prayed for the protestants , then she should pray against her husband . yet it is observable , how god crost the dutch in point of advantage in this business : for though the ships performed very great service for the king of france , and the poor protestants were utterly subdued ; yet the king of france , or the cardinal richelieua little after ordered a great number of their merchant ships to be kept by force in the french harbours , and altogether , some with their cables , anchors , lading , and what else belonged to them , were sunk in the channell of rochell ; for which great losse and charge , the dutch were not paid in many years after . and when they were paid , it was by piecemeals , being enforced to give great bribes and presents for the accomplishing thereof . and to all this i might add , what they have done in assisting the late king of england and his son against the truly godly of this nation . but this is already discoursed . when a people come to be bold on god , and in presumption of his favour , upon some good act or other of theirs ; take liberty to commit all manner of wickednesse , even to the putting out the face of religion , supposing that god is engaged to passe by their iniquity , because of some acts of righteousnes , and make such use of his patience and long-suffering , which should lead them unto repentance , as to think he delayes his coming , and therefore fall on beating their fellow-servants , and eat and drink with the drunken , and of his holding of his peace , and permitting of them success , that he is one like unto themselves , and approves of their falsness and wickedness . here what the scripture saith in this particular , psal. 50. 21 , 22. these things hast thou done , and i kept silence , thou thoughtest that i was altogether such a man as thy selfe : but i will reprove thee , and set them in order before thine eyes . now consider this , ye that forget god , lest i tear you in pieces , and there be none to deliver you . isai. 61. 8. i the lord hate robbery for burnt-offering . jerem. 7. 4 , 8 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. trust ye not in lying words , saying , the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord : the temple of the lord are these , behold , you trust in lying words that cannot profit . will you steale , murther , and commit adultery , and swear falsly , and burn incense unto baal , and walk after other gods whom you know not , and come and stand before me in this house , that is called by my name , and say , we are delivered to commit all these abominations . behold , even i have seen it . go to shiloh , where i set my name at the first , see what i did to it , for the wickedness of my people israel . and now because you have done all these works saith the lord , and i spake to you rising up early and speaking , but you heard not , and i called you , but you answered not : therefore will i doe to this house as to shiloh , and i will cast you out of my sight , as i have done your brethren . therefore pray not thou for this people , neither lift thou up cry nor prayer for them , neither make intercession to me , for i will not hear thee . matth. 24. 48 , 49 , 50 , 51. but and if that evill servant shall say in his heart , my lord delayeth his coming , and shall begin to smite his fellow-servants , and to eat and drink with the drunken : the lord of that servant shall come in a day when he looketh not for him , and in an houre that he is not aware of , and shall cut him asunder , and appoint him his portion with the hypocrites : there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth . 2. for the interests of libertie , it is true , they are in a condition of a free state ; but so far from establishing others in the same condition , who have groaned under the sad oppression of tyrants ; that it is known to europe , how their great designe hath been to be free men themselves , and to make the world ( as far as they are able ) their slaves and vassals . so far have they been from the true principles of freedom , which is ready to make others as free as it self . we need not run far for instances of this nature , nor multiply them : our own late experience will be enough to evince this particular . the kindness , blood , and money aforded by the parliament of england in the days of queen elizabeth , put them into the condition of liberty from the sword of spain : the power and interposition of england in the days of king james , caused them to be declared a free state . the valour and arms of english men hath stood by them , to seucure their freedom . yet when the parliament of england were enforced to contend in blood for libertie and religion , against the armies of our late tyrant , and his son , who sought to destroy both , and had the influence of the same designes , upon themselves by the prince of orange . yet none contributed more assistance to that king and his son , then the united provinces : and none more scorned , abused , and injured the parliament and their friends , then the neatherlanders . in so much that they appeared as one body , and carrying on the same designe as members thereof , and that the same soul possessed them , appears in what they have lately attempted upon this nation , as hath been at large mentioned in the former part of this discourse . much might be also said concerning their endeavour to monopolize all trade into their own hands ; having by their league with the king of denmark , begun in the year 1649. and ratified in the year 1651. which was managed by vlefeld , ambassador for that king , agreed with the said king for the passage of the sound at 140000 pattacoons , or dolors per annum for certain years to come , and that the said king should not ( during those certain years ) let it at the same rate to any other nation : whereby they have in effect excluded all other nations from the baltick trade ; the eastland trade . the trade of sweden , lyfeland , prussia , poland , pomerania , silesia , &c. in regard they have the passage of the sound at so low a rate , and that others must not only pay the king of denmark's old toll : shew their pass to the dutch commissary ; but pay the same toll over again , if they come to holland : also all other ships , that formerly used from holland to trade through the sound , or return through the sound to holland , or other places . and in effect have forced the merchandize of the baltick sea ( viz ) masts , pitch , cables , iron , copper , brass , clapboard , tar , and other stable commodities , to their own markets , where they put their own prices upon them , and it is at their choice , whether they will part with them or no . also by their denying all nations to sail or trade to graveling , dunkirk , newport , ostend , blackenbergh ; they have taken to themselves all the commerce of flanders and those parts ; during their war with spain , and in the mean time themselves did furnish those of brabant , flanders , consen , dunkirk , and graveling : and by their treacherous , cruel , and inhumane dealing with the english in amboyna in the year 1622 , and dispossessing of them out of those islands ; have monopolized the trade of nutmegs , &c. from all the world , and wickedly have ravished , and detained it from the english ; but i shall forbear further discoursing hereof ; it being besides my purpose largely to treat concerning these things ; onely this may be taken notice of ; that where they have seen any thing of advantage , if by cunning , force , or fraud , they have been able ; no consideration of right , friendship , leagues , humanity , or religion , have held them from the endeavouring the accomplishing of the same . for their carriage in point of leagues , and treaties , i shall onely give some instances , of latter years , for proof of which we shall not be enforced to history ; but to the living testimonies of the present times , in which i shall be necessitated to be a little large . my first shall be of france . in the year 1627 a treaty of confederacy or alliance was agreed on at paris , august 28. between lewis the 13th . king of france , and the states of the united provinces , to relieve each other , and to secure the trade and commerce of each other ; but this was not ratified , till the yeer 1630. at this treaty it was agreed on , likewise , that if the king of france did enter into a war with spain the dutch were to assist him ; and the king of france was to do the like : as long as the dutch continued the war with the spaniard ; also both parties coming to break ; they were not afterwards to make peace with spain directly or indirectly , but conjoyntly , and with the consent of both parties , and that under the word peace was comprehended also , a truce or suspension of arms , as by the third article thereof doth at large appear . this was concluded on the thirtieth of june 1630. between monsieur de beangy , ambassador of the king of france : and the commissioners of the lords states of the united provinces ; and ratified to continue for the space of seven years ; being occasioned by several offers of the king of france ; both of men and money ; in case the dutch should continue the war with spain ; and not to make a peace or truce without the consent of the king of france : ( viz. ) 1 a million of livers to the dutch yearly , whilst it continued as aforesaid . 2 that in case he came to break with spain , he would enter the low-countries , with a powerful army , which the dutch should reinforce with 10000. foot , and 1500. horse ; and should make on their side a powerful onset , on the place agreed on , with 30000. foot and 4000. horse . 3. that if good considerations move the states to continue the war ; that he would give them a greater sum of money then a million , as long as the war should last . the lords commissioners of the states in answer , proposed that the king of france should break with spain , and fall into the country of artois and henault with 40000 men ; and that they would then fall upon him with all the power they could make . that till such time that as the king of france did fall into open war into artois , &c. the lords states should be free to make a truce or peace with spain ; but after they are joyntly entred into a war , neither shall make peace or truce without they other . that if the lords states shall not think fit to yeeld to a peace with spain ; the king of france shall give them two millions french money to be paid at london or venice . but the states having a minde to continue war with spain ; struck up immediately into an alliance , as aforesaid . notwitstanding which , the states did endeavour to make a peace or truce with spain , and the states of flanders , without the advice or consent of france ; as appears by several passages , of the underhand dealing of the dutch with the spaniards , in a complaint made by the french ambassador to the states : it is true , this treaty with the spaniard took no effect , because they could not get their ends of the spaniard , and the state of flanders , though they had been contriving to make a peace with spain two years together . when the said treaty was broken off , the states of the united provinces began presently to treat with monsieur charnasse , ambassador for france , about a league offensive and defensive ; which though the province of holland liked not , because being rid of the spaniard , they expected the french as a more powerful enemy ; and therefore protested against it ; yet that prevailed not ; but at the hague , april 15. 1634. an offensive and defensive league was concluded on ; wherein no peace was to be made with spain , entring upon war conjoyntly . and that the present treaty shall no waies prejudice that which was made the 17th . of june 1630. but to remain in full force and power in all things . and this treaty was made for the space of seven years ; to begin from the day agreed on , as also the preceding treaty of the year 1630. shall continue for the time that is therein agreed on ; and that this treaty shal be renewed at the end of seven years , if both parties were willing to it , as by the 6 , 7 , and 10th . article of the said treaty doth appear : signed and sealed by charnasse , and the lords commissioners of the states . in the year 1635. february 8. a league offensive and defensive was concluded and ratified by lewis the 13th , and the states general of the united provinces ; where the ninth article saith expresly : that in case after the signing , sealing , and ratifying of this treaty for a breach with spain ; either party should come to make a peace , truce , or suspension of arms , that then this shall not be done , but by a conjoynt consent of the king of france , and the lords states of the vnited provinces : likewise both parties are obliged to break conjoyntly , and to enter into a war against the spaniards , and their adherents ; as often as they happen to break or to violate any of the conditions agreed on in the treaty of peace , or truce , which shall be made ; without which neither party can afterwards make any new treaty of peace or truce , then conjoyntly , or by common consent , conditionally that if it come to be violated , his majesty and the lords estates shall enter conjoyntly into open war , against those that are the brekers thereof ; an in the 14. article it is agreed on both sides : that this present treaty shall no waies derogate from any thing that was agreed on in the former treaties of the 15. april , 1634. ma●e at the hague , which shall remain in full power , and entire to be executed in all points . presently after this treaty both armies joyned hard by maestricht , and took tienen , and besieged loven ; and the state lost schenchen schans ; to recover which both armies came and incamped ; and it was retook afterwards by the dutch . notwithstanding all this , presently after the ratifying of this solemn treaty ; and that the war was already begun with spain , and the french had entred into it partly for their sakes ; there were more overtures made by the spanish side concerning a peace with the dutch ; who presently began to enquire after them so far ; as that the prince of orange and the states general , sent their atturney general musch to craneberg to speak with don martín axpe , secretary to the king of spain about it , and this without the consent of the french , who coming there found that this secretary had no sufficient procuration from the king to treat ; besides the spaniards were too strange and exorbitant in their demands , that there was no hope of gaining any thing ; whereupon musch returns , and makes report of it to the prince of orange , and the states general ; whereupon this treaty was broken , and the war carried on very fiercely , but the dutch would never confess any of this to the french ambassador charnasse , when he told them of it , but denied it , saying , there was no such thing ; and this was told the lord pauw , who presently after went ambassador into france , by the king of france ; who likewise denied it ; there the king told him plainly , that these secret proceedings did contradict their solemn treaty ; and how much it did differ from the justice his majesty had used towards them . the dutch , to excuse themselves , said , that they had communicated it to charnasse ; but it was after they had notice given them , that their design would not take , and that the spaniard stood too much on tipto . this league offensive and defensive concluded in the year 1635. was renewed in the year 1636. where in the tenth article it is expresly set down that this present treaty shall no waies derogate from the former treaties made beween the king of france and the said states , dated at the hagne september 6. 1636. in the year 1637 , there was another treaty , where the 7th , article saith , that it shall not derogate from the former treaties but shall all remain in force and vigour , to be religiously observed , and effected on both sides . in the year 1639 , where in the 7th article it is expressed , that it shall no ways derogate from the things concluded on in the former treaties ; but shall remain in their full force and vigour to be religiously kept on both sides . made at st germains , 26 april , 1639. nevertheless the dutch treat again with the spaniard ; whereupon in the year 1640. monsieur de la thuillerie was sent ambassador into holland to let the states know , that they could not conclude a peace with spain , but conjoyntly ; his commission being to hinder a peace or truce without france : to tell them , that they were not capable to make a peace or truce without his consent : that it would be quite contrary to their treaties , honour , and interest : and that if he perceived any such inclination in them , to protest against them for breach of leagues and covenants . whereupon in the year 1641 , was made another treaty : the 6 article of which saith , that it shall no ways derogate from any thing that hath been formerly agreed on : all which shall remain in their full force and vigour to de religiously observed on both sides . made at paris , feb. 14. 1641. in the year 1642. there was another treaty made , where in the 6th article you have the same as is mentioned before in the sixt article , 1641. made at st germains , jan. 7. 1642. in the year 1643 there was another treaty , in the sixt article of which is expresly set down as in the forementioned 1642. made at paris , march 3 : 1643. the king hapning to die in may following , his son lewis 14th succeeding him , this treaty was reconfirmed by him , august 30. 1643. in this year 1643 , the lords states of holland began to consult of sending to munster , to treat of a peace with spain without the consent of france : at which the other states were offended ; and monsieur de la thuillerie was no ways backward to perswade them from making a peace , but pari passu , according to the treaties . therefore whilst the lords states were busie in sending plenipotentiaries to munster , there was a treaty made in the year 1644. called ligue guarantie . in the third article of which treaty are expresly the words of the ninth article of the treaty made with lewis thirteenth , and the sixth article saith , that this treaty shall no ways derogate from any thing that hath been concluded on , in former treaties , which are to be vigorously and religiously observed by both parties . made at the hague march 1. 1644. and the 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 6 , 7. articles speak expresly , that no peace shall be made directly or indirectly , without the consent of both , in very full and emphaticall expressions , which i forbear to mention , because of brevity . in the year 1645. another treaty was made for the carrying on of the war conjoyntly , and not to make any peace without the consent of each other : abrogating nothing that concern'd former treaties ; but all those things remaining in full force and vertue . the king of france understanding that the states of the united provinces were resolved to make a peace with spain , in the year 1646. offered the dutch a greater summ of mony , and more men then ever was agreed on formerly ; in case the dutch would stick to their treatie of ligue guarantie in the year 1644. and that neither party should make peace without the consent of the other : conformable to these articles . 1. that the king should assist during that year the states general with 1200000 livers , for no other use then to maintain an extraordinary supply of souldiers , whereupon the states do promise faithfully and religiously to assault their enemies with all their force and power . 2. that the king of france shall give assignations for the said money , to be paid all of it before the end of october following . 3. in consideration whereof the states do oblige themselves , to raise a strong army , and to bring them in the field ; and to make some considerable enterprize : the king of france also promiseth the same in the low countreys , to disadvantage his enemies as much as lyes in his power . 5. this treaty shall no ways derogate from the former treaties , which shall be faithfully and religiously observed and effected . signed and sealed at paris , april 6. 1646. in explanation of the third article , the king of france was to bring an army into the field of 18 or 20000 foot , and 4 or 5000 horse , by the fourth of may following . the states obliged to set to sea 30 men of war of 2 , 3 , 4 , and 500 tuns to hinder the enemy from entring into flanders by sea , and to invest such towns by sea , as the king of france shall besiege by land , hindring relief to such towns , either from the king of spain or any other : also to keep their armie in the field , so long as the good of the common cause shall require it , and the season of the year will permit . according hereunto both armies drew into the field : but the dutch held the french in suspence , appearing well in the field with their armie ; but when they were desired to undertake some notable enterprize , they put the french off with delays , of which the french king complains , but to little purpose ; for not long after , the dutch begin to treat with the spaniard without the consent or advise of the french , which was chiefly set on by holland . then comes the marquiss de castel rodrigo from brussels to the states with a full power to treat , the same was confirmed from munster : the earl penneranda sends word of it by his secretary to the states ambassadors at munster , and monsieur le brun , the king of spains ambassador came personally to the hagte , and shewed the originall copie of the said power to the states , dated june 7. this stir'd up many to conclude the peace suddenly . the french ambassador made several complaints hereof to the states , also that the catholick religion was not permitted at hulst , according to the treaty in the year 1635. desired their resolution in writing for the tolleration of the catholick religion in those towns that should be taken that summer . then monsieur le thuillerie went to breda to consult about marching of the armies , which was carried on but coldly , though there seemed great advantage to offer it self , and all likelyhood to carry antwerp , which france urged very much . the prince of orange replyed , that they had not men enough ; secondly , he knew not , in case the town should be taken , how to satisfie france in point of religion ; france willing to give them any content , thereby to take them off from making peace with spain , freely offered them a supernumerarie of 3000 horse , provided that upon reducement of antwerp , the catholique religion might there be tolerated . signed d' estrades at breda , june 22. the lords commissioners accepted with all humble acknowledgement the tender of 3000 horse , but withal desired the loan of 3000 foot , june 29 following . the duke of orleans by captain remond sent this answer , wherein he granted their desire both of 3000 horse and 3000 foot , provided that the catholick religion be allowed as aforesaid . made at breda , july 4. 1646. signed remond . whereupon the lords commissioners promised to the king of france and queen regent , that the town of antwerp falling into their hands , they would leave there the exercise of the catholick religion free and publick . made at breda , the 11 july , 1646. and signed by the commissioners , and in explication of the said agreement , the churches left for that purpose shall be four . but that it may appear , not onely how the dutch did one while treat with the french , and make a shew of friendship , and that they would not break their leagues with the french , yet did deal under-hand with the spaniard for the conclusion of a peace , as i have shewed already . i shall now shew you how unhandsomely they served the french , after the grant of these supplies , and how they might have taken antwerp , if they had pleased . upon the ratification of the former things , the army of the prince of orange advanceth towards antwerp , and he was with his army the 26 of july at stechen ; then at loqueren , the french supplies came according to promise . teemche castle lying by the schelde , beyond antwerp , was taken in ; the people of antwerp did as good as offer up the town to the prince of orange the french in the mean time had taken dunkerk , antwerp would have followed with ease ; but the prince of orange left teemche castle assoon as he had taken it , though that was the time to have taken antwerp , and never besieged or assaulted the said town ; but the design thereof soon vanisht , and the 6000 auxiliaries not made use of , to the great discontent and dammage of the french ; who by sparing such a number , were disinabled to undertake any considerable thing that summer , and to the ruine of the poor protestants there , as i said before ; and the treaty of munster with the spaniard went on , without the notice or consent of the french . and the french ambassador told the states , that some of the state-plenipotentiaries at munster , had been with the spanish plenipotentiaries , and assured them , that although the army of the states general should march into the field , yet they should only lie still , and effect nothing to the prejudice of the spaniards . also the french ambassadors shewed the states several letters which they had received from france , making mention of some letters intercepted of pennerandas , wherein ●ee writes , that the peace was agreed on , without having any regard to the french interest , which was not so much as named by the dutch ; and though the other provinces should hee against it , yet because holland was for it , they would soon bring the other provinces to a compliance , as it did appear afterwards . but to proceed , the war being carried on against the spaniard conjointly from the year 1635. to the year 1647. it brought the king of spain very low : who thereupon sent his ambassadors ; the lords conde , de penneranda , and a brun , to sollicit the dutch to a treaty of peace ; who notwithstanding all the forementioned leagues and treaties to be faithfully and religiously kept , that no peace or truce should be made with spain without the consent of both parties , having entred into a ligue guarrantie several times for that purpose ; the french being thereby deeply engaged against the spaniard ; and having begun these allyances and war upon the desire of the dutch ; yet they entred upon a treaty of peace without the consent of the french ; and notwithstanding the several speeches of the french ambassadors ; the letters of the king , and at last the ambassadors protest ; the 30 januar , 1648. a peace was signed , sealed , and ratified at munster ▪ between philip 4. of spain , and the states of the united provinces . i shall only give you a touch of the proceeds of the french ambassadors , with the states during this treaty , and the states to him : and so conclude this long , yet necessary and pertinent story . the states general having taken their final resolution for a treaty of peace with spain , monsieur de thuillerie thefrench ambassador extraordinary , the 15 november 1647 . presented a paper to the said states , wherein hee told them , that he understood , that they were upon the point to send their plenipotentiaries to munster , to conclude their negotiation with spain , and that nothing was wanting to be done but signing ; that he thought it convenient to minde them , that hee had spoken with them concerning the reciprocal obligations that were between france and them ; which invited them to stand firm to what hath been formerly agreed upon ; to which he had received no answer : it being requisite that hee should have one to give to the king and queen regent ; that they might give their plenipotentiaries advice at munster , what they may expect , especially , since that , at that time , the spaniard flattered himself of the hope he had to separate that state from the crown of france . therefore he desired them earnestly , to consider what had been formerly agreed on , between them ; and that he had good hope of their great wisdome and wonted loyalty , not to send their plenipotentiaries to munster , otherwise then with orders conformable to those obligations aforesaid , and the ancient friendship they had alwayes with france . hague 15 novemb. 1647. signed , de la thuillerie . the states resolution being once for all confirmed , they answered this paper with silence . the heer van nederhorst , was the only man of the plenipotentiaries that scrupled the signing of the said treaty ; and his reason was , because their league and covenants with the french king , were not yet abrogated , and that oath of agreement , by which they were tyed to him , not yet taken away ; who being one of the plenipotentiaries , feigning himself not well , desired leave of the states for his healths sake to come home ; but the true cause why he desired to come away , was to avoid signing , it being against his conscience for the reasons aforesaid . the king of france understanding that the treaty between the spaniard and the dutch was agreed on and signed , sent a letter to the states dated 14 februar . 1648. wherein hee tells them , that he had heard with the greatest admiration what had past at munster the 30 januar. where the greatest part of their ministers and deputies had signed a particular treaty with the ministers of spain , that he could not imagine , that their ministers had acted therein according to their intentions ; and that he doubted not , but that assoon as they should be informed thereof , they would give those necessary orders , whereby they will remedy all what hath been done to the prejudice of so many solemn treaties agreed on at several times , between that crown and them , which did hold forth expresly , that the negotiation of peace shall continually march hand in hand ; and that no peace shall be agreed upon , but by joint consent of both parties : that for the farther manifesting thereof , he had sent many particulars to his ambassador extraordinary , to communicate to them on his behalf , at that conjuacture of businesse of so great consequence , to whom hee conjur'd them to give full credit . signed lewis , and then de lomeine . paris 14. februar : 1648. the 3 : march afterward , monsieur la thuillerie had audience given him in the assembly of the states , where he made great complaints against their irregular proceedings in the treaty of peace with spain , against their own solemn treaties with france , that the king his master did think himself highly injured by their breaking of their vowes and covenants which they had mutually promised ( viz. ) that they would never lay down their arms , till they had wholly beaten the spaniard out of the low-countries , and not then neither , but with the consent of both parties , that the king his master could not choose but protest against their unworthy dealing , in forsaking them now , on whom the french had built their strongest hopes , and from whom they did expect in the like conjuncture , in which they now were , the reciprocal assistance , which the french had given to the dutch , in their affairs , both of money and men , which they had spent to curb the ambition of spain , with whom the french were good friends , but by their sollicitations , the french had entred into that chargeable war , whereby the burthen of the dutch , hath been lighter , and those that were the dutch's , they had made their enemies . that they could not be ignorant , in what state and condition the french were in the year 1634. how generously they declared war against the spaniard , in the year 1635 , in which year was made that solemn treaty never to make any peace with spain , but with the mutual consents of both parties : he called the world to judge , how careful france had been to observe those treaties , and that the plenipotentiaries of france , were such religious observers of their promises , that they staid twenty one moneths at munster , expecting the coming of the states ambassadors , before they would receive any one proposition from any publique minister whatsoever ; and withall if it were lawful for him to tell them , that this one action of theirs , did very much eclipse the candor , which that commonwealth did profess : that the king his master could not believe , that what was done , was according to their orders , and that so many honest and noble persons , that did compose that body of state , would break their solemn leagues and covenants , which they had formerly made with the king of france : therefore the king his master did hope that they would not break so just and necessary a league . i dare not say , ( said he ) if you deal thus by us , what other princes will think of you , that may have to deal with you . your ratifications are not yet exchanged , and you may refuse to deliver them to the plenipotentiaries of spain ; you are our allies , therefore more obliged to us , then by words ; wherefore i doe maintain ( said he ) that you can goe no farther , and that you and we have our hands tyed , if so bee wee doe any thing that concerneth a peace with spain , if we doe it not with the consent of both parties . made at the hague , 3 march , 1648. signed , de la thuillerie . monsieur de la thuillerie , receiving no answer to this , upon the 17 of march following , demanded audience , where hee made another proposition much like the former , being resolved not to give over propounding , till he had gotten an answer : who at length gave him this for answer . that they were heartily sorry , there could not bee the like treaty of peace concluded on between the two crowns of spainand france , as they had made with spain . that they had commanded their plenipotentiaries to use their utmost endeavours to bring those two crowns to a good agreement , but all what they had done , was labour lost , to the great grief of the states . that it was in vain to insist any longer on this point at munster , both parties being so unwilling to be reconciled . and this was the judgement of the lords mediators and others , that have knowledge thereof : or else the states generall would not have sent for their ministers home . that notwithstanding they were resolved to use all possible means , to bring those two crowns of spain and france to an agreement ; and that there be a fair correspondence kept between the crown offrance , and the states of the vnited provinces ; and that they would send to their plenipotentiaries to farther with all faithfulness an accommodation between spain and france . monsieur de la thuillerie , perceiving the dutch to be resolved to conclude the peace at munster , sent in this proposition to the assembly , to let them understand how highly discontented the king his master was , with their proceedings in making a peace with spain , without his consent , ( quoting their leagues ) and that if they proceeded on in that treaty , as they had begun , his master would be inforced to let the world know how unhandsomely the lords states have dealt with him , and that he was obliged to take notice how they had dealt with the spaniard to his prejudice , contrary to the treaty 1635. renewed 1644. where they were to proceed pari passu , both in war and peace . that if the dutch had a mind to conclude a peace , that they would communicate to the french plenipotentiaries at munster , how farre they had proceeded in their treaty with spain , ( which they had not performed all the while they had been at munster according to agreement ) for the treaty doth say expresly in one of the articles , that they shall communicate their proceedings conjointly , if they enter into a treaty of peace at any time with spain ; which must be also with the consent of france : therefore he humbly desired them to write to their plenipotentiaries to communicate their proceedings in writing to the french plenipotentiaries , as their loving friends and allies : and also that his master did desire them to desist from treating according to former agreement aforementioned , till both parties agree to carry on the treaty again conjointly , which the lords ambassadors of france had done being sent to by the spaniard to treat , which they refused to doe , because the dutch had minded them of the agreement ; therefore his master desired them to do the like by him . all this ( said he ) was laid open to the plenipotentiaries of this state at munster , by the french plenipotentiaries , notwithstanding the said plenipotentiares came confidently the next day to the plenipotentiaries of my master , and told them that they would proceed very speedily to the conclusion of their treaty with the spaniard ; whereupon the french plenipotentiaries could do no less then protest against their proceedings , who have formally declared at munster , that the dutch have broken the treaties made between them and france . and that they have protested against the authors of such an act , so contrary to all publick faith , and all manner of reason and decency : and what ill consequences should follow that business , are to be imputed to the contrivers and abettors of that unworthy action , of concluding a peace without the consent of both parties according to the articles of agreement ; and this the plenipotentiaries of france have been fain to do , to prevent a rupture in the union , between france and the states of the united provinces ; and to clear their consciences and duties towards his majesties of france , who could never perswade themselves ( if the present opposition and protestation had not been made , ) that in a business , in which there is only treated to keep to an enemy some secret promises , or to accomplish several treaties so solemnly made with an ancient friend , the spaniards should have had more power over the plenipotentiaries of the said lords states of the united provinces to ingage them to a breach , then those of france have had to perswade them to observe the agreements and treaties made between france and the low countries . but this proposition having taken no effect , the next day monsieur de la thuillerie , put in another paper into the assembly , that they would be pleased to send thus much to their plenipotentiaries , that they should not sign their treaty of peace with spain , till france had likewise made an end of their treaty of peace with spain . this the assembly would not do , because it was to the prejudice of their affairs . thus all along till the treaty at munster was concluded and ratified , the french ambassadors at the hague , and the french plenipotentiaries at munster , never gave over propounding to the states , what wrongs the states of the united provinces had done , and the crown of france had sustained by their breach of contracts , solemn leagues and treaties ; but none of them prevailed , though france at their desire had begun and prosecuted the warre against spain , whereby spain was brought low ; which contrary to their many solemn contracts , to ingenuity and gratitude , was taken up by the states , and made use of to serve their advantage , leaving france alone to contend with spain to this day ; refusing to lend the king of france supplies of money , whereof he had occasion , according to the treaty of campeigne , 1624. when the french king supplyed them ; and having tyed up their hands from assisting the french against the spaniard by their league de non offendendo . the plenipotentaries of the states of the united provinces that transacted this affair , were bartolt , van gent. john of matenesse . adrian pauw . i. knuyt . g. van reed . j. v. donia . william ripperda . adr. claut . notwithstanding these proceedings with the spaniard , the king of spains ambassador le brun , complains that the states have broken 17 articles of the late treaty at munster . i have been the larger in this , because it is so full necessary , and pregnant an instance , whereby at once the states inside is turned outside exactly ; and a rare president and caution given to this nation and all princes , to discern these serpents under all their green and smooth expressions of friendship ; and their most solemn stipulations for that purpose ; of which in my judgment i could omit nothing : i shall therefore be more brief in the following instances , and forbear the quoting as many as i intended , least by too much prolixity i might offend . the next that i shall produce , is portugal , who whilst under the command of the spaniard , were understood and prosecuted as enemies by the dutch , because one with spain . but in the year 1640. the kingdom of portugal , making themselves free and distinct from spain , all good patriots in the united provinces did look upon it , as a business of great good and welfare , and an order was made for a cessation of arms at sea against the portugal . but those of the east and west indie companies ( true lucriones ) shewed their regret at this publick joy , foreseeing by this that their piracies exercised against the portugals there must come to an end ; and the conquests also , that they had promised themselves over the portugal in the east-indie and brazil . this beginning of friendship in the cessation of arms pleased the portugal extremely , who sent an ambassador to the hague ; where there was a truce concluded on between the portugal and the united provinces for twelve years : but the craftiness and cunning of the dutch , is worthy observation ; for because the east indie and brazil were so far off , the hollanders caused this clause to be inserted ; that the truce should not begin in the east indies , till within a year , and in brazil till within half a year after the ratification thereof . in the mean time the hollander , before , and in the time , gave order and express advice to their men at brazil and elsewhere , to do their best to take all they could get from the portugals , as indeed they did , for they took angola , st tomce , and marinsan ; and in the east indies they took mallacca : also in brazil they took and confiscated divers portugal ships , coming to honest and cordial friends , as the dutch . the truce being made ; and both parties as well the portugals , as the hollanders , having ful notice of it ; the portugals at angola relying upon the truce , admitted the hollanders as friends with a great deal of joy and alacrity into the castle , but the dutch being no sooner entred , they took and turned out the portugals , and having boarded them in an ugly rotten bark unprovided of provisions , sent them to traverse the sea in a thousand dangers ; with the same deceit they entred into the islands of marinsan and st. tomce . ambassadors were sent from portugal to demand these places , the hollanders produced the said clause of the truce ; which was all the portugal could get from the hollander ; for said they , there is no wrong done , in regard , that in that clause is said , that each side shall hold and keep , what he can take and in such a time : whereupon the portugal ambassador said to them very well ; that that must be understoodbona fide ( viz ) that which should be taken without having any knowledge of the truce . but those of the west indie company , and those that were in their service , had full knowledge of the peace or truce , and nevertheless had treacherously faln upon the portugals , and taken from them those places ; who no waies suspected any such cheat , but admitted the dutch as friends . the dutch having made the business less suspected , in regard they expressed great love to the portugal , and ordered a cessation of arms , before the portugal had desired them ; but for what end the world may judg : which action was the more cruel and treacherous , in regard that the king of portugal , had but then torn himself from the spaniard into his own rights , and in this infancy of his government was thus dealt withal . besides all this , the government of the dutch in brazil hath been so ungodly , unjust , and full of tyranny ( the most part that were sent over thither , being broken merchants , lost and undone men , roagues and whores ) who must make their fortunes by the portugal ; made the portugal dispair of ever being well ruled by such a rabble , and caused them to revolt against the hollander , having most just cause so to do . and it is not to be omitted , how justly god hath punished the west indie company in holland , who are brought to nothing , and what supplies soever ( to their infinite great charges ) have been sent thither , they have either miscarried , been beaten , or lost one way or other . and the places aforesaid taken from the portugal by treachery , are in the portugals hands again ; so that god seems to have blown upon that company and design . the portugal ambassador could never obtain any satisfaction , or so much as reason from the hollanders for what they had done . my third instance shall be sweden . according to the treaty between the king of denmark , and the emperor charles the fifth , as earl of holland and zealand , made at splers 1554. and according to the ancient custome ; the dutch were to pass the sound , onely paying a rosenoble ; the ships , being then never known to be visited or searched ; and this was paid because of the lights , tuns , and marks at sea , preserved by the king of denmark : which treaty after the separation of the united provinces from spain , the king of denmark observed not ; making what rules and exactions he pleased , & breaking them when he would ; searching the ships also , through which many came to be confiscated : for having contraband goods , or any commodities that they gave not account of to his officers in the sound : and as the dutch were strong or weak in their convoyes , the customes or toll was increased , or diminished , and sometimes they past free , the swede alwaies . the dutch being no longer able to controle the king of denmark ( being the onely king at peace then in europe ) they send three ambassadors to the king of sweden , who at the onely request of the states general , made a league of allyance with the said states in the same year , and confirmed it again in the year 1645. being by them called a league guarantie , purposely to keep the dane in awe , being besides the league of commerce . the queen of sweden in the year 1643 , and 1644. entred denmark , and made war against it : the dutch according to their league ( which was to assist one another , in case the dane should assault either of them , with 4000 men , or ships to the proportion of the charge of so many men ) sent relief to the queen of sweden , or rather 50 ships into the sound : and at the same time an ambassy , ( viz ) schaep , zoneck ; andree ; to let the dane know , si tu non vis , hic faciet . the dane not knowing how to turn himself , in dealing with them both , entred into a treaty , as well with sweden as the states of the united provinces . the queen of sweden had full satisfaction given her : but the states of holland , by reason of the practise of the prince of orange , who was allyed to the king of denmark , by his marriage of the king of englands daughter , could not obtain their full liberty for their passage of their ships through the sound : nor have the treaty of spiers made good to them , though the queen of sweden advised them to stand to the treaty of spiers , and she would maintain them in it : yet they obtained a reasonable rate , and that their ships should not be visited , shewing their passes from the admiralty , and by word of mouth , telling what they had in their ships : with which the dane was forced to be content , and never could afterward , cause the dutch ships to be visited : whereby the hollander had a great advantage , and paid no more then he had a minde unto . the king of denmark being by this means brought somewhat low , and the queen of sweden high , having made peace with him and the emperor , vlefelt , an ingenuous man , and able to raise and restore the kingdom of denmark , gave the dunish king direction , that henceforth instead of curbing , and slighting the hollander , he should court and cajole them , by giving them hopes of gain and profit : whereupon the king of denmark honoured the four earls of nassaw , the rheynegrave , and the lord of bredero , with the order of the elephant : vlefelt going to holland about this errand , courted them much , represented how formidable sweden was , and that they did endeavour to undoe their trade in the east sea , ( though there was little likelyhood of this in regard the hollanders were great husbands , and managers of their affairs , and by their money had known how to set forth monopolies , sweden having little trade in comparison . but notwithstanding all the foresaid respect and love of the queen of sweden in entring into a league defensive against denmark , on the hollanders score , and at their request as aforesaid , whereby the states had their oportunity of making their tearms of advantage for the sound as aforesaid . she wishing them to stand to the treaty of spiers and she would mrintain them : and contrary to the league guarantie wherein the states general are bound to assist the swede against the dane with 4000. men , & ships proportionable to that charge , and to maintain the queen of sweden free of the sound so far as those men or proportions would reach ; she being then free of the sound , and the league of commerce ; the said states general in the years 1649. and 1651. have made and concluded a league defensive , and a treaty of redemption with the king of denmark , by which the dutch are obliged to assist the king of denmark against sweden , or any other prince or state so far as 4000 men , or their proportionable charge in shipping will extend : and whereas the queen was before free from paying of toll , she must pay the old toll , if she trade that way to holland the dutch having hired the sound for some certain years of the dane at 140000 pattacoons or dollors per annum as aforesaid , and is engaged during that time , to let it to none other at that rate : all this expresly against their leagues with sweden in the years 1640 , and 1645. wherein they promise sweden the same thing . ex quibuscunque causis bello involvatur . of which the swedish ministers have made several complaints to the states generall . i shall add no more but what our own experience of their carriage to england doth afford us ; and that onely in a few words , leaving the full disquisition thereof , and of their carriage , & horrible cruelties in the east indies ( chiefly under coene ) as extortions , imprisonment , killing , &c. upon the innocent inhabitants , besides the english , to some other pen , it being so well known to us whom this concerns and i having been necessarily so large already in other particulars . what england hath been to them , and how they have requited it , is afore discoursed : many complaints were made against them in point of trade in the east indies , and other parts , which occasioned severall treaties between them and us , and in the year 1619 all things were concluded . notwithstanding which in the year 1622. was committed that barbarous and wicked murther on our english in amboyna , and the dispossessing us of those islands of spices to this day ; without making any satisfaction for the blood then shed , the spoils then committed , the breach of the treaty then made , and the merchandize then and since taken from the english , though it amounts to great sums , and should have been perfected in the year 1625 , or before it , to say nothing of any other particular . certainly the judgement of god , and the justice of man will have a time to purge such blood from the earth , which it hath defiled , and render unto them according to their deserts . but paramount to all , was van trumps late assault , when we were in amity , upon their own offers , treating for a more strict union ; as is elsewhere mentioned at large in the parliaments declaration : from the mischiefs and sadeffects of which , god alone by his great mercy and providence , hath delivered us . and to all this let it onely be added , that they are already in a league defensive and offensive with france ; a league de non offendendo with spain ; a league defensive with sweden against denmark , and defensive with denmark against sweden , and all other nations . to sum up all ; if so be by the instances mentioned , and what else may be brought of the same nature ; those of the vnited provinces have made it to appear ( as it seems to be very clear ) that they have been so far from asserting , ( though they pretend nothing more ) the true reformed protestant religion , and liberty , that they have not onely deserted strangers , that have professed and contended for the said principles ; but their own flesh and blood , contrary to their holy and perpetuall league and union , called the vnion of vtrecht in the year 1579. as in the case of antwerp , gant , bruges ; but have assisted the popish princes in the warres against their protestant subjects , as in the case of rochell ; and tyrannicall princes in their warres against their protestant parliament and people , contrary to the fundamentall lawes of their kingdoms , as in the case of england ; and furnisht bloody rebels with arms , and ammunition , and all other provisions , to commit the most hellish massacres upon the protestants , as in the case of ireland . if so be that their sole businesse is to be free themselvs , and to have all the world their slaves , as they are able , as is manifest by the whole proceed of their affairs ; and to shut up the commerce of the world from any but themselves , as in the case of the sound , east indies , amboyna , antwerp , flanders , &c. if so be the strongest and most sacred stipulatious , and leagues solemnly sworn before god , and oftentimes renewed upon the same sacrednesse , made upon their own desires , and necessity , and grounded upon old and new curtesies and friendship , and upon their own interests ; others have quitted peace for their sakes onely , and weltred in blood to effect their requests , have been broken as two before the fire , and of no validity , as in the case of france , sweden , and england ; and where they have made shew of tendernesse and affection , to help up a kingdom rising from the ground , and yet design it onely as a cover , to possesse their strength and riches , as in the case of portugall . if so be they can easily swallow down leagues contrary one to another , as earth is to heaven , as in the case of sweden , denmark , france and spain . if so be that when they seem mostly to desire peace and strict union , they intend it as a disguise to cover their designs of treachery , and surprize , as in the case of trumps late assault . if so be the basis of their actions divine and humane , and the whole of what ever they do attempt , be advantage and profit ; and that religion , liberty , principles , leagues , treaties , friendships , assistance , must serv as oft as they judg it fit , and think themselves able to accomplish it , though never so contrary to the being of humanity , and all the rules of honesty and faithfulnesse in the world , as in the instances aforementioned . and lastly , if so be we of this nation of england , do believe that there is such a cause of god this day amongst us , that wil take off the a burthen and the yoak , and cause b justice to be administred equally to all , and c establish righteousnesse and judgement in the earth : and that as it hath done much hereof in england already , so it will perfect it , and that god his will herein , will cause to be declared , and to proceed to other nations , till the whole d creation that is now groaning under the exorbitant and wicked lusts of kings and great ones , whether in monarchies or states , be delivered into freedom ; and that this cause will e chastise every one that hath opposed it , or born evill will unto it . then ( i say ) let england judge things rightly , and take heed how they make leagues and union with such a people . how they forbear to mind what the f voyce of providence saith to them , or neglect to take the opportunities that such a signall hand of god ( as hath lately appeared ) hath put before them , to secure themselves , do justice to their people , and maintain the reputation of that cause amongst them , which god hath written his name upon both at sea and land , in such unparalleld and glorious characters . and let every man take heed how he g seeks to bind the hand of god , when he is shaking his rod over a people , especially when they have upon them the symptoms of displeasure ; and how they stand in the way of gods designes in the world , and how they expresse more tendernesse to such a people , then to the security , blood and right of their countrey-men , and the will of god , which we ought to pray to be done in earth as it is in heaven . for when the lord is moved from his throne , to doe his great works in the world , in routing antichrist , making of his name glorious in the relieving the h oppressed , delivering the i captive , helping him to k right that hath no helper , throwing down the unrighteous powers and kingdoms , appearing as the righteous judge of all the earth . and lastly , in setting up his l king on his holy hill of syon ; which he hath said shall be done , and we believe and expect it to be done in these later times of the world . let all men , yea the people of god , take heed how they stand in his way : for if his m wrath kindle but a little , happy are all those that trust in him . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a31203e-440 1622. o d. lords and commons in in parliament , april 5. 1643. jer. 2. 3 . zach. 2. 8 a eze. 25 3. 26. 2. b eze. 25 6. c eze. 25 12 , 15. 35. 5. d eze. 26 2 e eze. 36 3. f eze. 35 12. g eze. 35 10. h zeph. 2. 8 i jer. 12. 14 k jer. 46 10. isa. 63. 4 . l jer. 46. 15 , 16 , 18 22 , 27 , 28 , 29. m isa 8. 21. n psalme 125. 5 o zac. 8. 2 p 1 sam 17. 37 q deut. 28. 1. r is . 13. 2 gant. 2. 4. ſ isa. 55. 13. zac. 9. 16 t 1 kings 20. 23 isay . 16. 4. 5. 2 pet. 3. 9. 1575 1609 100000. l. sterling . 200000. l. sterling . sterling . 120000l . note , pennerands letter intercepted , saith , that the french were not so much as named in the treaty by the dutch . 1640. a isa. 9. 4. 10. 27. 14. 25. 58. 6. b jer. 23. 5 , 6. ezek , 45. 9. isa. 56. 1. gen. 18. 19. 2 sam. 8. 15 , c isa. 9. 7. 16. 5. 42. 4. ps , 99 4. dan. 7. 22. d rom. 8 22. e jer. 12. 14. 46. 10. ezek. 28. 24. f mich. 6 9. 1 king. 20. 42. 2 king. 13. 19. g jer. 7. 16. 11. 14. 14. 11 gen. 19. 16. 17. 26 14. 12. 14 , 16 1 king. 22. 28. 30. 32. h ps. 103 6. 146. 7. i isa. 61. 1. k psa. 72. 12 l psal. 2. 6. m psal. 2. 12. the congress at the hague 1691 approx. 94 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 40 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34296 wing c5843 estc r1457 12409790 ocm 12409790 61502 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34296) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61502) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 662:7) the congress at the hague c. w. [6], 71, [1] p. printed for ric. baldwin ..., london : 1691. advertisement: p. [1] at end. dedication signed: c.w. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng william -iii, -king of england, 1650-1702. netherlands -history -1648-1714. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the congress at the hague . licens'd , may 8. 1691. j. fraser . london : printed for ric. baldwin , near the oxford-arms-inn , warwick-lane . 1691. to the right noble the marquess of carmarthen , earl of danby , &c. lord president of their majesties most honourable privy council , and knight of the most noble order of the garter . my lord , i humbly entreat your lordship to throw an eye upon these few papers i have written about the congress at the hague , upon the eager sollicitations of some worthy persons of my acquaintance , who being curious to know what had past there , were not perhaps left at liberty to consider how uncapable i was either to refuse , or to satisfy them , especially in so nice a language , as the english ; for i am afraid that by some uneasie words , and by some struggling expressions , it will be easily discovered that i am a stranger to that language , and consequently i run the hazard to be thought a stranger to the subject too . in fine , i am between fear and hopes ; and i humbly beseech your lordship to redeem me from that pain . if your lordship can persuade your self to begin to read this little book , and if you do not throw it away before you have finisht it , that will be an infallible sign of my success ; and your bare indifferency will do me more honour , than the applauding-praises of an infinite number of others . and in this case , i humbly desire your lordship to present it to her majesty ; to tell her that the author does humbly dedicate it to her , and that if he has not done it in the usual manner , it is only because he endeavoured well to manage the profound respect and veneration he has for her majesty's sacred name . i do not question but her majesty will peruse it , seeing it is recommended by so great a hand ; and i shall think my self extream happy to have once in my life , for one half hour , entertained the most pious , most vertuous , and most beautiful queen in the world. it is , i confess , a very great presumption in a foreigner to desire so signal a favour from the chief minister of state ; but that very name of foreigner seems to soften the boldness , and carries with it an argument so much received by all civilized nations , that pleads for your generous patronage . the mighty weight of the publick affairs , lies indeed very heavy upon you ; yet , by reason of your lord-ship's vast capacity and courage , you seem still to be able to bear a greater one ; you have still some moments to distribute amongst your friends and clients ; and i humbly beseech your lordship to be pleased to receive me amongst the number of the last . i shall be very careful not to render my self unworthy of that name ; and i intend to make it mybusiness , to convince your lordship , by all my thoughts and actions , that there is no body in the world with more respect and submission , than , my lord , your lordship 's most humble , and most obedient servant , c. w. london , may 5. 1691. the congress at the hague . being desirous to see the famous congress at the hague , where the king , to the immortal glory of the english nation , was to be met by most princes of the german empire , and amongst them , by those that make the greatest figure in it ; where the ablest and most refin'd ministers of europe , in the illustrious sight of so many potentates , were to signalize their eloquence , experience , counsels , skill in politicks , faith , zeal , and what else could make them recommendable to the wisest and most discerning of princes in the universe : being , i say , impatient to see this august assembly , i parted from london , january the 30th . 1690 / 1. and arriv'd at harwich the 31st at night . it was certainly in the worst season for travellers , and in the worst weather of that season . the rain that had lasted several days , and did still continue , accompanied by a very high north-east wind , gave us but a very melancholy prospect of our voyage . february the 1st , wind and weather were still the same ; and at a time we entertain'd our selves with the little success we were like to meet with in our little voyage , the captain of the pacquet-boat , call'd the vine , came to tell us , that he would set sail in the afternoon ; and that whoever had a mind to go along with him , must be ready at that time . he told us , that a messenger was arriv'd from her majesty , with the particulars of my lord preston's and his complices trial ; and i fancy , with somewhat of greater consequence , and that required a greater expedition ; that he had express orders to depart immediately ; and though it was a hazardous enterprize to put to sea at a time , when those that were upon it would certainly wish themselves , tho with the loss of all that was less dear to them than their lives , to be a shore ; yet he could not but be obedient . prince charles rudolphe of wirtemberg , brother to that brave general that commands the auxiliary troops of denmark in ireland , was then at harwich , waiting for the first opportunity to go over into holland . this prince , tho in the prime of his age , being but twenty three years old , had already given great proofs of his courage and conduct , during three campaigns in morea , being collonel of one of the regiments the prince regent of wirtemberg , his cousin , had sent to the assistance of the republick of venice ; but being informed ( as the news of great and noble enterprises is soon spread over the world , ) that the king was going himself to head his army in ireland , he immediately resolv'd to leave those ungrateful fields , dyed with the blood of so many brave germans , that have lost , and still lose their lives , worth a better fate , in the ignoble service , and for the advancement of the empire of some few grave and easie politicians , and to signalize his early and better bestowed valour , in the sight of the bravest of generals , and best of monarchs . much time was required to pass over the wide mediterranean ; and though there was but too little given to the tender embraces of the princess his mother ; yet germany , holland , the channel , england , and the irish sea were not so soon cross'd , but the impatient prince hearing , that two obscure names , the boyne and limmerick were nobilitated , by the intrepedity , skill , travels , and conduct of their royal sire , he applauded the king's , and grieved at his own destiny . the season was spent , and no hopes left for an opportunity to exercise his courage this year , when upon a sudden , the earl of marlborough was commanded by the king to embarque , with a considerable body of men. every body knows the success of this enterprise , and how soon this fortunate general rendred himself master of cork and kingsale , and all this in so critical a time , that in the history of the king's campaign in ireland that year , the expedition of my lord malborough will certainly serve for a glorious postscript . there were many illustrious voluntiers that served in this expedition ; brave grafton fell , and if the prince , who in the same quality served in the troops commanded by his brother , did escape the danger , he may thank his kinder destiny for it . he did all that could be expected from one , that neglecting the advantages he enjoys by an honour derived from his ancestors , desires to render himself illustrious by his own merits . he was constantly in the trenches ; no assault given , but he was amongst the most advanc'd ; and he made prisoner with his own hands the late governor of kingsale's brother , who offering a considerable sum for his ransom , he gave him to one of the commanding officers , reserving only for himself the honour and consciousnes of that action . he was now come from ireland , to wait on his majesty at the hague ; and i having had the honour to be known by him some years ago at paris , i waited on him , to hear if he was resolved to part ; he with a smiling countenance , despising the danger , told me , that he would make use of the first opportunity to be as soon in holland as was possible ; that he had already sent his baggage on board the pacquet-boat ; and that he would immediately follow : i , thinking by my self , caesarem vehet , without any more ado resolved to follow him . most of the passengers , stay'd behind , and wise they were ; for having scarce made four miles in five hours time , and suffered all the torments an excessive cold , a terrible storm , and an enraged sea , can cause men to suffer , we were forced to return into the harbour , where we lay till february the third . we had that day full moon ; and by its influence mariners commonly expect some change of weather . the sun rose indeed very bright , the sea was less rough ; but the wind was still contrary : we set sail however , in hopes to get over with the tide ; which we did in three days time . we had no sooner lost the sight of the british coast , but we espied a french privateer , that was making up towards us ; i could not find that any body in our boat was in the least concern'd at it : the cannons were immediately charged with bullets , arms distributed , and all things made ready for a fight ; but the monsieur being come near enough to distinguish the pacquet-boat , away he went , without leaving us the least sign of his good breeding . there are but three pacquet-boats that are employed to entertain a correspondency with the continent ; they are all extraordinory sailers , and their equipage , in reference to their bigness , is very considerable . ours was mounted by sixteen pieces of cannon , and fourty mariners ; and though their majesties pay for fifty , yet some invincible accident or other will happen , that excuses some from doing their duty ; and the want of half-a-score does not break the square . the captain of our vine had indeed no outward appearance of that current name , that by a meaner courtesy of the english , for want of better acquaintance , is thrown away upon every red-coat , though never so scandalous ; his look ( with reverence to his sword be it said ) was not much bigger than that of a lusty countrey farmer ; but in times of danger , that 's to say of blows , he had , and did still discover so jolly an ignorance of the peril , and so hearty a negligence of his ease , that we could not but admire the simplicity of his courage . the french king was some months ago at a great loss to get intelligence of our designs . william the third , according to his own opinion , was , le meilleur homme de cabinet , that 's to say , a prince that knows how to chuse such ministers , that besides their unquestioned experience in state affairs , have the pistoleproof talent of keeping counsel . some little remains of the late-coyned plate of his kingdom , were promis'd to such privateers as would attempt to render themselves masters of one of our pacquet-boats , and consequently of one of our mails . three of the boldest of them , allured by the gain , offered their service : they had the good luck to attack our captain , who considering the odds , immediately threw the mail overboard , and defended himself afterwards with so much vigour and conduct , that with the loss of one man only , and one wounded on his side , he killed numbers of the enemy ; who valuing themselves upon having escap'd so unciviliz'd an antagonist , brought the french king no other news , but what was writ in bloody characters , upon their own harass'd carcasses . the 5th , we came within the sight of the coasts of zealand , and towards night to an anchor . the 6th . we weighed anchor about two a clock in the morning , advancing by favour of the moon and the tide : being awakened by the noise of our crew , i went upon the deck , and looking round about me , i fancied we were near the coasts of greenland or nova-zembla . i did not see but swimming mountains of ice , striking by intervals , with such violence against our boat , that some weaker brothers of our company were not a little apprehensive of a far greater night than that which equally divides the year in those unfortunate climates . the captain ordered several guns to be discharged , to inform the inhabitants of helvetsluys of our danger ; and a little time after we spy'd a sail , that coming to our assistance , took us on her board , and brought us safely into the habour . the prince of wirtemberg , my lord john hamilton , the young marquess de la barre , and i , with some other gentlemen , went to the next inn , where we found some little refreshments the countrey could afford ; and how little soever the reputation of a turf-fire in england be , yet i am sure we found it very comfortable . from helversluys we went to the brill , from thence to masdandslays , being about three hours a crossing the maese , by reason of the ice that was floating upon it , and through which we were forc'd to make our way ; and towards night we arrived at rotterdam . walking through one of the finest streets of that city , i saw some little remains of a house belonging to the heer nifelt , the chief magistrate of that place , that was some time ago raz'd to the ground by the multitude upon this occasion . one being made ensign of the militia of the city , was accompanied by some of his friends , carrying some galons of rhinish to the guard-house , in order to treat the rest of the officers according to the custom of that place . some officers of the custom-house meeting them in the street , offered to seize the wine , under pretence that they had not paid the excise ; and tho they were told that it was upon an occasion that excus'd them from paying it , yet a quarrel arose , in which one of the officers of the customs lost his life : they did not fail to secure one of the company ; and though the crime could not be positively fasten'd on him , yet the scout ( which is the name of the chief magistrate ) sentenc'd him to have his head cut off , which was done accordingly . the man had a good reputation amongst all his neighbours , and died with a masculine constancy , temper'd by a christian humility : he told the people , that tho no man could positively say he had committed the crime for which he suffer'd , yet he himself could not say neither , that he had not done it : he prayed fervently , and then submitted to the stroke , that depriving him of his life , gave birth to the most dangerous monster in a body politick . it was reported , that the scout had a pique against this man , for having once hindered the advancement of some affairs , that he thought might have turn'd to his advantage : some pretended to have heard him say , that if ever he had the good luck to fall into his clutches , he would remember him for his kindness ; which being spread all the town over , made some sad impressions upon the spirits of the people ; preparing the most forward of them for an insurrection : numbers of them were seen walking together in the streets , carrying some mischievous marks of indignation in their countenances ; all of them speaking , and none hearing ; when upon a sudden one of the soldiers of the militia ( a consciencious rebel ) came to tell them , that he himself had had the misfortune to kill the officer of the customs , shewing the bloody sword with which he had perpetrated the crime , and that the other was fallen an innocent victim to the revengeful scout ; that he was sorry — but they would hear no more ; they got arms , and away they marched to the scout's house , and by going , their strength did increase . it was observ'd that the women were the most forward , beating some rusty kettles for want of drums , and by that homely noise encouraged the weaker men to do mischief : in short , the house was pulled down in a moment , and the scout and his son did narrowly escape the fury of the mobb , by changing their clothes with two soldiers of baron fricksem's regiment , that by the order of the states was advanced to appease the tumult . to do the scout justice , he has the reputation amongst sober men , of being a person of sound principles , a zealous patriot , and consequently a cheerful promoter of his majesty's interest , and they look upon this accident as an unhappy consequence of his too strict adherency in this point to the laws of the land. from rotterdam i went to delpht , and from thence to the hague , where i arrived february the 7th at night . the king had made his publick entrance here february the 5th . that 's to say , two days before our arrival . i shall not trouble my self to copy out of the gazette a relation of that ceremony , that had nothing very extraordinary in it , but the joyful acclamations of the people . all the world knows how natural an aversion his majesty has for that vain ostentation , that is so much affected elsewhere ; how much he has declined it upon all occasions ; and that with cato , that noble stoick , he had rather future ages should ask , why he had none ? than , why others had some statues erected them ? in doing great actions , and exposing his royal person again and again for the safety of his subjects , he calmly follows the genuine dictates of that generous mind , that desires no other reward , but what is stampt upon each glorious enterprize ; nor any other monuments , than those are daily rais'd him in the hearts of his people ; too sincere , and too natural , to be imitated by an italian architect . and it was to satisfie those that flock'd to the hague from all the provinces to see him , that his majesty after a sudden arrival at the hague , the same day he was come ashore , was at last prevailed with to go to dine at a house call'd sorgflie , a mile from the hague , belonging to my lord portland , and at his return to his palace , to pass through the triumphal arches the states had erected him in several places . the structure of them is indeed noble and magnificent , and several of the inscriptions answerable to the dignity of the subject ; but whereas they are very numerous , i had neither leisure nor humour enough to copy them : i shall only give you a short description of one of the arches that stands nearest to the court , by which you may guess at the rest . this arch is builded according to the italian architecture , in a dorick order . it has three portals , the middle of which is higher than the body of the structure it self : it is adorned on both sides with sixteen columns , standing upon large basements , that are separated from the main building , each basement supporting two of the said columns . the middle portal has a very large cupulo , and upon it stands a pedestal , upon which the king is represented on horseback to the life , man and horse very richly gilded . at each side of the pedestal there are couching two slaves in a brass collar , turning their backs towards it ; and the main body is so artificially painted , that it appears to be made out of stone : in each field between the columns there are in black and white represented most of his majesty's glorious actions : over the cornish is raised a balluster of the same order , with sixteen pedestals directly above the columns , supporting statues that represent to the life promiscuously men and women , and round the cupulo are writ these following words . pio . felici . inclyto . gvilielmo . tertio . trivmp hanti . patriae . patri . gvbernatori . p. c. j. p. restavratori . belgii . foederati . liberatori . angliae servatori . scotiae . pacificatori . berniae . redvci . his majesty had before , and did after his publick entrance constantly assist the respective assemblies of the states-general ; the states of holland , and the councel of the state , employing all his minutes to the dispatch of such affairs , as were most conducing to the safety and prosperity of the common-wealth in particular , and in general to the advancement of the common cause . in a speech the king made at his first appearance at the assembly of the states-general , he told them , that when he saw them last , he had inform'd them , that he was resolv'd to cross the seas to rescue three kingdoms from popery and slavery ; that god almighty had blest his righteous undertakings in so signal a manner , that his success had been beyond his expectations , nay , and beyond his wishes too . that england and scotland had offered him their imperial crowns , which he had accepted , not , as he call'd god to witness , to satisfie his ambition , but to be in a better capacity to maintain the protestant religion , and a lasting peace and tranquility in these kingdoms , and to assist his confederates , and especially this state , against the powerful incroachments of france . that he was now come accordingly into these provinces , not only to concert with his allies , the measures that were to be taken the next campaign , but to exercise also with all imaginable application the charge of captain-general of the united provinces . that he was in hopes god almighty would make use of him as an instrument to confound the malicious and dangerous designs of the enemy , to turn off the danger from their heads , and to reestablish an universal and lasting peace in europe . that he should die with the greatest satisfaction in the world , if he could compass these designs . he concluded his speech with some tender assurances of his unalterable love to the state , and it was answered accordingly . the first thing the king did , was the regulating the dutch-fleet , declaring , that his intention was , it should be commanded by admiral tromp . it is not easily exprest how much his royal pleasure was applauded by the states , and what universal rejoicings it caused amongst all sorts of people . lieutenant admiral-general tromp , son to that famous hero , that from a simple mariner rais'd himself to the next to the chiefest command in the state , is a man of a full stature ; an ordinary look , and that wearing an old fashion'd black coat , an ill ty'd cravat , and his own weather-beaten hair , makes at the best no better figure , than that of an ordinary burgher of amsterdam ; but by his great and numerous exploits , he has discovered that which is hidden in his phisiognomy , that 's to say , a greatness of soul , a boldness of spirit , and so wise a conduct in his most perillous enterprises , that considering his long experience , he is now look'd upon as one of the greatest sea-men in the world. to restore a brave , but unfortunate prince to his lost kingdom , or to save it when he stands upon the fatal brink of loosing it , are blessings , few of the greatest generals of all ages can boast of ; and if heaven ever before imploy'd the hand of a particular man about so great a work , it was after it had anxiously instructed his valour , variously expos'd his life , and narrowly inquired into his success in a thousand lesser actions , and then it was the immortal reward of an equally great , successful and aged general ; but bold tromp reapt that glorious title of a royal restorer from one of his first warlike essays , and in the flower of his age. frederick the third , king of denmark , had in spight of his virtue and valour , lost all the strong places of his kingdom ; coppenhaguen the capital city , and sole remainder of that unfortunate countrey , was besieged by sea and land by the swedes , and though the citizens behav'd themselves to a miracle , animated by the presence of their royal sire , and the whole royal family , yet they must have given way at last to a valorous and successful enemy . 't is said , that the swedes , sure of the prize , had already divided amongst them the quarters of that city , and that some ungenerous counsellors of the enemy did design the royal progeny for a victim to secure the conquest ; when upon a sudden a numerous fleet of the states , commanded by tromp , appeared in the sound . it was not known upon what design he came , for the states were then in alliance with neither of the parties , and both equally fear'd and hop'd for his assistance , but tromp quickly decided the matter ; for since it is the interest of all europe , and in particular of the states-general , to ballance an equal power between the two northern crowns , he fell upon the superior party , destroy'd their fleet , reliev'd the city , and by that strenuous action caused that sudden and wonderful revolution , that did not only render the king once again master of his kingdom , but absolute master too . the king to show his royal gratitude , made him a count of his kingdom , and besides honoured him with the noble order of the elephant . king charles the second made him knight and baronet of the kingdom of england , but these are titles that signifie but little with the dutch seamen ; they know him to be just and brave , they love him as their father , and cannot forget , nor abide to call him by any other name , than by that plain familiar and dutch one , of cornelis van tromp . he has since that time signalized himself in several sea-fights with the english . they are too well known , and their consequences have been too fatal to both parties , to need to be mentioned here . the english have experienced his valour , and he has theirs , and this mutual consciousness of each others bravery , ( how different soever their manners are ) together with the urgent necessity of their affairs , as it cannot but by joining their fleets , make a glorious confederacy of their hearts , so we have all reason to expect such effects from it , as will be answerable to the greatness of the design . some few days after his majesty had nominated admiral tromp to command the dutch fleet , it was confidently reported at the hague that tromp was poyson'd ; i think it was the effect of fear of some that did not love to see certain persons there . he fell suddenly sick indeed , but whatever the cause of it was , he did as soon recover ; and at a time the report did still continue , accompanied as 't is usual by some particular circumstances , i saw the admiral in good health in the king's anti-chamber , where he staid above an hour ; he is not much above two and fifty years old , and is said to be very vigorous , principally when he is in his own element ; yet he looks very decrepit . it seems great and constant fatigues at sea , as they take away that brisk and jolly appearance of youth in the face , so they strengthen the body , and inure it to a long life . and i am told , that the famous french protestant admiral du quesne look'd as old thirty years before , as he did when he died . whilst his majesty with an unsatigable care advanced the interest of the states , and their confederates , there past scarce one day , but some prince or other came to the higue . many of them keep great and splendid courts in germany ; and the two electors of bavaria and brandenbourg , make a figure in the empire not inferior to that of great monarchs . they all stand very much upon their prerogatives , and to speak the truth , there is in no country more time spent in observing the superfluous nicety of ceremonies , than in germany ; but it seems william the third had set them a pattern . they came to consult , to act , and not to show their grandeur . no publick entrances were made , they all arrived incognito , and to prevent that ceremonious respect that must needs have been paid to their illustrious characters ; the elector of bavaria ( as it was said ) did assume the name of count of thungen ; the elector of brandenbourg , that of count of ravensberg , and they were imitated by the rest of the princes . and since very few , that were at the hague , had either that leisure or advantage ; that i had of being well inform'd of the exact number and name of the princes . i have thought fit to communicate to you this following list . maximiliam , elector of bavaria . frederick , elector of brandenbourg . george william , duke of lunembourg-zel . anthony vlric , duke of brunswig-wolfembuttel . charles , landgrave of hessen-cassel . philip , prince-palatine of sultzbach . john george , prince of saxe-eysenach . christian lewis , prince of brandenbourg . earnest lewis , landgrave of hessen ; prince of hirschfeld , count of catzen-elnbogen , dietz , &c. the prince of darmstad his brother . frideric charles , duke administrator of wirtemberg , and teck count of monpelgard , &c. general of the emperor's horse . uncle to the prince regent of wirtemberg . john frideric , prince of wirtemberg his brother . charles rudolph , prince of wirtemberg-newstad . christian albret , prince of anspach . george frideric , prince of anspach . the landgrave of hombourg . the prince of nassau-idstein . the prince of nassau-dillembourg . lewis frideric , duke of holstein-beck . charles william of anhalt-zerbst . friderick casimir , duke of courland . ferdinand , prince of courland . the prince of holstein . the prince-palatine of birkenfeld . the prince of waldeck . the prince of nassau-sarbruck . the prince his son. henry casimir , prince of nassau , governor of friseland . the marquiss of gastanaga , governor of the spanish-netherlands . many of these princes had no other reason for their coming , than to wait on the king , and to pay his majesty that respect which is due to the hero of our age , and the great protector of the protestant religion ; but others that have a greater power , came to concert with his majesty the measures of the next campaign , either to assist , or to be assisted , to increase his majesty's troops with theirs , or theirs with his majesty's forces , and the most considerable of these are . the elector of bavaria . the elector of brandenbourg . the duke of lunembourg-zel . the landgrave of hessen-cassel . the duke administrator of vvirtemberg . the governor of friseland , and the governor of the spanish-netherlands . february 3. arrived at the hague , frideric , marg-grave of brandenbourg , arch-chamberlain , and elector of the holy roman empire , soveraign of the ducal prussia , duke of magdebourg , juliers , cleve , bergen , pommern , of the cassubes and vandals , duke of crossen and jagerndorf in silesia , burg-grave of nuremberg ; prince of halberstad , minden , camin and rugen ; count of the mark and ravensberg , &c. accompanied by two princes of anspach , and attended by a numerous and splendid court , and several foreign ministers , and the same day his electoral highness waited on his majesty . certainly there can no stricter alliance be made in the world then that has always been , and is now more solemnly renewed between these two potentates ; for instead of being of the nature of those , that alas ! till now , have most commonly been made in europe , by the intervention of some hardy french minister , who to make out the name of plenipotentiary , thought to have a full power to cheat with a method , to lye with an emphasy , nay , to swear false for his master's interest ; it is concluded by the illustrious principals themselves , without an authorized spy , and grounded upon the same interest , religion , parentage , personal affection , and what else is most sacred amongst men ; and as on one hand , the confederacy of so great a monarch cannot but be very glorious to his electoral highness , so his majesty on the other may reap great and considerable benefits from it , for he is a powerful prince , his dominions are of a vast extent , his nobility numerous , his subjects warlike , and he entertains an army near threescore thousand men , well arm'd and better disciplined ; most of them are the veteran remains of those victorious troops that served under the banners of frederic william , his father , deservedly called the achilles of germany . as the memory of that great prince will be sacred for ever amongst all , that either have a soul capable of being touched by the benign influences of a just and solid reign , that lasted near half an age , or that are competent judges of the true character of a compleatly experienc'd and vigorous warrior , which he maintained to the very last minute of his glorious life ; so there is yet another reason we are more particularly concern'd in , to reverence and bless his name : i say , that great respect , and that passionate love this old great man always entertained for his nephew , the prince of orange , his present majesty , in so eminent a manner , that to cross the empire by tedious journeys from one end to another , in order to have a frequent enterview with the prince , to joyn the electoral with the orange-banner , and to plant their princely tents on the same meadow , he reckon'd amongst the greatest blessings of his life . his now electoral highness his son follows exactly as in this , so in every other respect the glorious footsteps of his father . he was born july 1. 1657. he is a wise and politick prince , and tho he be but of a little stature , not altogether answerable to the greatness of his soul , yet he has a brisk look , and a martial vivacity in his face , that does become extreamly well the conqueror of bonne . february 8. arrived friderick charles , duke administrator of wirtemberg , uncle to eberhard lewis , prince regent of wirtemberg , who being born september the 18th . 1676. and is consequently still under age ; he and his dominions are govern'd by his uncle , according to the tenor of the imperial laws during his minority . stutgard is the residence of the prince , and the capital city of a plentiful country . it is famous through all germany , by reason of the well-provided university at tubingen , and the illustrious school there , which none but princes and noblemen are admitted to , renders it yet more conspicuous . 't is true , it has very much suffered in that fatal war that lasted thirty years in germany , and it has yet some fresher marks of desolation , stamp'd upon its very bowels by that cruel and common enemy , who to this day usurpes of the house of wirtemberg , the whole county of mompelgard with all its dependencies ; yet by the wise and gentle government of its illustrious administrator , the prince regent makes still a figure suitable to the grandeur of his name ; his subjects are taught to live happy , and whilst some of his troops are dispersed in the service of those that carry the war into the very heart of the ottoman empire , he has still a reserve of a good body of men , either to increase the confederate army , or to be increas'd by his own subjects . there is no countrey of that compass of ground , can be in so good a posture , except it be govern'd by an extraordinary prince ; and such is he we have seeen and admired at the hague . he was born january the 24th . 1652. he is a prince of an admirable presence , a well-set body , a graceful gate , a majestick deportment , and a masculine face , that would be lessen'd by being called beautiful ; and as these are qualities that strike the hearts of his beholders with a sacred horror , so 't is said , that by reason of his vast understanding , his clear and sound judgment , together with a noble eagerness to advance the common cause , he was one of the princes , that had the greatest part in his majesty's favour and esteem . february the 16th , about ten a clock at night , arriv'd maximilian emanuel , duke of the upper and lower bavaria , and the upper palatinate ; count palatin on the rhine ; arch-sewer and elector of the holy roman empire ; landgrave of leuchtenberg , i need not say upon what occasion the electoral dignity , that was torn from friderick v. elector palatine and king of bohemia , was bestowed upon the illustrious house of bavaria , since that unfortunate prince did himself inform the english nation of it ; neither do i intend to enlarge upon the great wealth and power of that ancient family , since 't is notorious , that the elector of bavaria alone , of all the princes of the empire , ( i mean of those that are of a religion required in an emperor , by the fundamental laws of the empire ) is in a condition to support , and consequently to dispute the house of austria , the imperial crown ; which is so well known by the french king , that some years ago he left no stone unturned ( i had almost said no plate unmelted ) to gain his electoral highness over to his interest . a match was made between the dauphin and his eldest sister ; and seeing that he was then very young , and that consequently , the charms of the first crown in christendom , and the name of an emperor might possibly make a great impression on so tender an age ; he promised him to get him , by his intrigues , to be chosen king of the romans , in case he would espouse his interest ; that 's in plain english , to help himself or his dauphin to the thing he did promise him as a reward of his assistance . great numbers of french ministers resorted dayly to munichen , to observe , nay , to obsede the prince . they entertained him with nothing but the grandeur of their master ; they made a considerable figure themselves , and care was taken to intermingle their premeditated discourses with some immoderate praises of the surprising beauty of the princess of conty ; and i am credibly told , that some had , at last , the front , to offer the marriage of one of the king's bastards to him that was design'd for a daughter of an emperor : but his electoral highness soon defeated their unreasonable hopes , and at a time the whole empire was preparing to mourn the loss of so powerful a prince ; he upon a sudden turning the scale , concluded a strict alliance with the emperor , married the arch-dutchess of austria his daughter ; and sending his numerous troops to his assistance in hungary , entred himself those memorable fields , that have crowned his head with everlasting lawrels . and it was this young hero , that by taking belgrade by storm , one of the most important fortresses in the world , gave us the fairest and solidest prospect of the intire downfall of that monstrous empire , that till then had been the terror of all christendom . he was born in the year 1662. june the 11th , and though i am no astrologer , yet i dare say it was under a very happy constellation . those that have had the fortune to see him at the hague , english , germans , french , spaniards , italians , dutch , swedes , danes , all did agree in the praise of this prince , each of them seeming to observe in him what makes an accomplish'd man , to the particular notions and nicety of their own countrey ; in so much that he may be said to have been the titus vespasian , that 's to say , the darling of the hague . to make a true picture of this admirable prince , and to express his character in every particular , especially after what i have said , is too hard a task for such a scribler as i am ; for though we are all apt to copy , yet we cannot copy from the life . 't is true , it is easily said , that this prince is of a middle-size , and such as may be call'd modestly , tall ; that his limbs are strait , his body slender and well-shap'd , his shoulders large , his face oval , and every part and lineament of it happy ; that his looks are refined ; and though he be of a smiling countenance , yet that it is hard to distinguish , whether it be to applaud the exact comportment of some , or to despise the want of it in others ; that he is obliging to all the world ; that his conversation is charming ; in fine , that in all respects he is a very accomplish'd prince ; yet these are but general notions , that will not satisfie those , that in this lovely prince have observ'd somewhat peculiar to himself , that by some secret charms gains him the hearts of all that approach him ; and this i ingeniously confess is beyond my abilities to express . and it is this prince , that though he be of a contrary persuasion to that of his majesty , yet has been one of the most forward to pay his majesty his respects in so obliging and extraordinary a manner , as could hardly be expected either from a prince of his rank , or be paid to any other than to the great protector of the liberty of europe ; and on the other hand , his majesty has given him such unusual marks of his esteem , love and friendship , given and received with so mutual a satisfaction , that never two princes did either more sympathise , or had more reason to be satisfied with each other's enterview . february the 21st . arrived charles landgrave of hessen , attended by the count of lippe , general of his army , and baron gortz his chief minister , and several other great persons . he was born in the year 1654. august the 3d. he is a prince of a fine appearance , a mild temper , his government is gentle and easie , and he maintains that great rank , and defends that religion in the empire , he has derived from his glorious ancestors , with great success and honour . his great grandfather philip the first , and john frederick elector of saxony , were the two first and chief supporters of the protestant religion , when it was in its infancy . they rais'd and headed themselves an army against that great and victorious emperor charles the 5th , who seeing that all the projects of rome , to hinder the progress of a doctrine that was preach'd by luther , with a success answerable to the holy eagerness , and apostolical boldness of that great man , were defeated , was going to imploy some stronger and surer arguments ; and a bloody battel was fought at mulberg near the elbe . the roman eagles , roman then indeed , accustom'd to look their enemies out of countenance , were then first taught to tremble , and their wings were clipt by these undaunted warriers , that were resolv'd , either by overturning the enemy , to acquire the great name of conquerors ; or by signing the truth of the gospel with their illustrious blood , to deserve the more glorious one of confessors . and though the battel was lost at last , and the brave elector of saxony made prisoner ; yet the emperor fearing that he should be overcome if he gain'd such another victory ; and on the other hand , considering , that neither he himself nor his religion would be safe , as long as landgrave philip was unconquer'd , he made use at last of those inglorious arts , that in one moment deprived the prince of his liberty , and the emperor of that honour , that till then had been sacred . the two princes had been kept five years in prison ; and the protestant religion was as many years nearer to its ruine , when brave maurice of saxony , having secretly rais'd an army , surpriz'd the emperor so suddenly at inspruck , that though he himself did escape , yet the captive princes were set at liberty , and ferdinand the emperor's brother , and king of the romans , made a prisoner . it was , indeed , a sudden change , and that may well be rank'd amongst the brightest blessings of that miraculous providence , that till now , with so much sollicitude and care , has preserved and advanced the protestant religion . for from this time it began to rise apace , secured from the insults of its captive persecutor , who to gain his liberty , readily sign'd the famous contract of passaw , in which the protestants had those mighty advantages granted them , they to this day enjoy in the empire , being protected by so many great and powerful princes , and amongst them by his highness landgrave charles , upon whose occasion i have made this little excursion , not only to give you a hint of the power of his house ; but to shew also what great obligations all protestants have to his illustrious family . the last of all the princes that arriv'd at the hague , were their highnesses the dukes of lunenbourg-zell , and brunswig-wollfembuttel . the fist being hindred by some indisposition , did not arrive till march the first , and the second few days after it . george william , duke of brunswig and lunenbourg-zell was born in the year 1624 , february the 16th . and consequently has past the 67th year of his age. those that are acquainted with the history of his glorious life , that know , that he has several times baffled the hectoring monarch , routed his armies , and that one of the greatest and most experienced mareschals of france was forc'd to follow his triumphal chariot , could not but infinitely be pleased with the sight of this venerable old man ; for it seems , that being inured to fatigues , and used to conquer , he can now be overcome by nothing ; nay , not by age it self . his body is still vigorous , his judgment clear and sound , his thoughts strong and unconfined ; he apprehends still as quick as he speaks , and far from that sowerness of temper , that most commonly attends the infirmities of ancient persons ; he awakens and rejoices the hearts of all those that approach him , by a smiling countenance , so unusual , yet so well becoming to a great age. his court is certainly one of the most refined in germany . his ministers have acquir'd themselves that solid reputation , but few in europe can pretend to ; and as they are capable to form and to concert , so he has a general , that at the head of a well disciplin'd army , can as bravely execute a great design . i cannot forbear to say , that of all the respects paid to his majesty , during his stay at the hague , by so great and illustrious princes , that of his highness the duke of zell , must needs make the deepest and strongest impressions on sober and thinking men . it will be said perhaps , that most of the rest being young , valiant , and ambitious of that glory his majesty has gain'd by so many great and hazardous enterprizes ; they were come to adorn the triumphs of the hero of our age , out of meer galantry ; but to see so wise and old a prince that has outlived so many various changes and revolutions in europe , and that consequently has got such an experience , that far from being taken up by outward splendid appearances , he is able to look into the very bottom of the design , and to weigh each particular circumstance of it ; i say , to see such a prince to undertake a tedious journey in so rough a season , in order to wait on , and to consult with his majesty , and to pay him all imaginable respect in so extraordinary a manner , is a thing that will convince the most obstinate , that william the third is universally look'd upon as the great and blessed instrument in the hand of god to rescue europe out of the insatiable hands of its cruel oppressor ; to maintain in , or to restore oppress'd princes to their rights , and to establish once more a solid and universal peace . and these were the chiefest princes that did in person concert with his majesty the measures of the approaching campaign . it was indeed a glorious sight ; and that could not but pierce the souls of all those that have a true love and veneration for his majesty , to see so many great princes daily come to court , to pass through the crouded antichambers , , and to go into that sacred closet , where the fate of europe was to be decided . to write the history of what has past there , would be worthy of the most eloquent and refin'd pens of our age , and it would be a piece that would without doubt surpass all that has been to this time writ in politicks ; but it is as yet a mystery , and i dare say , a mystery to the very ministers and plenipotenciaries themselves , and that nothing but time , and i hope the next campaign , will unravel . the most usual time to go to court , was between twelve and one a clock in the afternoon ; and between eight and ten a clock at night ; and they that walk't to court a foot , at this time , as they were deafned by the continual noise of an endless number of coaches ; so they were forced to be in a continual motion , and to turn from one side to another to give way to their numerous and clamorous attendances . the most considerable princes were soon known , or else easily distinguished by their livery and attendance ; and when they were going or coming , notice was given to the suiss-guards , who immediately ranged thgmselves in the form of a half-moon , having one of their officers at their head , and both wings of the door that gave entrance to the anti-chamber were open'd , though this last honour was also granted to foreign ministers , and other persons of quality , especially if the suissers had been well remembred . the princes passing through the anti-chambers , were attended by their ministers , some walking before , and some behind them ; and at night one of his majesty's gentlemen ushers carried the candle before them . in his majesty's apartment the king and the princes were all standing , and bare-headed . they called the king , your majesty , and the king call'd them by that name that is usually given by kings to sovereign princes ; but his highness , the duke of zell , had the honour to be called father by his majesty . there was none of the princes , but that did immediately upon his arrival at the hague , wait on the king ; the most considerable of them , had the honour to have their visits paid by his majesty , and they received him in the street at , and conducted him again to his coach. at court the king dined always alone ; and when he treated some of the princes , it was in one of his palaces that are out of the hague , and the most considerable of them had the honour to treat him also at their respective palaces , where they did reside . at his majesty's entrance into the dining-room , there was at first found but one cover laid upon the table for the king ; a little while after it , there was another laid for the prince , that did , or that was treated ; and they being both set down , his majesty gave a wink to such persons of quality as were to have the honour to dine with him. when his majesty drunk a health , he named it softly to the prince , who did the same to his neighbours , and so it went ound , and the trumpets did only sound when the king and the prince were ra drinking . one sunday the king treated the most considerable princes at sorgfliet ( a house his majesty has given to my lord portland ) from thence they went to shevelinguen ; and being about five a clock in the afternoon , return'd to the hague , they went to the tour a la mode . the elector of bavaria was placed at his majesty's left side ; the elector of brandenbourg at the right , and the landgrave of hessen , at the left-side in the foremost part of the coach , being followed by the duke , administrator of wirtemberg in another . there was an infinite number of coaches there , but they all stopp'd while his majesty was making the round . the tour à la mode at the hague , is very near the court , and certainly one of the best contrived in europe . it goes first in a very long and streight line , and at the end cuts to the right , into another , so that the round makes a good english mile . there are rales made , and great trees planted at an equal distance on both sides , the middle being for persons that walk on foot , and the coaches go round about . there were several princes of the several branches of the great and ancient house of nassau at the hague , who as they have distinguished themselves by their own illustrious merits , so they made a figure suitable to that great name . time is too short , and the design'd compass of this relation too narrow to speak of each of them in particular ; yet i cannot forbear to say something of prince henry casimir of nassau , hereditary stadtholder of friseland and groninguen . he was born in the month of january , 1667. he is a prince of an extraordinary little and slender stature , but he has a vigorous look ; and he is so valiant , and so brave , that in all respect he deserves to be called the alexander of our age. but since the dignity of governour of friseland and groninguen , in which he did succeed his father when he was but seven years old , has been made hereditary to him , and that it was brought about by some very remarkable means ; i think it will not be amiss to make a short relation of it . henrica emilia , the princess dowager his mother , was still supporting with her authority and counsels , the tender age of her illustrious infant , when one vander vayen , a minister of great learning , and a subtile spirit , who had been exiled out of zeland , his native country , for some opinions of his , the divines did not approve of , did arrive in friseland ; after he had for some years led a private and obscure life at amsterdam , and having obtained the liberty to preach at lewvarden before the court , his frequent and elaborate sermons , which he pronounced with an audible voice , and an humble meen , accommodated to the genius of that nation , had such secret charms , and made so unaccountable impressions upon the spirits of his auditors , that they were universally applauded by those that did , and that did not understand them . he imploy'd his private hours in teaching weak and ignorant persons the principles of the christian religion ; and to those that were of a greater capacity he explained the mysteries of philosophy and divinity , always refusing to take money for his pains , the most charming of affronts in that country . he had a peculiar art to convince , to perswade , and to conquer the hearts of those he conversed with , by some familiar arguments ; and as his conversation was charming and easy , so it was too nice , and too refined for one that pretended to know nothing but the greek and the hebrew . the form of government in friseland , is much like to what the ancient romans did observe in their conquered provinces . the people is divided in tribes , to each tribe belongs a certain district of the land , and they have each for their chief , one of the nobles , that has the biggest estate , and the greatest interest in the country . upon some emergency in the state , these nobles have the priviledge to collect the votes of the people , and they know how to dispose them according to their inclination and interest . they have no obligation to the prince for their charges , and consequently may without any hazard cross his design , in case they are not well affected . the only way to secure the princes interest from such troublesome attempts , was to make the stadtholdership hereditary ; but since that could not be done without lessening the authority of the nobles , it was look'd upon as impracticable . vander vayen was the first man that dared to form the design of it . he perswaded the princess dowager to invest him with the title of honorary counsellor of the prince ; and being authorized by that character to advance his master's interest , he very easily gain'd the divines , who making it their business in their sermons to make the people mindful of the great and signal services the late prince their governour had rendred them , and that they lay under the strongest obligation in the world to shew their gratitude to the prince his son , worthy of so great a father , and worthy of their love , by securing the title of their governour , to him and his heirs for ever ; they did first attentively hearken to , and in a little time as readily performed it . from the governour of friseland , i come to the governour of the spanish netherlands , and with him i intend to conclude the article of the princes . the marquess of gastanaga , governour and captain-general of the spanish netherlands , appeared at the hague with a numerous court , and in a very splendid equipage . he is said to be a man of fortune , that has rais'd himself to that high station by his great merits ; and the latter part of this common report is abundantly justified by the great esteem his majesty had for his person . to govern a country that is at so great a distance from its monarch , and so near to its enemy , where most of the inhabitants are so infatuated by their priests , that they had rather be destroyed by a catholick enemy , than to be saved by a protestant friend , is indeed a very hard task , and they that blame the marquess's conduct , are without doubt incapable to imitate it . as to his personal presence , he exceeds in that very thing lewis the 14th ; and the esteem a great many have for the latter upon that score , will infinitely be lessened by the sight of the marquess of gastanaga . he is indeed a graceful spaniard , and if by the governour 's appearance one might reasonably judge of the constitution of the country he governs , it would be thought to be one of the finest and best proportioned in the world. he was very frequently at court , and had several private conferences with his majesty , and his electoral highness of brandenbourg ; but by reason of the movements of the french army in flanders , he parted from the hague before his highness the duke of zell was arrived . being upon his departure , a gentleman in his majesty's name presented him with a couple of horses , which he received with great joy and respect , presenting the gentleman with a ring of great value , he had drawn from his own finger . they that have not been at the hague , and that know it to go under the name of a village , will hardly imagine how it could furnish palaces enough for the entertainment of so many great princes ; but when they will be informed , that besides these princes , there was a considerable number of foreign ministers , envoys extraordinary , and plenipotentiaries , never before seen at one single monarch's court , who being the representatives of their princes , must needs make a figure answerable to the grandeur of that name ; they will easily fancy , that under the humble name of a village , hague must needs have an air of a capital , nay of the once capital city of the world. the ordinary ministers that reside at the hague , are , count de berka , envoy extraordinary from the emperor . the chevalier crampricht , the emperor 's resident . the sieur lenth , envoy extraordinary from the king of denmark . count oxenstierne , envoy extraordinary from the king of sueden . the sieur moreau , the king of poland's minister . the sieur meyers , from mentz . the sieur champagne , from tryer. the sieur solemacher , from collogne . the sieur prillmeyer and baron baumgarten , from bavaria . the sieur smettau and the sieur diest , from brandenburgh . the sieur zigel , from the house of lunenbourg . baron gortz and the sieur kappelhere , from hessen cassel . the sieur norf , from the bishop of munster . but those that were sent to his majesty , either to treat with , or to congratulate him upon his success in ireland , and his happy arrival in holland , were , count windishgratz , envoy extrordinary and plenipotentiary of the emperor . don emanuel colomma , the marquess of castel-moncayo , and the count of piremont , envoys and plenipotentiaries from his catholick majesty . count of reventlaw , envoy extraordinary from the king of denmark . the sieur haxhausen , envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary from his electoral highness of saxony . the sieur dalberg , envoy extraordinary from the elector of mentz . the baron of leyen , envoy extraordinary from the elector of tryer. general baron bernsaw , envoy extraordinary from the elector of cologne . the sieur heterman , envoy extraordinary from the elector palatin . the sieur klenk , envoy extraordináry from the duke of hanover . baron groseck , envoy extraordinary from the duke of brunswig-wolfenbuttel . the count de prelat , envoy extraordinary from the duke of savoy . the sieur gerke , envoy extraordinary from the duke of holstein-gottorp . the sieur mean , envoy extraordinary from the prince of liege , &c. there were besides several deputies sent to his majesty by some of the imperial cities . to speak of each of them in particular , to enlarge upon their characters , to relate the manner of their reception , and to copy their speeches , numerous enough to form a book of true state-eloquence ; altho it would be instructive to young politicians , and besides be very acceptable to those that cannot hear enough of things relating so much to the king's honour , and where their own tender sentiments of all his majesty's designs , reason and duty inspires them with , are unanimously approv'd and confirm'd by the mouths of so many eminent and able ministers , yet it would be a theme both of greater skill than i can pretend to , and of more time than i have allowed me . the usual time of audience for foreign ministers was between nine and ten a clock in the morning , being conducted by sir charles cotterel , master of the ceremonies ; and they were received with more or less , according to the quality of their principals . the respective envoys of the emperor , of the kings , electors of the empire , and of the princes that have the honour to be related to his majesty , were conducted to the publick audience in coaches with six , and the others in coaches only with two horses . i shall only give you one instance , by which you may judge of the rest . count windishgratz , plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary from his imperial majesty , had his audience february the 14th . he is one of the greatest and ablest ministers of the emperor's court ; for having been imployed all his life-time in foreign embassies , he has acquired himself that prodigious knowledge of the affairs and intrigues in europe ; that as it is answerable to his great age , so there are none in the world that can pretend to surpass , and but few that can reasonably be compared with him . it was observed by those that are nice in remarking each particular circumstances of great actions , that this venerable politician , for all his being used familiarly to entertain kings and emperors , when he came within the sight of his majesty , discovered so noble a concern , and so opportune an awfulness in his face , that as it was far from that signal fear , that puts others out of countenance , so it did infinitely express his respect and veneration for so good and so great a monarch . as soon as his majesty had notice given , him that the imperial envoy was arrived at court , he came into the anti-chamber , and being seated on his royal throne , his grace the duke of norfolk conducted the envoy to , and my lord chamberlain received him at the door of the anti-chamber . being entred , he made three deep bows ; the first , at his entrance ; the second , after he was a little advanced ; and the third , when he was come near to his majesty ; who as often put his hand to his hat : and having humbly inclined his body towards his majesty , he , to the best of my remembrance , told him : that he was sent by the emperor his master to congratulate his majesty on his happy arrival in holland ; that he wanted words to express the great esteem his imperial majesty had for his heroical vertues ; that they were a subject that entertained his thoughts at his dearest hours ; and that in his opinion , as well as of all those that had a true sense of honour , he past for an incomparable prince . that he was infinitely obliged to him for the infatigable cares his majesty had and did still take to advance that just and glorious cause , in which he himself and all europe was engaged : and though it was matter of great trouble to his imperial majesty to see him expose his sacred life to so many hazards and dangers ; yet since it was evident that his majesty was lookt upon by all the consederates as the sacred anchor of their cause , and the chief supporter of their interest , and that without his generous influence , their best endeavours might possibly be rendered fruitless , he could not but intreat his majesty to continue in his noble fervency to animate the confederates , to second their designs , and to teach them to overcome by his glorious victories . the king having answered him in short , but solid terms , so much becoming majesty , and so natural to himself , the envoy retired with the same respect , and observing the same ceremonies as he did at his entrance , not turning his back till he came out of his majesty's sight . to give you a list of the persons of quality , counts , barons , generals and others , remarkable by some singular merits , that were at the hague , is more than i , and i think any body else can do . it seem'd his majesty's anti-chambers at the hague were made the general rendezvous of all illustrious persons in europe . there was every day seen some great foreigner or other , who by a brisk and wandering look , by short and frequent embraces of some well-met friends , discovered that he was but lately arrived ; and though to ask his neighbours who he was , seemed to be an establisht importunity , yet some great prince or other passing through the anti-chamber , and the courteous multitude striving to give way , he that was to give the answer was lost in the croud , and with him the hopes of ever making an exact catalogue . amongst the generals , there were remarkt two of the imperial army , general count palfy , and the prince of commercy . the latter is a prince of the house of lorrain , and nephew to that great man that was once , alas , the terror of the turks and french ; the glory of the germans , and the hopes and delight of all the confederates . i think i have said enough to raise in your fancy a high idea of his character ; and indeed it cannot be beyond his merits . he is in all respects worthy of that great name , young and gallant , generous and brave , and his soul inhabits a body answerable to its greatness : he is very tall and yet well shap'd , he wears his own hair , which as they are large enough to cover his back and shoulders , so they leave a full view of his graceful face ; his steps are firm , and such as those of pompey when he made the world tremble ; his look is strong , vigorous , and , indeed , somewhat like that of an eagle ; insomuch that they that have the fortune to fight under this brisk general , may in their leader's face discover the signs of the imperial banners . as there were great and renowned generals at the hague , so there was a simple soldier , a soldier of fortune amongst them , that was too remarkable to be past over in silence . i went once to dine at a french ordinary , where i found a great company , and amongst them a little man in a blue coat , with a large golden lace , who at the table was the only man that entertained the company ; he spoke of great feats and actions , of many thousands defeated by some few hundreds , of firing and killing , of advancing , and never retreating ; and one asking him some news of a certain collonel of the french army , him , said he , i have kill'd with my own hands ; and another , naming a french lieutenant colonel , to him , said he , i gave quarters . i had strange thoughts of this man , and some of them , i confess , were not to his advantage : when the company rising , and the little stranger going out of the room , i ask'd my neighbour , who that terrible gentleman was , that had so little dined , and so much spoken ; and i was surprized to hear him say , that it was monsieur arnaud , the famous minister of the vaudois . this was enough to correct the ill opinion i had of his discourse , and to change it into a great eagerness to get into his acquaintance ; and seeing him return into the room , i insensibly engaged him to tell me some particulars of the surprising actions of the vaudois under his conduct , which he did then , as i thought , with great reservedness and modesty , i being now , perhaps , as much pre-possess'd in his favour , as i was before against him . after all , he telling his stories without a disguise , and without modestly passing over his own exploits , did confirm the truth of the character that was given me of the sincerity and plainness of the vaudois , courteous breeding , and a nice behaviour , being their least quality . indeed future ages will hardly believe , that a simple minister , at the head of a handful of opprest and starved wretches , was not only capable dutifully to oppose the forced cruelties of their own unwilling and dear tyrant , but to check the power of lewis the fourteenth , to defeat great numbers of his best troops , and to maintain his soldiers , his countrymen , his friends , his brethren , his children , his all , in the grateful possession of their dear beloved valleys . he was now come to the hague , as envoy from this wonderful people , to prostrate himself at his majesty's royal feet , and to implore the continuance of his powerful protection and assistance , in order to make them more capable to fight for , and to defend their good and gracious master : and 't is said , that his majesty , in consideration of his great service , was pleas'd to make him a colonel of one of the regiments he design'd to send to his royal highness the duke of savoy's assistance . and thus much of those great and illustrious foreigners that were at the hague . i should now say something of his majesties court , and those great persons that did compose it , if i were to write to any other nation but the english . they know them too well , by reason of their great birth , wealth and merits , to need to be told , that they made a great figure at the hague ; and to name norfolk , ormond , devonshire , dorset , nottingham , monmouth , &c. is to write an elogy of the english nobility . and i do not question but some ingenious german or other , will oblige his countrey by writing about so great and splendid a subject ; and the rather , since i have seen many of them , renowned for their parts and learning , to be very industrious and inquisitive about the particulars of these noble persons : and it is from one of them that i had this following list : the duke of norfolk , earl marshal of england , knight of the garter . the duke of ormond , captain of a troop of guards , knight of the garter . the duke of schomberg , colonel of the first regiment of the guards . the earl of nottingham , his majesty's principal secretary of state. the earl of devonshire , lord steward of his majestiés houshold , knight of the garter . the earl of dorset , lord chamberlain of his majesties houshold . the earl of portland , groom of the stool . the earl of monmouth , gentleman of his majesties bed-chamber . the earl of scarborough , captain of a troop of guards . the earl of essex . the earl of warwick . the bishop of london . mr. wharton , comptroler of his majesty's houshold . sir charles cotterel , master of the ceremonies . monsieur overkerke , master of the horse . monfieur zuilestein , master of the wardrobe . the earl of silkirke . my lord john hamilton . my lord dumlanerigh . my lord angus . sir — staires , &c. some of them are persons of an extraordinary presence ; and some especially being distinguish'd by the garter , they were as much reverenced by all foreigners , when they past through the anti-chambers , as the greatest princes and electors were by the english . the right reverend father in god , henry , lord bishop of london , was one of those that was most taken notice of . his great and noble extraction , his piety , his obliging behaviour towards all persons , and especially his untainted zeal for their majesties interest and person , have rendered his name dear to all that have the happiness to be protestants , foreigners as well as english : and they that have seen him in his majesties antichamber , in his velvet gown , as they could not feed enough their eyes on so reverend an object , so they all agreed , that he was the truest and liveliest representative of that great church that has so vast a reputation amongst , and that is certainly one of the best ordered of all protestant churches in the world. in his habit , they discovered that ceremonious decency , that is so successfully observed , and in the mild and benign lineaments of his face , they read in legible characters that saving and peaceable doctrine , that according to the rules of the gospel is so much preacht up by the church of england . in fine , they all concluded him to be one of the greatest , and most deserving sons of so blessed a mother . as to matters of ceremony that were observ'd amongst the german princes , and the english noblemen , there was no body put to the trouble to remove difficulties . they freely paid and received , they received and paid their visits with a mutual satisfaction ; and these two generous nations striving to overcome each other in civility , made a grateful confusion of their different characters . the right honourable the earl of devonshire gave very frequent visits to the elector of bavaria , and his electoral highness did pay him every one of them . it seems , that as there is amongst some nations in europe , the french and the spaniards , the poles and the moscovites , the swedes and the danes , either a natural or establisht antipathy , so there are no nations in the world that sympathize more than the germans and the english do . the same freedom of humour , the same largeness of soul , the same courage , the same complexion , the same vertues , and ( i beg leave to say ) the same vices too , as they naturally incline and prompt them to a mutual love and friendship ; so those that are versed in history , and know that the one did descend from the other , seeing them together , will hardly distinguish the copy from the original . i conclude this paper with the pleasures and diversions of the hague : there were every day two plays acted in two different play-houses , one of dutch , and the other of french comedians . the latter are in his highness the duke of zell's service , by whose order they were come to the hague to divert that illustrious company . the princess of saxen-eysenach , who was come to the hague with the prince her brother , kept a cercle every night ; and she being certainly one of the most beautiful and accomplisht princesses in the world , all persons of the highest quality came frequently to pay her homage , and the time was spent in pleasant discourses . those that had a mind to play at cards , found that diversion every night at the countess of soissons her lodgings . this lady has been a very great traveller ; she has been in paris , madrid , london , brussels , the hague , and is consequently so well known , that i need not write her history . she is one of cardinal mazarin's nieces , who married her to the count de soissons , a prince of the royal blood in france , by whom she had three children , the count de soissons , the heir of his father's estate , prince philip , who enjoys great benefices in france , to the value of two hundred thousand french livres a year , and the brave prince eugene of savoy , who has so much signaliz'd himself in the imperial army , and who now is one of the generals of the duke of savoy's forces . the currant money at play were english guinea's , the german ducats being too weak , and the spanish pistols too crooked to dare to appear within sight of them . hunting was also one of the pleasures of that illustrious assembly . his majesty gave that diversion several times to the princes ; and i remember , that when they were once at honslardike , there was a partridge shot , which being taken up by the king , made a sudden escape out of his hands , and was lost in the air. there were not wanting some that took it for a very bad omen ; but other , less superstitious , and more wise , said , that if it was an omen at all , it was certainly a very good one , and a lively instance of the happiness of those that fell into his majesty's hands . in fine , the sixth day of march did arrive , that set a period to one of the greatest assemblies the world ever saw . his majesty , accompanied by their highnesses , the dukes of zell , and wolfembuttel , parted from the hague that day , about eight a clock in the morning , in order to go to loo ; and his electoral highness of bavaria , who was some few days before gone to amsterdam , was to meet them on their way . the king was no sooner gone , but every body did prepare for departure . there was every moment seen some parting coach , or other , with six horses , thundering through the streets ; and the mournful hague seemed to be threatned to be turned into a desart . it was said , his majesty did intend to stay but four or five days at loo , and then strait to return into england . i could easily imagine , that by reason of his majesty's great and numerous attendance , it would be very difficult for me to get a passage in the fleet that was to conduct him over ; and being inform'd , that the katherine and soudike yacht lay at rotterdam , waiting for my lord dorset and my lord monmouth , i parted from the hague , march the 7th , and arrived at rotterdam at night . march the 8th , hearing that their lordships were arrived , i went to the captain of the soudike yacht , belonging to my lord monmouth , desiring him to intercede with his lordship for my passage , which , upon the first word , was freely and generously granted . my lord being come on board about two a clock in the afternoon , we fell down the river , and passing by the katherine yacht , she saluted his lordship with all her guns . march the 9th , we had the unwelcome news , that the gorcum , a dutch man of war , that was design'd for our convoy , could not be ready in less than six or seven days time . we had a very clear sky , the wind was fair , and fairer , perhaps , than some of our waiters wishes ; for whatever they were , some of the seamen of the dutch man of war were hang'd the next day , for having revolted against their captain . brill is not a town that can pretend to divert impatient travellers : every body was thinking of means to get out of that solitary place ; and my lord monmouth , whom all the world knows to be very active , and of a temper to despise all perils , had a good mind to venture over without a convoy : at last he found a way to oblige two french privateers ( the only name we ought to have been afraid of ) to secure our passage . to speak plain , there were two french privateers , of twenty guns each , riding in the maese , that had been taken by the dutch , and being turned into merchant men , and man'd with french protestants , they were ready to set sail for port-a-port ; by the help of a handful of guinea's they were prevailed with to accompany us to the english coast : and my lord dorset and mr. wharton being arriv'd at the brill in the katherine-yacht , and approv'd of our design , we set sail about four a clock in the afternoon . we were in all six sail , two yachts , two privateers , and two merchant-men , and the katherine-yacth being the stout admiral of our little fleet , we had these following orders sent us from on board of her . 1. if we weigh anchor in the day-time , then we will hoist up our top-sail and fire a gun ; if in the night , we will hang out a light in the shrowds and fire a gun. 2. he that spies any sail at sea more than his own company or squadron , shall hoist and lower his ensign as often as he shall see ships ; if in the night , then to make false fires until he be answer'd with the like . 3. in case of thick and foggy weather , we will every quarter of an hour tinckle our bell , or fire a gun now and then ; which must be answer'd with the like , by every vessel , with a musquet . 4. if any lose company , and meet again in the day-time , he that is to the windward shall hall up his main-sail , and keep it in the brayls , until such time as he that is to leeward shall come up with him . 5. if any make land in the day-time , he must hoist up his ensign , and keep it out until he be answered . 6. if any spy land or any danger in the night , he is to hang out two lights more than he had before , and fire one gun , and bear away , or tack from it . 7. if we make sail in the night , we will hang out a light at the ensign-staff ; if shorten sail in the night , then we will fire one gun without altering our lights . we cou'd not get that night out of the river , the wind being very low , and the tide spent , and we were forced to come to an anchor about seven a clock at night , five or six miles beyond the brill , where we continued for two days and two nights together . march the 12th . we weigh'd anchors early in the morning , making use of a fresh gale that blew north-east , insomuch that having advanced that day and the following night , we came the next morning within two leagues of marget . march the 13th . the sea was extremely calm , yet the katherine-yacht making use of her oars , and we striving to follow her , we came at last so neat the shoar , that my lord dorset and monmouth , with their company , thought fit to land in their barges . march the 14th . a thick fog hindred us to gain the river ; but towards night we weigh'd anchor ; and having weigh'd and cast them out again for several times , acording as the tides serv'd , it being the only means by which we advanc'd , we arriv'd march the 16th . at greenwich , and from thence we went to london . finis . books printed for richard baldwin , near the oxford arms in warwick-lane . the memoirs of monsieur deageant : containing the most secret transactions and affairs of france , from the death of henry iv. till the beginning of the ministry of the cardinal de richelieu . to which is added , a particular relation of the archbishop of embrun's voyage into england , and of his negotiation for the advancement of the roman catholick religion here ; together with the duke of buckingham's letters to the said archbishop about the progress of that affair : which happen'd the last years of king james i. his reign . faithfully translated out of the french original . the cabinet open'd , or the secret history of the amours of madam de maintenon , with the french king. translated from the french copy . victoriae anglicanae : being an historical collection of all the memorable and stupendious victories obtain'd by the english against the french , both by sea and land , since the norman conquest . viz. the battle 1. between k. henry ii. and robert of normandy 2. at morleis . 3. at the rescue of calice . 4. at poicters . 5. at cressy . 6. at agincourt . 7. at the mouth of the river seine . 8. at vernoil . 9. at cravant . 10. at the relief of orleance ; with the great actions of the lord salisbury and talbot . 11. of spurrs . dedicated to all the commission'd officers of the maritime and land forces . the present state of christendom consider'd , in nine dialogues between 1. the present pope alexander viii . and lewis xiv . 2. the great duke of tuscany , and the duke of savoy . 3. king james the second , and the marescal de la feuillade . 4. the duke of lorrain , and the duke of schomberg . 5. the duke of lorrain , and the elector palatine . 6. louis the xiv . and the marquis de louvois . 7. the advoyer of berne , and the chief syndick of geneva . 8. cardinal ottoboni , and the duke de chaulnes . 9. the young prince abafti , and count teckeley . done out of french. his majesties propriety and dominion on the brittish seas asserted together with a true account of the neatherlanders insupportable insolencies and injuries they have committed, and the inestimable benefits they have gained in their fishing on the english seas : as also their prodigious and horrid cruelties in the east and west-indies, and other places : to which is added an exact mapp, containing the isles of great brittain and ireland, with the several coastings, and the adjacent parts of our neighbours / by an experienced hand. codrington, robert, 1601-1665. 1665 approx. 223 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 100 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33387 wing c4602 estc r3773 11953350 ocm 11953350 51477 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33387) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51477) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 59:6) his majesties propriety and dominion on the brittish seas asserted together with a true account of the neatherlanders insupportable insolencies and injuries they have committed, and the inestimable benefits they have gained in their fishing on the english seas : as also their prodigious and horrid cruelties in the east and west-indies, and other places : to which is added an exact mapp, containing the isles of great brittain and ireland, with the several coastings, and the adjacent parts of our neighbours / by an experienced hand. codrington, robert, 1601-1665. clavell, robert, d. 1711. [16], 176 p. : 1 folded map printed by t. mabb for andrew kembe ... and edward thomas ... and robert clavel ..., london : 1665. "the epistle dedicatory" signed: robert codrington. also attributed to robert clavell. cf. bm; dnb. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng maritime law -great britain. freedom of the seas. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties propriety , and dominion on the brittish seas asserted : together with a true account of the neatherlanders insupportable insolencies , and injuries , they have committed ; and the inestimable benefits they have gained in their fishing on the english seas : as also their prodigious and horrid cruelties in the east and west-indies , and other places . to which is added , an exact mapp , containing the isles of great brittain , and ireland , with the several coastings , and the adjacent parts of our neighbours : by an experienced hand . london , printed by t. mabb , for andrew kembe near s t. margarets-hill in southwark , and edward thomas , at the adam and eve in little brittain ; and robert clavet , at the staggs-head in ivy-lane , 1665. to the most illustrious , and heroical , george duke of aubemarle , earle of torrington , baron monck of potheridge , beauchamp , and teys , captain general of his majesties land-forces , garrisons , forts , and castlos within any of his majesties dominions ; master of the horse ; knight of the most noble order of the garter ; and one of his majesties most honourable privy council . may it please your highness : these papers concerning his majesties right and propriety to his dominion on the brittish seas , do here most humbly addresse themselves to your highness most illustrious hand , and submit themselves as much to the affability of your candour , as they implore the greatnesse of your protection , to which they are encouraged both by reason and religion ; for your highness being the great instrument which all along attended the divine providence , in restoring his majesty to his own , both by sea and land , and in establishing religion as well as loyalty ; the same reason doth perswade me , that these assertions may be acceptable to you , and that your highness will vouch-safe your patronage to that subject which you so happily and heroically have effected ; and for which all ages shall renown your memory . may it please your highness : the profits which the dutch have made by their fishing on the english seas , are as vast as their ingratitude is abominable , which with an elaborate malice they have expressed by their manifold out-rages committed in the east and west-indies , where ( that no villany may be unpractised ) to improve their interests , they have added hypocrisie to their avarice , and to their ambition , murder . the innocent blood which they have spilt , doth cry aloud for vengeance ; nor can the guilt of it fall asleep , but will be lodged in the memories of righteous men , and kept awake by the industry of faithfull historians ; and by this ruder pen of him who is , ( may it please your highness , ) your most humble , and most devoted servant , robert codrington . the preface to the reader . the combinations and endeavours of the states general of the united provinces against his majesty , and this nation have been so insupportably insolent , that the parliament not long since , upon the cry of the whole nation , did sollicite him to take some extraordinary way to give redress unto his subjects for the many and daily injuries they sustained from them by their depredations at sea , for the horrid and barbarous cruelties inflicted on them in the east and west-indies , which being as odious in their nature , as they are remarkable in their number , have been the onely cause that these pains are taken to give a general satisfaction to the world , by exhibiting this brief , but most true account of his majesties undoubted right , and sole propriety in the english , scottish , and the irish seas : a truth as antient , as it is eminent , and not only held forth and attested by the laws of our land , and the records of the tower , and the high courts of parliament , but heretofore confessed also by divers of their own nation , as in this book you shall find it faithfully represented to you ; but it hath been the late practise of the hollanders ( without examining the lawfulness of the act ) to put their oares into every boat , where gain and profit doth appear . it was this , that tempted them to invade the islands of moluccos , lantore , and polleroon , which in the name of the crown of england the english for some years had possessed , neither did they entertain the least jealousie of opposition from the hollanders , who they knew heretofore had been oblidged to them for many antient good offices in a time , when their greatest safety did depend upon them , and who lately were conjoyned with them in a strict alliance and confederacy for partnership in the east-indie-trade , in the year 1619. neither did they fear the natives , whom they found to express a greater inclination of good will unto them then to the hollanders , for the english aimed at nothing more , then a lawful and competent profit by commerce and traffick with the natives , and the dutch ; and though in some places the english had erected some forts , and setled some strength , yet it was not by any force or violence , nor against the good will of the people of the country , but with their own good liking , and consent , for the better security of their trade , and upon the voluntary submission of the natives to the obedience and soveraignty of the crown of england , in which submission the antient laws and liberties of the said natives , and all their own immunities were comprehended , and reserved : in this establishment the english did conceive themselves to be secure enough ; when behold the dutch ( who would be no better neighbours to us in the indies then in europe ) began to quarrel with us , and to hinder us in our trade to free places , the which the better to obtain , they oftentimes seized upon our ships , and goods , and finding this violence not to answer their expectation , they at the last contrived to make themselves the absolute masters of the vast profits of those places ; in the pursuit whereof , they have razed and demolished the english forts , and laying violent hands on the english themselves , who made not the least resistance ; they have tyed them to stakes with ropes about their necks ; they have seized upon their goods , they have imprisoned their persons , they have whipped them at the post in the open market place , and having washed their torn and wounded bodies with vinegar and salt , they have again doubled their scourges to multiply their torments ; they have dragged them from thence to places almost inaccessible , by reason of their steepness and roughness , and having thrown them down the rocks , if any sence of life remained , they have added new oppression to their weary and bruised limbs , by the heavy weights of iron ; to these deliberate torments the cruelties of other nations are but courtesies , and death it self a mercy ; and as if they were the absolute lords in the indies they have assumed a power to themselves in the deciding of the controversies between the english and the indians for matters passed quite out of their jurisdiction , and when law and right have pleaded against them , they have executed their decrees by violence . these be they who have laid a claim to his maiesties interests on his own brittish seas , and rather then allow them proper unto him , they have declared them common unto all : at the first they begged leave for their fishing on the english seas , which being granted them by the accustomed indulgence of our princes , they have so presumed upon their lenity , that at the last they have made a law in their own country , that the english shal sell no white herrings , nor other fish there upon penalty of confiscation ; they are fishing on the english seas from june unto november , and seem there to dwel amongst the fish for 26 weeks together , in which time the havock which they make in destroying the spawn and fry of fish that comes into their netts , and otherwise is as remarkable as what they carry away with them . the reverend and learned mathematitian , doctor dee , almost one hundred years since , speaking of the incredible spoyle of fry and spawn , which is yearly made on the river of thames , and other rivers belonging to this island , doth conclude , that there are yearly spoyled on those rivers , 2000 cart-loads of fresh fish , which would have so proved to be market-able , if they had not been destroyed in their nonage ; i shall give you his assertion in his own words ; it is probable , saith he , that in all england by the manifold disorder used about the destroying of fry and spawn , there is yearly spoyled or hindred the brood of 2000 cart-loads of fresh fish of middle marketable-skantlin . the value of which 2000 cart-loads , do amount to 90000 bushels of fresh fish , six quarters going to a cart-load , which one with another being rated at five shillings a bushel , doth amount in currant english money , to the sum of20500l . which quantity of fish also would maintain for one day , one thousand thousand , and eight hundred thousand men ; or nine hundred thousand men two dayes ; or three hundred thousand men six dayes , or a hundred thousand , eighteen dayes , or fifty thousand men thirty six dayes , or five and twenty thousand men six and twenty dayes . if by our own neglect , so great a destruction of fish is made in our own rivers , what may we conceive the disorders to be which are made on the english seas , by those whose business it is , to think all is fish that comes to net , and whose trade to plunder ; the time of our patience hath been long , their promises of redress numerous , and the daily injuries we have received insupportable : to give you in this place a more large account of them , were to anticipate your understanding ; i shall therefore for your further satisfaction , refer you to the particulars in the book it self : farewell . map of england, ireland, scotland, and western europe. an exact ▪ map ▪ containing the isles of great brittaine and ireland , with the severall coastings that surround the same : as also the adjacent parts of all the other neighbouring nations : drawne according to the best and latest discoveries , sold by a. kembe , e. thomas , and r. clavell by an experienced hand lower half of map on page 9. the propriety and dominion of the king of great brittain on his seas ; asserted against all opposers , and confirmed from all ages , to this present time. for the better understanding of the following discourse , we shall in the first place lay down these two propositions : first , that the sea by the law of nature and nations is not common to all men , but is capable of private dominion , as well as the land. the second , is , that the king ofgreat brittain is lord of the sea flowing about , as an inseparable and perpetual appendant of the brit●●sh empire . before we shall insist on these propositions , we shall in the first place , remove some objections that may be made against them : some are drawn from the freedome of commerce or traffique , which by many are affirmed to be so naturall , that they can no where be abolished by any law or custome , and that by the law of nations it is unjust to deny merchants the benefit of commerce and navigation . other objections are drawn from the nature of the sea it self , for it is commonly alleaged that the sea is altered , and shifted every moment , and the state thereof , through a continued succession of new waters , alwayes uncertain , and remains so little the same in all things , ( the channel onely excepted ) that it is impossible it should ever be retained in the possession of any one particular . as to the first , it is easie to be proved by the ancient interpreters of the mosaical law , that the sea is altogether as capable of private dominion , as the land ; the words of god in the book of numbers are express ; and let your borders be the great sea ; that is , say the rabbins , the main ocean , and its isles ; and it is plainly to be proved , that a private dominion of the sea no otherwise then of land arose from humane distribution : we read , that pompey the great , being master of a huge navy , had a commission given him from the senate , as absolute lord of the sea ; the like had mark anthony some few years after him ; and many of the roman historians have called the sea , their sea ; because it was wholly subdued to the roman power . we might here alleage many examples how long the lidians , the phygians , the rhodians , the phaenicians , and many other eastern nations , one after another have been lords of the sea : thy borders are in the midst or heart of the sea saith the prophet ezekiel of the tyrians : quintus curtius affirmeth , that the city of tyre builded by agenor , made not onely the neighbouring sea , but what seas soever her ships sayled into , to be of her dominion : there was an ancient custome used in the east , that when great kings had a design to bring any nation under their power , they commanded water , and earth , the pledges of empire and dominion to be delivered unto them , conceiving that the command of the sea , as well as the land was signified by such a token . the like may be affirmed of the west , for both polybeius , and appian affirme that the carthaginians enjoyed the command of the sea without all controversy , as received from their ancestors ; and if we take a view of these late times , as to the rights and customes of other nations , which at this present are in high reputation , we shall finde that the common-wealth of venice have enjoyed the dominion of the adriatick sea for many ages : the tuscans to this day have an absolute dominion in the tyrhene sea , and those of genoa in the lygustick ; the like we may alledge of the danes , the swedes , and the people of norway ; and to conclude , that the dominion of the sea is admitted amongst those things that are lawfull , and received into the customes of nations , is so far from contradiction , that nothing at all can be found to controule it in the custonies of our latter times , unlesse it be by some , who being borderers upon the sea-dominions of others , do strive to violate the rights of their neighbours , under the pretense of civil community . now as to the objection concerning the freedome of commerce and passage pretended to be common to all ; it is most evident from the customes of all times , that commerce , and free passage hath ever been so limited by princes in their territories , that it is either permitted , or prohibited according to the various concernments of the publick good. princes are concerned to be wary and carefull , that they admit no such strangers or commerce where the common-wealth may receive any damage thereby : and aristotle plainly and expresly saith , that provision ought to be made by lawes , with whom subjects may , or may not converse : moreover it is commonly provided in leagues , that it shall not be lawfull for either party to sayle into each others ports , coasts , or harbours with such a number of ships , as may give a just occasion of fear or jealousie that force is intended ; except leave be first had of that party under whose jurisdiction those places are , or unless they be driven thither by tempest , or other necessity , to avoid a greater force , or the danger of shipwrack : and to conclude , bodine affirmeth , that it is lawfull to prohibite any forreigner from entring the borders , and also to force him out , if he hath entred the borders , not only if a war be on foot , but also in time of peace , that the priviledges , safety , and welfare of the inhabitants may not be corrupted by conversation with strangers . as to that objection concerning the uncertainty of the sea , which ( it is alledged ) doth render it unfit for private dominion , because it is ever in motion , and in no wise remains the same : suppose we grant that it be so flowing , as is usualy said of the most northernly seas ; yet certainly the channels , and places through which the waters flow remain ever the same , although the waters themselves do shift , and change continually . in the germane empire , ( according to the civil law ) rivers are all of them of publick use , yet for all that , they are reckoned in the emperours private patrimony , and amongst the royalties belonging to his exchequer ; so that the emperour , or others by his grant , have a yearly revenue out of the fisheries in them ; neither is there any thing more common then an asserting of the private dominion of rivers , in the lawes of france , spain , poland , and venice , and , in a word , of all nations whose customes are known ; seeing therefore that a dominion and propriety of rivers hath been every where acknowledged , why should it not in the like manner be acknowledged , that there may be owners of any sea whatsoever ? since the always running and flowing nature of water can no more hinder a dominion in the one , then in the other , for the rivers themselves are but little seas ; as the sea it self , to its fluide constitution , is but a river , the one differing only in bignes from the other ; and so it hath been taken by the antients ; in the very history of the creation , all the gatherings together of the waters are called seas : many lakes have been called seas ; tiberias by st. luke is called a lake , but by the other evangelists a sea. asphaltites is by pliny , solinus , and others , termed a lake , but by moses in the fourteenth of genesis , the salt sea , and by most of the late writers , the dead sea. they indeed , who make use of such frivolous subtilties , as these to oppose the dominion of the sea deserve to be turned over to the phylosophers , heraclitus and epicharmus , who taught that every thing is so altered , changed , and renewed , that nothing in this world continues the same , as it was in the instant immediately going before . our bodies ( saith seneca ) are hurried like rivers ; whatsoever thou seest , runneth with time ; not one of all those things that are visible continueth ; i even whilest i speak of these changes am changed my self : but let such men as dream that the fluide inconstant nature of the sea disproves the private dominion of it , entertain the same opinion if they please with these men , and then they must of necessity grant also , that themselves are not owners or possessors , of houses , lands , or money , or any other thing whatsoever . as to that argument , that the water is open to all , and therefore by law , it must lye open at all times to all men , it is a very trifling argument . before the first distribution of things , there was no land which did not lye open unto all before it came under particular possession : in many places payment is made for the use of water ; as amongst the hollanders , they have in delph-land a custome , called , jus grutae , which hath ever been under the care of those officers , called in dutch , pluymgraven , whereby the beer-brewers are obliged to pay them the hundreth part for the use of the water . some men may here object that saying of antonius , i am sovereign of the world , but the law is sovereign of the sea. the true and genuine sense of those words is this , i am lord of the world , because i govern the world by my own law ; but the rhodian law , is the law of the sea , because by this law justice is administred on the sea ; therefore let this case of eudaemon concerning navigation be determined by the rhodian law , so far as none of our lawes doth oppose the same . there is no man unlesse he will renounce his own reason , who will affirme , that any denial is made of the dominion of the sea in that answer , or that the least tittle can be found in it against the dominion thereof . having thus in general given you an account , that almost amongst all nations , there hath been allowed a private dominion of the sea ; we shall now come more particularly to our selves , and acquaint you , that the antient brittains did enjoy and possesse the sea as lords thereof , before they were subjected to the roman power : it is upon good ground concluded , that the most antient history , whereunto any credit ought to be given about the affaires of brittain , is not elder then the time of cajus julius caesar , the ages before him being too obscured with fables ; but at his coming we finde many clear passages of the brittains dominion of the sea flowing about them , especially the south and east part thereof , as a perpetual appendant of the sovereignty of the island ; for at that time , they not onely used the sea as their own , for navigation , and fishing , but also permitted none , besides merchants to sayle into the island without their leave ; nor any man at all to view , or sound their sea-coasts , or their harbours : and though at caesars first arrival , they were terrified with the sight of his long ships beaked with brass or iron ; and they fled to the shore , and from it to the in-lands , being not sufficiently provided for such a sea-fight as was then at hand , and which they never had been acquainted with , yet most certain it is , that they had vessels of their own in which they used to coast about the neighbouring seas : and though mention is made by writers , that commonly they were framed with twiggs ( as the fashion then was in the more antient nations ) and covered with oxe-hides ; yet with good ground we may conceive , that they were wont to build , and set forth ships of war ; of a far more commodious , and solid substance , for the guarding of the seas , and the isles : we read in caesar's commentaries , that they were strong at sea , and it is not to be doubted , but that besides their twiggs and leathern vessels , they had a considerable navy which was able at pleasure to encounter the ships of their neighbours that were best armed : but the southernly parts of great brittain being invaded by the emperour claudius , and the isle of wight surrendred to them ; the brittish sea , following the fate of the island , was annexed with it to the roman empire . from the dominion of the brittish sea , as being continually united to the island , or an inseparable concomitant thereof , many remarquable passages have proceeded amongst those who have left unto posterity the atchievements of the romans , when they were masters of this island : but when the roman empire was declining , and they had scarce forces enough to guard the city it self , the brittains about the year of our lord , four hundred and fourscore , did cast off the roman government , and setled a common-wealth after their own liking : in the mean time the saxons inhabiting the shoar over against them , had a great and greedy mind unto it , who being a people extreamly given to piracy , the romans were accustomed to appoint an officer to drive them away , called , the count of the saxon shore throughout brittain . these saxons being sent for by the brittains to assist them against the scots and picts , did get at length the whole power into their own hand . these saxons being arch pirats , did not only know , but were familiarly acquainted with the dangers of the sea. the same may be said of the danes and normans , for these names being promiscuously used , do often signifie the same nation , as is sufficiently attested , by regino , dudo , the monk of malmesbury , and others : and these people had so great and so admirable a knowledge of the sea , and sea affairs , that by an exquisite observation of the tides , and ebbings of the sea , they were accustomed to reckon their months and years , yea , and to frame computations of years thereby . in antient records , diverse particulars are to be seen , which most plainly show , that both the saxons and danes had a dominion over the sea , whilest they reigned in brittain . in the reign of the english saxons , we read in asserius bishop of sherburn , that hengist being invited into england by the perswasions of vortigern , there came presently afterwards to recruit him octa and ebissa , who putting pitates aboard his ships , he charged them to guard the passages of the sea. you are to understand that the word pirate was not then taken ( as now commonly it is ) for robbers or rovers , but for such who being the most skilfull in sea-affairs , were judged to be the fittest men to encounter with their enemies ; the word , sayes my authour , doth seem to be deriv'd from the greek , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or pira , in the greek tongue signifieth craft , or art , and from this art in maritine discipline they are now called pirates which infest the seas . but amongst these kings none was more potent then king edgar , who possessing an absolute dominion of the seas , sayled round about it every year , and secured it with a constant guard. it is recorded that these ships being very stout ones , were in number one thousand two hundred ; other writers affirm that they were foure thousand ; the abbot of jorvaux , john bramton by name , doth number them to be four thousand , and eight hundred sayle : and what dominion king edgar had , as absolute lord of the sea , appears in these words ; i edgar king of england , and of all the kings of the islands , and of the ocean lying round about brittain , and of all the nations that are included within the circuit thereof supream lord and governour , do render my thanks to almighty god my king , who hath enlarged my empire , and exalted it above the royal estate of my progenitors , who although they arrived to the monarchy of all england ever since athelstan ; yet the divine goodness hath favoured me to subdue all the kingdomes of the island in the ocean with their most stout and mighty kings , even as far as norway , and the greatest part of ireland , together with their most famous city of dublin . after him king canutus left a testimony whereby he most expresly asserteth the sea to be a part of his dominion : for placing himself by the sea side in the time of a high tide upon southampton shoare , he is reported to have made tryal of the obedience of the sea in this manner ; thou , o sea art under my dominion , as the land also which i sit upon is mine ; and there was never any that disobeyed my command without punishment ; therefore i command thee not to ascend upon my land , nor do thou presume to wet the feet or garments of thy sovereign : but although the event did not answer his expectation , yet most plain it is , that here he openly professed himself to be sovereign of the seas , as well as of the land. from the testimonies of the saxons and danes , we shall descend to the government of the normans ; where by many notable and cleer proofs we shall finde ; that 1. the custody , government , or admiralty of the english sea did belong unto the king , together with the dominion of the adjacent islands . 2. that the leave of passage through this sea , was granted unto forreigners upon request . 3. that the liberty of fishing , was upon courtesie allowed to forreigners and neighbours , and protection given to the fisher-men . 4. that laws , and limits were prescribed to forreigners ; who being in hostility the one with the other , but both in amity with the english , made prize of each other on the sea. 5. the records whereby this dominion is expressely asserted as a most undoubted right , and that not onely by the kings , but by the parliaments of england . as for the first , there is nothing more cleer , than that the kings of england , have been accustomed to constitute governours , or commanders , who had a charge to guard the english seas , and these were called custodes navium , or custodes maritimi . these were the officers that were called butsecarli , as may be gathered out of that breviary of england , called doomes day : in this number was thomas de moleton , who is stiled captain and guardian of the sea ; and hugh de cerquen ; afterwards the title of guardians , was changed into that of admiral , as is alleaged by thomas walsingham , in the days of edward the first . we finde that in the days of edward the third ; the principal end of calling that parliament , was concerning the preservation of peace , both by land and sea ; giving us to understand , that the land and sea together made one entire body of the kingdome of england . in the time of richard the second , hugh calverley was made admiral of the sea , saith the same author , and the universal custody of the sea was committed by our kings , to the high admirals of england . and that the dominion of the seas , is properly in the power and jurisdiction of the king , may appear by those tributes and customes that were imposed and payed for the guard and protection of them ; the tribute called the danegeld , was paid in the time of the english saxons , which amounted to four shillings upon every hide of land , for the defending of the dominion by sea. roger houerden affirmeth , that this was paid until the time of king stephen . afterwards subsidies have been demanded of the people in parliament , upon the same account ; and in the parliament-records of king richard the second , it is observable ; that a custome was imposed upon every ship that passed through the northern admiralty , that is , from the thames along the eastern shoare of england towards the north-east , for the maintenance of a guard for the seas . neither was this imposed onely upon the english , but also upon the ships of forreigners , payment was made at the rate of six pence a tun upon every vessell that passed by , such ships only excepted , that brought merchandize out of flanders into london . if a vessel were imployed to fish for herrings , it payed the rate of six pence a week upon every tun ; if for other kind of fish , so much was to be payed every three weeks , as they who brought coles to london from new-castle , paid it every three moneths ; but if a vessel were bound north-wards , to prussia , scone , or norway , or any of the neighbouring countries , it payed a particular custome according to the weight and proportion of the freight ; and if any were unwilling , it was lawful to compel them to pay . in this place we shall give you the copy of the usual form of a commission , whereby the high admiral of england is invested with authority for the guard of the sea ; it runneth in these words , vve give and grant to n. the office of our great admiral of england , ireland , wales , and of the dominions and islands belonging to the same , also of our town of calais , and our marches thereof , normandy , acquitayn , and gascoign ; and we have made , appointed , and ordained : and by these presents we make appoint , and ordain , ●im the said n. our admiral of england , ireland , and wales , and our dominions and isles of the same , our town of calais , and our marches thereof , normandy , gascoign , and aquitayn , as also general governour over all our fleets and seas of our said kingdomes of england , and ireland , and our dominions and islands belonging to the same ; and know ye further , that we of our especial grace , and upon certain knowledge , do give and grant to the said n our great admiral of england , and governour general over our fleets and seas aforesaid ; all manner of iurisdictions , authorities , liberties , offices , fees , profits duties , emoluments , wracks of the sea , cast goods , regards , advantages , commodities , preheminences , priviledges whatsoever , to the said officer our great admiral of england and ireland , and of the other places and dominions aforesaid , in any manner whatsoever belonging or appertaining . thus we see we have a continual possession or dominion of the kings of england by sea , pointed out in very expresse words for very many years ; we may add to this , that it can be proved by words plain enough in the form of the commissions , for the command of high admiral of england ; that the sea for whose defence he was appointed by the king of england , who is lord and sovereign of it , was ever bounded towards the south by the shores of aquitain , normandy , and picardy ; for although those countries sometimes in the possession of the english are now lost , and for many years under the jurisdiction of the french , yet the whole sea flowing betwixt our brittish isles , and the provinces over against them , are by a peculiar dominion and right of the king of england on those seas , subject unto them whom he puts in command over the english fleet and coasts , that there remaineth neither place nor use for any other commanders of that kinde : and as for the islands of gernesey , jersey , and the rest ; mr. selden affirmeth , that before a court of delegats in france , in expresse terms it hath been acknowledged , that the king of england hath ever been lord , not onely of this sea , but also of the islands placed therein , par raison du royalmed ' angleterre , upon the account of the realm of england , or as they were kings of england ; and in the treaty held at charters , when edward the third renounced his claim to normandy , and some other counties of france that bordered upon the sea ; it was added , that no controversie should remain touching the islands , but that he should hold all islands whatsoever which he possessed at that time , whither they lay before those countries y t he held there , or others ; for reason required this , that he should maintain his dominion by sea ; and both gernesey and jersey , as well as the isles of wight and man , in several treaties held betwixt the kings of england and other princes , are acknowledged not onely to lye neer unto the kingdome of england , but to belong unto it . but to give a greater light to this truth , we may from several records produce many testimonies ; that the kings of england have given leave unto to forreigners upon request to passe through their seas , he gave permission to ferrando vrtis de sarachione a spaniard , to sail freely from the port of london through his kingdomes , dominions , and jurisdiction , to the town of rochel . there are innumerable letters of safe conducts in the records , especially of henry the fifth , and sixth , whereby safe port and passage was usually granted ; and it is worthy of observation , that these kinde of letters was usually superscribed , and directed by those kings to their governours of the sea-admirals , vice-admirals , and sea-captains , . and to clear all at once , the kings of england have such an absolute dominion in the english seas , that they have called the sea it self their admiralty . and this we finde in a commission of king edward the third ; the title whereof is , de navibus arrestandis & capiendis , for the arresting and seizing of ships : the form of it runs in these words ; the king to his beloved thomas de wenlock his serjeant at armes , and lievtenant , to our beloved and trusty reginald de cobham , admiral of our fleet of ships from the mouth of the river of thames , towards the western parts greeting : be it known unto you , that we have appointed you with all the speed that may be used by you , and such as shall be deputed by you ; to arrest and seize all ships , flie-boats , barks , and burges of ten tun burthen and upwards , which may happen to be found in my foresaid admiralty ( that is , in the sea , reaching from the thames mouth , towards the south and west ) and to bring them speedily , well , and sufficiently armed to sandwich , &c. all officers also in the said admiralty , are commanded to yeild obedience and assistance upon the same condition ; thus , that the sea it self was contained under the name of the admiralty , is most clearly manifest , by what already we have shown you . and as a freedome of passage , so also ▪ we do finde , that a liberty of fishing hath been obtained by petition from the kings of england , we have already made mention , that king richard the second , imposed a tribute upon all persons whatsoever that used fishing on his seas . we read also , that henry the sixth , gave leave to the french , and other forreigners , sometimes for a year , sometimes but for six moneths , to go and fish throughout his seas , provided that the fishing-boats and busses , were not above thirty tuns ; and if any forreigners , whither french , dutch or others , should disturb or molest any of the kings subjects as they were fishing , they were to loose the benefit of their licence . but in the eastern sea which washeth the coasts of york-shire , and the neighbouring counties ; it hath been an antient custome for the hollanders and zelanders to obtain leave , by petitioning to the governour of scarborough castle . it is worth the while , saith the reverend mr. cambden , to observe what an extraordinary gain the hollanders and the zelanders do make by fishing on the english seas , having first obtained leave from the castle of scarborough ; for the english have ever granted them leave to fish , reserving always the honour , and the priviledge to themselves , but through a negligence resigning the profit unto strangers ; for it is almost incredible ( saith he ) to believe what a vast sum of money the hollanders do make by this fishing upon our coast ; mr. hitchock also , in the time of queen elizabeth , presented a book to the parliament written in the english tongue concerning the commodity of fishing ; in which he specifies , that the hollanders and zealanders every year towards the latter end of summer , do send forth four or five hundred vessels called busses , to fish for herrings in our eastern seas ; but before they fish , they ask leave of scarborough , they are his very words . care was also taken by k. james , that no foreigner should fish on the english or irish seas without leave first obtained , and every year at the least , this leave was renewed from the commissioners for that purpose appointed at london . but the reason why we do not so often meet with these forms of licences is , because by the leagues made with the neighboring princes , a licence , or freedom of that kinde was so often allowed by both parties , that as long as the league was in force , the sea served as it were a common feild , as well for the forreigner y was in amity , as for the king of england himself , who was the lord and owner of it . but a remarkable example of fishing in this nature we finde in the days of king henry the fourth . an agreement was made betwixt the kings of england and france , that the subjects of both kingdomes might freely fish throughout that part of the sea , which is bounded on this side by the ports of scarborough and southampton , and on the other side by the coast of flanders , and the mouth of the river of sein ; the time was also limited betwixt autumn , and the beginning of january . and that the french might securely enjoy the benefit of this agreement , the king of england sent letters unto all his sea captains and commanders . by this we may plainly see , that these limits wholy excluded the french from that part of the sea which lies towards the west , and south-west , as also that which lieth north-east of them as being so limited by our henry at his own pleasure , as lord and soveraign of the whole . there is amongst the records of edward the first an inscription , pro hominibus hollandiae , &c. for the men of holland , zealand , and friesland , to have leave to fish neer jernemuth , now called yarmouth ; the kings letter for their protection , runneth in these words . the king to his beloved and trusty , john de buteturte warden of his port of jernemuth greeting ; for as much as we have been certified , that many men out of the parts of holland , zealand , and freisland who are in amity with us , intend now to come , and fish in our seas neer unto jernemuth , we command you that publick proclamation be made once or twice every week , that no person whatsoever imployed abroad in our service , presume to cause any injury , trouble , dammage , hinderance , or grievance to be done unto them , but rather when they stand in need , that you give them advice , and assistance in such manner , that they may fish and pursue their own advantage , without any let or impediment . in testimony whereof , we have caused these our letters to be made pattents , and to continue in force until after the feast of st. martins next ensuing . here you see , that the king granteth a protection to fish , and he limits it within the space of two moneths . he alone also protected the fishermen upon the german coast , nor might the fishermen use any other kind of vessels then what were prescribed by our kings . upon which accounts all kind of fishing was sometimes prohibited , and sometimes admitted ; this restriction being added , hat they should fish onely in such vessels as were under the burden of thirty tun ; and this appears by the letters of king edward the third concerning the laws of fishing , which were directed unto the governours of several ports , and towns on the eastern shoar , the words are these ; for as much as we have given licence to the fishermen of the neighbouring ports , and to others who shall be willing to come unto them for the benefit of fishing ; that they may fish and make their own advantage with ships and boats under the burden of thirty tuns , any prohibition or commands of ours whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding , we command you to permitt the fishermen of the said towns , and others who shall be willing to come to the said places for the benefit of fishing , to fish , and make their own advantage with ships and boats under-thirty tun , without any let or impediment , any prohibitions or commands of ours made to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . this is evident also in the records of king edward the fourth , for he invested three persons with naval power , whose office it was to protect and guard the fishermen upon the coasts of norfolk and suffolk ; and the charges of the guard were to be defrayed by the fishermen of the said seas at the pleasure of the king of england , although they have letters of publick security and protection from foreign princes ; neither were any persons admitted to a partnership in this kind of guard , except those who were appointed by the king of england ; least by this means , perhaps it might derogate from the english right , which is a manifest sign and evidence of their dominion , and possession of the place ; and this may yet more clearly appear by the laws and limits usually set by our kings to such foreigners as were at enmity with each other , but in amity with the english : and to this effect , is the proclamation of king james ; who having made peace with all nations , did give equal protection to the spaniards , and the united neatherlands , at that time exercising acts of great hostility one against another ; our pleasure ( saith he ) and commandment is to all our officers and subjects by sea and land that they shall prohibite as much as in them lieth , all hovering of men of war of either spaniard or hollander neer to the entry of any of our coasts or havens ; and that they shall rescue and succour all merchants , and others that shall fall within the danger of any such as shall await our coasts : and it is further to be observed , that as our kings have very often commanded that all manner of persons should cease from hostility throughout all the spaces extended into their territories by sea ; so they indulged the like privilege for ever throughout the more neighbouring coasts of the french shore , that all manner of persons , though enemies to one another , should securely sayle to , and fro , as it were ▪ under the wings of an arbitrator , or moderatour of the sea , and also freely should use the sea , according to such spaces , and limits , as they were pleased at first to appoint , which without doubt is a clear evidence of dominion . in this next place , i shall cite some of the publick records which are kept in the tower of london , in which the dominion of the sea is expresly asserted , as belonging to the kings of england ; we read , that edward the third in his commissions given to geoffery de say , governour or commander of the western and southern seas , and to john de norwich of the northern , expresseth himself in these following words : we calling to mind , that our progenitors ▪ the kings of england , having before these times been lords of the english sea on every side , yea and defendors thereof against the invasions of enemies , do strictly require and charge you by the duty and allegiance wherein you stand bound , that you set forth to sea with the ships of the ports , and the other ships that are ready , and that you arrest the other ships under our command , and that with all diligence you make search after the gallies and ships of war that are abroad against us , and that stoatly and manfully you set upon them if they shall presume to bend their course towards any part of our dominions , or the coasts of scotland , &c. then followeth a power to press seamen , and other matters of that kind . we read also in the reign of the said king , in the preferring of a certain bill in parliament ( which is the voice of the estates of the realm ) that he was usually accounted king or sovereign of the seas by all nations ; the words in french are to this sence in english ; the nation of the english were ever in the ages past renowned for sea-affairs in all countries near the seas , and they bad also so numerous a navy , that the people of all countries esteemed , and called the k. of engl. the k. or sovereign of the sea. another testimony to the same effect we read in the parliamentary records of henry the fifth , where the tenour of the bill runs after this manner : the commons do pray , that seeing our sovereign lord the king , and his illustrious progenitors have ever been lords of the sea , and now seeing through gods grace it is so come to pass , that our lord the king is lord of the shores on both sides of the sea , such a tribute may be imposed upon all strangers passing through the said sea , for the benefit and advantage of our said lord the king , as may seem agreeable to reason , for the safegard of the said sea. the answer subscribed to the said bill , was , soit avise par le roy , which is , let the king himself be advised of it . for the king at that time resided in france , being lord of that country , as well by conquest , as inheritance ; and humphrey duke of glocester was then president of the parliament , and leivtenant of england , by whom as the kings deputy that answer was given to the said bill ; but when the king was present in person , le roy s' advisera , the king will advise , was the answer from the antient , down to our present times , in such bills as were to be passed into acts ; many other testimonies in this nature may be produced , which for brevities sake are purposely omitted . neither hath the high court of parliament onely given this attestation to our kings , as supream and sovereign of the seas : but to confirme it , we shall produce the testimonies of robert belknap , an eminent judge in the time of richard the second , who affirmeth , that the sea is subject to the king , as a part of his kingdom , or of the patrimony of the crown ; and it appeareth by publick records , containing diverse main points , touching which the judges of the land were to be consulted for the good of the common-wealth , that the kings sea-dominion , which they called , the antient superiority of the sea , was a matter out of question amongst all lawyers of that age , and asserted by the determinations and customes of the law of the land , and by the express words of the writs and forms of the actions themselves . neither is this truth confirmed only by our laws , but by our medals . there hath been a piece of gold very often coyned by our kings , called a rose-noble , which was stamped on the one side of it with a ship , floting in the sea , and a king armed with a sword and shield , sitting in the ship it self , as in a throne , to set forth a representation of the english k. by sea : the first authour hereof was edward the third , when he guarded his own seas with a numerous navy , consisting of eleven hundred ships , at which time , as at others he marched victoriously through france : but what need we labour to produce so many testimonies at home from our records in the tower and other places , from our high courts of parliament , from our laws , from our coyns , & from our histories , to prove this truth ; since it is acknowledged even by forreigners themselves whom it most concerneth , by their usual striking of sayles , according to the antient custom by every ship of any forreign nation whatsoever , if they sayle near the kings navy , or any ship belonging to it at sea , which is done not onely in honour to the english king , but also in acknowledgement of his sovereignty , and dominion at seas . the antiquity of this custome , and that it hath been in use for above these four hundred years may appear by this following testimony : at hastings , a town scituate upon the shore of sussex , it was decreed by k. john , in the second year of his reign , with the assent of his peers , that if the governour , or commander of the kings navy in his naval expeditions shall meet with any ships whatsoever by sea , either laden or empty , that shall refuse to strike their sayles at the command of the kings governour or admiral , or his lievtenant , but make resistance against any who be long unto his fleet , that then they are to be reputed enemies , and if they be taken , their ships and goods to be consiscated , as the goods of enemies ; and that , although the masters or owners of the ships shall alledge afterwards , that the same ships and goods do belong to the friends and allies of our lord the king , yet the persons who shall be found in these ships , are to be punished with imprisonment at discretion , for their rebeltion . it was accounted treason ( saith master selden ) if any ship what soever had not acknowledged the dominion of the king of england in his own sea by striking sayle , and they were not to be protected upon the account of amity , who should in any wise presume to do the contrary ; penalties were also appointed by the kings of england in the same manner , as if mention were made concerning a crime committed in some territory of his land. but above all , that as yet hath been said , there can hardly be alledged a more convincing argument , to prove the truth of all that hath hitherto been spoken , then the acknowledgement of the sea-dominion of the king of england by very many of our neighbouring nations . at what time the agreement was made by edward the first of england , and philip the fair of france , reyner grimbald , governour of the french navy , intercepted and spoyled , on the english seas , the goods of many merchants that were going to flanders , as well english , as others , and not contented with the depredation of their goods , he imprisoned also their persons , and delivered them up to the officers of the king of france , and in a very insolent manner justified his actions in writing , as done by authority of the king his masters commission . this being alledged to be done to the great damage and prejudice of the king of england , the prelats , peers , and the rest of the nation , a bill against reyner grimbald , was exhibited , and managed by procurators on the behalf of the prelates , peers , and of the cities and towns throughout england , and lastly , of the whole english nation , by an authority ( as i believe ) of the estates assembled in parliament ; with these were joyned the procurators of most nations bordering upon the sea throughout europe , ( viz. ) the genoeses , the catalonians , the spaniards , the almayns , the zealanders , the hollanders , the freislanders , the danes , the noruegians , the hamburghers , &c. all these instituted a complaint against reyner grimbald who was governour of the french navy , in the time of the. war of philip king of france , and guy earle of flanders ; and all these complainants in their bill do joyntly affirm , that the king of englandand his predecessors have time out of minde and without controversie , enjoyed the soveraignty and dominion of theenglish seas , and the isles belonging to the same by right of their realm of england , that is to say , by prescribing laws , statutes and prohibitions of armes , and of ships otherwise furnished , then with such necessaries , and commodities as belong to merchants , and by demanding security , and affording protection in all places where need should require , and ordering all other things necessary for the conservation of peace , right , and equity between all sorts of people passing through that sea , as well strangers as others in subjection to the crown ofengland ; also that they have had , and have the soveraign guard thereof with all manner of cognisance , and jurisdiction in doing right and justice , according to the said laws , ordinances and prohibitions , and in all other matters which may concern the exercise of soveraign dominion in the said places . this is the declaration of the nations above named , manifestly acknowledging the sovereignty and dominion of our kings over the seas , and thereupon demanding protection for themselves ; but more particularly we do finde an acknowledgment of the sea-dominions of the kings of england , made by the flemmings themselves in the parliament of england , in the reign of edward the second ; the records of the parliament speak it thus . in the fourteenth year of the reign ofedward the second , there appeared certain ambassadours of the earl of flanders , to treat about the reformation of some injuries they received ; and as soon as the said ambassadours had been admitted by our lord the king to treat of the said injuries , amongst other particulars they required , that the said lord the king would at his own suit , by vertue of his royal authority , cause enquiry to be made , and do justice about a depredation by the subjects of england upon the english seas , taking wines and other sort of merchandizes belonging to certain merchants of flanders , towards the parts of crauden within the territory and jurisdiction of the king of england ; alledging that the said wines and other merchandizes taken from the flemmings were brought within the realm , and jurisdiction of the king , and that it belonged to the king to see justice done , in regard thathe is lord of the sea , and the aforesaid depredation was made upon the said sea within his territory , and jurisdiction , &c. this we have cited out of the parliament records which may declare an acknowledgement of the sea-dominion of our kings , made by those foreign and neighbour-nations who were most concerned in the business . having given you thus ( besides the attestation of our own writers ) the acknowledgment of foreign nations , that the king of england hath the dominion of the seas ; we shall now come to give you an account of those northern seas , which came unto the subjection of the kings of england , at what time king james of blessed memory by reducing the two nations into one great brittanie united the crown of scotland to the crown of england . odericus in his ecclesiastical history informs us , that the orcades was subject heretofore to the king of norway , and that the people of the orcades do speak the gothish language to this day ; these isles are numerous , and onely twenty eight of them are at this day inhabited . above one hundred miles beyond the orcades towards norway , are the shetland isles in number eighteen , which are at this day inhabited , and in subjection to the king of scotland ; concerning which , there hath been a great quarrel in former ages between the scots and danes , but the dane kept the possession . all these islands , did christiern king of denmark peaceably surrender , together with his daughter in marriage , to james king of scots , until that either he himself or his posterity paid to the scottish king or his successors the sum of fifty thousand rhenish florens , which were never discharged to this day ; but afterwards when the queen had been delivered of her eldest son , the danish king being willing to congratulate his daughters good delivery , did for ever surrender his right in the islands of the orcades , shetland , & the rest unto the scottish king. this was in the days of james the third of scotland in the year , 1468. a claim was afterwards laid to iseland , by q. elizabeth , and her successor k. james the sixth of scotland , and first of england , hath a dominion in the sea which lieth farr more northerly then iseland which is that of greenland ; for that sea having never been entred by occupation , nor used in the art and exercise of fishery , was first of all rendered very gainful through a peculiar fishing for whales by those english merchants of the muscovie company , who first sailed that way . the use of a sea never entred by occupation , and such a kinde of profit being first discovered , doth according to the manner of the claim give a dominion to the discoverer , who claims it in the right of another , as here in the name of the sovereign of england ; upon which ground it was , that king james in his letters of credence given to his ambassadour in holland , sir henry wotton did very justly say that the fishing in the north seas was his onely , and his by right . in the seventh year of the reign of king iames , this right was more strenuously asserted by proclamation , and all persons excluded from the use of the seas upon our coasts , without particular license ; the grounds whereof you have here set down in the proclamation it self . a proclamation , touching fishing . james by the grace of god king of great brittain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all and singular persons so whom it may appertein , greeting . although we do sufficiently know by our experience in the office of regal dignity ( in which , by the favor of almighty god , we have been placed and exercised these many years ) as also by the observation which we have made of other christian princes exemplarie actions , how farr the absolutenesse of sovereign power extendeth it self , and that in regard thereof , we need not yield account to any person under god , for any action of ours , which is lawfully grounded upon that iust prerogative : yet such hath ever béen , and shall be our care and desire to give satisfaction to our neighbour-princes , and friends in any action which may have the least relation to their subjects and estates , as we have thought good ( by way of friendly premonition ) to declare unto them , and to whomsoever it may appertain as followeth . whereas we have been contented since our coming to the crown , to tolerate an indifferent and promiscuous kinde of liberty to all our friends whatsoever , to fish within our streams , and upon any of our coasts of great brittain , ireland , and other adjacent islands , so farr forth as the permission or use thereof might not re●ound to the impeachment of our prerogative royal , nor to the hurt and damage of our loving subjects , whose prefer●ation and flourishing estate we hold our self principally bound to advance before all worldly respects : so finding that our continuance therein , hath not onely given occasion of over-great encroachments upon our regalities , or rather questiening of our right , but hath béen a means of daily wrongs to our own people that exercise the trade of fishing , as ( either by the multitude of strangers which do pre-occupie those places , or by the injuries which they receive most commonly at their hands ) our subiects are constrained to abandon their fishing , or at least are become so discouraged in the same , as they hold it better for them , to betake themselves to some other course of living ; whereby not onely divers of our coast-towns are much decayed , but the number of mariners daily diminished , which is a matter of great consequence to our estate , considering how much the strength thereof consisteth in the power of shipping and use of navigation ; we have thought it now both just and necessary ( in respect that wée are now by god's favor lineally and lawfully possessed , as well of the islands of great brittain , as of ireland , and the rest of the isles adjacent ) to bethink our selves of good lawful means to prevent those inconveniences and many others depending upon the same . in consideration whereof , as we are destrous that the world may take notice , that we have no intention to denie our neighbours and allies , those fruits and benefits of peace and friendship , which may be justly expected at our hands in honour and reason , or are afforded by other princes mutually in the point of commerce , and exchange of those things which may not prove prejudicial to them : so because some such convenient order may be taken in this matter , as may sufficiently provide for these important considerations which do depend thereupon ; we have resolved first to give notice to all the world that our express pleasure is , that from the beginning of the moneth of august next coming , no person of what nation or quality soever , being not our natural born subject , be permitted to fish upon any of our coasts & seas of great brittain , ireland , and the rest of the isles adjacent , where most usually heretofore any fishing hath béen , until they have orderly demanded and obtained licenses from us , or such our commissioners , as we have authorised in that behalf , viz. at london for our realms of england and ireland , and at edenborough for our realm or scotland ; which licenses our intention is , shall be yearly demanded , for so many vessels and ships , and the 〈◊〉 thereof , as shall intend to fish for that whole year , or any part thereof , upon any of our coasts , and seas as aforesaid , upon pain of such chastisement , as shall be 〈◊〉 to be inflicted upon such wilful offendors . given at our palace of westminster the 6. day of may in the 7 th . year of our reign of great brittain ▪ anno dom. 1609. notwithstanding this proclamation , the netherlanders proceeded still in their way of encroachment upon our seas and coasts , through the whole reign of king james , and were at length so bold as to contest with him , and endeavour to quarrel his majesty out of his rights , pretending , because of the long connivence of himself and queen elizabeth , that they had a right of their own by immemorial possession ; which some commissioners of theirs that were sent over hither , had the confidence to plead in terminis , to the king and his council . and though the king , out of his tenderness to them insisted still upon his own right , by his council to those commissioners , and by his ambassadour to their superiors , yet they made no other use of his indulgence , than to tire out his whole reign , and abuse his patience by their artificial delays , pretences , shifts , dilatorie addresses , and evasive answers . and all that the king gained by the tedious disputes , overtures , and dispatches to and again , was in conclusion onely a verbal acknowledgment of those rights ; which at the same time that they acknowledged , they usually designed to invade with much more insolence than before . but you have the main of what passed in those days in this particular , with their insolent demeanour , lively described in these following collections , taken out of several dispatches that passed betwixt secretarie naunton , and sir dudly carlton lord ambassadour from the king , to the states of the united provinces . in a letter of secretarie naunton's to the said ambassadour , dated at whitehall the 21. of december 1618. i finde these passages . i must now let your lordship know , that the states commissioners and deputies both , having attended his majesty at new-market , and there presented their letters of credence , returned to london on saturday was a seven-night , and upon tuesday had audience in the council-chamber ; where being required to communicate the points of their commission , they delivered their meditated answer at length , the lords upon perusal of it , appointed my lord bining and me to attend his majesty for directions , what reply to return to this answer of theirs ; which i represented to their lordships yesterday to this effect : that his majesty found it strange , that they having been so often required by your lordship his majesties ambassadour , as from himself , in their publique assembly , to send over commissioners fully authorized to treat and conclude , not onely of all differences grown between the subjects of both states , touching the trade to the east-indies , and the whale-fishing , and to regulate and settle a joynt and an even traffick in those quarters , but withal to take order for a more indifferent course of determining other questions , growing between our merchants and them about their draperies and the tare ; and more especially to determine his majesties right for the sole fishing upon all the coasts of his three kingdoms , into which they had of late times incroached farther then of right they could ; and lastly , for the reglement and reducing of their coyns to such a proportion and correspondence with those of his majesties and other states , that their subjects might make no advantage to transport our monies by inhansing their valuation there : all which they confessed your lordship had instanced them for in his majesties name ; that after all this attent on his majesties part , and so long deliberation on theirs , they were come at last with a proposition to speak only to the two first points , and instructed thereunto with bare letters of credance only , which his majesty takes for an imperious fashion of proceeding in them , as if they were come hither to treat of what themselves pleased , and to give law to his majesty in his own kingdom , and to propose and admit of nothing but what should tend meerly to their own ends . to the second ; whereas they would decline all debate of the fishings upon his majesties coasts , first by allegations of their late great losses and an esmeute of their people , who are all interessed in that question , and would be like to break out into some combustion to the hazard of their state which hath lately scaped naufrage , and is not yet altogether calmed ; what is this put to raise an advantage to themselves out of their disadvantage ? but afterwards they professe their lothnesse to call it in doubt or question , claiming an immemorial possession seconded by the law of nations ; to which his majesty will have them told , that the kings of spain have sought leave to fish there by treaty from this crown ; and that the king of france ( a nearer neighbour to our coast then they ) to this day requests leave for a few vessels to fish for provision of his own houshold ; and that it appears so much the more strange to his majesty , that they being a state of so late date , should be the first that would presume to question his majesties antient right , so many hundred yeers inviolably possessed by his progenitors , and acknowledged by all other antient states and princes . that themselves in theit publick letters of the last of iune , sent by your lordship , seemed then to confirm their immemorial possession ( as they term it ) with divers treaties , as are of the year , 1550. and another between his majesties predecessors and charles the fifth , as prince of those provinces , and not by the law of nations . to which their last plea , his majesty would have them told , that he being an islander-prince , is not ignorant of the laws and rights of his own kingdoms , nor doth expect to be taught the laws of nations by them , nor their grotius , whose ill thriving might rather teach others to disavow his positions ; and his honesty called in question by themselves , might render his learning as much suspected to them , as his person . this his majesty takes for an high point of his soveraignty , and will not have it slighted over in any fashion whatsoever . thus i have particulated unto you the manner of our proceeding with them ; let them advise to seek leave from his majesty , and to acknowledge him , his right , as other princes have done , and do ; or it may well come to passe , that they that will needs bear all the world before them , by their mare liberum , may soon come to have neither terram & solum , nor rempublicam liberam . and in a letter of the said lord ambassadour carlton to secretary naunton , of the 30. of december , 1618. from the hague , we finde this return , touching the business of fishery . whether the final resolution here will be according to his majesties desire , in that point concerning the fishing upon the coasts of his three kingdomes , i cannot say ; and by somewhat which fell from the prince of orange , by way of discourse when he took leave of me on monday , last , at his departure ; i suspect it will not , in regard the magistrates of these towns of holland , being newly placed , and yet scarce fast in their seats , who do authorize the deputies which come hither to the assembly of the states in all things they are to treat and resolve , will not adventure for fear of the people , to determine of a business , on which the livelihood of fifty thousand of the inhabitants of this one single province doth depend . i told the prince , that howsoever his majesty , both in honour of his crown and person , and interest of his kingdoms , neither could nor would any longer desist , from having his right acknowledged by this state , as well as by all other princes and common-wealths , especially finding the same openly oppugned both by their statesmen , and men of war , as the writings of grotius , and the taking of john brown the last year may testifie ; yet this acknowledgment of a right and a due was no exclusion of grace and favour ; and that the people of this country paying that small tribute upon every one of their busses , ( which is not so much as disputed by any other nation whatsoever ) such was his majesties well-wishing to this state , that i presumed of his permission to suffer them to continue their course of fishing ; which they might use thereby with more freedom , and less apprehension of molestation and let then before , and likewise spare the cost of some of their men of war , which they yearly send out to maintain that by force , which they may have of courtesie . the prince answered , that for himself at his return from utrecht , he would do his best endeavour to procure his majesty contentment , but he doubted the hollanders would apprehend the same effect in their payment for fishing , as they found in the passage of the sound , where at first an easie matter was demanded by the king of denmark , but now more exacted then they can possibly bear : and touching their men of war , he said , they must still be at the same charge with them , because of the pirates . withal , he cast out a question to me , whether this freedom of fishing might not be redeemed with a summ of money ? to which i answered , it was a matter of royalty more then of utility , though princes were not to neglect their profit . and in another letter of the said lord ambassadour from the hague to secretary naunton , of the 14. of january , 1618. he gives him to understand , that having been expostulated with , but in friendly manner , by certain of the states about his late proposition , as unseasonable and sharp , they said , they acknowledge their commissioners went beyond their limits in their terms of immemorial possession and immuable droict de gens ; for which they had no order . then , saith he , i desire them to consider , what a wrong it is to challenge that upon right , which these provinces have hitherto enjoyed , either by connivence or courtesie , and yet never without claim on his majesties side , &c. in another letter of secretary naunton's to the lord ambassadour carlton , of the 21. of january , 1618. we read thus : as i had dictated thus far , i received direction from his majesty to signifie to the states-commissioners here ; that albeit their earnest entreaty and his gracious consideration of the present trouble of their church and state , had moved his majesty to consent to delay the treaty of the great fishing ▪ till the time craved by the commissioners ; yet understanding by newand fresh complaints of his martiners and fishers upon the coasts of scotland , that within these four or five last years , the low-country-fishers have taken so great advantage of his majesties tolleration , that they have grown nearer and nearer , upon his majesties coasts year by year , then they did in preceeding times , without leaving any bounds for the country . people and natives to fish upon their prince's coasts , and oppressed some of his subjects of intent to continue their pretended possession ; and driven . some of their great vessels through their nets to deter others by fear of the like violence from fishing near them , &c. his majesty cannot forbear to tell them that he is so well perswaded of the equity of the states , and of the honourable respect they bear unto him , and to his subjects for his sake , that they will never allow so unjust and intolerable oppressions ; for restraint whereof , and to prevent the inconveniences which must ensue , upon the continuance of the same . his majesty hath by me desired them to write to their superiours to cause proclamation to be made , prohibiting any of their subjects to fish within fourteen miles of his majesties coasts this year , or in any time hereafter , untill order be taken by commissioners to be authorised on both sides , for a final setling of the main business . his majesty hath likewise directed me to command you from him , to make the like declaration and instance to the states there , and to certifie his majesty of their answer , with what convenient speed you may . thus sarr secretary naunton to the ambassadour . now what effect the ambassadour's negotiation with the states had , appears by a letter of his from the hague , of the 6. of february , 1618. to kings james himself , where , among other passages he hath this . i finde likewise in the manner of proceeding , that treating by way of proposition here , nothing can be exspected but their wonted dilatory and evasive answers ; their manner being to resey such propositions , from the states general to the states of holland . the states of holland take advice of a 〈◊〉 council residing at delph , which they call the council of the fishery . from them such an answer commonly comes , as may be expected from such an oracle . the way therefore ( under correction ) to effect your majestiesintent , is to begin with the filhers themselves , by publishing , against the time of their going out , your resolution , at what distance you will permit them to fish , whereby they will be forced to have recoursero their council of fishery ; that council to the states of holland ; and those of holland to the states-general , who then in place of being sought unto , will for contentment of their subjects , seek unto your majesty . a proclamation by king charles the first , for restraint of fishing upon his seas and coasts without lisence . where as our father of blessed memory kings james , did in the seventh year of his reign of great , brittain , set forth a proclamation touching fishing whereby for the many important reasons therein expressed , all persons , of what nation of quality soever ( being not his natural born 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) were restrained from fishing upon 〈◊〉 the coasts and seas of great brittain , ireland , and the rest of the istes adjacent , where most usually heretofore fishing had been , until they had orderly demanded , and obtained licenses from our said father , 〈◊〉 commissioners in that behalf , upon pain of such ●●●●…sement as should be fit to be inflicted upon such wilful offendors : since which time , albeit neither our said father , nor our self have made any considerable execution of the said proclamation , but have with much patience expected a voluntary conformity of our neighbours and allies , to so just and reasonable prohibitions and directions as are contained in the same . and now finding by experience , that all the inconveniences which occasioned that proclamation , are rather increased then abated : we being very sensible of the premises , and well knowing how farr we are obliged in honour to maintain the rights of our crown , especially of so great consequence , have thought it necessary , by the advice of our privy council to renew the aforesaid restraint of fishing upon our aforesaid coasts & seas , without license first obtained from us , and by these presents to make publick declaration , that our resolution is ( at times convenient ) to keep such a competent strength of shiping upon our , seas , as may ( by god's blessing ) be sufficient , both to hinder such further encroachments upon our regalties , and as●●●t and pro●●●● those our god friends and allies who shall henceforth , by virtue of our licenses ( to be first obtained ) endeavour to take the benefit of fishing upon our coasts and seas , in the places accustomed . given at our palace of westminster the 10 day of may , in the twelfth year of our reign of england , scotland , france and ireland . this proclamation being set forth in the year , 1636. served to speak the intent of those naval preparations made before in the year , 1635. which were so numerous and well-provided , that our netherland neighbours being touched with the apprehension of some great design in hand for the interest of england by sea , and of the guilt that lay upon their own consciences , for their bold encroachments , soon betrayed their jealousies and fears , and in them a sense of their offences , before ever the proclamation was made publick : as i might shew at large ( if it were requisite ) by certain papers of a publick character yet in being . but there is one , instar omnium , which may serve in stead of all ; and it is an acute letter of secretary coke's that was written to sir william boswel , the kings resident then at the hague , the original whereof is still reserved among the publick papers : in which letter , he sets forth the grounds and reasons of preparing that gallant navy , with the kings resolution to maintain the right derived from his ancestors , in the dominion of the seas ; and therefore i here render a true copy of it , so farr as concerns this business , as most pertinent to our purpose . ( sir , ) by your letters and otherwise , i perceive many jealousies and discourses are raised upon the preparations of his majesties fleet , which is now in such forwardness , that we doubt not but within this month it will appear at sea. it is therefore expedient both for your satisfaction and direction , to inform you particularly what was the occasion , and what is his majesties intention in this work . first , we hold it a principle not to be denied , that the king of great brittain , is a monarch at land and sea to the full extent of his dominions , and that it concerneth him as much to maintain his soveraignty in all the british seas , as within his three kingdoms because without that , these cannot be kept safe ; nor he preserve his honour and due respect with other nations . but commanding the seas , he may cause his neighbours and all countries to stand upon their guard whensoever he thinks fit . and this cannot be doubted that whosoever will encroach upon him by sea , will do it by land also when they see their time . to such presumption mare liberum gave the first warning-piece , which must be answered with a defence of mare clausum : not so much by discourses , as by the louder language of a powerful navy , to be better understood , when overstrained patience seeth no hope of preserving her right by other means . the degrees by which his majesties dominion at sea hath of latter years been first impeached and then questioned , are as considerable as notorious . first , to cherish , and as it were to nourish up our unthankful neighbors , we gave them leave to gather wealth and strength upon our coasts , in our ports , by our trade , and by our people . then they were glad to invite our merchants residence , with what priviledges they would desire . then they offered to us even the soveraignty of their estates , and then they sued for license to fish upon the coasts , and obtained it under the great seal of scotland , which now they suppresse . and when thus by leave or by connivence , they had possessed themselves of our fishings , not onely in scotland , but in ireland and england , and by our staple had raised a great stock of trade ; by these means they so encreased their shiping and power at sea , that now they endure not to be kept at any distance : nay , they are grown to that confidence to keep guards upon our seas ; and then to project an office and company of assurance for the advancement of trade ; and withal , prohibit us free commerce even within our seas , and take our ships and goods , if we conform not to their placarts . what insolencies and cruelties they have committed against us heretofore , in ireland , in greenland , and in the indies , is too well known to all the world . in all which , though our sufferings and their wrong may seem forgotten , yet the great interest of his majesties honour , is still the same , and will refresh their memories as there shall be cause . for , though charity must remit wrongs done to private men , yet the reflection upon the publick may make it a greater charity to do justice on crying crimes . all this notwithstanding , you are not to conceive that the work of this fleet , is either revenge or execution of justice for these great offences past , but chiefly for the future to stop the violent current of that presumption whereby the men of war and free-booters of all nations ( abusing the favour of his majesties peaceable and gracious government , whereby he hath permitted all his friends and allies , to make use of his seas and ports in a reasonable and free manner , and according to his treaties ) have taken upon them the boldness , not only to come confidently at all times into all his ports and rivers , but to convey their merchants ships as high as his chief city , and then to cast anchor close upon his magazins , and to contemn the commands of his officers , when they required a farther distance : stance : but which is more intolerable , have assaulted and taken one another within his majesties chamber , and within his rivers , to the scorn and contempt of his dominion and power ; and this being of late years an ordinary practice which we have endeavoured in vain to reform by the ways of justice and treaties , the world i think will now be satisfied , that we have reason to look about us . and no wise man will doubt that it is high time to put our selves in this equipage upon the seas , and not to suffer that stage of action to be taken from us for want of our appearance . so you see the general ground upon which our counsels stands . in particular , you may take notice , and publish as cause requires , that his majesty by this fleet intendeth not a rupture with any prince or state , nor to infringe any point of his treaties ; but resolveth to continue and maintain that happy peace wherewith god hath blessed his kingdom , and to which , all his actions and negotiations have ohitherto tended , as by your own instructions you may fully understand . but withal considering , that peace must be maintained by the arme of power , which onely keeps down war by keeping up dominion ; his majesty thus provoked , finds it necessary even for his own defence and safety , to re-assume and keep his antient and undoubted right in the dominion of these seas , and to suffer no other prince or state to encroach upon him , thereby assuming to themselves or their admirals , any soveraign command : but to force them to perform due homage to his admirals and ships , and to pay them acknowledgements , as in former times they did . he will also set open and protect the free trade both of his subjects and alies : and give them such safe conduct and convoy , as they shall reasonably require . he will suffer no other fleets or men of war to keep any guard upon these seas , or there to offer violence or take prizes or booties , or to give interruption to any lawfull intercourse . in a word , his majesty is resolved , as to do no wrong , so to do justice both to his subjects and friends , within the limits of his seas . and this is the real and royal design of this fleet , whereof you may give part as you finde occasion to our good neighbours in those parts , that no umbrage may be taken of any hostile act or purpose to their prejudice in any kinde . so wishing you all health and happiness , i rest your assured friend and servant , john cook . white-hall , 16. april , 1635. our style . the inestimable riches and commodities of the brittish seas the coasts of great brittain do yield such a continual sea-harvest of gain , and benefit to all those that with diligence do labour in the same , that no time or season in the year passeth away without some apparent means of profitable imployment , especially , to such as apply themselves to fishing , which from the beginning of the year unto the latter end , continueth upon some pat or other of our coasts , and therein such infinite sholes and multitudes of fishes are offered to the takers as may justly move admiration , not onely to strangers , but to those that daily be imployed among them . the summer-fishing for herring , beginneth about midsummer , and lasteth some part of august . the winter-fishing for herring , lasteth from september to the middle of november , both which extend in place from boughones in scotland , to the thames mouth . the fishing for cod at alamby , whirlington , and white haven , near the coast of lancashire , from easter untill whitsontide . the fishing for hake at aberdenie , abveswhich , and other places between wales and ireland , from whitsontide to saint james-tide . the fishing of cod and ling , about padstow , within the land , and of severn from christmas to mid-lent . the fishing for cod on the west-part of ireland frequented by those of biscay , galicia , and portugal , from the beginnig of april untill the end of june . the fishing for cod and ling on the north , and north-east of ireland , from christmas until michaelmas . the fishing for pilchers on the west coast of england from saint james-tide until michaelmas . the fishing for cod , and ling upon the north-east of england , from easter untill midsummer . the fishing of great staple-ling , and many other sorts of fish lying about the island of scotland , and in the several parts of the brittish seas all the year long . in september , not many years since , upon the coast of devonshire , near minigal , five hundred tun of fish were taken in one day . and about the same time three thousand pounds worth of fish in one day were taken at saint ives in cornwall by small boats , and other poor provisions . our five-men-boats , and cobles adventuring in a calm to launch out amongst the holland busses , not far from robinhood's bay returned to whitbie full fraught with herrings , and reported that they saw some of those busses take ten , twenty , twenty four lasts , at a draught , of herrings , and returned into their own country with forty , fifty , and an hundred lasts of herrings in one buss . our fleet of colliers not many years since , returning from newcastle , laden with coals , about the well , near flanborough-head , and scarborough , met with such multitudes of cod , ling and herring , that one amongst the rest , with certain ship-hooks , and other like instruments , drew up as much cod , and ling in a little space of time , as were sold well near for as much as her whole lading of cole . and many hundred of ships might have been there laden in two dayes and two nights . out of which wonderfull affluence , and abundance of fish swarming in our seas , that we may the better perceive the infinite gain which forreign nations make , i will especially insist upon the fishing of the hollanders in our coasts , and thereby shew how by this means principally they have increased . 1. in shipping . 2. in mariners . 3. in trade . 4. in towns and fortifications . 5. in power extern or abroad . 6. in publick revenue . 7. in private wealth . 8. in all manner of provisions ; and store of things necessarie . 1. encrease of shipping . besides seven hundred strand-boats , four hundred evars , and four hundred sullits , drivers and tod-boats , wherewith the hollanders fish upon their own coasts , every one of those imploying another ship to fetch salt , and carry their fish into other countries , being in all , three thousand sayle , maintaining and setting on work at least four thousand persons , fishers , tradesmen , women and children ; they have one hundred doyer boats , of one hundred and fifty tuns apiece , or there abouts ; seven hundred pinks , and well-boats from sixty to one hundred tuns apiece , which altogether fish upon the coasts of england and scotland for cod , and ling onely . and each of these employ another vessel for providing of salt , and transporting of their fish , making in all one thousand six hundred ships , which maintain and employ persons of all sorts , four thousand at least . for the herring-season , they have one thousand six hundred busses at the least , all of them fishing onely upon our coasts from boughonness in scotland to the mouth of thames . and every one of these maketh work for three other ships that attend her ; the one to bring in salt from forreign parts , another to carry the said salt , and cask to the busses , and to bring back their herrings , and the third , to transport the said fish into forreign countries . so that the total number of ships and busses plying the herring . fare , is , six thousand four hundred ; whereby every busse , one with another , imployeth forty men , mariners and fishers within her own hold , and the rest ten men a piece , which amounteth to one hundred twelve thousand fishers and mariners . all which maintain double , if not treble so many tradesmen , women , and children a land . moreover , they have four hundred other vessels at least , that take herring at yarmouth , and there sell them for ready money : so that the hollanders ( besides three hundred ships before-mentioned fishing upon their own shores ) have at least four thousand eight hundred ships only maintained by the seas of great brittain , by which means principally holland being not so big as one of our shires of england , containing not above twenty miles in length , and three in breadth , have encreased the number of their shipping , to at least ten thousand sayle , being more then are in england , france ▪ , spain , portugal , italy , denmark , poland , sweden , and russia . and to this number they add every day , although their country it self affords them neither materials , or victual , nor merchandise to be accounted of towards their setting forth . besides these of holland , lubeck hath seven hundred great ships , hamborough six hundred , embden fourteen hundred , whereunto add the ships of bremer , biscay , portugal , spain , and france , which for the most part fish in our seas , and it will appear that ten thousand sayle of forreign vessels and above , are employed and maintained by fishing upon our coasts . so that in holland there are built a thousand sayle at the least to supply ship-wracks , and augment their store , which as the prince , and common nursery , is the chiefest means onely to encrease their number . 2. encrease of mariners . the number of ships fishing on our coasts , as being aforesaid eight thousand four hundred . if we allow but twenty persons to every ship one with another , the total of mariners and fishers , amounteth to one hundred sixty eight thousand , out of which number they daily furnish their longer voyages to all parts of the world ; for by this means they are not onely enabled to brook the seas , and to know the use of the tackles and compass , but are likewise instructed in the principles of navigation , and pilotage ; insomuch as from hence their greatest navigators have had their education and breeding . 3. encrease of trade . by reason of those multitude of ships and marriners , they have extended their trade to all parts of the world , exporting for the most part in all their voiages our herring , and other fish for the maintenance of the same . in exchange whereof they return the several commodities of other countries . from the southern parts , as france , spain , and portugal , for our herrings they return oyles , wines , prunes , honie , wools , &c. with store of coin in specie . from the straits , velvets , sattins , and all sorts of silks , alums , currans , oyles , and all grocerie-ware , with much monie . from the east-countries for our herrings , and other french and italian commodities before returned , they bring home corn , wax , flax , hemp , pitch , tar , sope-ashes , iron , copper , steel , clap-board , wainscot , timber , deal-board , dollers , and hungarie-gilders . from germanie , for herrings , and other salt fish , iron , steel , glass , mil-stones , renish-wines , button-plate for armour , with other munition ; silks , velvets , rashes , fustians , baratees , and such like frankford-commodities , with store of rix-dollers . from brabant they return for the most part ready mony with some tapestries , and hull-shop . yea , some of our herring are carried as farr as braseil . and that which is more strange and greatly to our shame , they have four hundred ships with fish , which our men of yarmouth , within ken almost at land do vent our herrings amongst us here in england , and make us pray for the fish taken upon our own coast ready mony , wherewith they store their own country . 4. encrease of towns and forts . by this their large extent of trade , they are become as it were citizens of the whole world , whereby they have so enlarged their towns , that most of them within these four hundred years are full as great again as they were before ; amsterdam , leyden , and middleburgh having been lately twice enlarged and their steets and buildings so fair , and orderly set forth , that for beauty and strength , they may compare with any other in the world , upon which they bestow infinite sums of monies , all originally flowing from the bounty of the sea , from whence , by their labour and industry , they derive the beginning of all that wealth and greatness , and particularly for the havens of the aforesaid towns whereof some of them cost forty , fifty , or an hundred thousand pound . their fortifications also both for number , and strength , upon which they have bestowed infinite summs of money , may compare with any other whatsoever . 5. encrease of power abroad . such being then the number of the ships and marriners , and so great their trade , occasioned principally by their fishing ; they have not onely strengthened , and fortified themselves at home to repel all foreign invasions , as lately in the war between them and spain ; but have likewise stretched their power into the east and west-indies , in many places whereof , they are lords of the sea-coasts , and have likewise fortified upon the main , where the kings and people are at their devotion . and more then this , all neighbour-princes , in their differences , by reason of this their power at sea , are glad to have them of their party . so that , next to the english , they are now become the most redoubted nation at sea of any other whatsoever . 6. encrease of publick revenue . moreover how mighty the publick revenue , and customes of that state are encreased by their fishing , may appear in that above thirty years since , over and above the customes of other merchandize , excises , licenses , waftage , and lastage , there was paid to the state , for custome of herring , and other salt-fish , above three hundred thousand pound in one year , besides the tenth fish , and cask paid for waftage , which cometh at the least to as much more among the hollanders onely , whereto the tenth of other nations being added , it amounteth to a far greater sum . we are likewise to know , that great part of their fish is sold in other countries for ready monies , for which they commonly export of the finest gold , and silver , and coming home recoin it of a baser allay , under their own stamp , which is not a small means to augment their publick treasure . 7. encrease of private wealth . as touching their private wealth , if we consider the abundant store of herrings , and other fish by them taken , and the usual prises that they are s●ld for , as also the multitude of tradesmen & artizans , that by reason of this their fishing are daily set on work , we must needs conclude , that the gain thereof made by private men , must of necessity be exceeding great , as by observing the particulars following will plainly appear . during the wars between the king of spain , and the hollanders before the last truce , d●nkirk by taking , spoiling , and burning the busses of holland , and setting great ransom upon their fisher-men , enforced them to compound for great sums , that they might fish quietly for one year ; whereupon the next year after the fisher-men agreed amongst themselves to pay a doller upon every last of herrings , towards the maintenance of certain ships of war to waft and secure them in their fishing , by reason whereof there was a record kept of the several lasts of herrings taken that year , and it appeared thereby , that in one half year there were taken thirty thousand lasts of herrings which at twenty pound per last , amounteth to three millions six hundred thousand , and at sixteen , twenty , thirty pound the last , they are ordinarily sold , then transported into other countries , it cometh at least to five millions , whereunto if we add the herrings taken by other nations , together with the cod , ling , hake , and the fish taken by the hollanders , and other our neighbours upon the brittish coasts all the year long , the totall will evidently arise to be above ten millions . the great trade of fishing imploying so many men and ships at sea , must likewise necessarily maintain as great a number of trades-men , and artizends on land , as spinners , and hemp-winders to cables , cordage , yarn-twine for nets and lines , weavers to make saile cloaths , cecive packers , tollers , dressers , and cowchers to sort and make the herring lawful merchandise . tanners to tan their sails and nets ; coopers to make cask , block , and bowl-makers for ships , keel-men , and labourers for carrying and removing their fish , sawyers for planks , carpenters , shipwrights , smiths , carmen , boat-men , brewers , bakers , and a number of others , whereof many are maimed persons , and unfit to be otherwise imployed . besides the maintenance of all their several wives , and children , and families . and further every man and maid-servant , or orphant , having any poor stock , may venture the same in their fishing-voiages , which affords them ordinarily great encrease , and is duly paid according to the proportion of their gain . 8. encrease of provisions . and to conclude , it is manifest that holland only affording in it self some few hops , madders , butter and cheese aboundeth notwithstanding ( by reason of this art of fishing ) in plentiful manner with all kinde of provisions as well for life , as in corn , beef , muttons , hides , and cloaths ; as for luxury , in wines , silks and spices ; and for defence , as in pitch , tar , cordage , timber . all which they have not onely in comperent proportion for their use , but are likewise able from their several magazines to supply their neighbour-countries . the premises considered , it maketh much to the ignominy and shame of our english nation , that god and nature offering us so great a treasure even at our own doors , we do notwithstanding neglect the benefit thereof , and , by paying money to strangers for the fish of our own seas , impoverish our selves to make them rich. insomuch that for want of industry and care in this particular , two hundred twenty five fisher-towns are decayed and reduced to extream poverty , whereas on the contrary by diligent endevouring to make use of so great a blessing , we might in short time repair these decayed towns of the kingdom , and add both honour , strength , and riches to our king and country , which how easily it may be done , will appear by some few observations following . by erecting two hundred and fifty busses of reasonable strength and bigness , there will be employment made for a thousand ships , and for at least ten thousand fisher-men and mariners at sea , and consequently for as many tradesmen and labourers at land. the herrings taken by the busses will afford his majesty two hundred thousand pound yearly custom outward , and for commodities returned inward , thirty thousand pound and above . we have timber sufficient , and at reasonable rates , growing in our own kingdom for the building of busses , every shire affordeth hardy and able men fit for such employment , who now live poorly and idle at home . we have victuals in great plenty sold at easie rates without payment of excises , or impost . our shores and harbours are near the places where the fish do haunt . for drink , or nets , salting and packing our fish ; and for succour in stress of weather , we may bring our fish to land , salt and pack it , and from some part of his majesties dominions be at our markets in france , spain , or italy , before the hollanders can arrive in holland . we have means to transport our fishing into some northern councountries , where the hollanders seldome or never come . and though we had as many busses as the hollanders , yet is there vent for all , or more , for in the east and northern countries , and in many other places , herrings are every days meat , winter and summer , as well to draw on drink , as to satisfie hunger , and in most places the greatest part of the year they be scarce to be had ; for presently after michaelmas the sound and rivers are frozen up , so as no herrings can be transported into twenty several kingdoms , and free states until july , which is for thirty weeks space together ; so that when lent comes , there are few to be bought for money . lastly , since by care and industry we gained from the flemmings , doubtless so by the means we may as easily grow expert in the art of fishing , and in time make it a staple-commodity of our own . but this we shall the better and sooner do , if we consider and endeavour to reform certain wants and abuses which hitherto have hindred us from effecting that good and great work , whereof these that follow are none of the least . 1. general liberty of eating flesh contrary to old custom , and the statute-laws provided for observing fish-day , from whence our scarcity and dearth of fish proceedeth ; for where flesh is ordinarily spent , fish will not be bought , and want of sale decayeth all trade , gain being the nurse of industry . 2. want of order and discretion in our fishing , every man being left to himself and permitted to fish as best liketh him : whereas amongst the hollanders two of the best experienced fisher-men are appointed to guide the rest of the fleet , all others being bound to follow them , and to cast their lines according to their direction . 3. the hollanders and other nations set forth with their busses in june , to finde the shole of fish , and having found it , dwell amongst it till november , whereas we stay till the herring come home to our rode-steads ▪ and somtimes suffer them to pass by ere we look out , our herring-fishing conteining onely seven weeks at the most , and their 's twenty . 4. the hollanders busses are great and strong , and able to brook foul weather , whereas our cobles , crayers , and boats being small , and thin sided , are easily swallowed by a rough sea , not daring to adventure far in fair weather , by reason of their weaknesse for fear of storms . 5. the hollanders are industrious , and no sooner are discharged of their lading , but presently put forth for more , and seek for markets abroad as well as at home ; whereas our english after they have been once at sea , do commonly never return again untill all the money taken for their fish be spent , and they in debt seeking onely to serve the next market . 6. the hollanders have certain merchants , who , during the herring-season do onely come to the places where the busses arrive , and joyning together in several companies , do presently agree for the lading of thirty or forty busses at once , and so being discharged , they may speedily return to their former shipping ; whereas our fisher-men are uncertain of their chap-men , and forced to spend much time in putting off their fish by parcels . these and other effects would carefully be taken into consideration , and certain orders made to make our fishing prosperous , and succesful , especially considering the fearful mischiefs , the neglects hereof hath brought to the king and kingdom in general , and to many good towns and corporations in particular , as by authority even of parliament it self in the statute of 33. hen. the eight , is plainly testified , which i have summarily here set down , to avoid the prolixity of the original . because the english fisher-men dwelling on the sea-coasts did leave off their trade of fishing in our seas , and went the half-seas over , and thereupon they did buy fish of pickards , flemmings , normans , and zelanders , by reason whereof many incommodities did grow to the realm , viz. the decay of the wealth and prosperity as well of the cinque-ports , and members of the same , as of other coast-towns by the sea-side , which were builded , and inhabited by great multitudes of people , by reason of using and exercising , the craft and feat of fishing . secondly , the decay of a great number of boats and ships . and thirdly , the decay of many good marriners , both able in body by their diligence , labour , and continual exercise of fishing , and expert by reason thereof in the knowledge of the sea-coasts , as well within this realm as in other parts beyond the seas . it was therefore enacted , that no manner of persons english , denizens , or strangers at that time , or any time after dwelling in england , should buy any fish of any strangers in the said ports of flanders , zealand , picardie , france , or upon the sea between shoare and shoare , &c. this act by many continuances was continued from parliament to parliament , until the first of queen marie , and from thence to the end of the next parliament , and then expired . for conclusion , seeing , by that which hath formerly been declared , it evidently appeareth , that the kings of england , by immemorable prescription , continual usage , and possession , the acknowledgment of all our neighbour-states , and the municipal laws of the kingdom , have ever held the sovereign lordship of the seas of england , and that unto his majesty , by reason of his sovereignty , the supream command and jurisdiction over the passage , and fishing in the same rightfully apperteineth ; considering also the natural scite of those our seas that interpose themselves between the great northern commerce of that of the whole world , and that of the east , west , and southern climates , and withal the infinite commodities that by fishing in the same is daily made ; it cannot be doubted , but his majesty , by means of his own excellent wisdom and virtue , and by the industry of his faithful subjects and people , may easily , without injustice to any prince or person whatsoever , be made the greatest monarch for command and wealth , and his people the most opulent and flourishing nation of any other in the world . and this the rather , for that his majesty is now absolute commander of the brittish isle , and hath also enlarged his dominions over a great part of the western indies ; by means of which extent of empire , ( crossing in a manner the whole ocean ) the trade and persons of all nations ( removing from one part of the world to the other ) must of necessity first , or last , come within compass of his power and jurisdiction . and therefore the sovereignty of our seas , being the most precious jewel of his majestie 's crown ; and ( next under god ) the principal means of our wealth and safety , all true english hearts and hands are bound by all possible means and diligence to preserve and maintain the same , even with the uttermost hazzard of their lives , their goods and fortunes . thus you see what wonderous advantages may redound to the felicity , and glory of this nation , if god give hearts and resolutions to vindicate those rights which are now most impiously and injuriously invaded . there is also another dominion of the sea belonging to the king of great brittain , and that of a very large extent upon the shore of america , as on the virginian sea , and the islands of the barbadoes and saint christophers and many other places ; but how farr our english colonies transported into america , have possessed themselves of the sea there , is not exactly as yet discovered . a further assertion that the sea is under the laws of propriety , declared in a full convention betwixt ferdinando emperour of germany , and the republick of venice in the year , 1563. at this convention the complaints on both sides were opened ; and it being required in the name of his emperial majesty , that it may be lawful for his subjects and others , to traffick freely in the adriatick sea ; it was answered by the advocate of the common-wealth of venice , that navigation indeed ought to be free , yet those things at which his imperial majesty found himself agrieved were no ways repugnant to this freedom , for as much as in countries which are most free ; those who have the dominion thereof receive custome , and do give bounds , and prescribe order , by which way all merchandize shall pass , and therefore none should finde themselves agrieved if the venetians for their own respects , did use to do so in the adriatick seas which is under their dominion , there being nothing more known then that the common-wealth of venice were lords of the adriatick sea , and do exercise that dominion which from time out of minde it had always done , as well in receiving of customes as in assigning of places for the exaction of it ; and that according to former capitulations , the subjects of the venetians were to have no less liberty in the lands of the austrians , then the austrian subjects in the sea of venice ; and if his imperial majesty within his own state upon the land , will not permit that the subjects of the common-wealth of venice shall go which way they list , but doth constrain them to go by such places onely where customs is to be paid , he cannot with justice demand that his subjects may passe by or through the sea of the republick which way they please , but must content himself that they passe that way onely , which shall best stand with the advantage of those who have the dominion over it ; and if his majesty cause custome to be paid upon his land , why may not the venetians likewise do it upon their sea ? he demanded of them if by the capitulation they would have it that the emperour should be restrained or hindred from the taking of custome ? and if not , why would they have the venetians tyed thereunto by a capitulation , which speaks of both potentates equally with the same words ; he proceeded in a confirmation of the truth that the republick had the dominion of the sea , and although the proposition was true , that the sea is common and free , yet it is no otherwise to be understood there in the same sence when usually we say , that the high-way are common & free ; by which is meant , that they cannot be usurped by any private person for his sole proper service , but remain to the use of every one ; not therefore , that they are so free , as that they should not be under the protection and government of some prince , and that every one might do therein licenciously whatsoever pleaseth him , either by right , or by wrong , for as much as such licenciousness , or anarchy both of god , & nature , as well by sea , as by land ; that the true liberty of the sea excludes it not from the protection and superiority of such as maintain it in liberty , nor from the subjection to the laws of such as have command over it ; but rather necessarily it includes it ; that the sea no less then the land is subject to be divided amongst men , & appropriated to cities and potentates which long since was ordained by god from the beginning of man kind , as a thing most natural ; and this was well understood by aristotle , when he said , that unto maritine cities the sea is the territory , because from thence they take their sustenance , and defence ; a thing which cannot possibly be , unless that part of it be appropriated in the like manner as the land is , which is divided betwixt cities and governments not by equal parts , nor according to their greatness , but as they have been , or are able to rule , govern , or defend them . bern , he said , was not the greatest city of switzerland , and yet it hath as large a teritory , as all the rest of the twelve cantons together ; the city of norimburg is very great , and yet the dominions and teritories of it do hardly exceed the wals . the city of venice it self for many years was known to be without any possession at all upon the firm land. upon the sea likewise , certain other cities of great force and valour have possessed a large quantity of it , and other cities of less force have contented themselves with the next waters ; neither are there wanting examples of such who notwithstanding they do border upon the sea , yet having fertile lands adjacent to them , have satisfied themselves with their land possessions without ever attempting to gain any sea dominion . others there are , who being awod by their more mighty neighbours , have been constrained to for bear any such attempt , for which two causes , a city notwithstanding it be maritine , and bordereth upon the sea , may happen to remain without any possession of the sea. he added , that god did institute principalities for the maintenance of justice , to the benefit of mankind , which was necessary to be executed , as well by sea as by land ; and st. paul said , that for this cause there were due unto princes , customes and contributions , that it should be a great absurdity , to praise the well governing , regulating , and defence of the land , and to condemn that of the sea ; and that if the sea in some parts thereof , for the ampleness and extream distance of it from the land is not possibly to be governed , and protected , it doth proceed from a disability , and defect in mankind , as in the same consideration there are desarts or wildernesses so great upon the land , as it is altogether impossible to protect them , witness the many sandy parts of affrica , and the immense vastities of the world but lately discovered ; and as it is a gift of god that a land by the laws , and publisht power be ruled , protected , and governed , so the same happeneth to the sea ; he said , that those were deceived by a gross equivocation , who affirmed that the land by reason of its stability and firmness may be governed , but not the sea , for being an unconstant element , it passeth , and hath a motion proper to it as well as the aire ; and if by the sea , and the aire , all and every part of those fluent elements be intended , it is a most certain thing that they cannot be governed , because whilst a man secureth himself with any one part of them , the other fliteth out of his power ; and this also hapeneth unto rivers , which cannot be restrained in their fluent motions ; but when mention is made to rule over a sea or river , it is not understood of the element but of the scite where they are placed ; the water of the adriatick sea doth continually run out of it , neither can it at all be kept in , and yet it is the same sea , as well as the thames , the rhine or the po are the same rivers now , as they were one thousand years agoe , and this is that which is subject to the protection of princes . he askt the germans , if their pretence were that tho sea should be left without protection , protection , so that any one might do therein whatsoever he listed , by robing , spoiling and making it unnavigable ; this he said , would be so absurd in reason , that he durst answer for them that they had no such pretence ; he therefore concluded , that therefore his majesty of germany by a necessary consequence must acknowledge , that it ought to be kept governed , and protected by those unto whom it did appertain by divine disposition , which if it were so , as indeed it is , he desired to understand if in their judgment it seemed to them a just thing , that such should do it with the expence of their own pains , and treasure , or rather that should contribute towards it who equally did enjoy the benefit ; and as to this , he said , he durst answer for them , the doctrine of saint paul being clear in this particular , that all such who are under government and protection , are thereby bound to pay customes and contribution ; much he said , might be alleaged in matter of law to confirm this truth ; and thereupon he concluded , that if the common-wealth of venice were that prince to whom it did appertain to govern and protect the adriatick sea , it of necessity must follow , that whosoever traffick , and saileth on their sea ought to be subject to their laws , in the same manner as such are who travail through a country upon land. from hence he did proceed to show that this dominion over the sea from time out of minde did belong to the common-wealth of venice ; and to prove this , he caused to be read out of an abstract which he had taken the opinion of thirty famous lawyers who from the year one thousand three hundred until the present time , did speak of the dominion which the common-wealth of venice had over the sea , as of a thing most known , and of which even in their times , the mind of man knew not the contrary , some of them affirming that the common-wealth of venice had no lesse dominion over the sea , then over the city of venice ; others maintaining that the adriatick sea is the territory and the demeans of the said city ; and to render this more evident , they do make mention of the lawful power which the venetians have to establish laws over navigation , and to impose customes upon such as traffique on those seas ; and he added , that he never read any lawyer which held forth to the contrary , moreover he told the advocate of the emperour , that if he would not believe those authors who testified that the sea belonged to the venetians , whereof they had possession from time out of minde , before the age wherein those authors lived , yet ●he could not deny to receive them for the testimonies of such things , which they saw , and knew in their times , and to hold them as witnesses far above all exception , being all of them famous men , though dead so many years agoe , and whose impartial pens could no ways be interested in the present differences . and because more then two hundred and fifty years were passed from the time that the authors whom he alleaged as witnesses hereof , did write to the time of those whose names he last of all did mention in that behalf ; he urged that by their attestation it was sufficiently proved , that for a long time more then so many years the common-wealth hath commanded the sea , and therefore he could not deny the assured and certain possession of it to the present . then addressing himself to the judges , he desired them to consider , that notwithstanding some of the above mentioned authors do speak in general words , and name at large the sea of the venetians , neither taking care to declare the quality or the quantity thereof , yet others more expresly do give it the title of the adriatick sea , which evidently doth demonstrate not onely the scite , but also the quantity of the sea possessed , and hereupon he explained himself , that those who speak more precisely ought to cleer the passages of those who write more generally , according to the common precept which is , that with cleer places the more obscure are to be illustrated ; he mentioned also the divers manner of speaking of the same lawyers , some deriving the dominion of the republick over the seas from custome , some from prescriptions , others from an induced subjection , and others from a privilege , which did arise all from this reason ; because , as they were most assuredly informed of the possession and jurisdiction of the said sea , which they both heard and saw to belong to the common-wealth time out of mind ; so they writing on the same subject not at the instance or the command of any one , but of their own proper motions , and by way of institution only , every one of them judged it most convenient to express the title of that jurisdiction , some with one term , and some with another , without coming to use the sole , true proper term , as they would have done if they had been put to write for the interest of any one , in which cases the lawyers are alwayes conformable , receiving from the person interested the like instructions . after the declination of the constantinopolitan empire , the adriatick sea was found to be for many years abandoned in such manner , as it remained unregard , and without the protection and government of any prince , and under the jurisdiction of none , untill it came into the power of the venetians , who to receive their lively-hood thereby , were constrained to maintain it in freedom , and thereupon taking it into their protection , they obtained the government , and the dominion over it : in like manner , as by the law of nature , and of nations , the land , the sea , and other things which are not under the dominion of any other , come justly into the hands of those who first do get the possession of them ; by which reason , the first empires were founded , as well upon the sea , as on the land , and daily there are new ones in the same manner formed , when any of them , either through age , or vice becoming weak wanteth force , and sinketh of it self , the which custody and government of the sea acquired the common-wealth of venice , hath daily advanced by the keeping of powerful fleets , with the expence of much treasure , and the effusion of as much blood , both of their citizens , and subjects , continuing without interruption in the sight of all the world their dominion and custody of the said sea , and overcoming and removing all impediments , as either by pirates , or by potentates , have at divers times been raised against them . after the testimony of the lawyers , he added , that of the historians , who do relate , that the common-wealth of venice for more then three hundred years past , did receive custom of such as sail'd that sea , and kept arm'd vessels in a readiness to compell all such ships so sayling to go to venice , testifying moreover , that even unto their present time the same custom was observed : but he dwelled not much upon their attestations , saying , that although they were good testimonies of preceding occurrences ; yet when we undertake to prove either the interests of princes , or of private persons , he ought to help himself by authentick writings , and to use the historians with great discretion , some of them being moved by love , others with hatred , and others with hopes of preferment , which constrains them oftentimes to use flatteries , or hyperboles , upon which cannot be laid any sure foundation : he therefore did produce an act of the general council held at lions in the year , one thousand two hundred seventy four , where the abbot of nervesa being delegated by the pope did sentence , that the venetians should not be molested in the defence , and protection of the adriatick sea , against the saracens and pirats , neither should they be disturbed by any from exacting their rights and customs , which they had of victuals , merchandize , or any other portable commodities . he added also that there remain the registers of licenses granted to pass their said sea , with armed vessels , or ships of war , and to the persons and goods belonging to their use , at the request of divers princes who had their possessions on the shore of the adriatick sea : but for the greater confirmation of all that had been said , he remembred the yearly ceremony used at venice , where the duke in the presence of the ambassadours of other princes , and more particularly of the emperours of germany doth constantly use to espouse the sea by casting a ring of gold into it with these words , desponsamus to mare in signum veri & perpetui dominii : we do marry thee o sea , in sign of our true and perpetual dominion over it ; which ceremony , as many writers do affirm , had its beginning when pope alexander the third was in venice , notwithstand they do add withall , that it was instituted in sign of the dominion which the republick had formerly gotten by the right of war. at the conclusion he produced the letters of many princes and potentates who joyntly acknowledged the truth of what he spoke , two of them were from the emperour frederick to giovanni mocernigo duke of venice , where having acquainted him of a certain quantity of corn , that was to pass through the adriatick sea , he desireth that he may be permitted to have a free passage , which will be to him a great pleasure , and he shall acknowledge it with many thanks . another letter was from beatrice queen of hungary to the duke above mentioned , where having informed him that she had divers things to pass through the adriatick sea , which could not be without his permission she desired that for courtesies and friendships-sake it might be granted her , which she should take for a great favour , and correspond with him on the like occasion . another letter was from matthias king of hungary to the duke of venice , where relating how the common-wealth of venice was accustomed every year to give license for the transportation of a certain quantity of corn , he prayed that the same grace might be shewed unto him , and that he would acknowledge it for a favour , and correspond accordingly . thus as in a glass , you may see the dominion of his majesty in his brittish seas clearly represented , asserted , and fully proved by that propriety of title and soverainty of power which the duke of venice exerciseth on the adriatick sea , which by the manner of prescription , the consent of histories , and even by the confession of their adversaries themselves is almost the same with his majesties of great brittain ; but his majesty hath one title more above all theirs , which is , the title of successive inheritance , confirmed as well by the law of nature , as of nations , and is so much the more considerable , in regard of the infinite advantages of the profits of it , as the brittish ocean in its latitude and circumference exceedeth the small boundaries of the gulph of venice . but in this great disputation ( where were present the most remarkable wits of italy and germany , and where the imperialists themselves and amongst them , one of the most eminent , stephen , baron of gourz attested openly , that the common-wealth of venice was patron of the adriatitk sea , and might impose what customs they thought fitting , and that all other the commissaries thought so in their consciences : ) there is enough , as may be thought in reason to convince all opponents , that may pretend to differ in judgement from us ; yet so it is , that the indulgence of the kings of england to their neighbouring nations , especially to the hollanders , by giving them too much liberty hath incouraged them to assume a liberty to themselves , and what at the first was but a license , they improve into a custom , and make that custom their authority ; insomuch , that some of the most busiest of them have openly declared against the kings propriety on the brittish seas : amongst these is one hugo grotius , a gentleman of great ingenuity , but in this particular so inclined to obey the importunities , and serve the interests of his country-men , that he disobliged himself of the truth , and moreover ( to speak the truth ) of his conscience it self , for it you look into his silvae , upon the first inauguration of king iames of ever blessed memory , he is pleased to express himself in these words , tria sceptra profundi in magnum cojere ducem , which is , that the rights of the english , scottish , and irish seas are united under one scepter , neither is he satisfied with this bare profession , but he goes on , sume animas a rege tuo , quis det iura mari , which is in english , take courage from the king , who giveth law unto the seas : in the same book , in the contemplation of so great a power , he concludeth , finis hic est , qui fine caret , that is , this is an end beyond an end , a bound that knoweth no bound , a bound , which even the winds and the waves must submit unto . but with what ingratitude have the dutch answered the many royal favours , which the kings of england have almost perpetually conferred on them : if there be no monster greater then ingratitude , what monsters are these men , who of late are so far from acknowledging their thankfulness , that like vipers , they would feed upon , and consume those bowells which did afford them life and spirit ? we may observe , that in their lowest condition , which is most sutable to the name of their abode , called the low countries , they petitioned to the majesty of the q●een of england , whose royal heart and hand being alwayes open to those that were distressed , especially those that were her neighbours , upon the account of religion , she sent them threescore thousand pound , upon the account of sir thomas gresham in the year , one thousand five hundred seventy and two ; and presently afterwards , there followed colonel morgan , colonel gilbert , colonel chester to assist them in their wars , who were the commanders of so many regiments of men ; and after them the war increasing , there were sent over colonel north , colonel cotton , colonel candish , and colonel norris , and some other persons of an eminent name , who for the honour of the english nation made there excellent demonstrations of their valour , and redeemed the dutch from the power of those who otherwise would have brought them to a better understanding of their duties : great supplyes of monies were sent over to maintain so great a charge : at the last , the prince of orange being slain presently after the death of the duke alanson ( brother to henry the third of france , ) who ( if the successe had answered the expectation ) was wisely enough made duke of brabant ; the queen of england sent over unto them robert duke of leicester with great provision both of men and money , accompanied with diverse of the nobility and gentlemen of good account ; and although the said earle , not long afterwards , returned into england and the affairs of the hollanders were doubtful untill the fatal battel at nieuport , yet queen elizabeth of ever blessed memory , out of her unspeakable goodness to the distressed , and to those that suffered for religion , did as long as she lived constantly assist the hollanders both with men and monies ; she gave them hope in despair , she gave them strength being weak , and and with the charity of her princely hand did support them being fallen ; and although the hollanders do ungratefully alledge , that it was a benefit great enough for the english to assist them in reason of state , because by so doing they kept out a war from their own country . it is most certain , that at that time the english had need to fear no warr , at all , but onely for their cause , and for taking their parts ; for it was for their cause that the english in the year , one thousand five hundred , and seventy one , had seized upon the sum of six hundred thousand ducats , on the west coast of england , being the money designed from spain to the duke of alva for the advancement of the spanish interests in the neatherlands : and although the hollanders do further alledge in their own excuse , that they were so grateful , as that they offered unto the queen of england the soveraignty of the neatherlands , which she would not accept , and therefore it was not their fault that she obtained it not ; it is in reason truly answered , that the queen of england , well knowing that she was in danger to draw a perpetual warr upon her self , and her successours , by the accepting of such a gift to which she had no right , did wisely refuse their liberality ; and yet for all that , she continued still to aid them without that chargeable obligation . the hollanders do further alledge , that the queen of england had the cautionary town of brill , flushing , and the other places delivered into her hands : it is true she had so , and thereby enjoyed only the benefit of being at more expence , both of men and money ; and let the reader take notice , that most certain it is , that the hollander had no sooner made a truce with the king of spain , and the arch-duke albertus , but he began presently to set the english at nought , and to take the bridle out of their hands ; whereupon immediately insued their forbiding of the bringing of english cloaths died , and dressed into holland , and the adjoyning provinces without ever making the king of england or his ambassadour leiger at the hague privy thereunto . and to make amends for this their saucy and insolent affront , in a more high and peremptory way they demeaned themselves to king iames himself ; for whereas the duke of lennox , as admiral of scotland , had by order from the majesty of king iames in the year , one thousand six hundred and sixteen , sent one master brown to demand of the hollanders then fishing upon the coasts of scotland a certain antient duty called , size herring , they began to contest with him about it , and after a long disputation they payed it , as in former times it had been accustomed , but not without some affronting terms ; that it was the last time it should be payed . and it is most observable , that the same gentleman coming the year following with the same authority and commandment with one only ship of his majesties to demand the duty aforesaid ; and with order , if he were denyed , to take witness of the refusal in writing , and so peaceably depart : he came aboard one of their ships , and no sooner demanded the aforesaid duty , but by the master of the ship , he was denyed it , who as plainly , as peremptority told him , that he was commanded by the states of holland not to pay it unto the king of england any more , of which he took witness according to his order from his majesty . this taking of witness did so startle the dutch , that before master brown had got off to his own ship , the master of another ship of holland came presently aboard that ship in which he was , who demanding of master brown , his name , he replyed that his name was brown ; why then , quoth he , if you be the man , i have order to arrest you , and to carry you into holland ; whereof master brown gave notice to the master of the kings ship , requiring him to advertise his majesty of this insolency ; and master brown was in this manner arrested , and carried away prisoner into holland , where for a while he was detained . i do read , that much about the same time one master archibald ranthin a scotch gentleman , and residing at stockholme in sweden , where he sollicited for the payment of some sums of monies due to the english merchants , there was at the same time in the same city one vandyke , who lying there as an agent for the states of holland , said unto some principal persons of the swedes , that they need not be so hasty in paying any monies to the subjects of the king of england , or to give them any high respect , because the said kings promises were not to be believed , nor his threatnings to be feared ; for which vile and insolent speeches bring afterwards challenged by master archibald ranthin , he had no better excuse , then to say , he was drunk when he did speak those words ( for deny them he could not ; ) and by this means his excuse of playing the beast ; did excuse him for playing the man. now from these insolent affronts by words , let us proceed , and come to what they have done by deeds , where in the first place , we may observe their rude demeanour to our english nation in the northern seas on the coasts of greenland , and those parts , about the fishing for whales , and the commodity of train oyle , where violently they have offered unpardonable abuses by giving of blows , and chasing the english-men away , and by procuring much loss and prejudice unto them ; their pride of heart was so high , that it would not give their reason leave to apprehend that fishing at sea is free for every man where it is not upon the coast of any country , unto which the dominion of the sea belongeth by antient prerogative . and yet all this is but inconsiderable in regard of their usage of our nation in the east-indies , where in open hostility they have as fiercely set upon them , as if they had been most mortal enemies , having in several encounters slain many of our men , and sunk sundry of our ships ; and when they had taken our men prisoners , they would use them in the sight of the indians , in such a contemptible and disdainfull manner , as if at their own home , and in the country of the butter-boxes ; the english in respect of them were but a sordid and a slavish nation , and the hollanders were either their superiours , and might use them at their own pleasure , or the english were so spiritless , or so unpowerfull , that they durst not be revenged , but quietly must put up all the affronts and injuries which they received at their hands . and as for the commodious trade which the english have had in muscovy for above these fourscore years , and some other countries that lye upon the east and north , which the hollanders , have now gotten quite out of their hands , to the great grief and prejudice of many merchants in this city : what shall we say , seeing not long since they have been acting the same again with our english merchants in turkey : and it is a practise so usual with them to spoyle the trade of other nations , that when they cannot find any occasion to do it , they will show a nature so wretchedly barbarous , that they will not stick to spoyle one another ; so great is their covetous and most insatiable desire of gain : and yet all this proceedeth out of an ignoble and a sordid spirit , for let them arrive to what wealth they will , they can never be the masters of a noble , and a generous disposition . had it not been for their neighbouring nation of the english , they had never arrived to the liberty of a free state , yet so ungratefull have they been , that they have endeavoured to forget all the obligations of humanity , and have digged into the very bowels of those who did preserve them . many examples of this may be instanced ; i shall look a little back again on the cruelty of their proceedings in the east indies , before their studied malice at amboyna , and afterwards of their horrid massacre at amboyna it self . as their avarice was unsatisfied , so their quarrels with the english were many ; covetousness and ambition not long enduring a co-partner . queen elizabeth being translated into a better world , and the hollanders ( to be the more ready to set the english at nought , ) having by the assistance of sir ralph winwood got the cautionary towns into their own possession , they presently began to appear in their true colours , by adding cruelty to hypocrisie , and avarice to insolence ; the english that were trafficking in the east indies being sensible thereof , and finding no redress , preferred their just complaints to the majesty of king iames , on which ensued the first treaty in the year , one thousand six hundred and thirteen , in the city of london , and after that , another treaty in the year , one thousand six hundred and fifteen , at the hague in holland , which taking up much time to little effect ; there was a third treaty which was held in london in the year , one thousand six hundred and nineteen , touching the differences between the english and dutch in the east indies , in which a full and solemn composition was made , and a fair order set as to the management of the affairs for the time to come ; but so restless were the spirits of the hollanders to make themselves the entire masters of the profits of the indies , that having driven from thence the spaniards and portugals , they at the last determined with themselves by subtility as well as strength , to force from thence the english also ; in pursuance whereof , some four years before the most barbarous proceedings at amboyna , they endeavoured to dispossess the english of the islands of banda , polleroone , and some others , famous for the rich spices of nutmeggs , cloves and mace ; and understanding by one of their spies , that captain courtupe was gone from his house and factory in polleroon to one of the adjacent clove-islands , called lantore , they did shoot him as he was in his boat upon his return , and being demanded the cause of so unexpected a murther , they sent word to the english that they should take no more care for him , for he was dead , and he should be buried ; although this was a great discouragement to the english that were there in their occupation of merchandize , yet some were afterwards so venturous , as to endeavour a settlement at lantore , amongst whom was master woofe a factor there , and the authour from whom we have received this discourse , and one who being taken not long afterwards by the dutch , indured almost as much misery , as a created nature can be capable of , which the ensuing narration will make manifest : he writeth of the dutch , that as often as he thinketh of their unparralleld and barbarous cruelty , he cannot but admire , and praise that great god who so much strengthened and inabled him to undergoe those heavy tortures and pressures which were loaden on him by those bloody patrons of cruelty . the dutch had no sooner notice that the english had raised a factory in the island of lantore , but sayling from iaccatra , now by them called bata via , they importuned the natives to surrender the island into their hands and custody ; sometimes they thought to have prevailed upon them with perswasions , and fair words fayling ; they would make use of foul , and threaten them with sword and fire ; and although they were not ignorant that a treaty had been held in london , and a full composition for the ending of all controversies , yet they informed the natives , that although they had given the island to the king of england , they need not to fear to disclaim what they had done by making them to become masters of it , for they said they could , nay , and they would interpose between all dangers and them , and assured them that they had strength enough to defend them against all the nations in the world ; they only desired of them a seizin of security to enjoy the profit of their fruits on those terms which the english had conditioned with them . the natives of the island being hereat in a great perplexity , and doubting amongst themselves what might be the event , if they refused a proffer , which carried an obligation of so much safety with it , did address themselves unto the english , and desired of them to be informed , how they might secure themselves from that deceitfull and cruell generation of men , whose perswasions were as plausible , as their threatnings terrible ; and understanding by the english , that they expected a considerable recruit both of men and ships to come suddainly unto them , they were resolved to be couragious , and not to yield to their treacherous perswasions : in this apprehension , the dutch not long afterwards desired of them after some flattering asseverations to give them , a seizin of security ; at which the natives pretending ignorance , told them , that they knew not the signification of the world , and seemed to be extraordinarily curious to understand the interpretation of it ; at which the dutch with as much mirth as confidence , having whispered amongst themselves , did after some deliberation tell them , that they must bring a great brass bason filled with earth , and plant in the middle of it the branch of a nutmeg-tree laden with fruit , and cause it to be presented to them by the chiefest men of their islands ; and this they told them was the sence and interpretation of the word . the natives having received this answer , did suddainly acquaint the english with it , to whom they were more inclined then to the dutch , as all the rest of those nations are ; and having advised with one another , they told the dutch in plain terms , that their demands were impossibilities , for should they recede from what already they had done , both god and man might justly brand them with infidelity , for to their apprehensions , they seemed to un-interest the english of what was their proper title , which by no means they could be induced to consent unto ; at which the hollanders being much incensed , told them , that since no perswasions would allure them to a knowledge of their own happiness , they must expect to find the reward of their obstinacy , for rather then be frustrated of their intentions , they were resolved to make a benefire of the island , they did advise them , not to trust to the english strength which could stand in no competition with theirs , for they owned them but as a handfull in comparison with themselves . this dispute being frustrated , and the dutch finding the natives of the island to be intractable to their demands , they prepared a great vessel which they had with battery guns , with a resolution forthwith to assault the town ; this great ship was called the float ▪ and besides her , they had in a readiness other less ships that lay against that part of the town , where the english factory was ; having for two dayes planted their batteries , and played against that place where by the flaggs and pendants of the red cross , they found the english factory to be , and finding the event not to answer the expectation , on the first of march , ( five dayes after their first assault ) they found the means to land their men , and enter the town ; they had placed in their front a considerable number of the nation of japan being all armed with guns like unto cullivers with barrels of brass , who making way for the hollanders , did such execution , that the out-cry in the streets was terrible , men , women , and children being cut in pieces , and the town a shamble of dead persons . the english being but few in number were taken prisoners , and saluted with the titles of base rogues and villains , they were bound unto posts by hands and neck , they were bruised , beaten and buffered , they were afterwards ty'd back to back , and so the stronger was inforced to carry the weaker to one of the dutch ships , called the holland , where they were laden with irons , and tormented with variety of tortures ; insomuch , that the author of this discourse , who was a factor at lantore , and one of those who did partake in these grievous torments , hath these express words ; for my own part , i seriously protest , that if it pleased god , the great determiner of all things , to command me to yield my body to be tortured , i had rather by far choose the turkish then the dutch tormentors , for their cruelties i am confident are far transcending the turkish extremities , and i know their viperous inclinations to the english will not be consumated untill their compleated iury shall surfeit it self into an unparalleld revenge . many dayes were they thus tormented , and some of them being most sadly troubled with the flux , these unmercifull people would not let them out of their bolts , but compelled them to use the same dish to receive their excrements , in which all of them constantly did eat their meat ; these things were unsavoury indeed , but these inhumane creatures would not be sensible of their calamities ; at the last it pleased god , that some english ships sayling that way , and being informed what the dutch had acted at lantore , one of the captains , captain fitz herbert by name , sent to the dutch to demand the prisoners , who being conveyed to his ship , he wondered at their unsightly complexion , and the lameness of their bodies , the one being eaten in with irons , and the other quite decayed for want of eating ; by his means their release being obtained , they had liberty to depart to the island of polleroon . and here they continued not long , but the dutch who would have no factories in the east-indies but their own , did again seize upon them , and having plundred them to their very shirts , they imprisoned them in a castle which was in that island , where they continued enduring many extremities until the noise of their sufferings , and durance being again divulged , they were again relieved by some english ships that passed that way ; and the reason why they used so much cruelty to the english , being demanded , no other thing being to be laid unto their charge , but onely their buying of cloves upon the islands ; the dutch at their discharge told the prisoners , that in regard they were the first english-men that ever they took buying of cloves upon that island , they were willing to spare their lives , but if for the time to come , they should ever take an english-man in the same nature , they would not be so favourable as to hang him , but they would whip him to death ; and speaking in contempt of the english , they have been heard to speak words to this effect . alas ! what is england if compared to our high and mighty states of the neatherlands , we know that we have ships enough to block up all the english , and if any difference should arise , the proof should manifest the truth , for they would show us what the dutch men were , if ever they could find opportunity to put their designs in agitation ; the authour of this discourse to show the candour of his spirit , in the representation of so sad a subject ; i protest , saith he , and shall be ready at any time to justifie it with my life , that i have not expressed any thing but what is really correspondent to the truth , and i am very much astured , that there be those now living , who can testifie with me the many tragioal designs , that have not onely been acted on us , but upon many others . neither was this their arrogancy , and cruelty expressed to the english alone , but the inhabitants of china have had the sad experience of it , it being the common practise of the dutch to seize upon their vessels as they came down to trassique in those rivers , and and having plundered their ships , to drown the men. in the year , one thousand six hundred and seventeen , the inhabitants of the banda islands , made a present to captain ball , at that time president of bantam , and besought him that he would so far be pleased to compassionate their sorrowfull conditions , as to accept of their present , and receive their islands into his jurisdiction , by defending them from the tyrannies of the intruding and unmerciful hollanders , whose practise it was , daily to exact upon them , and to murther them at their pleasures , and to abuse their wives whiles themselves were inforced to look on , and not dare in the least to resist them ; moreover their drunkenness was such , and so habitual to them , that it was almost a wonder to see them sober ; they told him , if he were pleased to accept of what they proffered , he should very much oblige them , and no wayes prejudice himself nor the english nation . to which captain ball replyed , that he much lamented their misfortune , but in regard that they had made a surrender of their island already to the dutch , it was not consonant to reason , that he should take away that by force from the dutch , which they had obtained by favour , he therefore desired them to cease their importunity ; to which the bandaneses replyed , that if that were all the obstacle , it might easily be removed , for they generally protested , they never gave the least consent to the hollanders to possess their islands , but that they wilfully and violently entred upon them without their consent , and though that oftentimes they had desired , yet the dutch had never received any assurance of submission from them , the unworthiness of their actions having deterred the bandaneses from condescending to their perswasions . hereupon captain ball became willing to receive them into his protection to the great comfort of the afflicted indians . captain ball continued president not long after , for captain iourdan arrived with sir thomas dailes fleet , in the year , 1618. at what time captain ball was commanded home ; howsoever the cruelties against the poor bandeneses in many of their islands still continued , and grew to such a height , that they hardly could be parallel'd , and for no other cause , but that their affections were so generally , and so servently expressed towards the english . mention hath already been made of the taking of the chief town in the island of lantore , and how barbarously the dutch dealt with the english factory there ; it is worthy your observation , that the greatest part of the inhabitants flying for their safety into the highest hills of that island , were courted by the dutch to submit , and surrender themselves , and that they should be received into favour and protection ; hereupon they came down in great numbers , and four hundred of the chiefest of them being picked out amongst the rest , they were transported into an adjacent island , where having washed themselves , accordingly as they had been advised , they were all invited to a great dinner , and intreated with many welcomes ; they told them , they were heartily sorry that they should so much distrust them as to fly to the english , there being none that desired their safety and welfare more then themselves , and that they would be friend them against all opposers ; they desired that all differences whatsoever may be absolutely composed ; and all former injuries forgotten ; to which purpose , to give them a manifestation of their respects , they had transported them thither , and provided what for the present could be had for their refreshment . the poor inhabitants being much surprized at this unusual manner of respect , having fed heartily , and expressed their thankfulness , prepared for their departure , but the dutch leading them to a window , told them , that they must walk to yonder green , and take their farewell of them there , for there their executioners stood in a readiness to dispatch them ; whereat the poor bandeneses being much amazed , cryed out , o apetow ! which is in english , o what is this ! immediately they were hurried away to the place of execution , and by the iapan slaves , the cruel instruments of the hollanders , they were cut asunder in the middle alive , and their divided quarters were sent some of them to lantore , some of them to polleroon , and other islands belonging unto banda . in the same year , they put to death the chiefest of the inhabitants of polleroon , amongst whom was the chief priest of that island , in whose side the dutch having cut a hole , they commanded that gun-powder should be put into it , which at that instant being set on fire , by a new way of torment they deprived him of his life . it is very observable , that although these inhabitants of polleroon were under the english protection , yet their numbers being inconsiderable to the strength of the dutch , the english durst not contradict them ; so that these poor people were not only murdered before their faces ; but the english perceiving how tyrahnical withall the dutch were , and how incroaching upon them , and what were their cruelties which they practised at amboyna , of which more in its due place ; in the year , one thousand six hundred and twenty two , they abandoned the banda islands which the dutch have ever since possessed , and do still wrongfully and unjustly enjoy , not permitting the enlish to have any commerce with them . and in this place i shall not forget to give you the memorable account of the innumerable shoales of mackerell which was the chiefest thing that supported those islands , they came always in their season in great multitudes , and if at any time they appeared not so numerous , they were sure to have arrived within the limits of two or three dayes , and in far greater abundance then usually before ; but after that the english had left those islands , they did forsake them also , as places polluted with blood , and avarice , or as if they would come to no coasts , but where humanity and probity , or at least where the english had their residence . much about the same time , captain iourdan sayling from bantham with two ships , the one called the sampson , the other the hound , to the great islands of burnew , he discovered three or four dutch ships standing in for the same port , and being confident that they intended no good to him , he gave order to prepare for the encounter , fully resolving to fight it out to the last man , rather then to yield himself to the unmerciful hands of his insulting and approaching enemies ; the dutch summoned the english to deliver the ships upon fair quarter , but captain iourdan a well complexioned man , who had a great heart in a little body , absolutely refused to yield upon any condition whatsoever . the dutch pretending to be unwilling to shed blood , called out to the english , and told them , that they knew very well that little captain iourdan was there , and desired them to perswade him to parley with them ; captain iourdan being informed of it , refused to have any conference with them ; whereupon they desired that he would but show himself upon the quarter deck , that by a fair complyance they might stop the effusion of blood , which otherwise must come to pass ; whereupon captain iourdan ( thinking that to speak with them could not much prejudice him ) did show himself on the quarter deck , & after the exchange of some few words ; told them , that he knew the justice of his cause , and the injustice of theirs , and was resolved to fight it out : the hollander alledging that their strength was far greater then his , and it was rather desparateness then true valour to fight upon such a disadvantage ; it prevailed nothing at all with captain iourdan , who told them , he questioned not his own strength , but was resolved to fight it out , and to leave the success unto god. the dutch finding him intractable to their demands , did hold him still in discourse , until a musquet bullet from one of their ships laid him dead upon the deck , as he was in parley with them : at that very instant of time , whether by treachery , or by accident it is uncertain , a part of our other english ship called the hound , was blown up , and many of our men mortally hurt ; the amazement was so great , that the english were inforced to yield to the mercy of their enemies , who having taken them , did cause them to be laden with bolts , and did not allow them so much favour as to the heathen , for they were permitted to walk up and down with a chain of iron , which is far more easie then to lye in bolts of iron . thus may we observe , what injury and wrong we have all along sustained by the dutch , who have got many of those islands where now they have seated themselves by cruelty and blood-shed , and by murthering the english and their friends ; these indeed are sad relations , and though dismall in themselves , they are but the prologues to the tragedy at amboyna . amboyna is an island lying near unto seran , fruitful of cloves , for the buying and gathering whereof the english company had for their parts planted five factories , the chiefest whereof was at the town of amboyna ; but the hollanders who had already dispossessed them of their residence at polleroon , and at lantore , had a labouring desire to heave them out also at amboyna , and at bonda , several complaints and discontents did every day arise , which were transferred to iaccatra in the island of iava major to the council of defence of both nations there residing , who also not agreeing in points of difference did send them over into europe to be decided by both companies here , or if they could not agree amongst themselves , they should then be determined by the kings majesty , and the lords the states general according to the article of the treaty in the year one thousand six hundred and nineteen , which although it was then articled and agreed upon by both nations , yet the ambition and avarice of the dutch , would not admit of so deliberute a course , but with rash hands would of themselves cut their way to their own ends , and use neither delay nor conscience where gain or profit did appear . the english factories at amboyna began to be rich , and were a great eye-fore unto them who could not indure that any should traffick there but themselves ; on the eleventh therefore of february , in the year , one thousand six hundred and twenty two , a laponen who served the dutch as a souldier was apprehended upon suspition of treason , and put to the torture , the pretense was for asking the sentinel , what was the strength of the castle ? the extremity of the torture was such , that it prompted him to confess whatsoever he perceived they would have him to say , which was , that himself , and sundry others of his country-men there had contrived the taking of the castle ; upon this confession ( which made a great noyse amongst the dutch , and administred them a subject upon which to act , even according to their own desires ) divers other iaponers were examined and tortured ; this examination continued four dayes , during which time , diverse english men that belonged to the factory , had every day their ingress into the castle and egress from it , they heard of the torturing of the japoners , and of the crime laid to their charge , never dreaming of the bait that was prepared for themselves : at the same time there was prisoner in the castle one abel price , an english man , for threatning in a drunken humour to set a dutch mans house on fire : the dutch being glad they had such an instrument to work on in their custody , they showed him some of the japoners whom most grievously they had tortured , and told him , they had confessed that the english had combined with them for the taking of the castle ; whereupon having put him also to the torture , they enforced him to confess whatsoever they desired of him ; immediately upon this , captain towerson and the rest of the english that were in amboyna , were sent for to the governour of the castle : they in obedience to the command , did all of them repair unto him , one man excepted , that was left to keep the factory ; the governour told captain towerson , that he and many other of the english nation were accused of a conspiracy to surprize the castle , and were to remain under custody untill a further tryal ; instantly they attached the person that was left at home in the factory , and the merchandize of the english company was taken into the dutch custody by inventory ; all their chests , boxes , books , writings , and whatsoever was of any value in the english house were seized on , captain towerson was committed to his chamber , having a guard of dutch souldiers ; emanuel thomson , one of the chiefest of the factors , was kept prisoner in the castle , seven others , viz. john beaumont , edward collins , william webber , ephraim ramsey , timothy johnson , john fardo , and william brown were sent aboard the ships of the hollanders then in harbour , some to one ship , some to another , and all made fast in irons : the rest of the english that were in the other factories in the same island were apprehended ; samuel colson , john clark , george sharrock were found in the factory at hitto , and edward collins , william webber , and john sadler in the factory at larica , who were all brought prisoners to amboyna . john powel , john weatheral , and thomas ladbrook were apprehended at cambello , and john beaumont , william griggs , and ephraim ramsey at loho , and brought in irons to amboyna on the 20th . day of february . in the mean time the governour and the fiscal intend to lose no opportunity , in the prosecution of the fine plot that was contrived ; john beaumont , and timothy johnson are sent for from aboard the unicorn ; being come into the castle , beaumont was left with a guard in the hall , and johnson was taken into the place of torture , where by and by to the great grief and astonishment of his heart and understanding , beaumont heard him to make a lamentable out-cry , and then to be silent for a little while , and not long afterwards to be as loud in his hideous complaints , if not louder then before ; after this torture abel price the chyrurgion , who was first of all wracked , was brought in to accuse him ; but johnsons heart being as stout as it was innocent , and not confessing any thing , he was remanded to the torture again , where beaumont heard him to roar , and cease from roaring , and then to roar out again , enough to soften the hardest stones into compassion ; having been a whole hour in this purgatory of fire and water , they brought him forth wet all over , and burned in severall places of his body , and so laid aside in a by-place in the hall , with a souldier to watch him that he should speak to no man. after him emanuel tompson was examined in a room adjoyning to that where johnson had been tortured , where being an hour and a half in his examination , and his torment , he was carried another way , and passed not through the hall , where beaumont attended , and every hour expected the dreadfull summons ; at the last , beaumont was called in , and with deep protestations denying what was propounded to him , he was made fast to the rack , and the cloath being tyed about his neck , and two men with jarrs of water in their hands being ready to pour it on his head , the governour commanded that he should be taken down again saying , that he would forbear him a day or two longer , because he was an old man. the next day being sunday , robert brown was called in , and being on the rack , and the torment of water given him , he confessed all as the fiscal asked . after him was edward collins called in , whose hand and feet being fastned to the rack , he prayed to be respited , saying , he would confess all ; but being let down , with great oaths and execrations he protested his innocency as before , yet told them , that because he knew that by torture , they would : make him to confess any thing , though never so contrary to the truth , they should do him a great favour to tell him what they would have him to confess , and he would acknowledge it to avoid the torture ; at which the fiscal being angry , he was hoysted up again , and the torment of water being given him , he was not able to endure it , but prayed to be let down again to his confession ▪ after which having deliberated a little with himself , he confessed he had a hand in the plot for the surprisal of the castle , and being demanded of the fiscal , whether captain towerson were not an associate in the conspiracy ; he answered , no ; whereupon the fiscal told him , that he lied , for said he , did not he call all of you of the english factories unto him , and tell you , that the daily affronts and abuses of the dutch had put a plot into his head , and that he wanted nothing but your consent and secrecy ▪ a dutch merchant standing by said ; and did not you all swear upon the bible to be secret to him ? collins with great protestations replyed , that he knew nothing at all of it : being then delivered again into the hands of the executioner , the sense of the late torture so prevailed upon him , that he confessed all to be true which they had spoken . being thus respited , he was demanded , whether the president of the english at iaccatra , or master welden agent for the english at banda were not privy to the business ; to which he again answered , no ; afterwards the fiscal propounded other interrogatories unto him , and perceiving that collins knew not what answer to make , he helped him to confess those things which he thought most conducing to his purpose . next to him was samuel colson brought in , who for fear of the pain when he saw edward collins come forth , chose rather to deny nothing that was propounded to him then undergo the torments of fire and water in the attestation of his innocence : but iohn clark was of another resolution , he was no sooner brought in by the souldiers and officers , but by and by he was heard to make a hideous and a lamentable complaint , which continued for the space of two hours , during which time as they abated or increased his torments , he diminished or doubled his cryes at the sense and horrour of his sufferings . the two elements of fire and water , although merciles of themselves , by making their fury more deliberate , were here instructed to be more unmercifull , whiles accurate cruelty did torment even invention it self to torment the innocent ; the rack ordained for the confession of great and grievous offences is oftentimes but an unfaithfull discoverer of them ; for whiles men are put to those torments , which flesh and blood are not able to endure , they confess those crimes which their flesh and blood were no wayes accessary to . two hours was this poor man under the torment of fire and water , yet confessed not any thing , at which his tormentors being amazed , they did cut off his hair , thinking belike , that the strength of his resolution lay in his hair , when indeed it lay in the justice of his cause , and the innocence of his conscience . afterwards they hoysed him up again , and with lighted candles they did burn him in the bottom of his feet , untill the moisture that dropped from them did put out the candles , yet even then they applyed fresh lights unto him ; they burnt him also in the elbows , and in the palms of his hands , and so horridly under his arm-pits , that his inwards might evidently be seen ▪ at the last , when they perceived that he could make no handsome confession , they led him along with questions of particular circumstances which they had framed of themselves ; and being wearied and overcome with torments , he at last , according to their own wishes , made answer to whatsoever they demanded of him . being then released from his martyrdom , they sent him out by four negroes , who carried him between them to a dungeon , where he lay five dayes without any chyrurgian to dress his wounds , untill his flesh being putrified great maggots creeped and dropped from him in a most loathsom , and noysome manner . in the like manner , the rest were all examined , but none of them were so heavily tortured , for some of them to avoid the torment , made suddain confessions , others at the first or second drenching with the water , answered to all the interrogatories of the fiscal . captain towerson himself being reserved amongst the last , untill the torments of those that were examined before him might rack out something from them that might evidence against him , was brought into the court , where these younkers of holland , like another council of rehoboam sate in judgement upon him , he deeply did protest his innocence , to encounter which they produced the persons and confessions of samuel colson , william griggs , and john fardo , samuel colson being told , that unless he would make good his former confession against captain towerson , he should be commanded again to the torture of fire and water , did coldly and faintly re-affirm what before he said , and so was dismissed ; the other two being brought face to face before captain towerson , he charged them , as they would answer it at the dreadful day of judgement to speak nothing but the truth , at which both of them trembled down upon their knees , and besought him for god's sake to forgive them , they openly acknowledged that that whatsoever they formerly had confessed was most false , and spoken only to avoid the torment ; upon these words the fiscal , and the rest of this high court of justice did command them again to the torture , which they would not endure , but affirmed their former confession to be true . i do find this torment was so terrible to flesh and blood , that it even startled the courage of captain towerson himself , who either to avoid the horrour of the torment , or the infamy of it , confessed some words which the factor of cambello in the isle of seran , master john weatherall should speak , who being sent for , and examined on the day following , the captain was brought forth to justifie what before he had confessed , who desiring mr. wedtheral to speak the truth , and nothing but the truth as god should put it into his heart ; mr. weatheral was in a great amazement , and being ordered to undergo the torture of water , and told , that if water would not make him to confess , fire should ; he prayed them to tell him what he should say , or to write down what they themselves pleased , and he would subscribe unto it ; but being told that he needed no tutor , and that they would make him to confess of himself , having hoysted him up four several times , and perceived that he knew not what to say , they did read unto him the confession of the other men that had been examined , and asked him from point to point , and he observing very well which way the world did go , and that his life must become a sacrifice to the rage and rapine of the dutch , did still answer yea unto all . on the 26 of february old stile , the prisoners were all brought into the great hall of the castle to be prepared for death , by their ministers , being solemnly condemned the day before , some few of them found mercy , and had their lives saved ; captain towerson , was kept apart from the rest , and so was mr. emanuel tomson , but some of them by writing found the opportunity to leave a testimony of their innocence behind , amongst whom was captain towerson , who in the end of a bill or obligation wrote these words ; firmed by the firm of me gabriel towerson now appointed to die , guiltless of any thing that can justly be laid unto my charge , god forgive them their guilt and receive me into his mercy . amen . william griggs , also did leave a paper to be sent to mr. welden agent at banda , which came afterwards into his hands ; the tenour of it was in these words : we whose names are here specified , john beaumont , william griggs , abel price , robert brown , prisoners in the rotterdam , being apprehended for conspiracy for blowing up the castle of amboyna , being adjudged to death , were through torment constrained to speak that which we never meaned or imagined , the which we take upon our deaths and salvation , for they tortured us with that extreame torture of fire and water , that flesh and blood could no wayes endure it ; and this we take upon our deaths , that they have put us to death being guiltless of our accusation : so therefore we desire that those who imployed us may understand these wrongs , and that you your selves would have a care to look to your selves , for their intent was to have brought you in also ; they asked concerning you , and if we had been tortured on that particular , we must have confessed you also . and so farewell . master welden having perused this letter , and observed the bloody and inveterate malice of the dutch against the english , did not long afterwards leave the island of banda to the dutch , and the english factories in the mollu●co islands did follow his example . samuel colson , also in a psalter which he had , did leave this attestation of his innocence . the japoners were taken and brought to examination , and being most tyrannously tortured were asked if the english had any hand in their plot , which torture made them say yea ; immediately mr. tomson , mr. johnson , master collins , and john clark were examined , and burned under the arms , arm-pits , the hands , and soals of the feet , with another most miserable torment , of water , some of them being almost tortured to death , were forced to confess that which they never knew , by reason of the great torment , which flesh and blood is not able to endure . then were the rest of the english men called , ( amongst whom i was one , ) being wished to confess , or else i must go to torment ; they withall caused master johnson , who was before tormented , to witness against me , or otherwise he should be tormented again , which rather than he would endure , he said , he would confess whatsoever they would have him : and for my part , i also must confess that which i never knew , or else i must go to torment , which rather than i would suffer , i confessed that , which ( as i shall be saved before almighty god ) is not true , being forced to it for fear of torment . at the last they did make us to bear witness against captain towerson , and by the same violence for fear of most cruel torments , they made captain towerson to confess the like , for which we all must dye . as i hope to have pardon for my sins , i know no more than the child unborn of this business , for which we all must suffer . written with my own hand the first of march , stilo novo . samuel colson . other attestations there are to the same effect , which for brevities sake i omit , i shall only insert , that all things being prepared for execution , the condemned were brought forth out of the hall , and passed along by the chamber where the acquitted and pardoned were , who stood in the door to give and take the farewell of their country-men that were then going to the execution ; making a little stay for this purpose , they intreated and charged those that were saved to bear witness to their friends in england of their innocence , and that they died not like traytors , but as so many innocents meerly murthered by the hollanders , whom they prayed to god to forgive their blood-thirstiness , and to have mercy on their own souls . it is observable , that being brought into the yard , their sentence was there read unto them from a gallery , and from thence they were carried to the place of execution , together with nine japons and one portugal , whom their specious malice to give a better pretense unto their cruelty , had contrived to be of the same confederacy : they did not go the ordinary and short way , but round about through the town , and were guarded with five companies of souldiers , dutch and amboyners , and the natives of the island flocked together to behold this triumph of the dutch over the innocent and condemned english . and it is not to be forgotten , that , on the day before , the english desired of the dutch ministers , that they might all receive the sacrament , as a seal of the forgiveness of their sins ; which by no means would be granted them ; whereupon master colson said unto them , you declare unto us the danger of dissimulation in this case ; but tell us , if we suffer guiltless , being true believers in christ jesus , what shall our reward be ? the minister answered , by how much the more innocent you are , by so much the glorious shall be your resurrection ; upon that word mr. colson imbraced him , and gave him his purse and such money as was in it , saying , sir , god bless you , tell ●he governour i freely forgive him , and intereat you to exhort him to repent of his bloody tragedy wrought upon us poor innocent souls , and proceeding in his discourse , he spake with a loud voice in these words , according to my innocence in this treason , so o lord pardon all the rest of my sins , and if i be guilty thereof more or less , let me never be partaker of thy heavenly joyes ; at which words every one or the rest cryed out , amen for me , amen for me , good lord. this being said , each of them knowing whom they had accused , addressed themselves one unto another , begging forgiveness for their false accusations , being wrested from them either by the pain , or by the fear of torture ; whereupon they all of them freely did forgive one another , for none of them had been so falsely accused , but he himself had as falsely accused another . in particular george sharrock knecled down to john clark and craved forgiveness at his hands , who freely did forgive him , saying , how shall i look to be forgiven of god , if i should not forgive you , having my self so falsely accused captain towerson and others . this master ●olson had contrived a prayer in writing which he did read to his fellows the night before their suffering , and now also at the place of execution , where having devoutly pronounced the fame , he let the paper fall from his hand , which the governour caused to be brought unto him , and he kept it . the names of those that suffered were , cap. gabriel towerson , samuel colson , emanuel tomson , timothy iohnson , iohn weatheral , iohn clark , william griggs , iohn fardo , abel price , robert brown. they had prepared a cloath of black velvet for captain towerson's body to fall upon , after his head had been severed from it , which being stained , and defaced with his blood , they sent to the english company and put it on their account . they sent the mourning cloath to the english , but the scarlet of their blood-guiltiness they retained to themselves . having thus given you an account of the barbarous cruelty of the dutch in the east-indies , it is now high time to look to their proceedings in the west-indies , where we shall find their cruelty as unparallel'd as their avarice . the perfidiousness and ingratitude of the hollanders to the english may be traced all along ever since the shook of their obedience to the king of spain even unto this present time . but we will pass from their hypocrisic and cruelty practised abroad , and look on their actions at home ; how , almost but the very other day , did they labour to impose upon his. majesty , and sir george downing , his envoy extraordinary , by delivering papers to many publick ministers of state at the hague , as if his majesty and his envoy had been prepossessed with them , when they had not the least notice of any such thing ? how have they seemed to be most desirous of peace , when at the same time they have omitted no dayes , even those appropriated for holy duties to drive on their preparations for war ? how have they stood in defence of their violent and unjust proceedings , and instead of redressing their injuries , they have increased them ? about three years since , they concluded a treaty with the english , and having ingaged , that better order should for the future be observed , they have since heaped new injuries to the utter over-throw of all the trade of his majesties subjects in the east and west-indies ; witness our ships , the hope-well , the leopard , and some others in the east-indies ; and the charles , the james , the mary , the sampson , the hopefull aduenture , the speed-well on the coast of africa ; and after all these acts of the highest injustice , and their utmost endeavours for driving on a war , they would make the world believe that his majesty is the first undertaker of it , who from his own mouth to their ambassadour in england , and by his injunctions to sir george downing his minister at the hague hath given so many , and such remarkable demonstrations to the contrary : what can they say to the memorial of the complaints which sir george downing exhibited to the states general , importing that in the space of a very few years almost twenty english ships with their whole lading , to a very great value , have been seized upon in a horrible manner , and the men in them most barbarously , and most inhumanely treated , being put into stinking and nasty dungeons , and holes at castel . del . mina , where they did lye bedded and bathed in their own excrements , having nothing but bread and water given them , and not enough of that neither to sustain nature , [ their bodies being under the fury of exquisite and horrid torments ; ] and when any of them died , the living and the dead were left together , and such as out-lived that cruelty , were exposed in the woods to famine , or to the mercy of wild beasts in those desolate countries , or to be carried into captivity by the natives by which means several hundreds of his majesties good subjects have perished and been destroyed ; and unto this hour , notwithstanding all sollicitations and endeavous of his majesties envoy , not one penny of satisfaction can be had , either for the loss of the ships , or the persons concerned in any of them , but to the contrary they have ever since hindred , and shot at the english ships that have anchored by them , and have took by force all the boats of those natives who have endeavoured to come aboard them , and have seized also upon the english boats that would go on shore , and deprive them of all manner of provision , nor suffer so much as fresh water to be brought unto them ; and to give a further proof of their confidence and ambition , they have published a declaration , wherein they assume and challenge to themselves a right to that whole coast , to the exclusion of all other nations ; although , by order from his majesty , sir george downing , both in publick conferences with the deputies of the lords general , as also with those of holland in particular , hath at large remonstrated his majesties right , and interest in some part therein , having by his subjects bought the ground of the king of that country for a valuable consideration , and built a factory thereon ; and yet for all this , some of the dutch-west-india company by fraud and ireachery have got into the place , and no hopes of the restitution of it , but they are resolved to keep by violence what they have gained by deceit . moreover , what can they say for themselves concerning their stirring up the king of fantin by rewards and sums of money , and supplying him with all manner of arms and ammunition for the surprizing of his majesties castle at cormantin in the west-indies ; so that an absolute necessity is imposed upon his majesty , and his subjects , either of losing all that have been actually taken from them , and abandoning for ever that trade it self , or of betaking themselves to some other wayes for their relief ; and what hope is there of their restoring back any place which they have once taken . the island of polleroon hath been upon surrendring back to the english , ever since the year , 1622. at which , by a solemn and particular treaty it was promised to be done ; and again , by another treaty in the year , 1654. and by an order of the states general , and the east company of that nation in the year , 1661. and again by another treaty in the year following ; and yet to this day , there is not the least mention of any thing restored ; and should any man then think it strange , that his majesty after so long an experience of the perversness and deceitfulness of that nation should suffer his subjects to repossess themselves of those places , which by the hand of violence and oppression they have forced from them . now as for the business of the new-neatherlands , as they are pleased to call it , it hath been abundantly else-where prov'd , that the said land is part of the possession of his majesties subjects of new england , which their charter plainly and precisely expresseth : and those few dutch that have lived there heretofore , have lived there meerly upon the connivence and sufferance of the english , which hath been permitted to them so to do , so long as they demeaned themselves peaceably and quietly ; but the dutch not contenting themselves therewith , have incroached more and more upon the english , imposing their laws and customs , and endeavouring to raise contributions and excises on them , and in those places where the dutch had never been , whereupon they have been necessitated several times to send souldiers for the repulsing of them : since the conclusion for the late treaty the dutch have made new incursions upon the english , and given them many new provocations , and have ordained a tryal of causes amongst themselves , and a proceeding by course of arms , without any appealing into europe at all . and can any prince then think it strange , especially the king of france , if his majesty of england suffer his subjects to rescue themselves from such continual vexations , seeing the king of france himself hath been pleased this year , to order his subjects to re-possess themselves by force of arms of a certain place called cayen , which the french alledge hath been wrongfully kept from them by the west-india company of the neatherlanders . as for the business of captain holmes at capo verde in guiney , a complaint was no sooner made to his majesty , this last year , in the moneth of june ; but his majesty immediately returned answer , that he had given no order nor direction there into captain holmes , and that upon his return , he would examine the business , and see that right should be done according to the nature of the offence : in order whereunto , when captain holmes was returned , his majesty sent him to the tower , and being afterwards allowed the liberty of some few dayes to follow his particular business , he was again commanded back , where being strictly and throughly examined touching the management of the whole matter complained of , he so fully , and so clearly upon every point did acquit himself , that his ma●esty was graciously pleased to grant him his inlargement , and to restore him again to his princely favour . we might in the next place alledge de ruyters leaving the english fleet , when with united councils and forces , they were to act against their common enemies , the pyrats and barharians in the midland-seas . we may alledge their instructions this last year given to van campen , at what time his majesty entertained not any open war against them ; which instructions was in down-right terms , to attach and fall upon his majesties subjects in the west-indies , and to carve out their own satisfaction and reparation . * and if this be not affront enough to provoke his majesty to maintain the justice of his cause by the force of armes , we leave to the world , and to his enemies themselves to judge , and surely that sword is to be feared ▪ which striketh with the hand of justice . finis . the loyal martyrology . or brief catalogues and characters of the ●ost of eminent persons who suffered for their conscience 〈…〉 of rebellion , either by death , imprisonment , banishment , or sequestration ; together with those who were slain in the king's service . as also , dregs of treachery : with the catalogue and characters of those regicides , &c. and are to be sold by edward thomas at the adam and eve in little brittain , 1665. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a33387-e480 vide , doctor dee , his brittish monarchy , pa. 44. notes for div a33387-e1060 lyren . ad ●umer . 34. dion . lib ▪ 36. chron. canon . p. 128. florus , lib. 2. cap. 6. aristo . polit . lib. 7. cap. 6. strabo . geograp . lib. 1. seneca ep. 39. luke 5. 1. forcus in cap. juris . cap. 9. seld. mar● clausum 158. de bello gallico . lib. 9. zosimus hist . lib. 6. bede , de natura rerum . cap. 28. m ● . in bibleothecâ cottonianâ . hunting . lib. 5. guil. malmesb . lib. 2. cap. 8. rot. pat. 48. hen. 3. 22. edw. 1. 2. rich. 2. annal. 1. part , page 276. rot. parl. 2 rich. 2. part 2. act 38. seld. mare clausum page 334. rot. fran. 5 hen. 4. rot. fran. 38 hen. 6. rot. patent 23. edvar . rot. scotia 10. edvar . rot. parli . 46. edv. 3. rot. parli . 8. hen. 5. rich. 2. fitz herbert tit. protection , 46. edw. cook part 5. fol. 108. & in com. ad littleton , sect. 439. fol. ●60 . m ● . commentar de rebus admiral , fol. 28. rot. parl. 31 edw. 1. membran . 16. ibidem ut supra . tilius in recucil . destraictes , fol. 4. rot. parl. 14. edvar . 2. membran 26. cambd. in insul . britan . p. 849. cambden annal. elizab. the hollanders insolence . their imperious fashion of treating . how farr navigation is to be free . the sea in his majesties dominions no more common nor free , then is the high-way by land. the dominion of the seas appropriated to such and such places ever since the begining of mankind . the propriety of the seas , according to the laws of god. the sea not to be without protection . the sea to be protected by those to whom it doth appertain by divine disposition . the power of the soveraign of the seas , to impose customes in his own jurisdiction . how the sea comes into the dominion of princes vide the venetians title unto the sole domin●o● of the adriatick sea. hugo grotius , sylv. lib. 2. vide the observations concerning the affairs of holland . the hollanders objections answered . the impudent affront of the hollanders to the late kings of england . vide observations concerning the affairs of holland . their spoyling of our trade in muscovy , and other countries of the east . vide , master woofes discourse on the tyranny of the dutch upon the english pa. 10. ibid pa. 12 , and 13. ibidem pa. 18. ibidem pa. 20. ibidem p● . 42. the english abandoned the banda islands , and the reason of it . vide , the dutch tyranny , pag. 64. * vide , the discourse of sir george downing . severall remarkable passages concerning the hollanders since the death of queene elizabeth, untill the 25th of december, 1673 some animadversions thereupon, in answere to a scandulous pamphlett called englands appeale to the parliament, from the private caball at white hall. with the continuation of the case between sr. vvilliam courten his heires and assignes and the east-india company of the netherlands, faithfully recollected by e.w. armig: and rendred into english, french, and dutch, for satisfaction of his particular friends, in england, france, and the low countriers. e. w. 1673 approx. 240 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 54 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a65983 wing w21 estc r219253 99830748 99830748 35202 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65983) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35202) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1877:21) severall remarkable passages concerning the hollanders since the death of queene elizabeth, untill the 25th of december, 1673 some animadversions thereupon, in answere to a scandulous pamphlett called englands appeale to the parliament, from the private caball at white hall. with the continuation of the case between sr. vvilliam courten his heires and assignes and the east-india company of the netherlands, faithfully recollected by e.w. armig: and rendred into english, french, and dutch, for satisfaction of his particular friends, in england, france, and the low countriers. e. w. [8], 92 p. s.n.], [london or middelburgh? : printed in the yeare 1673. place of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of 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to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng courten, william, 1642-1702 -early works to 1800. coventry, william, -sir, 1628?-1686. -englands appeale -early works to 1800. nederlandsche oost-indische compagnie -early works to 1800. netherlands -history -early works to 1800. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 john latta sampled and proofread 2007-01 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion severall remarkable passages concerning the hollanders since the death of queene elizabeth , vntill the 25th of december , 1673. some animadversions thereupon , in answere to a scandulous pamphlett called englands appeale to the parliament , from the private caball at white hall . with the continuation of the case betweene s r. william covrten his heires and assignes and the east-india company of the netherlands , faithfully recollected by e. w. armig : and rendred into english , french , and dutch , for satisfaction of his particular friends , in england , france , and the low countriers . printed in the yeare 1673. anagram vpon the private caball as vvhitehall as it vvas delivered to the states of holland . c lifford lord high treasurer of england , a shley lord great chancellor of england , b uckingham master of the horse , a rlington principall secretary of state , l autherdaile cheife minister of state and commissioner in scotland . advertisment . sir : some parte of this litle booke was printed in holland , and the other parte in the spanish netherlands , where the english coppie was not understood by the printers , who have committed many faults , which may be playnely discovered , and amended with a pen , the french , and dutch , are better done , please to take notice , that this is not published , or sold in any place , or designed to any other purpose , then for particular friends , who may find some thing in vacant houres , either for their information , reprehension , or diversion . and that i cannot appeare at this time , and distance , under any other carracter . then your distressed and humble servent g. c. hague the 29 december , 1673. old stile . to the nobility , gentry , and comons , inhabiting within the counties of suffolke , norfolke , lincolne , yorke , and northumberland . thrice honourable . right worp . ll &c. i intended to have given you some short remarques upon england , germany , france , spaine , and the low countries , since the first alliances were contracted betweene the houses of bourgundy , austria , and spaine ; but fearing it might be vnseasonable at this time , to mention the troubles , that followed those alliances , coming in with the inventions of printing and 〈…〉 ; the two great manufactures that have filled the world soe full of combustible matter . i have confined my selfe to the beginning of king james his most peaceable raigne , over great brittaigne , annexing only a cattalogue of the respective successions of emperours , and kings of england , france , and spaine , with their severall mariages , since that alliance , as also such other observations from thence , which are sufficient to informe you , that now there is the same opertunity , to make 〈…〉 selves happy , that 〈…〉 enemies , had to make you miserable , if the strattegems and designes , of some evill minded men , doe not obstruct that glorious enterprize , begun by his majesty , to chastize and humble the hollanders , that have lived ●oo many yeares upon the spoyles of all nations , and raised their cheifest support and ●●couragments , from your coasts , and countries . please to peruse this 〈…〉 without passion or prejudice , and i shall the next yeare supply you with a greater , wherein you may understand your owne errours , and 〈…〉 owne interest , and that i am in plaine english , a lover of my country , and yo●● most humble and devoated serv. t e. w. from my lodgings in the hague decemb. 15. 1673. to the right honourable s. r vvilliam hooker lord major of the citty of london , and the right woshipfull sr. henery tulse , and sr. robert jefferies , shreifs of the sayd citty , and the rest of the aldermen , and comon councell there . right honourable , and right worp . ll having lately pervsed a scandulous pamphlett , publikely sold in the hague , both in english and dutch , reflecting upon the councills and actions of kings , and princes , intituled englands appeale , from the private caball at white hall , to the great councill of the nation , the lords and commons in parliament assembled . i perceived the hollanders under a disguise , and the authours of it , to be as much mistaken in their accounts , concerning france , as they are of the consequences of this warr , and how the warr begun , from whence they would conclude that the kings ministers had dependences upon forraigne courts , hauing taken noe care of the triple league , or the protestant interest , wherefore i breifly recollected theise few remarkable passages , that may serve to vndeceive some english men , who peradventure might be deluded by the appeale , and annexed sir william courtens cases , in severall languages , to satisfie all persons interessed , that comon justice is not to be found in the low countries . i presume that your lord. ●p and the rest of your bretheren in the honourable goverment , of the citty of london , upon pervsall of this small treatise , will apprehend that the hollanders , are not soe high and mighty , as they are insolent , and ungratefull . there are severall faire prospects now from the netherlands ( where nature is supported by art ) towards london , that may make it the most glorious citty in the world . theise short remarques , and animadversions , may helpe to refress your memory , in many things , and shew you in severall paragraphes that the hollanders have gotten ground upon the english , since the death of queene elizebeth , notwithstanding all the advantages , that god and nature have given to great brittaigne , aboue all other kingdomes , and nations , in the world. i leave the rest to your most grave , and serious considerations and remayne your very humble serv. t e. w. hague decemb. 16. 1673. severall remarckable passages concerning the hollanders since the death of queene elizebeth untill the 25. decemb. 1673. with some animadversions thereupon . in the yeare 1603. the states generall of the united netherlands write to king james in a kanting stile , lamenting the death of queene eliz●beth ; insinuated that her memory should remaine eternized in them and their posterity . congratulating his majesty in the succession of her kingdomes , hoped he would continnue the like gracious ayd and bountifull assistance to them and their state for his owne good and welfare of all christendome , to the glory of god and propogation of his holy word ; and to that end craved a supply of souldiers to fill up the english and scotch regiments . in the yeare 1604. king james considering how the affaires of state stood in europe , found it could be noe advantage to the crowne of england to enter into a league with the hollanders that were at strife with all their neighbours ; his majesty made a peace with spaine , and remained neutrall in a common amity to both , yet at the same time demanded the money lent by queene elizebeth upon the coutionary townes which the hollanders were not ready to pay in many years after . in the yeare 1605. the people in the maritine provinces of holland , zeland , and frizland , were soe invective against king james pretending he favored popery by making a peace with spaine , that notwithstanding the states generall had in that yeare set forth an edict and proclamation under great penalties and punishments against all those that should speake ●rreverently of kings and princes especially of king james . yet they could not bri●le their tongues . the vulgar crying out , that those who were not for them , were against them . in the yeare 1608. sir r●●● winnwood , and sir richard spencer adjus●ed the accounts with the states generall , and toke further security of the states of holland for payment of the money due to king iames ▪ upon the cautionary townes wich amounted unto the 〈◊〉 of 8184●8 . pound sterling to be reimbursed to the crowne by severall 〈◊〉 payments . the states 〈◊〉 all finding that 〈…〉 〈…〉 . in the yeare ●●●● . king 〈◊〉 , and king 〈◊〉 the iv of france being me●●●●urs for a peace betweene spaine and the united prownces of the netherlands , they preva●led with both parties for a coll●tion of armes and a t●u●e for twelve yeares , which was agreed should commence from the yeare 160● . whereby the states generall were acknowledged to be free countries , and had licences g●anted to trade unto the east-indies , where they had made some adventures before without permission , and both the mediatours became guarantees for the due performance of the articles of that truee ; yet the hollanders being not contented with that ●reaty imposed upon them as they sa●d by king iames ▪ they entred into a league oftensive and de●en●ive with france , fearing that king iames might obstruct their free fishing upon the coast of england and scotland w●●●h by the 〈◊〉 of nature and comm●n p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b●●ngs to the subjects of g●●at b●●●●●●gue . a●ther the death of henery the iv. the states generall reneued their league with l●wis the xiii . who toke upon him the protection of the united netherlands and gave the states generall the first title of haui● et puissanis seigneurs les estats generaux des pro●incies unies , and the states of holland the first st●le of grand et puissan●s seigneurs les estats de holland et ●est-frize , then those high and m●ghly lords the states generall and the great and mighly lords the states of holland and west-●●●zland , made severall resolutions and acts in their re●pective assemblies to receive noe letters from any prince or state whatsoever , but whith the same style and address that the french king had done , and made it knowne unto all the pub●●que m●n●sters then resident in the hague to give their masters notice thereof accordingly 〈◊〉 ver●●●●s the o●● english proverbe set beggers on 〈◊〉 back and they 〈◊〉 ride to the 〈◊〉 . in the yeare 1612. king iames demanded 300000. pound sterling of the french king which was due to the crowne of england for severall disbursments for henery the iv. and others , then lowis the xiii . assigned the like summes of money upon the states generall , unto king iames who voluntarily acquitted the states theirof , whereupon the french king ( seing king iames soe generous ) acquitted twice as much more that was due to him from the states generall . t●●●● kindne●●●s are not remembred by the hollanders and zelanders , neither is their ●●gratitude , forgotten by the english and french. in the yeare after that king iames and the franch king had relea●ed the states of those two great ●ummes of money , the high and mighly lords sent their embassadours to the grand seigneur at constantinople , and to the great duke of mos●ovia with whome they contracted alliances of commerce , settled their consuls and factories at aleppo , alexandria , grand cairo , and smirna , although they noe sheepe , woods , nor mynes , they would gett woole , timber , and other materials , and people from all partes of the earth to worke , and not be content any longer with such a trade as they could naturally raise out of their owne country by butter cheese and hempe , but would nigross all ●ine manafactures of silke woole and mohaire besids their navigation and fisheries . making their ch●●●e t●●nes , c●●ies of refuge fortend●r cons●i●n●●s and bandit●s of a●● nations , who are protected there as ●r●e burgers being once admitted as inhabitants . in the yeare 1614. the states general made a placcate to prohibite all english cloath kersies and dozens that were died in the cloath to be brought into the united provinces upon pa●ne of 25. gilders a cloath besides the con●i●●ation of the goods . whereupon severall persons in england made their complaynt to the councell-table but finding noe redress , the marchant adventurers and cloathiers sett upon making of mixtures died in the woole rather then to lose all advantages of dying , dressing , and flocks , woolen cloath before that time being worne in blacks , blewes , redds and other single colours dyed in the cloath . this nationall affront done by the h●llonders in th●se dayes when king james had the keys of their provinces in his cus●●ly was a sufficient testimony of their insol●ncy and ingratitude and a faire warning for england to ●ind●r the growth of such monsters that had soe sone forg●tten queene elizebeth and soe quickly sughted king james . in the yeare 1616. the hollanders upon a composition made concerning the money lent by queene elizeb●th upon the cautionary townes , prevayled with king iames to deliver up the briel , flushing and rammek●ns after they had been 31. years in the possession of the english , at which time the french would have given double the mon●y for their redemption being forfeited to the crowne of england for breach of covenants by keeping the money soe many years in their owne hands beyond their contracts and obligations . 〈…〉 not ●●ve 〈◊〉 soe 〈◊〉 to england either 〈…〉 . in the y●are 1●19 . the states generall having fomented the civell w●●s in germany , by assisting the cons●derate princes of the union with their councell and armes against the house of austria , upon preten●e that hungary 〈◊〉 bohemia were usurped against the peoples consent ( and 〈◊〉 h●●●ditary to the austr●an family ) that were 〈◊〉 kin●●●mes as poland , and the empire , the s●●●●s generall incourag●d ●redr●●k pr●nce pallatine to accept the 〈◊〉 of boh●●●● , prom●ssing h●m the●r further assistance , be●ore he had the con●ent of ki●g iam●s his father in law to intreague 〈◊〉 in that warr , yett the hollanders suftered him not only to be 〈◊〉 out of hi● new king●ome by the spanish and imp●r●●ll tr●●●●s , but also to be 〈◊〉 from the palla●inate his owne inher●tance , who ●l●dd with his queene and her children to t●e h●g●e for shelter , while the pore prot●●ants in germany had ●●●rty to b●gg in man● churches , and even all this time the states genera●● that promoted the wa●r lay 〈◊〉 with their armes . i● the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 had n●t a●t●rwards 〈◊〉 i●to the bew●●●s of 〈…〉 . in t●e yeare 1620 the holland●rs la●d their bloudy designes in t●e east-indies where they comm●tted that h●rrid mas●a●re and sp●y●e at am●●yna under a pretence that the eng●●sh factors combin●d to s●●ze the dut●h mag●●●nes and war● hous●s , whereupon they tor●ured the marchants an● murther●d others of the engli●h , consi●●a●ed their goods and houses , toke away their is●an●s , and ingrossed the w●●le spice trade at the mulluc●o●s , contrary to their owne 〈◊〉 and agreem●nt made with th● english company , pr●●end●ng they were 〈◊〉 by ●or●e●ure ; this ●●g●dy was soe execrable that one of the dutch company who could not digest soe much bloud and inhumanity writt the true relation of the strattagem and sent it over land to the english factors at aleppo , who transmitted it to some friends at amsterdam , where it was printed in english and dutch to the great amazment of all man-kind , then severall of the jewes sold their actions in the east-india company esteeming their money not safe in the hands of such a corporation that had drawne soe much guilt upon themselves by their most barberous cruelty , foundations layd in bloud cannot support a fabrick ●●rg , but the whole structure will sinck under its owne burthen . in the yeare 1621. the truce with spaine being expired the states generall proceeded with their armies into ●landers and brabant . and in the same yeare they established the west-india company by pattent , who watched for the spanish plate fleets , finding it a very profitible warr , wherein they could both trade and fight by the benefitt of english and french portes , and shelter themselves for ree●u●tes upon all accidents of wind and weather in english harbours , without salvage or to●age , notwithstanding the hollanders could not retall●●●● the 〈◊〉 upon th●ir 〈◊〉 or assist the english with a caske of fresh wa● 〈…〉 . in the yeare 1622. the state● generall p●●●eving that the massacre at amboyna had ●●de a 〈…〉 in holland , they putt forth a proclam●tion 〈◊〉 suppress all 〈…〉 at subject promising rewards to any persons that could d●scover the authour of the history , in the m●●●e time th●●r emba●●adours ●usie● themselves at whit●hall to take off the reproach and in●amy t●a●●●y upon them in england . where the s●●yn●s of that bloud will n●ver b● washed out . the states generall during the remaynder of king james his raigne held themselves secure against great brittaigne ( that could ob●●ruct their navigation and trade ) by the d●versions given to his majestie concern●●● his onely daughter and her children in bohemia , the cont●nuall complaynts of the marchants trading to the east-indies , and the divisions and controversies raised in england and scotland by the seperat●●ts and brownists that the hollanders had ●●rr●d up by their sed●tious practises and pamphletts dispersed in all his majesties d●min●on● against the goverment of church and state. whereupon great numbers of people were growne soe obstinate and uncharitable in england , that rather th●n to communicate with their parochiall congregations they , chosed to live in america amongst the pagans thinking to find a nearer way to heaven in new england then they were taught in great , brittaigne , yett they followed the hollanders stepps , allowing god almighty noe share in the goverment , their clergie being putt to pensions , with liberty to trade for their better subsistance or to adventure their stocks in private men of warr . seperatists and annabap●●●● being fallen from th●ir first principalls , have craftily learned to defend thems●●ves by armes , and like hollanders and zeelanders pretend they may take any thing from the enemies of christ jesus . in the yeare 1625. king james died and likewise prince maurice , then the states generall sent their embassadours into england to treat with king charl●s the first concerning a league offensive and defensive against spaine , which they effected and agreed that it should continnue untill the paltzgrave should be restored and the states generall setled , however that for the space of fifteene years neither party should treat upon any peace or truce without the consent of both . this treaty being concluded at southampton was signed the 25. of november 1625. whereunto the states generall annexed their prote●●ation in theise words following viz that if his majesty should not be satisfied within a prefixed time concerning the massacre and spoyle of his subjects at ambo●na committed by the hollanders that then his majestie / might seeke satisfaction by reprisalls or other wise which notwithstanding the protestation , there was noe satisfaction or reparation obtained during the raigne of king charles the frst . as the hollanders could never bring king james into any league , soe king charles could never b●●ng the states generall to any performance . the next yeare after the treaty the states generall in stead of equipping out shpps against spaine , they send twenty shipps of warr to ●●list the french king at rochell and the isle of ree , to the great oppression of the protestants in that kingdome , where notwithstanding the new alliance made by the marriage betweene the king of great brittaigne and h●nri●tta maria a daughter of france , yett cardinall r●●hel●●●u contrary to promises and agreements depressed the hugonetts at home , but assisted the protestant princes with men and money a broade , holding it to be the interest of france to keepe under any rising party there , but to incourage and strengthen them in all other places to oppose spaine and the house of austria their enemies . the foure intire subsidies given to king charles the first in the beginning of his raigne being expended with other monies towards reliefe of nochell against the forces of france and holland they both knew the depth of his majesties p●●●se a●d the strenght of his armes during his time and toke their meas●res accordingly / knowing that his revenue was not sufficient for any action to question france or the states generall for any s●oyles or incro●thments upon his majesty or his subjects whatsoever . in the yeare 1630. the king of spaine desirous of a peace with england offered satisfaction for wrongs and injuries done , then the king of great brittaigne acquainted the states generall thereof and would have included them in the treaty at madrid according to the forementioned agreement , but the states generall upon the first rumour of an overture for peace , entred into a further league with france , and agreed upon articles with that crowne to devide the spanish netherlands equally betweene the french and the united states , and soe they left the king of england at liberty to doe what he pleased with the spaniard , the states generall refusing a peace with spaine upon any conditions whatsoever ; it was against the interest of holland and their religious concernments to end the warr soe longe as there were plate fleets and other spoyles to be had upon such easie termes . during the subsequent tenn years when the king of great brittaigne was at peace with france , spaine , the states generall , and all the world in a common amity with the crowne of england excepting the east and west-india companyes of the netherlands , a rebellion broake out in ireland , the scotts invaded england , and the whole kingdome divided into factions , every man driveing on his owne perticular interest , neglecting the publick , during that longe vacation of parliaments / while the hollanders ingrossed all manner of navigations and traffi●que , sayling in light built bottomes to english plantations . the native seamen were then discouraged , port townes decayed , cloathing townes depopulated , trade insenceably declyned , and the comon people became miserable and pore in the midst of plenty . in the conclusion of those tenn years the queene mother and cardinall rich●l●●u being at difference about the slate of affaires in france she left the court and went to the hague in holland , and there proposed a match betweene the prince of orrange and the eldest daughter of the king of great brittaigne , which motion prince henry fredrick , entertained with high esteeme , then the queene mother transported her selfe for england and effected the mariage accordingly . upon hopes that alliance might have ballanced the cardinalls interest with the bernevelt fa●tion which was uppermost in all the states to the great prejudice of the crowne of england . in the peare 1640. the longe parliament begun their usurpacion at westm●●ster where the commons prevayled with the king to pass a bill that their assembly should not be dissolved without their owne consent ; then so●● after they sett up for themselves and gave advantages to their bretheren in the ●nited provinces to be inriched beyond measure by the civell dise●tions that followed and were fo●ented by those factious partyes that confederated themselves together . in this yeare 1640. the portugalls renounced the king of spaine and declared john duke of braguance the lawfull successoir of d●na catharina , and crowned him their king , being the 1● . king of portugall , and 4. of that name ; who was father to the pre●ent queene of england . 〈◊〉 the ii. king of spaine , haveing invaded portugall usurped the crowne after the death of sebastian that was slayne in barbery fighting against the mores in the yeare 15●8 . the portugalls who 〈◊〉 under the s●aniards for the ●ace of 60. years were not ●e much oppre●ed by them in the east and west-indies as they were by the h●●●anders who have mo●● regard to 〈◊〉 owne 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 ▪ ●●en they have to the orrig●●●● rights or 〈…〉 of other men . in the yeare 1643. the states generall reneued their pla●●ate against english cloath , kersies , and dozens , under greater penalties then before , with many additions concerning the ●are , and at the same time spoyled m● c●u●t●n and his partners in the east-indies 〈◊〉 their acts of violence 〈◊〉 , as they did of oppression at home , while the subjects of england were weltring in their owne b●oud in many partes of his majesties kingdomes . 〈…〉 〈…〉 . in the yeare 1648. the longe parliament haveing run● into all extreames by subverting the goverment of church and state , they acted their bloudy tragedy , which i am unwilling to mention , but that i find the s●heane yearly represented in my dutch almanacks , and the impressions in folio at amsterdam with the names of the r●gicides under the sculptures , which they send unto all parts of the world , insinnuating to the pagans , and in●idells , that english men are the worst of all nations , not worthy of any trade or commerce , having murthered their king at noone day , in the face of the ●onn , and soe for their owne ends , would s●andalize and reproach a whole kingdome for the inveterate malice of some particular men , that toke away the life of their lawfull soveraigne lord and king. who they knew by the maximes of their owne law could not erre . in this yeare 1648. the states generall fearing that france upon the conquest , and dividing of the spanish netherlands would betoo potent a neighbour for them , they make a peace with spaine at the treaty in munster against the consent of the french king who would not be included in the sayd treaty ; and in the same yeare at that generall treaty , there was a peace concluded betweene the emperour of germany , the french , the sweeds , and the german princes , after those intestine warrs had continued thirty years , and the people in the pallatinate reduced to such extreamity , that they were forced to eate their owne children to satisfie their hunger . the hollanders after they had drayned the west-indies . spoyled the trade of ant●●erpe , gante , and brugis , by magnifi●ing amsterdam , rotterdam , and dort. they left the spanish netherlands to be a bulwerke betweene the● and france , as the house of austria remayned a bulwerke to spaine , and that monarchie the cheife fortress of rome ; but now all three are became auxilliaries to the hollanders , for propogation of gods word at amsterdam amongst the jews and in●idells there . sone after the peace with spaine , the states of holland ( against the consent of the generality ) would disband and cashiere many english and french regiments of horse and foote ; although the officers were gentlemens yonger sonns , that had spent their youth and fortunes in the states service ; the prince of orrange refusing to doe it without pentions granted them for their lives according to the custome of armes , they shutt up the comptores of amsterdam , delf and dort &c. assigned for their payments . this ingratitude ( which comprehends all other vices ) moved the prince of orrange to send severall of the cheife agents in that designe to the castle of lovestine ( from whence their party are called the lovestine faction ) and drew up his whole armey in the yeare 1650. before amsterdam to apprehend the rest of their consorts , who were opposite to his interest and the alliance with the king of great brittaigne ▪ but was prevented in his approach by the sluices that were opened to obstruct his march. sone after that attempt the prince of orrange dyed , and the lovestine faction made this epitaph upon him . de prince is doodt , de gift is groot , gheen bli●der maa● , in tachtentigh j●er . which was sounge by their children about the streets and mentioned in the pulpitts for joy . but within eight dayes after his death , there was another gift sent to the great comfort of man●y . the princess royall was delivered of this yonge prince of orrange on the 14. of november 1650. new stile , against whome john de witt and his faction in the states of holland framed an oath which every man was obliged to take before he could be admitted into any office of the goverment , either as burgermaster belieu , scout , schepen , or pentionaris , the substance whereof was that they should not directly or indirectly , advance the prince of orrange , or his interest , but oppose it by all means possible . and the malice of the faction was such that many of them sealed their resolutions with their owne bloud , making small incisions in their hands whereout issued some dropps of bloud into a glass of wine which they drunke , and were not ashamed to shew those markes of pyety to their brethren , as toakens of their devotion . and would not suffer their ministers in the publique congregations to pray for the prince of orange even as christians were obliged to doe for their enemies . yett ●e was not forg●tten by the meane people , but hath lived to see two of the faction rewarded according to the laws of candy , where ingratitude is punished with death . in the yeare 1650. custodies libertatis angliae authoritatae parliamenti . ( that had se●luded halfe their owne members , and voated downe the house of lords ) called themselves the supreame authority of great brittaigne , and were styled ●oe by the king of spaine , the french king , the states generall , and many other kings , princes , and states . those keepers haveing stamped their coyne with the inscription of god with us on the one syde , and the comon wealth of england on the other . which proved a true motto ●f their dissolution . in the yeare 1651. the keepers of the comon wealth of england . as their ●ist essay abroade , sent m● olvier st. johns , and m● strickland , their embassadours extraordinary , with a great equipage , and splendour , unto the states generall of the united netherlands , the substance of their instructions being to contract an everlasting league offensive and defensive against all the enemies of both comon wealths , and to borrow a considerable summ of money upon the publique faith of their masters , to supply their present occasions , and for incouragment thereunto , the embassadours told them of an act of parliament that should naturallize all the united netherlanders ▪ whereby they might have and injoy the same rights , and priviledges , equally with free borne subjects of england , but the old crafty states men in holland , knowing that england would draw away their best marchants , and fishermen , into better ellements and that the publick faith was allready upon the taynters , they rejected the first proposall and denied the second , presuming to continnue their priviledges , they had in the english seas , and harbours , upon their owne termes . then the english embassadours told the states generall , that they must pay for their herring fishing , and make satisfaction , and reparations , for the spoyles and damages , committed at amboyna , and upon sir william courten and his partners in the east-indies . unto all which they persisted in the negative . then after some personal affronts , offered to the embassadours and their retinnue , by the kings party in the hague , they returned re infecta to make their report to the councell of state at whitehall , who highly resented the indignity shewne to their supreame greatnes , and suddainly resolued to chastise the hollanders for their contempt , without any formall declaration of warr , and to that purpose equipped out a fleete of shipps . the states generall doeing the like , they were demanded by the english admiralls to strick their flaggs and lower their topp-sayles , but the hollanders refusing to give that acknowledgment unto their younger brothers , they went both to it , catch , that catch could , allmost three years together , wherein the states generall lost soe many shipps , and were soe often beaten in solemne fights , that they sent their embassadours over into england ( to treat with oliver cromwell who was stept into the goverment under the title of lord protector ) to give him satisfaction in the premises . it appeared then that although the hollanders were insolent they were not invincible . in the yeare 1655. oliver cromwell made an unprofitable peace with the states generall without disarming them , or taking caution against future spoyles and injuries , granting unto the marritine provinces ( holland , zeland and frizland ) the same priveledges in the english seas streams , and havens , that they had in former times . when they were under the dukes of bourgundy , and arch-dukes of austria , notwithstanding ▪ the kings of england gave them the liberty of free fishing then upon the english coast in consideration of the mutually assistance their lords and princes gave against france . amsterdam being then a pore fishing towne and content with the rest of the hollanders to live upon their honest labour and industry , with what they could gett by fish and the product of their owne country , as they did before the east and west-india companies were errected , and before they had built soe many shipps of warr out of the spoyles of spaine , portugall and england , cromwell only compelled them to make some reparations to the english east-india company , for the spoyles at amboyna , and obliged them to referre all other differences concerning the english damages to commissioners , which nevertheless they reglected to doe , finding out expedients , even in those days to evade their articles . a po●… that the hollanders have beyond any other nations in the universe . in the yeare 1655 ▪ cromwell appeared most dreadfull to all partes of the world , receiued noe addresses from emperours , kings , or princes , but under the style of deare brother and most screene highnes , he concluded an alliance with france , made a warre with spaine , assisted in the taking of dunkirke as auxilliary , and kept it a principall , layed out for the spanish plate fleetes , attempted hispaniola , and by a mistake toke jam●aca , then runn himselfe out of breath for want of money , and dyed . if usurp●rs in a divided kingdome could ●●ate the hollanders , shake france , and make spaine tremble , what may not the lawfull soveraigne doe with his lords and comons united in parliament against the en●m●●s of the king of great brittaigne , france , and yreland . in the yeare 1660 ▪ when a peace was concluded betweene france and spaine upon the match with the infanta . the lords and comons in england invited king charles the second , to come and take possession of his crowne and kingdomes . the hollanders then fearing another storme , they stricke in with the new ministers of state in france ( finding cardinall mazarine under a cloude ) but however the states of holland treated the king of great brittaigne at the hag●e , in his returne , and all the commissioners of english lords , and comons , in great glory , and least it should be forgotten they also register their treatment in their almanacks , with the gifts presented by the states to his majesty viz. nine hunderd-thousand gilders in money ▪ and to the value of eight thousand gilders in harlems ●amaske and ●iaper for his majesties table linnen which altogether amounted unto 9200 ▪ pound sterling . a small recompence for the affront in bannishing his majesty , and his brother the duke of yorke , and duke of gloucester out of their provinces during cromwells usurpation , and for all the shipps and goods they had lately taken with spanish comissions . and gott condemned to their owne use as free prize at oastend and other spanish portes , which ought to have bin puni●hed as pyr●cy in the hollanders and the z●…ders by the laws of comon amity and commerce . about six months after the king was arrived in england the states generall sent m. r symon van h●rne a burgermaster of amsterdam , and director of the east-india company , with m. r michaell van g●gh their embassadours extraordinary , to his majestie , to reneue the cheife articles of cromwells treaty , which was made persuant to the treaty betweene philip arch-duke of austria , and henery the vii . in the yeare 1495. and withall to gett a generall abolition and extinguishment of all actions for spoyles , injuries and dammages whatsoever , sustained by his majestie or his subjects , at any time before his majesties most happy restauration , and gave such documents alonge with them , that if any objections , should be raised against the materiall poynts in cromwells treaty , or that his majestie was not obliged , to allow the same , that then they should insist upon the loss of all their shipps and goods , that his majesties rebellious subjects , had taken from the states generall and their subjects during his majesties exile in the late warr . in the yeare 1662. the states generall concluded a treaty of comon alliance with the king of great brittaigne , wherein the states were obliged to regulate the trade of india , restore pollerone and especially to give satisfaction for the two shipps the bona esperanza and henery bonadventura ) as also to referre other losses of his majesties subjects unto comissioners , who were to receive a list of their dammages , under severall restrictions , and limitations of time and place . then the states generall entred into a new league with france ( never intending to performe the treaty with england ) insinnuating to the french king and his ministers , that the king of great brittaigne resented severall affronts , that were done to him by the french during his exile , and that he might take occasion from thence to reclayme the two provinces of normandy and brittaigne the ancient inheritance of the crowne of england , which would make him absolute soveraigne of the seas , and give laws both to france and holland . soe they ingaged france by that new league to protect them in their fisheries , and growing more confident in that alliance , the states gave fresh occasions of dispute upon the coast of affrica , accompting europe , asia , and america , not sufficient to maintaine their pride and ambition , but they would also ingross the trade of the other parte of the world to affront the royall company of adventurers in england , holding themselves secure by the french league against all the force of arguments and armes , that could be brought against them by the king of great brittaigne , which aludes to the dictates of monsieur w●menem , and others of the great and mighly lords the states of holland . that the states generall had sufficiently humbled the spaniards , that the princes bordering upon the netherlands were rich enough to make a feast but not able to maintaine a warr ; that even the french of themselves were noe more then a breakfast to the states generall , england only a dinner ; the sweed and the danes but a colation , boasting that those kingdomes were wasted by such warrs that had inriched the states generall . a most wonderfull alteration within the memory of man ( in this age of wonders as the appealants calls it ) since the states of holland and the states generall sent their deputies to the publick assemblies at the hague with roaken flesh and cheese in their rye sacks , out of netessity to save expences in harbours ; that are now able to contend with soe many kings and princes . upon the last alliance betweene france and the united provinces , the french king established an east-india company , ordanning that it should be noe indignity to any of the princes of the bloud or others of the nobility in france , to adventure and become participants in that trade . the hollanders being statled thereat fearing it might deminish their traffique , they sent monsieur john tylliot , a captaine of horse in their militia to make some diversion and give discouragments to that enterprise , who being wel acquainted at paris , and in the french court insinnuated in all companies that they would loose their principall stocks , which adventured upon any such long voyages , where the hollanders would both undermine and overeach them in all their undertakings , but for his paynes the king committed him to prison , where he remayned two years and upwards untill some returne shipps came from the east-indies to manifest the contrary . it is an old dutch principall , where the hollanders cannot accomplish their designes by force , they will indeavor it by any sinister means , which makes the states generall soe often pawne their soules their faith , and reparation , in publick treaties ( to game time and optunities of advantage ) when at the same instant they intend shall never be performed . in the yeare 1665. the hollanders haveing refused to performe the last treaty with the king of great brittaigne , and to make reparations to his subjects for their losses and damages according to the severall and respective articles of the sayd treaty . appeals were made by all men to the sword for justice , and a warr was proclaymed by his majesty against the states generall , with an unamions consent of the lords and commons in parliament , who granted many millions of pounds sterling to carry on that enterprise , which did neither humble the hollanders nor procure any honour or satisfaction to the king or kingdome ( notwithstanding all the bloud and treasure spent . ) in any of those poynts insisted and agreed upon in the yeare 1662. ether concerning the bona esperanza and henery bonadventure , list of damages , polleron , or regulation of trade in the east-indies , where the dutch have obstructed and spoyled the english , and the subjects of all other kingdomes in europe , either by fraude , or force from the freedome of navigation , and commerce , ever since they gott any footing there . more particulary sir william courten and his partners who layd the same foundations for trading voyages in the east-indies , china , and japan , from port to port. wherein the hollanders absoluty have gotten more by their navigations and force in those countries , then they did by their goods and money exported from holland and zeland , which is contrary to the laws of nations and comon alliance ; as their owne country-man grotius tells them . quod batavi ●ullum habent jus in indos , titulo inventionis , belli , occupationis , praescriptionis , aut consuetudinis . ergo quibusvis ad quosvis liberam esse mercaturam . whose rules the hollanders will not observe any further then concernes their lucre or advantage , as may be seene in the following relation . notwithstanding the english , the portugalls , and the spaniards traded thither and were setled there many years before the hollanders as is well knowne to all men that have read any thing of history . a true relation of the dutch east-india companies affaires , and trade in india , and parts adjacent in the year 1665. reported by the commander in cheife sent home by the generall at batavia , with their sleete arrived in holland anno 1666. that amboyna which yeilded cloves was in a verry good condition . banda bad yeilded a verry good cropp of mace and nutmegs . pouleron which yeilded the best nutmegs of all the is●and● was dilivered unto the english , but as soone as the news came to batavia of the warr it was taken from them againe : ternate that the king thereof is obliged by treaty to distroy all the cloves to the end th● spanish should have n●ne . maccassar was to be feared the most of any indians , the staple of all forraigne commodities was there by reason of the small toll or custome which is paid n●● exceeding one per ●●nto , sandall wood and tortell shell is that which the place y●●●d●th most : b●●a y●●ldeth red wood fitt for dy●ing , as also sandall wood , and covrin a sort of white shells which in many places are used in stead of m●ny , there are very good horses . solor and ●imor yeildeth sandell wood , tortell shell , and waxe which is carried to ma●●a●●ar : timer is for the most part inhabited by portingalls their is bezoar and black amber to be found . borneo is rich with d●●monds , and pearl●s , whereunto the great materan pretendeth , but he is not obayed ; here is pepper , benjamine , camphire , aquilwood , calam●ack , b●z●ar &c. the diam●nds , are b●tt● then on the coast , but the natives are tr●a●b●rous and blood th●●tye . mallacca ( which belongs to the company ) is not the trade which is used to be in callac●●s , brought thither by the moores , nor p●●p●r , which is now found at iam●y , on the west-coast of sumatra , here is ●●d●o ponco ( beleiued to be a good medicine again●● ag●es ) it is found in the heads of porcupines , and are s●●●d ●●r ●●● hundred rixdoll●rs and upwards . aichien reduced by the company anno 1664. ●●re is store of p●pper gould and camp●●●● ▪ bett●r th●n that of japan , the company ●ad three hundred pound ●aight of gould here last year , there p●pper is to be sould to none , but the company , and that at a certaine price . ci●o is pos●●st by the company who protect the inhabitants against those of of 〈◊〉 , ●●re are gre●t quant●ties of oliphants , rhinoceros , tigers and other beasts . in japan the company have their trade on the island nang●sacky , where the chineses trade very much , it yeilds gould , silver , alcomy , copper , camphire , and lackworke , the government of japan is written and described in a treatise by caron . in china the company have but one factory at hocksieuw where trade is not admitted without difficulty , especially if the company send not an ambassador thither : on the island formosa the company have a place called colang in hope to bring the trade thither , the island is governed by the son of coxmia . in the kingdome of torquin there was in the year 1664 ▪ averie great crop of silke . the kingdome of cambodia from whence the company trades to japan with small profit , the chiefe commodities are muske , benjamine , sappan wood , buck , and buff hides , their hornes , and some tinn . siam yeilds buckskins which are carried to iapan , and good store of tinn but the toll or custome is verie high . bengale is under the command of the great mogol , where the company hath a peaceable trade for silke , fine callicoes muske and sugar . in cormandel they have severall factories , where they buy store of callicoes and sell them through out whole india . massilipatnam yeilds diamonds from the mine golcanda , gum lack and iron besides other marchandises . at pegu under the goverment of cormandell , are the best rubyes of all india . in persia the company have two factories , one at camron , the other at spahan , where goods are sould at great profit , especially sugars paying small t●lls , but their silke is verie deare . in regard of the contract made with the persians anno 1651. at suratt and gusarat the company ●ells great quantities of spices for ●allicoes and diamonds . at ceilon that rich island for cinnamons all was in good condition . at batavia the garrison was about 2000. strong , where the company for want of mony , take it at interest and pay one and a halfe and two per cent for a month . in batavia was a good cargo to be sent home , but by reason of the wa●r with england , six of the best shipps were kept there , that they might not fall into the hands of the enemie . the english have little or no trade at bantam , maccassar , iamby , b●ngale , cormandell , surat , and persia , through want of mony and comodities , wherewith if the company were supplied , they would carry the whole trade of india . the cape bon esperance was in good condition , the garrison 500 ▪ strong , labouring to finish the castle , there they want slaves to manure the land , and wood for fire and timber , the vines and olive trees grow there very well . at sumatra , from jamby , palamba●gh , andrigoi , achien , all fa●●or●●s in the sayd island , where no other nation now is admitted to buy p●pper . at queda from perah ligor is a reasonable trade for tinn , from arracan they have rice and slaves for there service , at batavia , from the coast of cormand●●l 250. thousand pounds yearly in callioes . the yearly returnes from india amounts unto twelve hundred thousand pound sterling and upwards , one yeare with another in time of peace . their equipage and charge of goods last year sent amounted to -60000 pound sterling . the over-plus is divided unto the participants or imployed in the payment of debts . the originall stock of the companie was 600000. pound sterling : amsterdam hath an halfe parte of the stock , ●eland a fourth parte , ●elf and stotterdam an eight parte , horne and enchusen and eight parte . they have 140. saile of shipps effective in service and 250●0 . men : mariners and land soldgiers : the company being first setled in the year 1602. have improved themselves to a great ●eight ●p the deffects of the english. all which was orriginally raised out of pickled herrings , and codd-fish , tak●n upon the english coa●t ●●nce queene elizebeth toke the hollanders into ●●r protection . whereby they supplyed not only themselves and france but s●rv●d th● vast armies of austria and spaine , sweeden and poland , who made a great consumption of those fish ; that increased the hollanders wealth an● strenght ; which may be soner retrenched by an honourable peac● , and industrious acts of invitation , then by a treadious & distrutive warr . in the years 1666. and 1667. there happned severall remark-able things not to be forgotten . the king of great brittaigne having the yeare before granted speciall letters of reprisall against the hollanders , unto sir edmond tur●or knight and george car●w esq : their executors administrators and assignes ( in consideration of the great losses and damages that sir william courten and sir paul pyndar had sustained by the united netherlanders ) to continnue effectuall in the law untill the summe of 151612. pound sterling should be reprized from the states generall and their subjects , or satisfied by the east-india company of the netherlands . whereupon severall comissions were granted to diverse captaines ( conformable to the letters pattents from his majestie ) who in persuance thereof brought in many shipps , sayling from the enemies ports , built in the enemies countries , laden with enimies goods , and bound to the enemies citties and townes ; yett they were coloured , and claymed by english marchants , or the subjects of neutrall princes and states , who by extrajudiciall proceedings , obtained such orders and reports that cleared the sayd shipps and their ladings ( excepting those that were fraighted with salt viniger and ches●nutts , not worth the duties and charge of contending ) but during those prosecutions severall of the captaines detained some shipps according to the customes of other nations , to be tryed by judiciall hearings in the admiralty court , upon presumptions that the shipps and goods belonged to the french , dutch , or danes , all then in confederacy and declared enemies to the king ; yett they were discharged even upon those very circumstances that in other countries english shipps and their ladings , had bin often confiscated . the claymours however , pretending their voyages were spoyled by bringing in their shipps under those letters of reprisall , which discouraged their trade , they obtained a proclamation to suspend the execution of the letters pattents ( pro tempore ) and likewise an order of the councel-table dated at mithtehall the 10. of august 1666. ( old stille ) signed by severall lords of the councell to gratifie the spanish agents and their confedrates / whereby m. r car●w was committed to the prison called the fleet , notwithstanding he offered to give sufficient bayle in any court of judicature , to answ●re any pretence whatsoever the claymours had against him which was denied , and m. r carew forced to remayne a prisoner , untill the most dreadfull fyer in london , had consumed all the houses about him . but stopt at his owne dwelling house in the parish of st. andrews holborne , where his severall tenements adjacent escaped those flames that perished his next neighbours houses . and it is very remark-a●●● , that the pensionaris john de witt● , m. r carews grand adversary concerning the letters of reprisall was massacred at the hague on the 10. of august 16-2 . ( old still ) where mr. carew was then a prisoner , and by treating those burgers with wine and brandy in his owne defence , contributed much towards john de witt●s distruction , nisew mens hominum fats sortisque . captaine tyrence byrne in persuance of the sayd letters pattents for reprisall being fitted out with a small frigat ( by mr. ionathan frest , the owner ) seized a fly boate nere portland bay about the month of ju●● 1666. laden with french wine and salt , bound from france for holland , which shipp being brought into poole and from thence to chichester , the capt : sent to mr. suckley his owne proctor for a comission out of the admiralty court ( to examine the master and the marriners of the prize ) which was directed to the magistrates and a publique notary in chichester , who found upon the examinations , that the shipp was dutch built , the goods consigned to dutch men , and the marriners to be hollanders borne and inhabitans there : yett upon returne of the sayd comission , mr. peter g●rrard and afterwards mr. peter victorine claymed the sayd shipp and goods , pretending they belonged to mr. michaell vander planeken , andreas vande bogard , and mr. john neitz of brugis in flanders , under the notion of the shipp godelieve , belonging to that citty . then sir lyonell jenkins judge of the admiralty court decreed that there was good cause of seizure , and ordered that the claymours might have the shipp and goods forthwith restored upon bayle to abide the sentence of the court upon hearing the cause , which the captors consented unto , but the claymours refused it having brought their action at law against captaine byrne and arrested him by writt out of the admiralty court in 1000. pound damages , upon pretence of a false seizure , breaking bulke , and making sale of some salt at poole to buy provisions for the men ; whereupon the captaine gave sufficient bayle to answere the claymours , who reglected to give caution and take away the shipp and goods which were left with the vice-admirall at chichester for that purpose . sone after the captaine and his suerties that were bayle for him , moved for a prohibition , but sir john keeling then lord cheife justice of england , refused an allowance thereof , notwithstanding by the knowne and established laws of the realme , such matters of fact alleadged to be committed within his majesties ports , were to be tryed in his majesties courts of record by juries , and not to be brought into any arbitrary way before incompetent judges . afterwards the claymors upon new attestations from the same marriners , and some pretended certificates sent out of flanders , mentioning that the shipp and goods belonged to the subjects of the king of spaine , which ought to have been certified by commissioners appointed out of the same court , whereby the persons might have bin interogated , yett a restitution was thereupon decreed by the judge of the admiralty , and likewise confirmed by the lords comissioners for prizes , soe that the shipp and goods were actually delivered by the vice-admirall to the claymors accordingly , and 150. pound sterling was left to be payd in chichester that the master and the marriners of the prize had expended , for which captaine byrne , and frost were ingaged and afterwards sued . nevertheless sir walter walker , and mr. franklinn , then advised the claymors without any discontinuance of their former action against capt : byrne to exhibite articles in the admiralty court joyntly against sir edmond turnor , mr. carew , captaine byrne , and mr. frost , wherein they were charged with trespasses and spoyles for goods imbeazilled and plundered ( by their owne men . ) and from thence a sentence was drawne against them for 1800. pound damages , which was pronounced by sir lyonell jenkins in favour of the claymors , who insisted that the sayd damages cheifely arrised by leakage and avarage , and soe would make double the profitt of their voyage by the seizure , more then if they had escaped captaine byrne . from which sentence the captaine and mr. frost appealed to the ordinary deligates , but sir edmond turnor , and mr. carew appealed specially unto sir orlando bridgman , then lord keeper of the great seale of england and prayed that some judges of the common law might be appointed as adjuncts to consider of the nullity of the sayd sentence , which sir walter walker , and mr. franklinn most vexatiously opposed by a request , and insisted that sir edmond turner and mr. carew might be ordered to give bayle to abide the sentence of the judges deligates , or that their appeale might be rejected which sir orlando bridgman , irregulary appointed . although noe caution was given by them prima instantia , neither were s● edmond turnor , or mr. carew at any time summoned or arrested in the sayd cause , or ever made any defence , or were concerned therein . yett the sayd sir walter walker and mr. franklinn , forced the sayd sir edmond turnor & mr. car●w , to give extraordinary caution to avoyde that impertinent sentence , which they threatned should be executed upon their persons . and which still depends before the judges deligates & adjuncts . and ought to be declared null and voyde to all intents and purpoposes against sir edmond turner and mr. carew ( admitting captaine byrne , and mr. frest , were guilty of any thing layd to their charge ) and if the subjects of england should not be admitted to appeales and revisions in such cases , they would be rendred in a worse condition , then any slaues in spaine or turkey . as it is against the law both divine and civill , that one person should be punished for the offence of another , soe it is as unreasonble that the claymors should take any advantage ( against captaine byrne and mr. frest of their owne willfull reglect , or to seeke after treble the value of all the goods , that they cost in france , when there was good cause of seizure , which made them lyable to the charge and expences of bringing up the shipp , and making inquiry after the confi●●ation . and it was lawfull for the captaine to prosecute for the shipp & goods , in the names of sir edmond turnor and mr. carew persuant unto the letters pattents , without subjecting of them to any offence , they being turstees for a corporation of creditours and altogether passive in matter of fact . captaine byrne and all other captaines had only power to execute their commission according to the rules and directions contained in the letters pattents , if they transgressed those limitations it was their owne act , and not sir edmond turnors and mr. carews , the maxime , qui facit per alterum facit per se , is relative to civell actions where all things are done persuant to a lawfull authority . personall injuries , cannot be comprehended within any deputation or comission whatsoever , and it would be of evill consequence , if such provisionall sentences should be confirmed and brought into presidents . being contrary to law , and the very express words of his majesties grant declared in the sayd letters pattens wherein it s mencioned in the last clause of the pattent , that this royall comission should be fauorably interpreted and construed in all respects to the benefitt and advantage of sir edmond turnor and george carew , their executours administratours and assignes . captaine edward lucy , and capt : iohn holines , in prosecution of their comissions under the sayd letters pattents , did within the space of three months , take , sink , & burne nine shipps of the french , dutch , and danes , yet they mett with such discouragements at home , that rendred their enterprizes rather burthens to themselves and their friends , then any advantage or profitt to the heires executous or creditors of sir william courten , sir paul pridar , and sir edward littleten , who were also blamed for spoyling the kings enemies . and mr. franklinn to shew an absolute prejudice against mr. carew advised mr. ioas ever●yen ( a dutch claymor ) his brother in law to arrest him in a vexatious action of 1000. pound , by writt out of the admiralty court upon pretence of a spoyle done by captaine heyden to a hamburger in the month of august 1666. and although sufficient bayle was given into the court to answere the action , yett noe prosecution was ever made against him thereupon , nor any costs payd him for his vexatious trouble . it is not difficult to register the names of severall hollanders , french-men , and danes , that traded all the time of the late warr in the names of flemings , and hamburgers , and that had also their correspondence in england , to colour and protect their shipps and goods by collusive testimonialls , and commissions out of flanders and the hantz townes . even as severall hookers and dogger boates of zirrickzee , and herring-buysies of mazelandsluice , scheydam , and anchusen , fished freely as oastenders and the subjects of other neutrall princes , which incouraged the kings enemies in those times of extreamity ; whilst his majesty of great brittaigne , laboured under all the difficulties imaginable that were brought upon the kingdome , through the corruptions and selfe interests of perticular men . in the yeare 1667. after the rage and fury of the sword , fyer , and pestilence , had abated , and the king was treating ( in the territories of the hollanders ) at breda concerning a peace with the states generall , france , and danemarcke , the states adventured upon a signall exployt to burne his majesties shipps at chattam , supposing that english men could digest fyer both by land and water , then they tr●●●mph●ntly insisted , that the act concerning navigation was dis●●●●ive to their commerce , and therefore proposed to have a● articl● to make it voyde , presuming that such treaties might dissanull acts of parliament , as well as letters pattents under the great seale of england , but being advised to the contrary , they prevayled onely for a dispensation , that all goods coming downe the rhyne out of germany to the staple at dort , should be admitted as of their owne growth , and transported to england in dutch bottomes ; then they insisted upon a further provision to be made for tender conscienci●s concerning all english men , that should transport themselves , into the united netherlands for protection which was refused . only in favour of doctor richardson , minister of the english church at leyden , it was consented unto ( notwithstanding the yorkeshire plott ) that all preachers who were come out of his majesties kingdomes , should be free from any impeachment for treason , &c. the hollanders those conquerours ( as they termed themselves ) rested not satisfied here , but projected severall articles in generall termes to acquitt and discharge ( de bene esse ) all actions and pretentions whatsoever , that his majestie and his subjects had against the states generall and their subjects from the beginning of the world to the conclusion of that treaty , wherein pouleron was also to be suddainly relinquished that had been 40. years in delivering up persuant to severall former treaties , and the soveraignity of surrinam to be surrendred , which had been only possessed some weekes by the zeland capers , and retaken from them by the english. here was a strange providence and very remark-able concerning surrinam and pouleron . this surrinam was a colony setled by the lord willoughby , wherein he had expended all his patternall estate ; and this lord willoughby was the person that had kept the lands & possessions of sir william courten and his heires in the island of barbados , from the right proprietors under the pretence of a lease from the earle of carlilse , as lord proprietor of the carebee islands , who had by force supplanted sir william courten his tenants , officers and servants , after sir william had setled a colony there & had expended thirty thousand pounds sterling & upwards in fortifications , buildings , and planting , having first discovered , the sayd island , and been three years in quiet possession thereof . pouleron is an island , that belongs to the heires and successors of the english east-india company , that first acquired the same by their joynt stock ; and such an island that was taken from them orriginally by vyolence ( which creates noeright ) & annexed to the hollanders possessions ; this island was wasted by the east-india company of the netherlands , after cromw●lls treaty , and all the nuttmegg trees , were there distroyed by capt : kirkhove and his soldgiers in obedience to the hollanders commands , & the generall of batavia , which trees were to have bin restored to the english againe in the same condition they were growing . this island was after many long delays , delivered to the english , but retaken the same yeare againe by the dutch east-india company , without any satisfaction or price , for the spoyle or the soyle , whereof the hollanders , esteeme themselves to be for ever acquitted and really discharged , without any act or deed from the orriginall proprietors , who could not formerly agree , how to draw up a discharge for the 80000. pound sterling that cromwell borrowed of them against their will , which the hollanders had payed , by mr. ●illiam garraways sollicitation , for other damages , nor consent to give him a reward , answerable to his paynes for getting that which they lost by their ingratitude . yet the states generall by the treaty at breda became obliged to regulate the trade in the east indies and to observe the former capitulations concerning surrinam . which nevertheless the east-and west-india companies of the netherlands afterwards refused to performe . knowing that they themselves doe governe the states of holland , as the states of holland doe governe the states generall . the deputies of the 18. respective citties , which are sent to the assemblies of the great and mighty lords the states of holland , being directors or participants of the east and west-india companies . the diputies of the respective provinces , sent to the assemblies of the high and mighty lords the states generall , being also directours or participants of the east and west-india companies . the respective persons or lords of the councells of the states generall , and the states of holland ; as also the respective lords in the severall collegies or chambers of their admiralties in amsterdam , rotterdam , midleburgh , north-holland , and f●●zland , are likewise directors or participants of the east and west-india companies of the netherlands , and mostof them either br●wars , soap●boy●●rs , sugerbakers , & their sonns , or advocates , who are also the magistrates of the respective citties , and ●●chivens in the severall courts of judicature , where the subjects of forraigne princes , cannot expect justice in any matters upon civell actions brought before them , wherein their owne interests are any wayes concerned , being both parties and judges themselves , which is a most abominable and intollerable practise . ●specially when appeales are made from those competent judges ( soe termed ) in the respective citties , unto the provinciall court , and superior court at the ●ague , where there cannot be any other creatures found a mo●gst them then of the same mould , before whome the suites and complaynts of many orphants and widdowes have been delayed some 20. and some 30. years , and left still undetermined ; who have appealed to heaven for bengance , which at last is fallen upon the hollanders for their fr●ude and oppression . if justice cannot be obtained in their ordinary courts of judicature upon civell contracts and obligations between english-men and hollanders , for matters arising within their owne country , or for debts contracted in england , it cannot be expected that any strangers should find releife against any director or participant of the east or west-india company upon any cause of action reall or personall , for goods , lands , or money , gotten into their hands and possession in forraigne partes , for any spo●le or trespass whatsoever committed in the east or west-indies . where they make warr and peace , at pleasure . tantum imperium principis quam patrimonium majus est . ad reges potestas omnium pertinet , ad singulos proprietas . and the casuists affirme that a debitor although judicially absolved , remaynes a debitor , untill he hath given satisfaction . jus permaneat semper , nec unquam mutetur lex vero scripta saepius . in the yeare 1668. the french king , in right of maria his wi●e , daughter of ph●lip the iv. pretending a tytle to the spanish netherlands , after the king of spaines de●th , entred into brabant and flanders with an arm●y , and toke possession , of ch●rleroy , binch , a●●●● , dou●y , s●●rpe , tournay , oul●●ard , li●le , armentiers , cortrick , ●●wxbargh , with the b●ylewicks casteleines and jurisdictions to them belonging , notwithstanding the queene had renounced her right and the french king barred himselfe ( as the hollanders say ) by the pyreenean treaty . which the lawyers and divines of france , affirme to the contrary , first in regard the 400000 spanish ducates were not payd by the king of spaine , promised in marriage with the infanta , which was the ground of the pyreenean treaty ; and especially for that the soveraignity of those provinces could not be alienated , seperated , or divided from the crowne by any colaterall acts or agreements contrary to the law of the country . however a triple alliance was made betweene the king of great brittaigne , the king of sweeden , and the states generall , tending to reconcile france and spaine , and to oppose the french king in his further progresse into the spanish netherlands , which triple league procured the treaty at aken , and produced an accord that france should for ever injoy those places taken by his armes , and an everlasting peace was concluded ( in terminis ) confirming the pyrenean treaty whereby france , was to forsake portugall , and leaue that crowne to the mercy of the spaniards , and hollanders . which was more unjust , then the french kings entrance into flanders was unreasonable . from whence it appears that publick treatys are not like the laws of the m●ads and pers●●ns . the strongest partyes makes the best construction and interpretation of all doubtfull cases . in the years 16-0 . and 16-1 . the french forces being exercized in the new conquested places of flanders , and brabant , the hollanders were as jealous of such neighbours , as the french were troubled at such attendance . the states generall haveing levied 50000. soldgiers to watch their motions , by land and water . then admirall van ghent nere the flemish-coast refused to strick sayle to the royall standard of great brittaigne , that was carried in his majesties owne brigadine , but answered the demand most contemptuously with powder and ball . afterwards the states general being as unwilling to give satisfaction for such indignites and affronts to his majestic , as they were for spoyles , and injuries to his subjects ▪ this present warr insued wherein the king of great brittaigne , and the french king , have made an alliance of mutuall assistance against the hollanders , finding that those crownes , had formerly taken wronge measures to suffer the united netherlanders , which they saved from extirpation ▪ to grow ●oe powerfull and great , to contend with them and their allies . which also confirme● the english proverb , save a theife from the gall-house , and he will be the first that shall ●utt your throate , wher●fore the l●ague with france proceeds not from such dang●rous councells . as the appealants to the parliament would suggest . in the yeare 1671. john de ●●●● , pensionaris of holland , & his faction being drunke with success in the former warrs . over ruled that party in the states of holland , who advised to raise a great army to oppose france by land , and suddainly to invade the bishopp of munsters country . and to make only a defensive warr against england by guarding their owne coast . but ●●●n de ●●●● argueing that the three maritine provinces ( by reason of their sluices ) being impregnable by land , there was a necessity to keepe the sea open for their trade and navigation , otherwise they would sone become beggers , wherefore his councell was followed , and a great fleete out of hand provided to fight both the english and the french , which the hollanders ( taking their advantage ) did ingage on the first of june 1672. ( old sti●● ) wherein the earle of sandwich , and admirall van ghent , with severall others of both sydes perished , when it appeared that the french notwithstanding their naturall courage , were better at land then at sea , and the english alone , if they had persued the victory , might have distroyed the dutch ●leete upon their owne coast , in that time of consternation , the french english and munster forces , having entred gilderland , over●sell , and utrecht , yett the hollanders out of an ambitious humour to keepe up their sinking reputation , exposed their prints to all partes of the world , signifieing that they had beaten two glorious kings at sea , and many english men ( to their shame be it spoaken ) rejoyed at their owne folly and infirmities , complying with the appeallants fancies . that from cromwells joyning with the french , the distruction of europe might take its date . the kingdomes of c●cillea and naples , made arragon , and caste●le much lighter then before . the west-indies , and the netherlands putt into the s●ale made all spaine of less waight . princes that graspe at more then they can governe and protect , make themselves unfortunate and their subjects miserable . in that yeare 1671. if the divell had not owed the hollanders a shame for their pride and insolency , they might have complyed with england or france , but notwithstanding they saw the dangers approaching , and had faire warnings given them after the breaches of their faith , treatyes , and alliances , yett in stead of making any reconciliation with either , they persisted in the desiance of great brittaigne , concerning his majesties prerogative in the seas , exposing to sale their medalls and prints of chattam , their pamphletts and pasquills of the king and his councell , and likewise inraged the french , with their impositions , menaces , and contempts painting the king between madamoiselle de la valiere , and madamoiselle de montspan , with both his hands under their petticoates , and this in scription over his head , louys le grand conquerour , and at the same time painted the bishop of munster riding upon a hogg , and his coach drawne with six wild bores . then by order of the king and councell at whitehall , the warr was proclaymed , the dutch smirna fleete attacqued , and the exchequer stopt from payment of the banckers assignments . necessity hath noe law , and people that cannot● be conquered with kindnes , must be taken upon all advantages to make them mannerly and honest against their wills . in the yeare 1672. after that sea fight , when the united netherlands were invaded by the french , english , and munster forces ( the women in the hague having before proclaymed the prince of orange , captaine generall , the burgers and boares in all the citties and dorpes voated him their statholder , and the states generall in the first weeke of julij 1672. were forced for their owne defence , to establish him in all the offices and honours that his ancestors had injoyed . which the prince of orange willingly accepted for their safty in time of trouble , that would not pray for his welfare in time of their prosperity . in this juncture of confusion the king of great brittaigne having a difficult game in hand , wherein the hollanders and zelanders , were to be sufficiently humbled , and the french not exalted , his majesty sent the duke of buckingham , and the earle of arlington his embassadours extraordinary and plenipotenciaries to the french king , and the states generall , who held some conferrences at utrecht , untill the burgers of amsterdam had cutt the bancks of the tye , and opened the sluices to drowne the land about that cittie , then the magistrates and inhabitants there protested against any further treaty declaring that they would not doe any thing upon a surprise . conclu●ing ▪ ●h●r● they ●●ul● not make an honourable peace they would runn the 〈◊〉 of a distru●●●ve ●●rr . the french king in his proposalls to the states generall at utrecht , in●isted that a cathedrall church in every citty of holland should be allowed to the roman catholicks for divine worshipp . the romanists giveing theise reasons for it unto the dome-heeres there 1. that the churches were all built by the roman catholicks 2. that the major parte of the people in those united provinces remayned still roman catholicks , 3. that the states had kept the possession of those churches eighty yeares from the roman catholicks . 4. that the protestants in france , who denied the popes supream●●y were allowed churches wherein many of the netherlanders had free access . 5. and lastly that it was very scandalous that the roman catholicks should be confined to such pore consecrated meeting places for the service of god in the cheifest c●tties and townes of the united netherlands , yett all those arguments would not preva●le with the amsterdamers , who pretended that it would be a badge of conquest over them , to alter any thing of their goverment in poynt of religion . and having gotten those churches by their victorious armes with such congregations into them they would not soe tamely parte with either . the like congregations are not to be found in any other parte of the world ( ga●hered together by the sword ) regulated by the civ●ll magistrates as they are in the united n●therlands . during this confusion , the maritine plenipotenciary cornelius de ●●tt who had bin newly gratified with 36000. gilders by the states generall for his good service at sea in that expedition , ( where the earle of sandwich was fyred ) was contriving how to poyson or pistoll the prince of orange at land , and to that purpose treated with one william titchelaer a chyrurgion at peirshill ( a tenant under that plenipotentary ) to accomplish the designe , corn●●ius de witt insinnuating to him that the prince being now made statholder by the meane people , they would not rest untill they had made him soveraigne and consequently subverted the goverment of the country , and that if he would undertake the busines to dispatch him , there were aboue thirty lords in the goverment of holland that would very well requite him besides he should have 3000. pound sterling for his premium , and for the better effecting the designe , some of the lords in the states of holland , should helpe him to an imployment in the leaguer to be nere the prince . but the chyru●gion notwithstanding he had sworne secrecy to c●rn●●●us de witt yett he could not be quiet in his mind untill he had revealed the conspiracy to the prince . whereupon corn●●●us de witt being apprehended ; the court of justice heard the evidence , and wa●ghing all circumstances did on the 10. of august 1672. ( old s●●●● ) give sentence only for his banishment and the ●orfeiture of his offices and dign●ties , but the common people in the hague banished him and his brot●●r john de witt on the same day into another world as m●mbers not fitt to ●●ve any longer in this . the prince of orange sone after made some alteration amongst the magistrates of amsterdam and other places ; then he gave his first as●ault upon the french at worden where he come off with loss and a d●●honorable retreat . in december following he made an attempt upon charleroy without success , when the duke of lutz●●burgh with his forces from utrecht burnt bodegrave and swammerdam , two of the best dorpes in holland , and if the frost had continnued 24 ▪ houers longer they had burnt the hague , where the people upon the first alarum removed all their plate jewells and fine l●nnen to delf , layden , and rotterdam . this being done in the absence of the prince , the burgers begun to c●amour against him for ill conduct , ●aying that they were all betra●ed , and that the prince knew of this warr , when he was with his uncle in england in the yeare 1670 ▪ ( making merry with venizon pasties ) although the prince moved altogether by the states order in m●llitary affaires , and had not soe much command of the treasury or militia , as to preferre a soldgier or reward a servant . princes walke upon narrow bancks , where their fortunes dipends upon such gidd●y peoples ●u●ours . in the beginning of this yeare 1673. the king of sweeden interposing as mediatour betweene all parties , proposed a generall treaty for a peace , and in the interim a cessation of armes , the former was seemingly accepted by the states , but the later absolutly refused , yett underhand they desired a cessation with england at sea , for which they would have given 130000. pound sterling . the states generall , finding themselves not able to digest the forces of soe many kings and princes , at one meale by land , without a free vent backward by water for trade , especially for bringing home their east-india shipps , they lost this yeare which were of greater value then the price offered for a cessation . the hollanders perceiving their money was not soe courrant in england as formerly . they appeared under this strange carracter of englands appeale to the parliament , which yett did not doe their turne , the commons gave the king 70000. pound per month , for eighteene months , towards the further expence of the warr , then the hollanders made a suddaine resolution in the assembly of the states to raise new levies by capitall lending , to sett out a great fleete , which money was to be payd in before the first of april 1673. ( new stile ) and was done accordingly . the people beng moved by a preamble in the placcate , and act for raising the money grounded upon the lord chancelors speech in parliament , especially upon that expression ( dilenda cartago ) which did surprise the states of holland , & zeland , when they were at a straight for ready cash , their cantores being empty , & their obligations of little value . the duke of brandinburgh having lately caldeized them out of 200000. pound upon a contract for mutuall assistance , whereby he was to send the states 12000. foote and 8000. horse to be maintained at a joynt charge , but nevertheless he kept both the men and the money for his owne defence upon a better bargaine with the french concerning clefe , and marke . where severall of his best townes had been long detained from him by the states . here the hollanders were payd in their owne coyne , who never performed any parte of a publicke treaty , further then attended their owne profitt or advantage . now while the states were chaffering about the place of treating , they were using all meanes , possible to evade it , by contracting leagues and alliances with spaine , and austria , to maintaine the protestant interest which the appealants to the parliament say the kings ministers neglected , and rather then they would submitt to england or parte with any thing they had gott by fraude and violence , they send their agents to pomerania , courland , prusia , and other neutrall places , to raise both horse and foote to appeare with an army in the feild , as well as a fleete at sea to treat like , soveraigne princes , with their swords in their hands , yet intending noe agreement but upon their owne termes , depending upon their bretheren in england , and scotland to accomplish their designes , presuming that the commons there would not have hollands patience to indure an exspensive warr much longer . the states keeping to their old principalls , that there was noe means soe approved under heaven to weaken great brittaigne , as by sowing sedition amongst the people , with notions of introducing popery , or setting up an arbitrary goverment by the french alliance . although they were not ignorant that it is as impossible for a roman catholick to be king of england , as a reformed protestant to be king of france . this last summer the states generall ingaged the english and french fleets in three sea sights wherein there was noe considerable loss of either syde ( excepting sir edward sprague ) being all fought nere the bancks upon the coast of holland , zeland , and flanders , where the french were less usefull at sea this yeare , then they were the last , which incouraged the hollanders still to boast , and publish in all forraigne parts , that they had beaten the two mighty kings againe at sea in three most glorious victories . this report made some persons rashly to say , that the english were either traytours or cowards , notwithstanding admirall de ruytter in the last sea fight writt to the states that it was gods great mercy , he could keepe the sea to guard their coast . although he could not guard the east-india shipps upon the coast of norway , not daring to adventure for their protection at sea , any further then the states armies and their allies did by land for the releife of mastricht , which was surrendred within 14. dayes after the first stormes made by the english and french forces , that much surprised the hollanders , to loose such a considerable place in soe short a time . which plainly demonstrates to all the world , that those who are masters of the feild , are masters of the best garrisons , even as they that were masters at sea in the yeare 1667. were masters of the royall charles , and the london . in the month of october last , the hollanders with their hackney appealants , degenerated english men , charged their paper gunns againe with new expedients against the meeting of the parliament , and framed a letter in a dutch dresse , directed to the king of great brittaigne dated the 25. of october 1673. ( stilo novo ) which they sent by a trumpeter , after they had first distributed many thousand copies in english and dutch amongst their friends & confederates in england , and holland , insinnuating how ready the states generall had alwayes been to give his majesty all reasonable satisfaction for avoyding the miseries and callamities inseperably attending the warr , alleadging that they thought the triple alliance had bound them eternally from any further rupture , adding that now the prince of orange his interest and theirs being united together with his personall m●r●it , those considerat●ns might inclyne his majestie to peace , making a deduction of all that had proceeded at cologne , whereby they waued the lords plenipotentiares , and appealed from the king unto his subjects . and at the same time industriously sett on foote a clamour against the marriage betweene the duke of yorke and the dutchess of modena , then the king prorogued the parliament untill the 7. of januarij next , and in the meane time answered the states letter from poynt to poynt with was sent back by the same trumpeter . whereby it appeared that the states generall had found instruments purposely to deceive his majesties subject , sand delude their owne . then the appealants consulted with their consorts the cheife ministers of state in the hague , how they should satisfie the common people in england and holland concerning the kings letter , whereupon they made severall remarques reducing them under nine heads , which they also published in printe , impudently denying all that was asserted by the king in his answere , and concluded with a dispute concerning his soveraignity in the english seas , absolutly denying his majesties right to the herring fishing . and affirmed that the plempotentiaries at cologne having not shewne any ground or cause of their warr , it was reasonable for the states generall to declyne any longer treating there , especially upon conditions that were unlawfull , and not sufferable for their subjects , much less to refunde the charge of the warr , or to consent unto a free trade in the east-indies , or to demolish any forts there . in this juncture , the prince of orange returned to the hague with great joy from the frontiers of germany , his fortune smiling upon him in the end of this yeare , that frowned in the close of the last , then the states of holland , zeland , and frizland , to stopp the peoples mouths proclaymed a day of publike thanksgiveing to be solemnized on the 6. of december instant reciting the perticulars in all their courants viz , first for the glorious victories at sea against the english and french. 2. for taking of worden by surrender . 3. for their good success against bone and rynebeck . 4. and lastly for the vigorous procedings of the spaniards upon the frontiers of france since their declaration of warr , on which day of thanksgiveing the cannons in every citty roared , and the predicants in very pulpitt , by order of their superiours handled the remarques upon the kings answere more then their texts , giving the people some crombes of comfort , that their friends were working for them in england , scotland and yreland , and their enemies voluntairly leaving utrecht , over-issel , and gilderland , upon termes of brandscatting , which brings to my remembrance a very remarkable passage , that i lately mett with , on the monthly day of humiliation in a church at amsterdam . i shall only make a short repetition in a paragrafe or two of some raptures and ejaculations used in the ministers prayers as nere as possible can be rendred in english out of the dutch talke , which i have here also incerted . the first predicant after he had made a breife confession of the great and manifold sinns and transgressions of the congregation , he expostulated in a familiar peticionary way with god almighty as fallows . o heere in ghenade aensiēt uwe dienaeren de staten van hollandt ; een volck verhoren uyt alse natien om u te dienen ende uwen heylighen naem groot te maken / wy bidden u o heere aensiet den wijn-stock die uwe handt gheplant heeft in dese dereenighde nederlanden / ende en laet niet toe dat den wilden beer ofte beesten van het veldt het uyt-wortelt . o heere omme dat ghy ous gheesten van verstant hebt ghegheven te kennen de voordeelen die wy hebben / ende de swackheden van onse vpanden / moeten wy daerom vergaen . o lord in mercy looke upon thy servants the states of holland , a people chosen out of all nations to serve the , and magnifie thy holy name , looke downe wee beseehe the o lord upon the vineyard , that thyne owne right hand hath planted in theise united netherlands , suffer not the wild bore or beasts of the feild to pluck it up . oh lord because those hast given us spirits of understanding to deserne our owne advantages , and our enemies infirmities must wee therefore perish . his text was in the 16. cap. of exod. from the 12. verse to the 21. after his sermon he desired the congregation to singe the 80. psalme , then the other minister stept into the pulpitt , and when the psalme was ended , he uttered himselfe as follows . o heere stort uwen zeghen op de staten van hollandt ouse wettighe souveraynen / ende de staten vande dereenighde provincien haer gheconfedereerdens de hoven van justitie / de camer van ●●eke●inghe / ende de achtbare magistraten van dese plaetse / behoudt ende beschermt den pri●s van oraignien ousen capiteyn generael / ende gheeft hem victoric over alle sijue vya●den ; o heere om dat ghy ons in weynighe jaeren hebt ghegheven macht en̄ middelen om ons selven soo te water al 's te lande te beschermen teghen de macht ende boosheyt van ouse vyanden / moeten wy daerom vernietight worden / do et met ons heere naer uwen wille / doch verlost on s dit mael uyt de hauden der moabiten ende philistijnen / ma●●kt on s onderdaenen van uwe ghenade / op dat wy instrumenten moghen zijn van uwe heerlijckheydt / o heere oft het u gheliefde de herte vanden coninck van groot brittaignien te openen / ende de gheesten van sijnen grooten ●●aedt in 't parlement te verstercken dat sijne majesteyt bewoghen mocht werden tot soodanigen vrede't welek bestaen mochte met het welvaeren ende reputatie vande staten van defe dere●nighde nederlanden . poure downe thy blessings o lord upon the states of holland our lawfull soveraignes , and the states of the united provinces their consederates , the courts of justice , the chamber of accounts ; and the worp . ll magistrates of this place , preserve and defend the prince of orange our captaine generall , and give him victory over all his enemies ; o lord because thou hast afforded us means and strenght in few years to defend our selves by sea and land , from the malice , and power of our adversaries , must wee therefore be destroyed , doe with us lord what pleaseth the , only this time deliver us from the hands of the mohebites and philistines , make us the subjects of thy mercy , that wee may be the further instruments of thy glory : oh lord that it would please the to open the heart of the king of great brittaigne , and to stirr up the spirits of the great councell in parliament , that his majestie may be inclyned unto such a peace that may consist with the wellfare and reputation of the united states , in theise netherlands . his text was taken out of the 10. chapter of judges from the 6. verse to the 17. and after a teadious and impertinent discourse upon that subject , he concluded the day with an exhortation to charity for releife of the distressed brethren , whereof one bagg is usally taken by the predicant to dispose amongst the pore isarellites , and the other two are distributed by the deacons amongst the aflicted in the tribe of judah : many such pretious men , slipps of the same vine were lately planted in england , which brought forth sower grapes , that sett the peoples teeth on edge . it s possible theise notions may not affect all english-men , or inclyne them to believe , that there was any necessity of a warr , to reduce or humble theise godly hollanders ; which induceth me to tell you in playne english , i knew the time when it was as difficult to gett a good farme , or a house for a tenant in england , as it is now to gett a good tenant for either , since the hollanders by their seditious practises are growen soe populous and soe great . i knew also the time when ipswich , hadley and buildstone flourished as much as harlem , leyden , and delf . and when ratcliffe and limhouse flourished as much as surdam and dordr●●ht . and doe believe there was a time when orford , dunwich , and alborough , and other ancient sea-port townes upon that coast , had not their priviledges granted , only to catch oysters , macharell , and sprats , where the bancks are washed away with the waues , and their havens stopt up with sands , while the fishermen from anchuysen , schiedam , zirrickzee &c. in holland , zeland and frizland , take the herrings , haberdine and linge with their busses , hookers and dogger boates to increase their strenght and means to dispute the right and priviledges of free fishing upon the english coast . which brings me also to tell you what the hollanders say in some of their remarques upon the kings answere to the states letter , but in another style then formerly they writt to king james in the beginning of his raigne . in their first remarque they say that titus livius and all the roman emperours gave medalls in gold upon their conquests and victories . and cite a text of scripture in exod. 17. and 15. that moses erected an alter when ameleck was beaten calling its name the lord is my banner , where the verse following says the lord hath sworne that he will have warr with ameleck from one generation to another . in the fourth remarque they say it is not true that the states were obliged to send comissioners into england to regulate a trade in the east-indies , only the king of great brittaigne proposed a reglement , which was soe absurd , that the english nation would have a trade equall to the hollanders , which was fomented by the french , and for feare something might be undertaken by the french against their state , they sent monsieur van bewninghen for england to remove all sinister impressions , that the french proposalls might have made upon his majestie against the triple alliance , and offered for the preservation of the peace of all christendome , to make a defensive , and offensive warr against france for the further confirmation of the triple alliance , which was rejected and a league made since with france contrary to the triple league ( which the french ministers presumptiously called the beggers agreement . ) and in their ninth , remarque which concernes only the herring fishing , they say can any body lay clayme or make pretence to wha the never yett possessed , was it not indeavored in the yeare 1635. by king charles the first , his majesties father to introduce a tribute by forcing the same with some shipps of warr , which is repugnant to the longe and free custome of fishery , that for theise last 140. years ( persuant to the treaty made in the yeare 1495. betweene england and their state ) hath bin continually and quietly practised and injoyed untill the yeare 1635. as aforesiad . now i appeale to the greatest champions for the hollanders in any parte of his majesties dominions , whether they can heare without greife , and astonishment such impudent arrogant expressions belehed out vp the states and their predicants , and audatiously applied to themselves , with reflections upon the king and his kingdomes , or whether they can with patience heare the states and their mercinaries to give the king of great brittaigne the ley concerning the east-india trade , or be perswaded that the only way to priserve the peace of christendome was to joyne with the hollanders in an offensive and defensive warr against the french king , that hath lately consumed for much treasure , and wasted soe many families of the nobility , and gentry towards the chastizing of those high and mighty lords , and great and mighty lords , that toke their titles from a french complement , and were protected by the french kings against all their adversaries for the space of sixty eight years together , or whether they can containe themselves any longer when they heare those states affront the king of great brittaigne in that peremptory manner to tell him , that the crowne of england was never possessed of the herring fishing , or that the late king his father had not force of armes in the yeare 1635. to obstruct their right to the herrings upon his owne coast , where they clayme the priviledge of free fishing by prescription of the treaty anno 1495. which was 77. yeares before they were acknowledged to be free countries , and had the liberty of the english coast in compensation of the leagues offensive and defensive against france , who were then the hereditary enemies of the crowne of england . but it is objected by their friends that if the kings subjects should eate any quantities of herrings , barrell codd , or stoc●fish , there would not be such a consumption of beife , mutton and veale in his majesties kingdomes , which brings up the rents of land. and it is pretended that the king is at noe loss by the hollanders , zelanders , and frizlanders fishing for herring and ●odd , upon his owne coast which otherwise would be lost for want of taking , and all the cloysters , monasteries and religious houses in the spanish netherlands , germany , poland , france , westphalia etc. would be left distitude of provisions which vp the strick● rules of their religion doe abstaine from flesh severall weeks in a yeare , and severall days in every weeke which in england , scotland and ireland , since the reformation the protestants are not obliged to doe . as to the kings right to the herring fishing . it admitts noe dispute , being upon his owne coast . but if any man gives nourishment to a vulture , or huggs a serpent in his bosome , he may be distroyed for his kindnes and eredulity , as for the herrings and codd , that would be lost for want of catching , and the monasteries and cloysters left destitude for want of provisions , it is a great fallacy . there would be noe less fish taken if all strangers were obliged to pay the king a yearely tribute for an acknowledgment of that right , which the laws of god , the laws of nature , and the laws of nations , appropriates to the king of great brittaigne upon his owne coast : and it would not undervalue the price of lands , or lessen the value of mutton beife or veale , if more herrings , codd , and ling , were eaten in england , but rather increase the publick treasury , the rents of lands , and the particular estates of all trades men . and for incouragement to the fishing trade at home , if every inkeeper ale-house keeper , and vintener in england , should be obliged to buy a barrel of pickled herrings once a yeare . the hollanders doe esteeme every stranger , that comes to inhabite in their united provinces to render unto the publick yearly ( viis et modis ) 5. pound sterling at least , although he be of a meane capacity , there being soe many excises / verpounding : poll money , chymdy money etc. that from every burger who expends 150. pound per annum in his family a third parte of it goes to the states for publick uses . and if the fishing trade were ushered in againe to the ancient sea porte townes of suffolke , norfolke , lincolne , yorke and northumherland , from whence the first herring fishers carried it unto anchusen in north-holland , upon certaine priviledges granted them there ( as may be seene both by the records in the statehouse and three herrings given in an eschutchen for the armes of that citty ) it would multiply his majesties subjects by drayning other places to come where they might take the fish freely nere their owne dores , and finde as good , and as quick marketts from thence , as they doe in holland , zeland , and frizland , where they yeild ready money into all partes , after the fishermen returne home from their trading voyages of the first herring season . midsomer herrings taken by the hollanders upon the english and scotch coast , are soe fatt and delicate , that they are sold in all the 1● . provinces and partes adjacent for 1. and 2. stivers a herring . and in the later ●nd of the yeare towards l●nt , when the fat●nes is almost cousumed with the salt and pickle , those english herrings are s●alded in fresh water , and ●aten for great da●ties with vinger , oyle , and p●pper , in harbours , cloysters and other places . there are h●rrings in great aboundance upon the coast of holland , danemarke , and norrway , but very leane , and in the zuyder-sea from amsterdam , to the texell , they are taken in such quantities , that the pore people buy 40. and 50. for a stiver by the name of pan-herrings , which are not fitt for pickle , therefore the hollanders runn to the coast of england , and scotland , wh●re the fishing , is more advantageous to the states , then the silver mines in the west-indies is to the king of spaine , or the spice trade to the east-india company of the netherlands . and the reasons are very playn , and obvious unto all intelligible men viz : first in regard of the great numbers of handicrafts , and trades men that are imployed and maintained by the fisheries , which increaseth the publick revenue with their infinite payments they make to the pactors of wine , beare , &c. where 28. severall excises are payd at the eating of an egg . secondly from the great multitudes of sea-men that are bredd up by that imployment , and made ●itt both for the service of marchant-men , and men of warr for the defence of their country . thirdly by the great tra●●ique that is raised from the product of herring and codd-fish , which drawes yearly 250000. pound sterling in ready money from other partes into the united provinces , besides the staple commodities of those other ajacent countries , soe that the united netherlands doe multiply the ●●ock of their owne country yearly by those fish , which they have for catching from the english coast , and runns into all their cantores and treasuries , and from thence out againe to build their store houses , whar●es , castles , ●luices , shipps , dikes , dambes , bridges &c. wherefore it was high time as well to looke into their strenght , as into their wayes of acquiring it . and to question them for their breach of league● , and treatyes , for feare of further assaults , and surprises . the only argument that cato the elder used in the senate of rome for distroying the citty of carthage , was from a simillitude ●e used concerning greene figgs , that were growing in carthage whit●in foure days before , which he brought into the s●nate , when the ma●●er was in debat● , from whence he ●●p●l●d ▪ that it was not ●afe , to ●av● 〈◊〉 great , and ●●● dangerous a neighbour ●●● n●r● , t●at mig●t surprise them , before th●y could ●● rea●h to defend themselves . then reflecting upon the contracts and covenants ▪ ●●● often vyolated by carthage . the old stomans burnt and razed that citty to the ground . but out of the ashes of carthage , there ●prunge up tho●e pirates of tunis and a●g●●rs , that have proved more troublesome unto all europe then the carthagiman● wer● greuious ▪ to the old romans . the zelanders have followed their exemples , since the trade went from midleburgh to amsterdam , upon the loss of sluice in ●landers , when the generall marchants that removed , could be noe longer secure there , and the marchant adventurers ret●red to delf , then to rotterdam , then to dort , now noe where , since their charter is broken , and the english staple of cloath , exposed to contempt that was once accounted the glory of england . as to the spice trade which the hollanders have ingross●d by secr●●t fraud , and open vyolence . the states generall cannot be soe va●ne to believe , they shall injoy it any longer then there may be an opertunity to take it from them againe , notwithstanding they have strenghtned themselves in the east-indies , not only to trade , but to fight there , which is a new way of mar ▪ handizing , that the english were not accustomed unto . pol●ron , amboyna , and jaccatra ( now called batavia ) were all the p●ss●ssions of the english , and the spice trade , was by covenants and contracts divided betweene the english and the dutch companies . the shipps bona esperanza , and henery bonadventura , belonged to english-men , and were taken from t●em in time of peace , by the east-india company of the nettherland ? who have not yett given any satisfaction or reparation ●or the ●ame , or for the damages sustained by the loss of their voyages , but are left to the proper ●●emedies . the product of fish and spice , have brought the hollanders all things of the growth of other countries . and by consequence thereof , they have not only brought downe the price of english tinn , and the staple goods of english plantations , but have also lessned the value of all english woolen manufactures , by their li●●y woolesy , and fastaine ●●uffes , wherewith they now doe furnish the boares , and boarines , which formerly used to weare good english cloath , and the better sort of ●●opell aparrell themselves with ●ilks , mohaires , ●●amletts , and velvetts , purposely to discourage all english woolen manufactures , and incourage their owne , where they are cheaper wrought with pickle herrings and buttermilk , then they can be made in england with good beife and stronge beare . the hollanders now are resolved to give noe more for a pound of english woole in the cloath , stuffe , or stockings , then they think it worth the working , or for english lead or oare , then they esteeme the labour of digging , and smelting , and ●oe imploy their factors in england to buy it accordingly , although they ●ell their nuttmegs cloves and mace , at their owne prices , more then treble advantages , and their ●ine threads for 30. per cent profitt and vpwards . and because the weavers ▪ spinners ▪ ●nitters and other people in the netherlands ( whose necessity makes them sparing and laborious ) should not stand still for want o● worke ▪ they are not only furnished from scotland with woole upon sheepe s●ins ( cu● privilegi● ) but indirectly with english woole / welsh and irish woo●es in great quantities . and directly with spanish wooles in english bottomes ▪ and cotton woole which is fallen from a noble to ni●e pence as su●ars etc. are si●c● sur●●●●m was surrendred to the zelanders and since the new england shipps with divers others d●tchified english men ▪ are yearly fraighted from ●ir●inea and barbados that never arrives in old england / but carried with syde windes into ●olla●d and the east countries whereby his majesty is not onely defra●ded of his custumes , ●nd his ●eam●n di●couraged ▪ but the goods undervalued which ought to he menaged to greater advantages of the king and his kingdomes . it is convenient now to shew you , when the house of bourgundy became allied with the house of austria . and austria with spaine , ●s also their respec●ive successions , & likwise the severall successions in the crownes of england , and france . and consequently when the hollanders , and their confederated provinces of the union , revolted from spaine and austria , and made themselves soveraigne states ; and after some observations thereupon , give you a more perticular answere to englands appeale . and soe for this present yeare conclude . a briefe description of the first alliances betvveen the houses of bourgundy , austria , and spaine , vvith the severall successions of emperours , kings of spaine , kings of england , and france , since that alliance . philip duke of bourgundy the 30. earle of holland , zeland &c. that first ●●s●●tuted the order of the golden f●…ce , dyed in the yeare 146● ▪ leaving charles his only sonn and heire , his successour ▪ who was s●aine at the battaile of nancy , and left maria dutchess of bourgundy his only daughter & heire , that married maximillian arch-duke of austria , sonn and heire , of fredrick emperour of germany , by whom she had philip her only sonn , that married jane the daughter of ferdinand and jsabella , king and queene of arragon and castile . emperours of germany . maximillian the first that married maria de vallois , duchess of bourgundy , begun his raigne anno — 1493 charles the fift married jsabella daughter of don emanuel king of portugal , and begun his raigne anno — 1520 ferdinand the first married anna ulad●slai daughter of the king of hungary , and bohem●a , begun his raigne anno ▪ 1558 marua●llian the second succeeded his father , he married maria the daughter of charles the fifth his neece , and begun to raigne anno — 1564 rodolphus succeeded his father maximillian , he dyed without issue , and begun to raigne anno — 1576 mathias succeeded his brother rodolphus , he married ann the daughter of ferdinando arch-duke of austria , and dyed without issue , begun his raigne anno — 1612 ferdinando the second succeeded his nephew mathias , and married ellenor sister to the duke of mantoua , he begun his raigne anno — 1619 ferdinando the third succeeded his father , he married first the infanta of spaine , and secondly the daughter of the duke of tuscany , begun his ra●gne anno — 1656 leopoldus the sonn of ferdinando king of hungary , was married first to margaret the daughter of philip the iv. king of spaine , and secondly to the duchess of insprugh , ▪ after she had unkindly treated the duke of yorke , ▪ begun his raigne anno — 1658 kings of spaine . philip the first in the right of jane his wife , daughter of ferdinando and jsabella king and queene of arragon and caste●le , begun to raigne anno — 1501 charles the first succeeded his father philip , and was also elected emperour of germany by name of charles the fifth , begun to raigne anno — 1519 philip the second succeeded his father charles , and married first queene marie of england , and afterward elizebeth the daughter of henery the second , king of france , and begun his raigne anno — 1556 philip the third succeeded his father , and married anna the daughter of maximilian the ii. emperour of germany , he begun his raigne anno — 1598 philip the fourth succeeded his father , he married isabella the daughter of henery the iv. king of france , and after her decease marie anna the daughter of ferdinando the third , emperour of germany , begun his raigne anno — 1621 charles the second succeeded his father philip , who was begot of marie anna , began to raigne anno — 1665 kings of france . lewis the xii . descended in a directt line from charles the v. surnamed the wise , married anna the widdow of charles the viii . and daughter of the duke of brittaigne , begun to raigne anno — 1499 francis the firste succeeded , and began to raigne — 1516 henery the second succeeded his father , he married catherin de medecis daughter of the duke of tuscany , begun to raigne anno — 1547 francis the second succeeded his father , he died without issue , begun his raigne anno — 1559 charles the nyneth succeeded his brother and died also without issue , he begun to raigne anno — 1560 henery the third succeeded his brother , quitting the kingdom of poland , he married louysa de vaudamont and died without issue , and with him ended the race of the vallois , he begun to raigne anno — 1574 henery de bourbone surnamed the iv. succeeded . his first wife was margaret de vallois , for want of issue by her he married maria de medecis , daughter of the duke of tuscany , he begun to raigne anno — 1590 lewis the xiii . succeeded his father , he married anna the daughter of philip the iii. king of spaine , begun to raigne anno 1610 lewis the xiv . succeeded his father , he married marie the daughter of philip the iv. king of spaine , by his first wife , that was the daughter of henery the iv. and grand father to the french king that now is , who begun to raigne anno — 1643 kings and queens of england . henery the seaventh followed richard the third , whom he slew at the batle of bosworth , being of the house of lancastar , he married elizebeth , eldest daughter of king edward the iv ▪ descended from r. plantagenet duke of yorke , the first and next heire to the crowne , and thereby ended the civil warr betweene yorke and lancaster , he begun his raigne anno 1458 henery the eight , succeeded his father , he had six wives , first , katherin , infanta of spaine , widdow of his brother arthur , mother of queene marie , second , ann of bullaine mother of queene elizebeth , third , jane se●mour mother of king edward the vi fourth , ann of cleef , fifth , katharin howard , sir , katherin parr , he begun to raigne anno — 1509 coward the sixth succeeded his father , who died without issue , he begun his raigne anno — 1546 marie succeeded her brother , she married philip the second , king of spaine , and died without issue , she begun to raigne anno — 1553 elizebeth succeeded her sister , and married not , she began to raigne anno — 1558 king james of scotland ▪ descended from a daughter of henery the vii . ▪ succeeded her . he married ann the daughter of fredrick the ii. king of denmarke , he begun to raigne over great brittaigne anno — 1602 charles the first succeeded his father king james , he married the daughter of henery the fourth , king of france , and begun to raigne anno — 1625 charles the second succeeded his father , and married katherin the daughter of john the fourth , king of portugall , begun his raigne anno — 1648 when the hollanders in the yeare 15●2 . first tooke up armes under the conduct of william of nassaw prince of orange , for defence of themselves and their liberties against philip the second , king of spaine , who sent the inquisition into the netherlands . the states of the seaven united provinces , continued nine years in open warr , before they absolutly renounced the king and his government . the prince of orange being murthered at delfe in the yeare 1584. prince maurice his sonn succeeded him at 18. year old , then the states of holland , with the united provinces , offered the soveraignity of their countrys unto henery the third , king of france , upon any conditions he pleased to accept them , who refused to be troubled with those people or their country . then the states of the union , made their humble addresses and applications to queene elizebeth ( who had used her mediation to the king of spaine for a reconciliation without effect ) offering the soveraignity of their countrys likewise unto her majestie , who also refused the same , but in the yeare 1585. toke upon her the protection of them and their provinces . the zelanders in that juncture gave their medalls in gold and silver with theise in●criptions , luctor , et emergo . on the one side , and deo favente regina , on the other . whose protection . the queen ▪ continued for 17. years in open d●fiance of spaine , and the house of austria ; and then dyed . it is observed , when the hollanders were upon framing their goverment , they continued many months in consultation , whither to setle the roman catholick religion , or the reformed religion would be most for their profitt and advantage , at last they concluded that the reformed religion , would most consist with their religious concerment● , in procuring ayde and assistance from other princes and states against spaine . and that a tolleration of all other religions would most increase their common wealth : soe it was indifferent to the hollanders , which religion to chose , they tooke their measure of religion by their interest . then the jews that were banished out of portugall , itally and spaine , ( for denying christ and his doctrine ) the ancient marchants of the world , were joyfully received at amsterdam . the roman catholicks , the lutherans , the arminians , and people of all other perswasions , had the like free entertaiment in amsterdam , and the other citties , and townes in the united provinces , but the reformed hollanders ( whose godlines is their greatest gaine ) overeached them all . it s also observed that the hollanders never atempted any thing of forraigne comerce considerable , untill the jews and other nations amongst them , first projected their east and west-india trade , they were content before their reformation with the traffique they could raise upon saltfish , butter , cheese , and linnen weaving . king james had nickt them in the beginning of his raigne , if their party in england had not strongly opposed it . and to the shame of the english congregation● in the netherlands be it spoken , the king of great brittaigne hath not greater enemies in the world then are planted in those assemblies , notwithstanding the affront and indignity that the magistrates of midleburgh have showne to english men in appointing them such a convenient place for their church ( in that citty ) being parte of the house were the ideotts fooles and made men are kept , however the states doe pay the minister in regard those preachers , are obliged to uphold the doctrine of the netherlands ▪ and the members of the congregations doe all contribute much more to the publick charge by excises &c. then the dutch-men doe in england where they pay their owne ministers themselves . i shall amongst the number of the selected members , that were admitted into the english congregations , in holland and zeland , mention only two families . mr. iacob pergens of amsterdam , and his family being one , and mr. peter boudaen of midleburgh in zeland and his family the other . mr. pergens was borne at cologne in germany , afterwards he inhabited in the citty of london , and was made a free denizon of england , in the beginning of the late king charles his raigne , then he transported himselfe to amsterdam , where he was made a director of the west-india company , and soe remaynes to this time . mr. boudaen was borne at antwerpe , who lived also in london , as a factor , and was likewise made a free denizon of england , then he transported himselfe unto midleburgh aforesayd , where he was made an elder of the english church , and a director of the east-india company , unto which office , his sonn peter boudaen after his fathers decease , was chosen , and iohn bo●daen his brother a scheepen , who follows the capers imployment , and the stepps of mr. pergens and their ancestors , whose practises and unjust dealings , are brei●ely sett forth in the severall cases hereunto annexed . willfull fraude , and forgery in private persons , is punished with death , both in france and the spanish netherlands . but where it his found in ministers of civill justice , the very pagans exposed th●m to the most exquisite tortures , and ignominious deaths . how farr the civell magistrates of holland and zeland are guilty of fraude , and oppression , time will shew . wherefore i have made a perfect cattalogue of the severall , and respective lords , and magistrates in the government of amsterdam , and midleburgh , with a discription of their respective offices , and places in the severall judicatures for this present yeare ( 16●3 . ) being a true patterne of all the rest of the soveraigne citties , and townes , in holland , and zeland , which have their severall and respective priviledges , whereby may be seene , the frame and modell of their independant structures , and goodly common weath , and how geometrically every thing hangs together , yett those soveraignities , doe not agree well amongst themselves . amsterdam is ag●●nst leyden , and leyden against harlem , rotterdam against del●e , and del●e against dort , &c. yea likwise the emperiall provinces , doe not well accord one with another , holland is ag●inst zeland , and frizland , against holland , and all the rest against those three marritine provinces . magistrates of amsterdam anno 1673. governing . burgermasters . johannes h●dde . these are elected every yeare dr. gillis valckenier . cornelis geelvinck , heere van castricum . on candlemas day 2. of febr. johan huydekooper , heere van ma●seveen . scheepenen . cornelis backer . johan appelman . mr. johan corver . nicolas witsen . hendrick roeters .   leonard ranst . aegidi●s santin . jacob ●ad neck . jocobsz . hendrick becker . drotescape s●aden or common councell these are relected for life . dr. nicolas tulp . mr. johan corver . barnard schellinger . cornelis graeflandt . mr. johan rendorp . johannes hudde . nicolas pancras . mr. vincent van bronckhorst jacob van neck . dr. johan ten grotenhuys . cornelis geelvinck . mr. jacob borreel . dr. gillis valckenier . leonard ranst . cornelis van vlooswyck . mr. nicolas witsen . nicolas van loon. mr. nicolas roch. dr. roelent ernst . louys trip. gerraert hasselaer . nicolas opmeer . mr. hendrick hoo●t . coenraet klinck . cornelis de vlaminck , van outs-h●orn . johan appelman .   isaac commelyn . jacob jacobsz hinloopen . michiel tielens . cornelis backer . hendrick becker . mr. coenraet van beuningen . dierick blom . mr. johan huydekoper . aegidius blom . jacob van neck jacobsz ▪   bewinthebbers or directors of the east-india company elected for life . johan munter , burgermaster . cornelis gravelandt , s●hepen . daniel bernards . mr. johan huydekoper , burgermaster . johan hulst , schepen .   nicolas vande cappelle , schepen . mr. lambert reynst , idem . jeronymus de haes . cornelis van vlooswijck , idem . dierick tulp , schepen . hendrick brauwer of leyden . pieter van loon. nicolas pancras , burgermaster . dr. gillis valckenier , burgermaster . hendrick scholten .   isaac hochepiet , iunior . cornelis backer , schepen . cornelis silvius . pieter de graef . hendrick becker . mr. pieter van dam , their advocate . bewinthebbers or directors of the west-india company elected for life . jacob pergens . johan van erpecum . johan rijckaerts . nicolas van beeck . dierick spiegel , schepen . mr. arnout hoo●t , schepen . hans bontemantel , schepen . isaac van heuvel . mr. cornelis kloeck , schepen . mr. pieter schaep , schepen . mr. michiel ten hove , their advocate . burgemasters , schepenen and raden elected in midleburgh the last of iuly 1673. to serve for the following yeare . burgermasters . mr. willem brauwer . mr. christiaen thibault . schepenen or judges . ●aden or common councell . mr. gillis munninex . iohan schorer . iohan le sage . iohan lampsen . mr. iacobus pec●ius . mr. fredrick huyssen . mr. ioris brest . iohan boudaen . benjamin rawle . mr. pieter duvelaer . mr. gualterus vander poort . isaac vervaecq . mr. sampson de keyser . iohan blondel . mr. iohan honinck . mr. iohan becker . steven voet. dr. gelenus tresel . laurens willemsz verpoorten . mr. iohan vande poele . mr. iohan petri vanden brande . dr. anthom everaer●s .   mr. aegidius malliaert . mr. arnout vanden helm , pensionaris . lords of the admirallity in zeland . reynier vander beke , of midleburgh . cornelis pous , of sirickzee . n. eversdijck , of tergoes . bonifacius vryberghen , of terto●n . g. inghels , of flushing . pieter munninex , of terveer . van beveren , of dort. borst van waveren , of amsterdam . panhuysen , of uytrecht . daniel fannius , fisead . iohan steengracht , secretary . memorandum . that in all admiralties there are 3. lords of other provinces joyned . directors of the east-india company for zealand , are 12. elected , to serve for their lives , and have stipends with other perquisites , worth respectively to every man , 300. pound sterling par annum . iohan le sage , burgermaster . gillis mun●nex , burgermaster . alexander de munck . pieter boudaen . arnout vanden helm , pensionaris or recorder of midleburgh . david van reyghensberghe . willem de nastauw , h●●r● van odij●k , premier noble . willem brauwer , burgermaster . daniel fannius , fis●●● of the admirallity . iacob van hooren , burgermasters . of flishing . apollinius ingels , burgermasters . of flishing . cornelis kien , of terveer . directors of the west-india company for zeland . van midleburgh . johan vande poele . johan lampsen . johan rodemaecker . johan ronberghe . van vlissiaghen . de heer van hecke . de heer van peeren . van tervere . de heer lendert tyssen . van ter-tolen . de heer johan gripskercke . den advocaet vande compagnie . de heer vander heyde . memorandum . that the magistrates of midleburgh and flushing , will not trust any of their moneys , upon the securities of lands , houses , or comptores in zeland , for feare of the comon people , who they have betrayed into the warr , but remitt the greatest parts of their estates , to london , amsterdam , and antwerpe , where they find trusteefor the same , to imploy their monies , at interst mr. daniel fannius , & g. engels , have gotten 15,000 . pound sterling by this warr , & the last , mr. engels upon the his late mariage before the warr gave the account of his estate to be 4000. pound sterling , now it s valued at 80000. pound as by his rates in assesments & taxes appears . they , & the bouda●ns are the cheife parchasours , in surrinam , and have many considerable plantations there . the burgermasters of the citties , in their severall jurisdictions , account themselves soveraignes . the pensionaris , is the recorder . the schepen , are the judges , who with the burgermasters doe heare , and determine all causes both civell , and criminall ; the raden are the common councell . out of whom , and the colledge of the riders●hape , which is their gentry , or nobility , that have one voice in the 19. the deputies are chosen , which they send to their assemblies of the states of holland , who levys money , upon extraordinary cases , from their respective provinces . the deputies sent to the states generall , are chosen out of the same people , who are only stipendaries of the provinces , and doe noe acts of state , but by the directions and consent of their respective soveraignes , which they serve . the lords of the admiralty , who are the judges of all sea affaires , and from whome there is noe appeale , but to the states generall , are likewise selected out of those magistrates and people . the gecomitteerde ●aden or councell of the states of holland ▪ who continue at the hague all the yeare , and act according to their instructions , as a court of judicature in all cases concerning the publike revenues , and deale in matters concerning the militia , and payments of money , as also for bringing in the severall repartitions , allotted upon the respective citties , and divisions , towards the publike charge of the country , are also chosen out of theise and such like worthy members . the provinciall court of judicature of holland and west-frizland , which consist of a certaine number , are also elected out of the common councells &c. and sent from the respective citties , and continues all the yeare at the hague ( excepting the times of their vacations ) vnto whome appeales are made from the scheepen , or competent judges of the citties . then after a teadious time of trouble , and expence , if sentences be irregulary given by the provinciall court ( as very often times they are ) appeales are made from them vnto the hoghen ●aedt , or supreame court of judicature at the hague , who are likewise chosen , out of the persons aforesayd , and sent from the respective citties to the hague , who also remaynes constantly there , and have an influence one upon the other , being of the same principalls against all forraigners . then after their sentences definitive , if the plantifes , or defendents , have not expended all their patience , money , and creditt . they may have revisions of their lamentable cases ( upon security for costs ) to some parte of the supreame court of judicature , and 3. or 4. of the deputies of the states generall , who are , fae similes , and governed by the people . and after all this time spent , and oppressions layd upon strangers , if they should complayne to their respective princes , or their embassadours abroade , or ministers of state at home ; the hollanders impudently reply , that they are soveraigne states , and who shall be competent judges , in civell actions , betweene them and other soveraignes , or the subjects of both , in such cases , but some neutrall prince , which cannot be found , that will intermedle with such a perverse , and wicked generation , as the holland soveraignes are , being soe teadious in their resolutions , soe tumultuous in their practises , and soe vncertaine in all their treaties , and contracts , that noe prince can have any due ` performance of agreements , from soe many soveraignes & soveraignities , without a reall caution given by the generality , that might be a cheque upon them , both by sea , and land , which may be obtained in this juncture by the king of great brittaigne to all intents and purposes . where the soveraignity , is in the common people , there is noe sence of honour or honesty . and where roberies , and spoyles , have been often committed , at noone day , there cannot be any security , without greater caution . the personall security , of those soveraigne provinces , and of the soveraigne citties , are of litle value , since the lords of midleburgh ( who have gott soe much by privatering ) that were all obliged to make good their banck of lending , or lumbard , cannott be made lyable to answere , the pore orphants , widdows , and others , whose moneys are drawne by those magistrates out to the value of many hundred thousand pounds sterling , and now the lumbard is become banckrupt , the pore people , and creditors , are ready to perish for want . and the banck of amsterdam is not infallable , where soe many bills of exchange are payd , with paper ticketts , there being not halfe soe much money in specie , as the banck , hath taken in upon creditt . there is noe reason that the king of great brittaigne should take the word of those states , who cannott ( as they are soveraigues ) prevaile with any of their owne subjects , to trust them with 100. pound in money or goods , to be payd by the publicke , although they would give their obligations for it , unless they would oblige themselves as private persons , whose estates are visible in actions , as directors , or participants , of the east and west-india companies ; that are soe unwilling to part with any thing to strangers , upon any termes whatsoever , which they have gotten into their hands , and possessions , by unrightuousnes , as appeares by the three severall cases following . yett neverthclcss , the appealants to the parliament say . it is the interest of great brittaigne , to support the hollanders and their government . the continuation of the case between sir william courten , his heirs and assignes , and the east-india company of the netherlands , concerning the ships bona esperanza and henery bonaventura ▪ to the 23. of decemb. 1673. with some considerations annexed , and octjections answered . sir william courten late of london marehant , endimion porter , esquire , john weddal , nathaniel mountney , george townesend , thomas kynaston , marchants , and divers others participants with them , set forth severall great shipps , laden with money and marchandizes , for the coast of india , china and japan , in the yeare 1636. 1637. and following years , for trading voyages , persuant to their letters patents under the great seal of england . after the death of sir william courten , william courten his son and heir , and the surviving partners , set forth the said ships bona esperanza and henery bonadventura ( inter alia ) in the year 1641. forsupply of their factories , and to bring home their effects from india and parts adjacent . afterwards william courten , being indebted to divers persons , in severall great summes of money , amounting unto 100000. pounds and upwards , for which sir edward littleton , his brother in law , stood obliged ; the said william courten did by his indenture and bill of sale , dated the 26. day of april 1642. grant , and assigne , all his interest , and share of stock , in the said ships and factories in india , to sir edward littleton , for his indempnity from the said debts , provided the surplus should be returned to the said courten . afterwards william courten , and sir edward littleton , reciting the first bill of sale , and a great debt of 24800. pounds due to sir paul pindar , they grant and assigne unto sir paul , all their interest & share of stock , in the ships bona esperanza and henery bonadventura , with all freights , proceeds by a tripartite indenture , and bill of sale , dated the 19. of december 1642. provided that the surplus , should be applyed towards the discharge of sir echrard luttuten's ingagements . on the 25. of june in the year 1643. the said ship bona esperanza with her lading , was taken in an hestile manner , in the streights of mallacca , in her passage from goa towards maccao in china , by two ships of warr called the vendilo and portugallo , commanded by captain vermerren and captain gecland ( and the lieutenant of the fort at mallacca belonging to the east-india company of the netherlands , under a pretence that mr. courten and his partners , traded with the portugalls their enemies , not withstanding there was a truce made between the king of portugall , and the states generall , for ten years in all parts of the indies and europe , which was concluded at the hague on the 12. of june 1641. by don t●●●●● de mendoca furtado , embassadour from don john king of portugall . in the same year 1642. the officers of the said east-india company toke the ship henry benadventura with her lading into their possession , near the island mauritius , and converted both the ships and goods to their own use , to the loss and damage of mr. courten aud his assignes , and the rest of the partners , the summe of 85000. pounds sterling , as by the proofs taken in the high court of admirallity in england appears . on the 5. of september 1644 , the proprietors having addressed themselves to the high court of admirallity , and procured an admonition to be given unto monsr . albertus joachimy , the states embassadour then resident in england , intimating that they intended to examine witnesses , ●● perpetuam rei meinortam , concerning the spoyls and damages of the said ships and lading ; which admonition was also affixed upon one of the pillars of the royall exchange , where it remayned eight dayes publickly , to the end that the east-india company of the netherlands , or any person for them , might retaine a proctor to cross examine any of the said witnesses , if they pleased . in the year 1647. sir paul pinder makes a procuration or letter of attorney to jonas abeels of amsterdam marchant , dated the 11. of feb. 1647. old ●●●le , and also sent him an authentick copie of the said tripartite indenture , attested by iosua mamet of london publicq notary . in the year following william courten being insolvent by reason of other losses , absented himself and went privately to the hague to mr. iacob pergens , who was not ignorant of the premises in every circumstance , having received the perticulars of the damages amounting unto 85000. pound , yet nevertheless to imbroil the subjects of both nations , he perswaded mr. courten to make another bill of sale dated the 22. of february 1648. reciting therein that mr. courten being indebted to mr. pergens in severall summes of monie , he granted and assigned all his right and interest in the said ships and lading to him the said pergens , provided that pergens should pay the surplus over and above his pretended debt to such person and persons lawfull clayming under courten , which bill of sale was signed by william courten and iacob pergens , and attested by domini●●ue coulyn , david goubard , and salomon vander heyde publicq notary in the hague . in the month of may following , gerrit coren , publicq notary at amsterdam by order of ionas abeels , insinuated his procuration from sir paul pindar , and the originall bill of sale from william courten and sir echrard littleton , to the directors of the east-india company , interdicting their payment of any monie for courtens share , and stock in the shipps and lading aforesaid , to any person or persons whatsoever , but unto the said ionas abeels , in right of sir paul pyndar , protesting that if they did other wise , it should be no discharge unto them ; which insinuation and protest was done by the said notary publicq , on the 25. of may 1648. in the assembly of the said directors at their chamber in amsterdam , in the presence of ian iansen and adrian nys witnesses thereunto . in the month of october following , ionas abeels caused to be arrested in the hands of the said east-india company , all such sumes of mony , as should be found due from the said company concerning the said two shipps and their lading , that out of the said monies , sir paul pindar share , and proportion should be paid in the first place , to him the said ionas abeels in his quallity ; which arrest was made the first of october 1648. by goosen daniels , bode or messenger ; and a second arrest was made by willem iansen , bode or messenger , in november following both which the court declared to be valid . notwithstanding all these admonitions and proceedings , the directors of the east-india company at their chamber in midleburgh on the 18. of september 1649. made an underhand agreement with the said iacob pergens for ●5000 . gilders , upon caution given by the said iacob pergens and peter boudaen of midleburgh marchant , to save the said company harmeles and indempnified from sir paul pindar , and others concerning the said monie , or any after claymes . ionas abeels on the 1● . of may 1650. understanding of the underhand agreement at midleburgh , summons the directors of th'east-india company before the magistrates of amsterdam , and declares against them that they should be condemned to pay the 85000. gilders to him in right of sir paul pindar with damages for the same untill , effectuall payment . then the directors of th'east-india company , summoned iacob pergens , and peter boudaen , on the 13. of september 1650. to indempnify them from sir paul pindar , for the said mony , and free them of all costs accordingly , as by the acts of the court appears . in the same year 1650. sir paul pindar dyed , and soon after ionas abeels dyed also so the right of action remained in statuquo . in the year 1654. william tonnes , executor of sir paul pindar , and severall of the proprietors and adventurers , exhibited their clayme for the originall loss and damages of 85000. pound sterling , before the english and dutch commissioners at london , appointed by the treaty made between oliver cromwel and the states generall , which by provisoe in the said treaty was referred to the protestant cantons of switserland , if the said commissioners did not compose the same with in three months . afterwards the proprietors , and adventurers , applyed themselves to mr. secretary thunder , for a commission to be directed to the protestant cantons , who answered that most of the proprietors , being delinquents , by act of parlement , for adhering to the late king , whereby they had forfeited their estates , they could not expect any protection from his highness oliver cromwel , therefore perswaded them to desist from any further prosecution ( protempore . ) in the year 1660. upon his majesty's most happy restauration , severall of the proprietors and adventurers , on the behalf of themselves , & the rest of the interested , made their address to sir edward nicholas , principall secretary of state , to move his majesty to recommend their case , concerning the ships bona esperanza , and henery bonadventura , to the states generall for satisfaction and reparation . whereupon sir edward nicholas having informed the king , the true state of the case , and also intimated to his majesty what great services and sufferings sir william courton and sir paul pindar , had undergone for the crown of england , both in the time of king iames , and the late king , as also of the particular sufferings of sir edward littleton , and severall of the other proprietors , his majesty was gratiously pleased to direct his letter under his signe manuall , to the states generall , signifying that the said spoils and damages being committed against the laws of comon amity , upon his subjects , who had merited so much from the crown , he earnestly required the states generall to make satisfaction to the persons interessed and injured , according to the proofs made in his high court of admirallity , signifying also that he was obliged in justice and honour to see it effected accordingly . in persuance of which letter , and severall orders of the councell-table for instructions to sir george downing , who was then envove extraordinary for his majesty at the hague , divers memorialls , answers and replyes , passed between him and the states generall , in the year 1662. concerning the said spoils and dammages of those ships bona esperanza and henery bonadventura , wherein the states generall denyed not the matter of fact , but would have evavaded any other satisfaction to the proprietors and participants , then what the east-india company by combination , had given to iacob pergens upon his fraudulent practise as aforesaid . in the year 1662. the states generall having instructed mr. simon van hoorn , and mr. michiel van gogh their ambassadours in england , to gett the said spoiles and depredations concerning the said shipps to be mortified , and extinguished in the treaty then depending at whitchall , his majestie declared he would breake of the said treatie , unlesse satisfaction and reparation should be made for the said shipps , according to the said letter of recommendation , to the states generall at the hague as aforesaid . whereupon there was a particular erception in the 15. article of the said treaty concluded at whitchall the 4. of september 1662. that the damages concerning those two shipps , bena esperanza and henery bonadventura should not be comprehended in the extinguishment and mortification of former losses and injuries in the east-indies , but reserved for reparation according to his majesties letters of recommendation as aforesaid , and expressed in these words poterint litem inceptam prosiqui &c. which agreement was also attested under the hands and seales of the late duke of albermarle , the earle of manchester , the lord hollis , the lord bartlet , sir george carteret , sir edward nicholas , and sir william morice , commissioners that treated with the states embassadours . in the year following sir george downing in persuance of the said treaty , held a conference with the pentionaris iohn de wit and the deputies of the states generall , in the presence of mr. peter van dam , and two of the directors of the east-india company , in the chamber of the states generall , to adjust the said damages , but in stead thereof the company made severall impertinent constructions , upon the law of england , in the case of sir paul pindar and sir edward littleton ; nothwithstanding the said company had the opinions by them , under the hands of sir john glynn , sir john maynard , sir edward turner and master serjeant baldwyn , affirming that william courten had nothing in him to grant to iacob pergens , after the bills of sale to littleton and pindar , which made them absolute proprietors by the law of england ; only there was a possibility left in courten , call them to accompt , after their debt should be paid , which opinions were also confirmed by sir g●●●s s●●●t , sir william turner , sir walter walker , and sir timothy baldwyn , doctors of the civill laws , and , delivered to mr. peter van dam the advocate of the east-india company . then john de wit offered 30000. pound sterling upon accompt of all the proprietors and persons interessed , reserving the civill right of action against iacob pergens and peter boudaen , for the 85000. gilders paid upon their caution as aforesaid , which offer was not satisfactory , so the generall dispute remayned also in stato quo . afterwards sir george downing , did by his last memoriall upon that subject , dated the 14. of october 1664. give the states generall a peremptory day to cleare that business , intimating therein how ill the king resented it to be so slighted , and that his majestie would not prostitute his honour any further , but governe himselfe accordingly , yet all proved ineffectuall . then the proprietors with others , addressed themselves with a list of damages to the house of commons in parliament . the bona e●peranza and hen●ry bonadventura being placed in the front of all demands , whereupon the comons voted to assist his majestie , with their lives and fortunes in acquiring satisfaction and reparation , ( and soone after a declaration for generall reprisalls , was ordered by the king and councill against the states generall and their subjects ) and severall millions of pounds sterling , were granted to his majestie in parliament for the prosecution thereof . in the year following ; the earle of shrewsbur● , sir iohan wolstenholme , sir iohn ayton , george carew , and william l●●yd esquires , and others interessed , made application to his majestie by petition for especiall letters of reprisall to remaine in force against the states generall and their subjects , untill the orig●nall losse and damages , concerning the bona esperanza and henery bonadventura , should be reprised , which was referred to the judge of the admirallity and his majesties advocates generall , and severall other doctors of the civill law , to examine the whole matter , and to report their opinion , what was fitt for his majestie to doe further for his subjects releife in that case . after severall consulations , and debates , had betweene the said referees concerning the premises , doctor exton then judge of the admirallity court , sir robert wiseman , sir william turner , and sir timothy baldwyn , made their report to his majestie , that in this case of spoyles , there was no remedie , left but especiall reprisalls to continue in force against the states generall , and their subjects untill the debt and damages ( which they sound upon the proo●es to arrise unto the summ of 151● 12. pound sterling should be recovered with costs , or a composition made for the same , betweene the east-india company of the netherlands , and the parties interessed , whereof the said company , were obliged by the law of nations to take notice thereof . in persuance thereof , letters patents under the great seale of england dated the 19. of may 1665. were granted unto sir edmond turnor , and mr. george carew ( administrator of sir paul pindar their executors administrators and assignes , on behalfe of themselves and all the interessed , to continue in force accordingly , with this especiall clause and provisoe therein contained , that notwithstanding it should happen that a p●ace and agreement should be made betweene his majestie , and the states generall ▪ for the generall reprisalls yet is should be lawfull for the said , turnor and carew , and their executors and a●●gn●s , to putt the said letters patents in execution for especiall reprisalls , from time to time , untill they had recovered the said debt of 151612. pounds with all 〈…〉 charges , or that the east-india company of the netherlands , should compound with the proprietors , and other persons interessed in the same . in the year 1666. mr. iames boevé delivered a copie of the said letters pattents to mr. peter van dam , at the east-india chamber at amsterdam , and requested him , to move the said company , to compose the said debt and damages , in an amicable way , rather then to leave it in dispute from generation to generation , to the prejudice of the states generall and their subjects . in the year 1667. during the treaty at breda , the states generall having surprized the kings shipps at chattam , severall of the proprietors friends in the hague , moved the pentionaris iohn de wit , to incite the states of holland , and the east-india company , to give some honourable satisfaction , for the shipps bona esperanza , and henery bonadventura ( which had bin so solemnely debated in former treaties ) being more for the interest of their country , then to insist upon such scandulous articles , as they had framed , and sent to breda , concerning the said dammages , which could not extinguish the debt , or make void the letters patents , to turnor and carew , any more then to disannull the 35. article of the states patent to the east-india company of the netherlands , whereby they make peace and warr , with all princes and states whatsoever at their pleasure from the cape bona esperanza , to the streights of magelanus , yet iohn de wit and his complices , persisted in their projects , and would not hearken to any other advice . in the year 16-1 . the states generall having made severall breaches of the treaty at breda , and denyed common justice to his majesties subjects in their ordinary courts of judicature , in holland and zeland , severall of the proprietors , and interessed persons in the sa●d debt and damages , made fresh applications to his majest●e by petition , and prayed that his majestie would please to insist upon reparation and satisfaction , in an extraordinary way according to the merits of their causes , and especially for the debt of 151612 pound ascertained under the great seale of england as afore●●●d , wh●ch said petition was by order of councell , referred to the lords c●mmissioners of the treasury and the two principall secretaries of state , who made a report to his majestie . that the states generall 〈…〉 bin refractory in severall articles of the treaty at breda , his maj●st● and his subjects , were at libertie both in justice and equity , to require full satisfaction and reparation in mr. courtens case , notwithstanding the said treaty at breda . in persuance thereof his majestie was gratiously pleased on the 7. of july 1672. to recommend the debt of 151612. pound with dammages , by his letter under his signe manuall , sent by the said george carew , to his grace george duke of buckingham , and the right honourable henery earle of arlington , his majesties plenipotentiaries , and embassadours extraordinary to the french king , and the states generall , then upon a treaty at uytrecht , requiring the said plenipotentiaries , to insist upon satisfaction accordingly ; declaring therein his care to protect his subjects , in their just rights , as well , as to assist them in the recovery thereof . but the said treaty taking no effect , the said plenipotentiaries removed from uytrecht before mr. carew arrived at amsterdam . then mr. carew returning for england in company with mr. john sherland , the fiscall generall , by order of the states of holland , committed them both to prison , on the 6. of august 1672. as criminalls upon pretence , they were enemies to the country , and charged mr. carew , as a seditious person in seeking after justice in the premises , and detayned them both close prisoners , in the gevangen port , where they are subject to many affronts and reproaches , upon every rencounter , and alarum in the country , and also obstructed in the just prosecution of the debt and damages aforesaid , which is by an especiall order of the councell board dated at whitehall the 2. of may 1673. recommed to the lords embassadours extraordinary , and plenipotentiaries at cologne , intimating therein , that the case of the adventurers , and creditors of sir william courten being already fully stated should be first insisted upon , in the list of all complaints , wherefore the letters patents were exempli●ied , and sent to cologne accordingly , a true copie hereafter followes . a copie of the letters patents for especiall reprisalls ( from the king of great brittain , under the great seale of england ) against the states generall and their subjects , inroled in chancery anno 1665. charles the second by the grace of god , of england , scotland , france ireland king , defendour of the faith &c. to all christian people to whom these presents shall come , greeting : whereas our loving subject , william courten esquire deceased , and his partners anno 1643. by the depredation and hostile act of one geland , commander in chief of two ships belonging to the east-india company of the netherlands , was between goa & maccao , in the streights of mallacca , deprived and most injuriously spoiled of a certain ship named the bona esperanza , and of her takle , apparrell , and furniture , and all goods and lading in her , upon a very hopefull trading voyage to china , which were carryed to batavia , and there all , de facto without due processe of law confiscated ; and that also in the same year another laden ship of our said subject , called the henery bonadventura , being come on ground , nere the island mauritius , was there both ship and goods seized upon , by some of the officers , and ministers , and others under the command of the said east-india company , and utterly deteined from the right owners . and whereas the said william courten and his assignes in his life time used all possible endeavours to recover the said ships and goods , and to procure further justice against the malefactours , and yet could obtain no restitution , or satisfaction , whereby they became to be much distressed , and utterley undone in their estate and credit : and that thereupon , and upon the most humble supplication and adresses of francis earle of shrewsbury , and william courten esquire , sonne and heir of the said sir william deceased , sir john ayton , sir edmond turnor knights , george carew , and charles whittaker esquires , on the behalf themselves and divers others interessed in the said two shipps , bona esperanza and henery bonadventura , and in the estates of the said sir william courten deceased , sir edward littleton barronet , and sir paul pindar knight deceased , that we would take their case into our princely consideracion . we out of a just sence we then had , and still have of their unjust sufferings in that business , both by our own letters under our signe manuall to the states generall of the united provinces , & by sir george downing knight and barronet , our envoy extraordinary , to whom we gave especially command so to do , required satisfaction to be made according to the rules of justice , and the amity and good correspondence , which we then desired to conserve with them firme , and inviolable . and whereas after severall addresses made to the said states generall by our said envoy , and nothing granted effectuall for relief of our said subjects , ( whom we take ourselves in honour and justice concerned to be satisfied and repaid ) we lately commanded the said sir george downing to intimate and signify to the said states , that we expected their finall answer , concerning satisfaction to be made for the ships and goods , by a time then prefixed and since elapsed , that we might so govern ourselves thereupon , that our aforesaid subjects might be releived according to right and justice ; and yet no satisfactory answer hath been given , so that we cannot but apprehend it to be , not only a fruitles endeavour , but a prostituting of our honour , and dignity , to make further application , after so many denyals and slightings . and whereas iohn exton doctor of laws , judge of our high admiralty court of england , upon our command , to certify to us the value , and losses , and damages , susteyned by the said william courten , and partners whose interest is now vested in our loving subjects sr. edmond turnor knight , & george carew esquire , and partners , hath upon full examination and proofs thereof made by witnesses in our high court of admiralty , reported & certified under his hand that the same do amountt to the summe of one hundred fifty one thousand , six hundred & twelve pounds . now know yee . that for a full restitution to be made to them for their ships , goods and marchandizes , of which the said william courten , and the assignes of the said william courten and partners , were so dispoiled as aforesaid , with all such costs and charges as they shall be at for the recovery of the same , we by the advice of our privy councill , have thought fit , and by these presents , do grant licence and authority under our great seale of england , unto our said subjects sir edmund turnor , and george carew , their executors , administrators and assignes , for and on the behalf of themselves , and other persons interessed as aforesayd , to equippe , victuall , furnish , and to set to sea from time to time such and so many ships , and pinaces , as they shall think fit . provided alwayes that there be an entry made , and recorded in the admiralty court of the names of all ships , and vessels and of their burthen and ammonition , and for how long time they are victualled ; and also of the name the commander thereof , before the same or any of them be set forth to sea ; and with the said ships , and pinaces by force of armes to set upon , take and apprehend any of the ships , goods , monyes and marchandizes of the said states generall , or any of their subjects , inhabiting within any their dominions or territories wheresoever , the same shall be found , and not in any port or harbour in england or ireland 〈…〉 be the ships and the goods of the parties that did the wronge . and the said ships , goods , monyes and marchandizes , being so taken and brought into some port of our realms and dominions , an inventory thereof shall be taken by authority of our court of admiralty , and judgement shall be given in our court of admiralty , by the judge or judges thereof , for the time being , upon proofs made before him , or them , that the said ships , goods , wares , marchandizes , or money , did belong to the states generall , or any of their subjects as aforesaid . that they shall be lawfull prize to the said sir edmond turnor , and george carew , their executors , administrators and assignes as aforesaid , to retain and keep in their or any of their possessions , and to make sale , and dispose thereof in open markett or howsoever els to their and every of their best advantage and benefitt , in as ample manner as at any time heretofore , hath been accustomed by way of reprisall , and to have and enjoy the same as lawfull prize , and as their own proper goods , so that neither captain master nor any of the company that shall serve in his owne person , or shall promote and advance the said enterprise in manner an forme aforesaid , shall in any manner of wise be reputed or challenged for any offendor against any of our laws . and that also it shall be lawfull for all manner of persons as well our subjects , as any other to buy the said ships , goods and marchandizes so taken , and apprehended by the said captains , masters , and others , and adjudged as aforesaid , without any damage , loss , hinderance , trouble , molestation , or incombrance to befall the said buyers , or any of them , in as ample and lawfull manner as if the ships , goods , wares , and marchandise had been come , and gotten by the lawfull traffique of marchants , or of just prises in the time of open warr. provided alwayes that all ships , goods , and marchandise taken by virtue of this our commission , shall be kept in safety , and no part of them wasted , spoyled or diminished , or the bulke thereof broken untill judgement have first past as aforesaid . that they are the ships and marchandises , of the states generall , or some of their subjects as aforesaid . and if by colour of this our commission , there shall be taken any ships , goods , or marchandises , of any of our loving subjects , or the subjects of any prince , or state in good league , or amity with us ( except the states generall ) or their subjects , as aforesaid , and the goods therein laden , sold , and embezelled , or diminished , or the bulke thereof broken in any place , before they shall be adjudged to belong to the states generall , or some of their subjects as aforesaid , that then this commission shall be of no sufficient authority , to take the said ships , goods , and marchandises , or to warrant , or save harmles such as shall receive , buy or intermedle therein , but that both the prises so taken , and the said ships of warr , shall be confiscated to our use . and further we do hereby declare that it is our will and pleasure , that this our commission shall remain in full force and power to all intents and purposes , untill the said sir edmond turnor , and george carew their executors , administrators , and assignes , as aforesaid , shall by vertue thereof have by force of armes apprehended , taken , saised , recovored , and received from the said states generall , or their subjects , one hundred fifty one thousand six hundred and twelve pounds , according to the appraisement to be made by sufficient appraisers upon oath nominated , and authorised , in our said court of admiralty , of all such ships , goods , wares , and marchandises , as shall be taken from the said states generall , or any of their subjects , by vertue of this commission , or shall other wayes receive satisfaction of the debt aforesaid , by composition to be made between those of the east-india company of the netherlands , and the said sir edmond turnor and george carew their executors , administrators and assignes as aforesaid ; notwithstanding it so happen , the present difference between us , and the states generall , depending upon generall reprisalls , may be agreed and composed , and that in the interim a peace & good correspondence may be renewed between us and the said states generall ; in which case nevertheless it 's our will and pleasure , that in the execution of this our commission , no violence shall be done to the persons of the said subjects of the said states generall , but only in case of resistance , and that after in cold bloud the subjects of the said states generall , if hurt or wounded shall be used with all convenient office of humanity and kindess . and further our will and pleasure is , that although it shall happen that all hostility between us , and the states generall and our respective subjects shall cease , yet this our commissions shall remain , and be in full force and power , to the said sir edmond turnor and george carew , their executors , administrators , and assignes , as aforesaid , by vertue thereof to apprehend , take , and seize by force and armes , so many more of the said ships and coods of the states generall , or any of their said subjects , as besides the said summ before mentioned , shall cuntervaile , satisfy , and pay all such costs and charges as the said sir edmond turnor and george carew , their executors , administrators , or assignes , as aforesaid , shall from to time make proof to have disbursed and paid towards the equipping , manning , paying , furnishing , and victualing of the said ships , so licenced , and authorised as aforesaid , by this our said commission , to be equipped , manned , paid , furnished and victualled by the said sir edmond turnor and gegorge carew their exeecutors , administrators , and assignes as foresaid for the purpose aforesaid . and our will and pleasure is , and we do hereby require , our judge or judges of our high court of admiralty for the time being , and all other officers of the admiralty , and all other our judge or judges , officers , ministers and subjects , whatsoever to be aiding and assisting to the said sir edmond turnor and george carew , their executors , administrators , and assignes , as aforesaid in all points , in the due execution of this our royall commission , and to proceed to adjudication and adjudge all ships , marchandises , monyes , and goods by vertue hereof to be taken according to our princely intention hereby signifyed and expressed , and to take care that this our royall commission be duely executed , and favourably interpreted , and construed in all respects , to the benefit , and best advantage of the said sir edmond turnor and george carew their executors , administrators and assignes , as aforesaid . in witnesse whereof we have caused these our letters , to be made patents . witness ourself at westminster the 19. day of may in the 17. year of our reign . by the king . to make a retrospect into all the former proceedings of this case , or to doubt the validity of the grant , after all matters , were brought into a solemne act of letters patents , under the great seal of england ; were not only to question his majesties soveraigne power , and prerogative royall , in the protection of his subjects , but to arraign the judgements and opinions , of all the kings ministers of state , judges , and publike persons , that debated this business in councells , in creatyes , in parliament , and inferior courts of iudicature , before this speciall commission was granted . as the king cannot be deceived in his grant , so he cannot do his subjects any wrong , wherefore in most patents the clause ( quantum in nobis ) is incerted . it 's a maxime in law that which belongs to another man , cannot be taken from him without his own consent . in the year 1639. sir william boswell gave a memoriall to the states generall in the kings name , to have satisfaction and reparation for the spoils and damages done in the east-indies to his majesties subjects . and another memoriall was given at the same tune to that purpose in england , unto mr. albertus joacnymy the states ambassador then resident in ordinary there , unto both which answers were given , that they could not treate with the king for the damageo done to the east india company of england , who might question them for the same herafter , so the matter rested ●● sta●● quo . this patent was not made underhand , as mr pergens ( who had no right ) made the agreement with the east-india company of the netherlands . neither was the company ignorant of the precedent grants to sr. edward littleton , and sr paul pindar before they treated with mr pergens , any more then they were of this patent when they treated at breda . yet they had the considence by advice of iohn de witt to frame their articles rencounter to the lawes of god , and nature , impertinently using the words of mortifying , obliterating , extinguishing . and disannulling all offences , damages , losses and injuries whatsoever sustained by the subjects of either side , at any time whatsoever before that treaty : and that all actions , preteations , and grants whatsoever for the same should be voyde , and for ever renounced , and revoaked , giveing every man liberty to take advantages of his owne wronge , which treaty was soone cancelled by new breaches , and his majestie left at libertie as if the treaty at breda had never been made . what is repugnant to reason and justice is voyde in it selfe , as ( felo de se ) and distructive to all civill society , and being iohn de witt and his brother were the first that used the words , mortification and extinguishment in any treaty of dtate , which god himselfe abhors in such cases having decreed that the offendor shall restore three fould for what is wrongfully taken , which unplyes the damages sustained for want of that which was taken away from the persons inured . those two de wits were mortified and extinguished not only for using such arrogant expressions , but as a just reward to such persons that indeavored to add force to violence , and fraude to oppression , and treachery to both . noe man will deay , but that the king of great brittain , in diverse cases , may suspend the execution of law , in his own kingdoms , but in no case can give , or take away any mans right , without a compensation . the hollanders have a great power beyond the cape bona esperanze , and have lately had the boldness to affront his majesty in his own seas but to strike at the laws and customs of england , threatnes not only his majesties prerogative , but shakes the very foundation , and common intrest of every individuall subject , which is nearer and dearer to them then their lives and fortunes . it is necessary now to shew what presidents there are in former treatyes , between the belgick provinces and the crown of england , cencerning spoyls , damages and losses before the seaven vnited provinces were a common-wealth ; and since they have been made a republique . in the xxix ' th article of the treaty made between king henry the the seaventh and philip duke of austria and burgandy concluded at london the 24. of february , 1495. it was agreed that all and singular letters of reprisall , marque , and countermarque , which were granted by the said prmees or their predecessors , either out of their high courts of chancery or other inferior courts should be held in suspension , without further execution to be done thereupon nisi super ea●um meritis habita cognitione indicta , ad ho● per●●psos principis specialiter deputandum , alitur fuerit ordinatum . so that there was no mortification or extinguishment of the right , only a suspension of the execution , but yet if there were speciall matter in the merits of the cause made knowne to the princes respectively , they ordered it otherwise untill satisfaction was given to the parties greeved : and if either of those princes had the like occasion given , as his majesty ( in this case ) they would have entay●ed a commission , to eternity if reparation were not found , or the matter composed . charles the first ( of that name ) king of great brittain , granted a speciall commission for reprisall , under the great seal of england , unto mr. pawlet on the behalfe of himselfe and other marchants of london , who had sustained losses by the spaniards to the value of 30000. pounds sterling in time of peace , which commission was to continue untill satisfaction of the debt and damages : and at the treaty concluded betweene the king of spaine and the king of england at madrid in the year 1630. care was taken by the spaniards to satisfie the remamder of the debt not recovered by reprise , as appeares by the accounts stated in the admiralty and the recorde thereof inrolled in the chancery . in the xxx . ' th article of oliver cromwels treaty concluded with the states generall in the yeare 1654. which was made in conformity to the treaty with the archduke of austria aforesaid . it was agreed that at the delivery of the satification of the said treaty foure commissioners should be nowinated on both sides to meete at london the 10. may 1654 to examine and determine all differences and injuries committed from the year 1611. to the 18. ' th of may 1652. as well in the east indies . as in greenland , muscovia , and brazill , or in any other place all the sayd particulars of losses to be delivered in writing to the sayd commissioners before the 18. of may and none after and that what shall not be concluded within three moneths by the said commessioners shall be referred to the protestant cantons of switzerland , which were to be arbitrators , and to conclude the business within six moneths following , the forme of an instrument being agreed upon for that purpose ; nevertheless there was only 80000. pound sterling paid to the east india company of england , for the spoyles and dammages at amboyna and ●650 . ponnds to the widdows and orphans of the english factors murthered there and in the xxij . article of the pyrenean treaty concluded between france and spain on the 7. of november 1659. it was agreed that all debts and dammages contracted before the warre , which upon the said day of the publication of this treaty , shall be found not to have bin actually paid unto others by vertue of judgments given upon letters of confiscation or reyrisall , shall be bona fide satisfied and paid . and upon the demand and persuites , that shall be about them , the said lords and rings shall give order unto their officers , to render as good and speedy justice unto the forraigners , as unto their owne subjects , without any distinctions of persons . by all which it appears there was no such words mortification or extinguishment used , or others to barr any mans right of action for any things done or committed before the warre . in the xv . article concluded at whitehal . between the king of great brittain and the states generall on the 4 of september 1662. john de witt and his faction , insisted and indeavored to have all the dammages , spoyles , and depredations in th' east indies mortified and extinguished to that day , argueing that the treaty with oliver cromwel : and the creaty betweene sir george downing and the east india company at the hague in the year 1659. where by they paid the further summe of 50●00 . pounds sterling for the shipps the pellican , the fiedrick , francis & ionn taken from english marchants since oliuers treaty . should excuse them for the dammages they had done to courten and his partners anno 1643. yet nevertheless a particular exception and proviso was made in the said 15. article , that satisfaction should be given for the ships bona esperanza and henry bona adventura . according to his majesties speciall recommendation as aforesaid , being a distince matter , from all other spoyles and depredations , committed by the east india company of the netherlands . in persuance wherof , the two following yeares being spent in fresh applications and addresses to the states generall , the states of holland , the directors of the east india company , and to severall participants without effect . all circumstances then considered there was one stepp further made in this speciall case , more then was in the amboyna busines to intayle the clayme by letters patents for a perpetuall reprisall untill satisfaction and reparation should be recovered for the debt and damages sustained , which if it had not been granted , his majesty had lessened his owne honor and greatness , as well as his power and prerogative for the protection of his subjects in their just rights , as also in assisting them in recoveris of the same . from whence this conclusion , naturally follows the premises , that there is no appeale , manifesto , treaty , guifte , or reward whatsoever , or any other way or meanes under heaven , to mortifie , extinguish and discharge the debt and damages concerning the bona espranza and henry bona adventura , but by satisfaction and reparation given to the persons interessed , and injured , whereby a sufficient discharge may be had . the case betweene george carew esquire , administrator of sir william courten . and the heirs of sir jacob cats , late pensionaris of holland . sir jacob cats became bound in the citty of london , unto sir william courten of london knight , by a writing obligatory dated the 29. of july 1631. in the penalty of 3000. pounds , conditioned for the payment of 2080. pounds on the 12. of february following , according to the custome of england . the money was not payd but continued at interest during sir william courten's life , who dyed in the year 1636. indebted to severall persons , for diverse great summs of money , and leaves william courten esquire , his son and heir his sole executor . william courten the executor having contracted many debts of his own , became insolvent , and absented himself in the year 1643. from his creditors , and also from the further administration of his fathers estate ; but before he left the kingdom , mr. jacob pergens , a free denizon of england inhabiting at amsterdam , addressed himself to mr. courten for satisfaction of some money , due to him from sir william courten , and mr. courten himself , as pergens pretended . william courten the executor by a letter of attorney , and assignment , dated the 31. of october 1643. grants and transfers the sayd bond of 3000. pounds unto mr , pergens , with power to sue sir jacob cats , for the sayd debt , and dammages , to his own use . in the year 1645. iacob pergens summons sir iacob cats ( then pensionaris of holland ) into the provinciall court at the hague , and declares against him for the sayd money ; during the sayd controversie sir iacob cats applyes himself to the commissioners concerning banckrupts in england , who had a commission ( grounded upon the statutes in such cases made and provided ) to inquire after mr. courtins particular estate for satisfaction of his own debts , but being advised that the commissioners had no legall authority to intermedle with sir william courtins estate , which was lyable in another right , for the payment of his own proper debts , sir iacob cats d●●ined from any further treaty with them . nevertheless , the commissioners by their writing authentick , prohibited sir iacob cats to pay any money to iacob pergens upon the said bond. then pergens soon after obtained an order out of the provinciall court , to cite and admonish , the commissioners in england , if they had any right , or pretence to the said bond , or money due thereupon , they should institute the same before the said provinciall court at a day certain , or be condemned in perpetuall silence , whereupon the commissioners appeared by their advocate , and procureur . then pergens by an insinuation prohibited sir iacob cats from payment of any money to them , or to any other , or to make any agreement with them ; yet notwithstanding ●de bene esse on the 18. of july 1653. iacob pergens procured an assignment of the said bond from the said commissioners for 400. pounds , to the end they might let their process cease , whereby pergens might proceed against sir iacob cats , which he did accordingly . but pendente william courten the executor dyed intestate in italy , whereby the action abated against sir iacob cats , according to the known rule in law : quod a●to personalis moritur cum persona . afterwards upon the kings most happy restauration , letters of administration of the goods , and chattels , rights , debts , and credits of sir william courten with his will annexed , were granted on the 14. of july 1660. to the said george carew ; yet notwithstanding iacob pergens who had formerly by another fraudulent praclise , gotten into his hands 85000. gilders from the east-india company , upon another pretended a 〈◊〉 from the said william courten ; prevayled with the provinciall court on the 4. of november 1661. to give sentence in the said cause against sir iacob cats , and condemned him to pay the said money , due upon the said bond , unto iacob pergens , and interest thereof at 8. per cent . soon after sir iacob cats dyed , and his heirs appealed from the said sentence to the supream court af judicature at the hague . then george carew , in his quality as administrator , intervened in the said cause , before the lords of the said supream court , in the month of may 1662. where having by his request in writing exhibited in court , made known his right and property to the said money , and concluded in his demand , that pergens should be condemned to acquiess in the cause , and deliver up the bond , as having no right to the money , by the said assignments from mr. courten , or the commissioners , conformable to the laws of england , where the debt was contracted and the bond made , and also demanded that the heirs of sir iacob cats , should be ordered to pay the money , due upon the said bond , to the said george carew , in his quality as administrator of sir william courten , the same being an unadministred effect of sir william courten's estate . then the advocates of both sides , desired time to consult concerning the laws of england in that point , and to inform the court therein accordingly . the case being drawn up , and agreed by the advocats of both parties , severall of the judges in england , gave their opinions upon the same , under their hands , before major wright and mr. dani●ll , publique notaries , which was transmitted to the supream court of judicature of holland : wherein was assirmed that by the l●nv of england , the bond of sir jacob cats , could not be granted , or assigned to mr. pergens , either by the executor , or commissioners . that after the death of william courten ▪ executor in aut●r dr●tt ▪ the action against sir jacob cats abated , but when the administration was granted to carew , the said action was properly to be revived by him , as having the only right in law to the said debt , the property being not changed by any act of mr. courten or the commissioners , but remained as assets liable to the testators debts ▪ according to the nature and priority in law , and the intervention of carew in the said cause , was a continuance of the said action , carew having the right of prosecution to revive the same , allowing the said pergens in equity his costs of suit . then pergens made a d●latory & impertinent exception , that he was a burger of amsterstam , although his dwelling-house was in the hague , and pretended he ought to be first impleaded before his competent judges at amsterdam , and not in the hague before the supream court of judicature , where the suit depended : whereupon the court rejected mr. carew● suit , and decreed that the heer van car●●ss● , and the rest of the heirs of sir iacob cats , should pay the said money to pergens , with mitigation of the interest , and that pergens should give them caution to be saved harmless against mr. carew , which was respectively done to the apparent wrong of mr. carew , and severall of his majesties good subjects in england , that claim under mr. carews administration , diverse proportionable dividends of sir william courten's estate unadministred . wherefore they appeal to the king of great prittam , for protection , and means to recover their just rights , being of most dangerous consequence against the law of property , to suffer forreign courts of judicature to ●tr●nch upon the laws of england , or to wrong the judicature thereof . and the rather for that the lords of the supream court at the hague , were preadmonished by severall learned advocates there , as follows : 1. that mr. carew being a stranger , was to be admitted at his ●…st ●●st●●ce by the instructions of their owne court. 2. that the lords of the court , were p●s●●●vely obliged to give ●udgement according to the law of england , where the m●… was lent , and the bond given . 3. that by the laws of nations , all courts of justice were to give sentences , in cases of contracls , according to the law of the country , where sich contracts were made . 4. that the supream court , was the proper place of judicature in this case of intervention , and that if they did not admit mr. carew prima instantia , they would do him most apparent ●justice , and ●…rong both the judicature of england , and of the united netherlands ; yet the pensionaris john de witt bing a kn●s●●n to mr. pergens and his wife , prevailed with some of the lords of the supream court , to d●●y mr. carew that ordinary justice ; which ought to be administred to all strangers , whereby he hath suffered to his dammage 5000. pounds sterling and upwards . the case between the executors and administratois of sir william courten , late of london knight , deceased ; and the heirs and executors of sir peter courten , late of midleburgh in zealand knight , deceased . in the year 1606. sir william courten , sir peter courten , and mr. john money of londen marchans ▪ who m●…d margaret courten the ●●d●●●● of mathias boudaen entred into a ●●ad● of partnershi●p , and dealt to severall parts in europe , africa , and america , with a a●… stc●k ; whereof the ●…s part b●…nged unto sir william courten , and a fourth part unto cach of the other two . in the year 1630. sir peter courten , who kept the generall books of trade dyed at midleburgh afer●… , having made mr. peter boudaen his nephew late of midleburgh marchant his h●tr , and fxi●●tor , who tcok 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 the said ●…ke , and of all sir peter courten , f●●ate , with the shipping , goods and d●…ts , b●…nging to the company , amounting unto a hundred thousand pound sterling and upwards . in the year 1631. mr. john money , at the request of sir william courten , went from london to m●…burgh , to s●tle the accompts of trade with the said peter boudaen , w●…h had not been made even since the year 1622. but ●…e mr. money had p●…ed the accompts , be ●…d on the 17. of october 1631. at the said peter boudaen● ●●●se , where ●● made a ●…l ( as it 's pretended and thereof ●pp●mted sir william courten , and peter boudaen executors . nevertchless the 〈…〉 of the said 〈…〉 upon suspition of fra●… , and forgery , being afterward 〈…〉 in england where it was 〈…〉 in 〈…〉 s●●m●● letters of 〈…〉 of mr. jehn money 's e●… , were granted by the 〈…〉 court vnto hester white , alias de wyer , kt●…man and next h●●r at law to mr. money . the pror●gative court for diverse reasons adjudg●rg that mr. money died intestate , and left a considerable estate behind him . in the year 1636. sir william courten 〈…〉 the ac●…ts of partnership were s●…d , or the monus ●●● to ●●n from the said peter boudaen w●●● 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 william courten , his son and h●ir , his 〈◊〉 ex●cut●● 〈…〉 d●●t● to many orphants an● 〈◊〉 d●w ▪ 〈…〉 s●● william courten upon 〈…〉 trade to the ea●●-in●●● : and upon his d●at●-b●● 〈◊〉 mr. jacob p●rg●n● ▪ ● the presence o● sir william cur●●u● , to 〈◊〉 mr. boudaen to 〈◊〉 the said a●●●mpts of the company , 〈◊〉 much of sir william courtens 〈◊〉 con●●●l●d . in the year 1643. william courten the executor , by reason of s●vera●●●● 〈…〉 in the e●●●-in●●● , & ●●ing charg●● with great d●●●s at inter●●● , b●cam● 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 him●●●f from the administration of ●●s 〈…〉 , and 〈…〉 into italy , wh●●●●● d●●d int●state , l●aving 〈…〉 , and the accompts of the partnership uns●●●●d . in the ●ear 1646. the lady katharine courten directed mr. john moon , to send all ●●●h books and papers , as r●ma●●●d in her husbands 〈◊〉 , unto mr. david goubard at m●l●●burgh who had been formerly ● servant and accomptant for sir william courten to compare them with the oth●r books , that ac●ompts might b● stated accordingly . but mr. boudaen f●●●seeing it would d●minish his credit , ref●●●d to make any ballance of the said accom●●● , taking a●vantage of the iniquity of th● 〈◊〉 , and mr. courtens 〈◊〉 , and a●terwards by 〈◊〉 means , got into his hands severall of the books and papers bel●nging to sir william courten , and r●f●sed to d●●iver ●●●m again . in the year 1652. hester white exhibited ●●r 〈◊〉 to the magistrates of m●●●●burgh against peter boudaen , to hav● an ac●●mpt of iohn m●n●ys estate , out of ●●● generall b●●ks of the trade , that were kept by sir peter courten ▪ whereupon mr. boudaen exc●pted against her quality as administratrix , pretending that administration was granted into her surrupticiously , although he was 〈◊〉 cit●d , and admonished to prove the pretended ●●ill of mr. money , by wit●neses ▪ that he had ●●nt unto sir william courten to be r●gi●●r●d ●● 〈◊〉 ▪ which he refused to do by commission , suffering administration to 〈◊〉 to mr● . white ▪ yet the magistrates of mid●eburgh declared mrs. white not receivable in her quality , as yet , which no nation in the world , e●●r ●●● the ●ik● , in such ca●es before . mrs. white being grieved th●r● ▪ t● , appealed from the sentence of the 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 , to the lords of the supr●am court of judicature at the 〈◊〉 , were a●●●r ●o●● y●●r● 〈◊〉 and expen●es , the s●pr●am court gave s●nt●●●● on the 〈◊〉 ▪ of may 1657. that provided , the said peter boudaen 〈◊〉 oblige himself , to sati●fy all pr●t●nders , whether creditors , 〈◊〉 ▪ or others , that might pretend to the estate of john money , that th●n the administratrix was not greived by the sentence of the magistrats of midl●burgh . but in case of refu●al , they condemned him to d●posite all the books of ac●●mpts , papers and writings ●●●onging to the partnership , that the accompts might be stated accordingly . however , reserving such right as any person or persons , might pretend to the validity , or invalidity of the last will , and testament of the said iohn money , which was a di●●tory and imp●rtm●nt sentence , and not to the matter in ●ssue . in the year 1660. s●on after the king of great brittains most happy restauration , letters of administration of sir william courtens estate with ●…ill annexed , were granted to george carew of richmond in the county of surrey 〈◊〉 , ●by the consent of the grand child and heire of the said sir ●●illiam courten ▪ who addressed himself in the year f●llowing to mr. boudaen , mr. pergens , and mr. goubard , ( they being all then in the hagu●● and 〈◊〉 th●m , that the accompts of the partnership might be ●etled , for satisfaction of all parties concerned , especially the orphants and ●●iddows unto whom sir william courten died ind●bt●d : but mr. boudaen impertinently 〈◊〉 , that he would do it , provided mr. carew would give him 〈◊〉 : ●● an●●●r ●●● demands to the estate of mr. iohn money ▪ whose estate did not 〈◊〉 boudaen , but mrs. white , who is appointed administratrix thereof as aforesaid , and ●ath a suite depending in the high court of chanc●ry for the same , by vertu● of her letters of administration . in the year 1662. george carew , in his quality as administrator to sir william courten , gave procuration unto mr. iames bo●ve , to question the said peter boudaen concerning the said accompts , and to recover all such 〈◊〉 of money as should be found due unto sir william courtens est●t● . ●●hereupon mr. boeve i●sinuated his power and authority unto the said boudaen , and in a friendly manner desired the ●ight of sir peter courtens books , papers and writings in his custody relating to the said accompts , that from thence the ball●nce might be made at a joint charge . yet mr. boudaen refused to com●ly therein , then mr. iames boeve instituted an action before the magistrates of midleburgh on the 6. sept●mber 1662. and concluded in his demand , that peter boudaen should be ordered to give him free ●gr●ss and regress to the said books , papers and writings , or in case of refusall , that he should be condemned to 〈◊〉 the said books , and writings into the s●cretary-office of the said citty , there to be insp●cted , and the said accompts stated at a joint charge . whereupon the magistrates , of midleburgh were pleased to i●●●st , that mr. boeve should give cau●●●n for costs . which was never demanded before in any court of judicature in such cases of partnership , especially from executors , and administrators , that seek to be releived for their testator● good● , who are not by law chargeable with costs : nevertheless mr. bo●●e being a burger there himselfe ▪ gave caution . then the magistrates rejected it , and demanded other caution , presuming that he could find none of the citty , that were zelanders , who would be bayle , which pro●ed ●o● accordingly , and the court refusing all english men , the cause rested in 〈◊〉 ●u● . but pendente 〈◊〉 mr. boudaen died , an● le●t h●● son● , and daughter , liable to answer the said accompts out of the real and personall estate , left unto them by peter boudaen , and s●r● peter courten . 〈◊〉 mr. carew addressed severall letters to mr. peter boudaen and iohn boudaen , 〈◊〉 of the sons of the said peter boudaen deceased , and 〈…〉 to move them to 〈◊〉 the said accompts of the 〈◊〉 , ●●●r●●●nt all further trouble and 〈◊〉 , which still they refu●●●●● 〈…〉 a●● overture● in that kind , both from mr. carew and ●●● 〈◊〉 . knowing that ●● being a st●ange● in midleburgh , and they 〈…〉 magistrates there , that mr. carew 〈◊〉 not expect any 〈◊〉 ▪ or 〈◊〉 , ●●●r●●●● cause of action ▪ s●i●● remayn●s before the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of midleburgh , who r●f●s● to proceed thereupon . wherefore the said george carew , appeal●s to the king of great brittaigne ●●● common justi●e therein , against that grand fraude and oppression of the h●●●anders , and the zelanders . against high way men , and pyrates ▪ particular persons may make some de●ence upon att●●q●●s ▪ by 〈◊〉 or f●ying ▪ but to ●all i●to the hands of unrightous ●en , under an arb●trary power , is a m●st miserable greivance , if there w●re not a●y protection to be ●ound fr●m those pri●ces , who ought t● vindi●ate th●ir sub●ects interests , in mainta●●●g the rights a●d prerogatives of their crow●es . where invasions are made upon the laws and customes of kingdomes , noe man can be sa●e in his owne propert● . yett the●se hollanders and 〈◊〉 ▪ those mi●crea●●s ( th●t have a ●ied frau●e to vyole●ce , and one oppressio after another ▪ u●on all strangers● ▪ 〈◊〉 themselves now wit●●● the reach o● england , scotland , france and ireland ▪ they have 〈…〉 degenerated m●● to ap●eale v●to ●●● parliament ▪ for them ▪ at 〈…〉 ▪ i leave the c●●es , and ●●a●es ●● the widd●●● , a●d the ●atherless , and the sadd 〈◊〉 of many 〈◊〉 ▪ wh●●● b●ead have bee● ▪ laten , soe many years by the hollanders and zelanders . now i have given you some accompt of the hollanders , in their empire , their goverment , their practises , and administration of justice ; i shall breifly conclude , with an answere to their rayling appeale ▪ addressed in an english stile , by their mereinary confederates , under the notion of englands appeale to the parliament , which is a strange contradiction in itselfe . the parliament being the body representative of england , whereof the king is the head ; and although , that dutch appeale from the sword , be answered generally in the premises , yet i shall give some more p●rticular answeres to severall points , for your further satisfaction in the conclusion . cardinall nichelieu , held it for a maxime , that a soveraigne prince hath noe kindred ●oe neare unto him , in the world ▪ as the generallity of his owne subjects , implying from thence , that the greatest happines of a king , consisted in the prosperity of his kingdomes , and cardinall mazarine was of an opinion , that an honest man ought not to be a slave unto his word , implying from thence ( aluding to portugall and spaine ) that it was better to vyolate a promise in diverse cases , upon any emergent contingences , then to prejudice many millions of people , by keeping it ; the motto non nobis nati sumus , is more properly applicable to such publique ministers , then to private persons . it was held for a great virtue amongst the pagans , for any man to love his country , certainly then it must be a damnable vice amongst christians , for any man to hate the land , wherein he toke his first breath . and there cannot be a greater demonstration of that iniquity , then to wound the honour , and reputation of those princes , who represents the glory , wisdome , courage , and conduct of their subjects , and servants . there is noe perfection in man , neither doe i beleive , that all the best councellours of princes , are either saints , or angells . yett i am confident that those , who sitt upon the topps of mountaines , can see further then they , that stand upon mole hill● . and that the caball at white hall ( as they are termed in the appeale ▪ gave the king of great brittaigne , the most wholsome councill , for the honour , and interest of england , that ever was given within those walls , concerning a warr with the hollanders . advised in such a juncture of time , that the states generall hectored both england , and france , and boasted in the french court , that the king of great brittaigne , had neither money , nor creditt , to ●e●t out a man of warr . and in that juncture , when the comedians , and publike harbours in the united , and spanish netherlands , had their screenes , and sceans , painted with the trophies of chattam . and even in that juncture , when the councell of spaine , had rejected any nearer alliance with great brittaigne , or to give his majestie any assistance whatsoever against the hollanders , that had soe lately , insulted ouer him , and his kingdomes . the appealants make a great noise , with their flourishing language , against englands alliance with france , and the prodigious growth of that kingdome , ( since the leagues and alliances continued soe long betweene france and holland , against spaine , and england ) and now they feare the dreadfull conquest of the united provinces , and the spanish netherlands . and say in their 15. 18. and 19. summary hints to the parliament , that there will be an unavoydable breach with spaine , in case the alliance with france continues , and how fatall the consequences of a spanish warr will be , and then impertinently propounds , how much greater the danger will prove , if france should conquer spaine , germany , and the united provinces , and lastly says , there is noe care taken of the triple league , or of the interest of england , and the protestant religion . noe man will deney , but that charles the fifth was the greatest monarche that ever raigned upon the face of the earth . yett he did ( some years before his death ) surrender the crowne of spaine and the seaventeene provinces , to his sonn philip the second , and the empire of germany , to his brother ferdinando , that was chosen king of the romans ; charles the fifth being wearied out with the divisions , and troubles , amongst the netherlanders , and the german princes , concerning the priviledges of the empire , and their respective provinces . philip the second , was also wearied out , with the dissentions in the low countries , and assigned the 17. provinces unto albertus and isebella who continued in a state of warr , with the hollanders , during their lives . and how a french monarch should expect any greater conquests by all his armes , i cannot apprehend , or understand . the dukes of bavaria and brandingburgh , who stands yett neutrall , and other princes of the empire , would unite their forces effectually , if they did forsee the danger of what the appealants , vainely suppose . the northerne kings , and their neighbour princes in the continent would unite , and hinder such a prodigious groweth of france , if the king of great brittaigne should suffer such a progress . which is an idle circumstance to imagine . the interest of england is navall power , and it is certainly the advantage of his majestie , and his crownes , to continue ( by all means possible ) the warr against the hollanders , untill their fishermen be forced to goe and inhabite againe upon the coast of england and scotland . and the rest of the marchants , and mariners , be constrained to give better caution , for their good behaviour for the future , or be compelled to burne their owne shipps of warr for a peace , as the carthagineans did 500. of their shipps and gallies , at the end of the second punick warr . how many times france , hath been almost subdued by england , many cronicles , and records sufficiently testifies , even when england , was not soe populous , nor soe prompt to armes , and when they had greater diversions from the scotts , that are since united to the crowne , and to give english men their due , all the former conquests of the hollanders , were gotten by the bloud and valour of the english , whose courage was not abated , when the duke of monmouth and his regiment , made the first assaults and stormes , at the taking of mastricht . it is granted that the french may be as subtill , false , and insolent , as the hollanders , but they are universally more generous , and being soe different in their humors , and their habitts , from the hollanders , there is noe great feare of any accord betweene them , especially since the breach , is made soe wide . yett there is an opertunity for the king of great brittaigne , to putt a cheque upon the french , in the spanish netherlands , by possessing a place in the hollanders power , which at present is a curbe both unto flanders and brabant , and ought to be rendred to england ( as a precaution ) from the hollanders upon this treatie at cologne , to prevent any mischeife , that may happen from france , spaine & holland , ioyntly , or severally , hereafter . all men of understanding , or knowledge in history , will confess , that the french kings , had the soveraignity of flanders , before the batle of pavye , and that appeales before that time , were made to the parliament at paris . which after francis the first renounced the soveraignity to charles the fifth ( for his ransome being taken prisoner in that batle ) all appeales in flanders are made to the chamber at mechelen . but whether a soveraigne prince , can by law renounce any soveraignity , or prerogative of his crowne , without a generall consent of the kingdome , or principallity , that orriginally chose their kings , to protect , and defend them , who granted the soveraignities to their princes and their heirs , is a question that i shall not undertake to resolve . or whether the kingdome of sicily , that was divided by the mediteranean sea from the continent of jtally , could be transferred to the crowne of france , by the donation of the queene . which afterwards upon the perswasion of severall herm●ts , under the notion of religion ( implyed by the spaniards ) the people of sicily , were animated to murther the french at their vespers , to redeeme themselves from servitude , and become subjects to the king of spaine . princes have their passions , and are more sencible of their honour , and interests , then other men , who looks noe further , then their owne private , and present profitts , and advantage . it is most certaine . the infanta of spaine , the french kings wife daughter of p●i●… iv. king of spaine , and 〈…〉 , daughter of henery the iv. king of france is the undoubted heire of flanders , as charles her brother by a second venter is the undoubted heire of arragon , and 〈…〉 . admitting the portion had been payd , to the french king that was promised in marriage with the jnfanta , which was the ground of the pyreenean treaty , the consideration of soe much money , had ●eem●● a good ●arr unto his clayme , and progress into the spanish netherlands , but to have neither money nor 〈…〉 , w●●● a kings daughter , that pr●t●nds to soe much of the world , as the king of sp●… , w●… a man of a ●●aner s●●r●t , then a french king but whether it would be better or worse for england , if the french king , should gett possession of all the spanish netherlands , any man of a reasonable capacity is able to judge . yett it is most certaine , that it would be better for the gentry , burgers and bores , to be under one master , that have lived miserably , soe many years , betweene the french , and the spaniards , where the spanish governours and their insolent officers , will keepe them 〈…〉 enough , although there were not soe many begging religious or 〈…〉 g●t them , who would gett most of the lands , as well as their bread , if there were not strickt laws in flanders and br●bant , aga●nst that sort of b●gg●ng , and that manner of giving away their lands ; where the magistrates doe admitt severall cloy●t●r● , and convents of english nunns , and fryas , profest in 〈…〉 begging orders , conditionally they shall maintaine themselves pay excises , and other duties , and not hinder the charity to their owne regulars , from both which , the hollanders , like the box keepers at spearings ordinary , getts the greatest profitt , that brings the provisions to the talbe , which consumes all at last . the united netherlands are unwilling to parte with the coverts , and advantages , they make of their frontiers in flanders , and brabant those two maritine provinces of the spanish netherlands ) both in times of peace , and warr , who speake the same language trade together , cape together , confederate together , and can at pleasure , evade the 21. article of their honourable treaty at breda , without discovery ; newport , ostende , and flushing , being soe neare together . and there generall port , at st. donas standing open to them , over against sluice , upon all occasions of necessity . who can also become free burgers in the citties of brabrant and flanders , gra●●s with exemptions from taxes , and other charges , which are imposed upon english men , and their goods contrary to former treaties , betweene england , and spaine , viz : convoy money , pound-gelt , last-gelt , house-gelt , besides custome and excizes . purposely to drive english marchants , and all english woolen manufactures , out of the spanish netherlands , and to incourage the hollanders , that striues to undermine , and undersell , the english , in all parts . and now 〈…〉 ●eme destning● men , should di●●●ver the s●●ke in the grass , the hollanders ●ry out j●st of a dragon , that is read , to d●v●ure them , and their diana trade , calling to the house of austria , spaine , danemarcke , the german princes , and about all to their con●iderates in england , helpe , helpe , for the lords sake , our religious concernments , are all at stake , our three principall foudations , f●… , and navigation , that supported us aganist 〈…〉 , in the world are sincking the english , and french , will open the sc●… , and sass van g●●nt , to spoyle our navigations , and traff●●que into the spanish netherlands , and germany , as they have done already by prohibiting our shipps from their forraigne plantations : 2. they will 〈…〉 our herring and co●● fishing , upon the coast of england and scotland , and 3. lay open the east-india trade , to the freedome of the english and french companies . and because the hollanders would have noe stone vnturned to effect their designes , they instruct the spanish embassadour , at london , to find out , some fitt instruments , to insinnuate at all coffee houses , the danger of the protestant religion , by introducing popery . 2. the setting up an arbitrary power , and 3. the unavoydable breach with spaine , if the alliance with france should continue . and while theise things are infusing into the common peoples braynes , in england , the spanish governour monterey , & his officers were drinking to the confusion of the duke of yorke , and his majesties navie royall . all english men , and others , of any experience , knows that the protestant religion in england is fortified , and barracadoed , with soe many acts of parliament , that it is impossible , for any ingineers to undermine , or shake it with all the canons , or batteries in the world . the common lawes of england , have the same fortifications , which protects every mans life , & estate . those grand charters are all canon proofe . as to the english interest abroad , soe much threatned , upon the unavoydable breach with spaine , the arguments , are against the hollanders , and their allies . the king of spaine is a child , and the emperour of germany none of the wisest princes , that ever raigned , yett they may both understand , that a spanish warr with england , in this conjuncture , would be more fatall unto spaine , then dangerous unto great brittaigne . england is able to subsist of it selfe , and if they would forbeare trade for a time , to persue their victories , all nations would be suddainly reduced , to want and necessity . the pore and proud spaniards , would not have a herring , or a pilchard for their slaves in their viniards , but feed their swine with their fruits , & wine , while english men drink good ale and syder , and the seigneurs want bayes for cloaks , to cover their raggs , and their women long vayles to cover their modesties . then comes a crew from amsterdam , leyden , and rotterdam , that were raked out of the sinckes of all nations , echoing alloud , help , help , for heavens sake , an harmeless people , that knows not where to live , and serve god after their owne wayes . att last comes another generation ( the best of all the pack ) crying hold , hold for jesus sake wee are old upright north-hollanders , and frizons , that getts our liveing , by fishing , and dayaries , who ought not to suffer for the cheats , forgeries , and dissimulations , or the insolencies , and rapines , of our east , and west india soveraignes , that have introduced themselves into the goverment , since the death of queene elizebeth . noe man that is in his witts , and knows holland , will beleive that those people , should out of their turffe mines , muddy , and sandy ground ( halfe the yeare under water , ) honestly gett such means , to trouble , and molest all europe . and then by the triple league thinke to secure themselves from all their robberies and murthers . a three fold cord is not sone broken , but a triple alliance , that hanges in a silver chaine , if one linck be broken , the whole league falls to the ground . the states generall , and all their soveraignes , cannot be soe impertinent , to thinke , that any prince , should be obliged , to their treaties , after they have made as many breaches , as there are articles contained in them . king james found them beggers , and king charles the ii. does them noe wronge to leave them beggers , or deale by them as great princes , doe by their unfaithfull stewards , take away their unjust gaines , and leave them a competency to live upon : the authours of englands appeale , begins with a ridiculous fable of a lyon , a bull , and other beasts , and concludes presumptiously , with a seripture phaise calling heaven , and earth to record , that they sett life and death before you , blessing , and cursing , &c. o england , england , there is a divine providence , that governes the world , and affaires of men . many are the troubles , miseries , and callamities , that were brought upon you , through your owne errours , jalousies , and mistakes . blessings doe now attend you ; and there are opertunities , putt into your hands , to perpetuate your owne glory , by your owne actions . as nature hath made you renouned by her faire ornements ; great brittaigne is incompassed about on every side , with the mighty ocean , wihich carryes her floating towers out of the best portes , and harbours in the world . replenished in the severall seasons with all kinds of fish , that particularly visitts the english coasts for supplyes , when at all times the flowing tydes runns into your rivers & streames , to fetch fresh water for the thirsty mariners . your hills and downes , are inamilled with flocks of sheepe and goates . your barren soyles are stored with rich mines and quarries . all your counties , and shyres , are like the choycest landshipps , complicated with stately citties and townes , sumptious castles , and buildings , woods and groues , amongst riveletts , meadowes , arrable land , and pastures . where nature hath outvied art , to make you beautifull and happy ; whilst other nations want those conveniencies , and your staple commodities . and as a further addition to your happines , you are blessed with a prince that studies to establish those felicities upon a most sure foundation , to you and your heirs for ever . whose bodies and minds are made suitable to the drett , and elements , of your country , from whence i may without vanity say of england . ne quisquam ajacem possit superare nisi ajax . now i appeale unto heaven and earth , whether it would not be an act of justice and honour for the lords and comons in parliament , to move the king , effectually to insist upon such a summ of money from the hollanders , that might make full satisfaction , and reparation , for the debt and damages , concerning the two shipps bona esperanza , and henery bonadventura . or whether there ought not in pollicy and prudence , to be a summary way agreed upon in this treaty , to end all suits at law betweene his majesties subjects , and the soveraignes of holland and zeland , depending before them , that are both parties and judges themselves . or whether it would not be an act of injustice and ingratitude in the whole kingdome of england , to suffer the heires of sir william courten , and sir paul pyndar to live in exile , ( under the curse of the old law ) deprived of all their fathers inheritances , whose estates are kept from them , by violence and oppression . that had done soe much for their king , and country in the improvement of trade , and navigation . that had soe aften supplied embassadours abroad , after sir paul pyndar himselfe , had continued eleaven years at constantinople , in the service of king james , and the turkey company , wherein he much advanced the levant marchants . that have made such additions , to the crowne , and revenues of his majestie● . that did leave other nations , from whence they brought vast summs of money into his majesties kingdomes , to be made such presidents of misfortune . if their posterity should be still for saken , where they ought to be releived . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a65983-e1050 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 animad . 4 . animad . 5 . animad . 6 . 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 ani●ad . 9. animad . 10 ani. ●● mad . ●● animad . 12. animad . 13. animad . 14. animad . 15 animad . 16. ani●●● . 17. 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 an 20. an 21. an 22. an. 23. an ▪ 24. an ●● . an ●● . an 27. an : 28 an : 29 an 30 a● . 33. an : 32 : an : 33 : an. 34. an. 35 an. 36 ▪ an. 37 ▪ ●● 38 ▪ ●● ▪ ●● . an ▪ 4● ▪ an 4● ▪ an ●2 . an. 43. an. 44. an. 44. an. 45. an. 45. an : 474 an. 4● . ●n ●● ▪ ●n ●● an 51. an ▪ 52 ▪ obseruations concerning the present affaires of holland and the vnited prouinces, made by an english gentleman there lately resident, & since written by himselfe from paris, to his friend in england spiegel der nederlandsche elenden. english verstegan, richard, ca. 1550-1640. 1621 approx. 125 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 67 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a03452 stc 13576 estc s116935 99852150 99852150 17459 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a03452) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 17459) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1382:12) obseruations concerning the present affaires of holland and the vnited prouinces, made by an english gentleman there lately resident, & since written by himselfe from paris, to his friend in england spiegel der nederlandsche elenden. english verstegan, richard, ca. 1550-1640. 131, [1] p. english college press], [saint-omer : printed anno m. dc. xxi [1621] english gentleman = richard verstegan. place of publication and name of press from stc. a translation, possibly by richard verstegan, of his: de spiegel der nederlandsche elenden. running title reads: obseruations concerning the affayres of holland. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -early works to 1800. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion observatio●● concerning the present affaires . of holland and the vnited provinces , made by an english gentleman there lately resident , & since written by himselfe from paris , to his friend in england . printed anno m.dc. ●●● the avthors epistle to his friend . worthy , & welbeloued friend , you shal please to vnderstand , that at my late being at the hage in holland , i receaued your leter , wherin you desire me to describe vnto you the countrey ; & condition of the people , as also to know my opinion of their cause and quarrell against the king of spayne , about which they haue so long troubled the world : moreouer how i find thē in their thankefulnes vnto our state , for so longe sticking vnto them , and ayding them : and what those differences are which are lately risen vp among them about matters of religion . this letter of yours i had no tyme to answere frō thence , neither would the answering it there haue beene conuenient ; i therefore deserred the answere , vntill my comming into france , to which iourney i was resolued before the receit of your letter ; because ( to deale truely with you ) i could not any longer endure to heare the lauish and vile speaches , which a sort of base vnbridled people dayly disgorged against the maiesty of our king , whereof in the ensuing discourse somwhat more shal be spoken . and indeed this intollerable demeanour of theirs toward the maiesty of so great and so bountifull a prince , and to whome they are so much beholding , hath giuen me good cause aswell to looke into the iustnesse of their wars against the king of spaine , as into their in gratitude vnto the king and state of england , and therby to become the more able to giue you satisfaction to the demands in your letter . i must notwithstāding confesse , that since my aryuall heer in paris , i haue for some whyle deferred it : for as on the one side i had a great desyre thereunto , so on the other syde , i found in my selfe a kind of vnwillingnes to begin it ; which vnwillingnes i protest vnto you , proceeded of a conceaued feare to offend you , when in deliuering you the very true and playne truthe of thinges as they are , you might fynd me altered in mynd and iudgment from what i was when i was cōuersant with you in england . but considering that the true duety of a friend is , with his friend to deale vnfaignedly , i haue now at last vndertaken the taske so to do . and in such regard must intreate you , to excuse me , and not to let my ignorance of the time when i cōuersed with you be put in opposition against the better knowledge which experience of ryper years hath yielded me ; for you must think that by trauailing abroad in other countryes , & conuersing with men of vnderstanding of diuers nations , who in these parts are accustomed to frenesse of speach ; by reading the iudicious writings of such credible authors , as haue noted downe the actions of state of this time ; as also by the obseruatiōs which myselfe haue made , i haue seen as it were a mist wip●d away frō before myne eyes , and thereby am come to discerne that , which truth & reason hath made manifest vnto me , as i make no doubt you also will become to do , when with vnpartial patiēce you will haue pleased to read , what heere for your satisfaction i haue written ; that thereby we may agre aswel in mind & iudgment , as we do in ancient amity . and thus leauing you to god , in all kind affection i take of you my leaue . you know the hand . from paris the 20. of march , after this stile & computation . the contents of the chapters . a briefe description o● the country , & people of holland ; with a true relation of the beginning of their rebellion against their ●lawfu●l soueraigne lord , king philip the second of spayne . chap. i. how dishonora●le it was , for queene elizabeth of england , to take the hollanders parts against the king of spayn : how she oppressed and impouerished her subiects for th●ir sakes , and endangered her owne crowne and kingdome . chap. ii. whether england hath receaued any benefite by defending the quarrell of the hollanders ; or whether the hollanders haue endeauoured to deserue the friendship they haue receaued from thence , or haue any way shewed themselues gratefull for it . chap. iii. whether england can expect any benefite by continuing to take the hollanders parts ; and whether the hollanders do deserue the same , by wishing , or desiring the continuance of the state and gouernement of england as now it standeth . cha. iiii. of the present state of the hollanders ; & of the diuision among them about matters of religion : and whether respect of religion may vrge england still to assist them . chap. v. chap. i. a briefe description of the countrey and people of holland ; with a t●u● relation of the beginning of their rebellion , against their lawfull soueraigne lord , king philip the second of spayne . holland at the creation of the world was no land at all , and therefore not at the first intended by god or nature for a dwelling place of men , for it was then & long after a sea , and consequently the habitation of fishes . had it been meant for a habitatiō of men , it had not only been such high ground , that it should not haue beene continually subiect to the inundation of the ●ea , but also haue beene able to haue yeelded the inhabitants bread to eate , & wood , or stone to build witha●l ; and the foure elements would not haue conspired together to be there all naught , & by being naught vnto men , to shew their disl●ke of vsu●pers that depriue fishes of ●heir due dwelling places . being then at the first wholy sea , by reason of the fla●s & shallows thereof , ●t was partly by ban●kes raised of 〈◊〉 and earth , through the labour of m●n , and partely by sandy down●s o● 〈◊〉 driuen together by the r●ge of the waues , encroached vpon & gotten from the sea , by the old ancest●urs of the now inhabitantes . the co●n●rey then except these ban●kes and do●●nes , lyeth all as low and leuel as water hath made it . in it are neither mountaynes nor fountaynes , nor hath nature affoarded them within the earth the meanest of the seauen mettalles , or any mineral matter at al. but what shal i speak of their want of mynes in the earth , when they haue want of earth it self ; and yet notwithstanding their want therof , are faigne to make vse of that litle they haue for their fuell , and so begin to burne vp their countrey before the day of iudgement . grasse they haue , and that is all the greatest good that their ground can affoard them , and heerof butter and cheese are the wittnesses : but for this one benefit , they want many which other countries haue that haue this as wel as they . to say the truth , i do not know any benefits peculiar to themselues whereof they may boast , except only two : the one is their hauing of a country which is the fittest for rebelliō in all christendome ; and the other is , that by reason of the great lownesse of their dwelling , they are the neerest neighbours to the diuel , of any nation liuing vpon earth . for other singularities among the people , i haue noted , that they are generally so bred vp to the bible , that almost euery cob●er is a dut●h doctor of diuinity , and by inward illumination of spirit vnderstadeth the scripture as wel as they that wrote it . yet fal those inward illumination● so different , that so mety mes seauen religions are found together in one family ; the man of the house being of one religion , the wyfe of another , and the children and seruants of others : but many more may there be in one house if the family be greater , by reason of the great store of religions that are there dayly increasing & currant ; for there were not more differēt languages at the tower of bah●l , then ther are differēt beliefs in holland ; vpon which plurality of sects a friend of myne made this epigramme : the first confusion that the vvorld besell , vvas in the many speaches variation , vvhen men had sought , ●igh vnto heauen to dwel , by making on a towre their habitation . but to the vvorlds astonishment and griese , a new confusion now is falne agayne , consisting not in language , but beliefe , and far exceeding seauenty sorts and twayne : vvhich make their choice in this low land to dwel , vvhere they are neerest neighbours vnto hell . those of holland & the ad●acent partes rerme thēselues of the vnited prouinces ; but neuer people in this world liued in a more disunited vnity ; so great a confusion hath this freedome brought amongst them of euery idiots babling out of the bible . hell is nothing so odious vnto this people , as is the spanish inquisitiō , albeit they liue in more danger of hell then of it . the reason why they so much hate it , is because it hateth the babel of their belief but notwithstāding their professed freedom of al religions , they can finde meanes without vsing the name of ●n inquisition , to depresse two religions , to wit , the oldest , and the newest , that is to say , the catholike religion , and the arminian religion : these they let not to puni●h in body and in goodes , with imprisonment also , and banishment . they had rather heare blasphemy vttered against god , then any word of the abridging of any their priuiledges , which they conserue so inuiolably , that they haue quite broken the best , and abused all the others : so as the reason why they stand so much vpon them , appeareth to be , because they would haue no body to be the breakers of them , but the high powersull lords the states themselues . the words of soueraigne authority sic volo , sic iubeo , are in tollerable in their eares , for their taking place before right and reason , as langenes telleth vs , in his booke of mappes printed at amsterdam 1599. it seemeth they much affect the storke , because , as they say , she seeketh not to liue in any countrey that is gouerned by a king , and therefore when she coms into europe , she holds her residence most in switzerland , and holland . the regiment of a beast with seauen heades pleaseth them best , because it is a monster that ryseth out of the sea , and because possibility giueth hope that any beer-brewer , or basket-maker by vulgar cōmendation of his friends , may at one tyme or other be raised to the dignity of one of the powerfull lords the states . one great prerogatiue i must confesse this people to haue , which they do not bragge of , and this is , that when at the day of iudgement the wicked shall say vnto the mountaines fall vpon vs , & vnto the hills couer vs ; those that be wicked in holland because they haue no hills , shall but need to cut their bankes through , & the sea of it self wil straight wayes ouer whelme them . i am verily perswaded , that if this people had been the rebels of any other king or prince in the world then of th● king of spain , he would as well haue made the sea to haue holpen him to reuenge his quarell vpon them , as they haue made it to assist them in their rebellion against him : and that this by the sea might be brought to passe is apparent inough , and the sea it selfe gaue proofe therof , when not forty yeares before this their great rebellion , it drowned foure hundred & foure of their villages . nor would themselues omit to do the same , if they might therby haue the like aduantage against the king of spayne : for in sundry places both of flanders and brabant , they haue long since begon some practise of it , to the disaduantage of the sayd king , and the detriment of such of his subiects as liued vnder him in their due obedience . but now to be no longer tedious vnto you in this countrey and peoples description , i wil come vnto the beginning and originall cause of their rebellion . yo● shall therefore vnderstand , that king philippe the second before-named , departed out of these netherlands towards spayne in the yeare of our lord 1559. then being in full possession of all the seauenteene prouinces , to wit , of the seauen now vnited in rebelon , whereof holl●nd is the chiefe , and the ten others . the soueraignty of all which prouinces , he receaued as true and sole heyre successiuely from his father the emperor ●harle the fifth , who in like manner had them successiuely frō his father , to whome they likewise were descended from his ancestours . at his departure , he left all these countryes in peace & plenty , hauing no ciuill broyles amongst themselues , nor warres with other nations . their religion was the same wherunto aboue eight hundred yeares before they were brought , when first they were conuerted from paganisme to christianity : to the maintenance of which religion , as also of the ecclesiasticall state in all her rig●ts and priuiledges , the sayd king was sworne , as to one of the chiefest of all other priuiledges . he left for supreme gouernesse vnder him in these prouinces the lady margaret duchesse of parma his natural sister by the fathers side : but neither left he any spanish lifetenant gouernour of any of these prouinces vnder her , nor had he any army or troopes of spanish souldiers in al the country , but left ech particuler gouernement to the nobility of the country it selfe , with other benefits bestowed vpon euery of them . and besides the sundry benefits both in titles of honour , and in riches which the aforesayd emperour charles had bestowed vpon william of nassaw , prince of orange ; this king philip his sonne , not diminishing but much augmenting them , left him also lifetenant gouernour of some of these prouinces . thus departed the sayd king philip into spayne , without giuing the least cause of discontentment to any of the nobility or people of these countries , leauing them all in obligation of loue & loyalty , & in more florishing estate thē euer they were before . but as prodigall seruants are wont to beare themselues in the absence of their maisters , so some of this forsayd nobility bearing themselues far aboue the limits of their meanes , became greatly behind hand , and indebted , & thereupon attendant for some one or other remedy ( now in the absence of their soueraigne lord ) which might keep their estates from declyning wholy to ruine . and amongst these , there lurcked in the hart of the aforsaid william of nassaw prince of orange , as well a desyre of reuenge , as of remedy for the vnderpropping of his decayed estate . this desire of reuenge was not for any wronges or iniuries donne or suffred to be donne vnto him by the king of spayne , but a reuenge forsooth , because the greedy appetit of his insatiable ambition was not fully satisfyed . for knowing that the king of spayne after he had receaued possessiō of these netherland prouinces , must needs returne agayne into spayne , and leaue some generall gouernour thereof behind him , he laboured by what meanes he might both by himselfe and such of the nobility as were of his faction , that this authority might be giuen vnto the lady christierna duchesse of lorayne , & daughter vnto the sister of the emperour charles the fifth , who was maryed vnto chri●●iernus the third , king of denmarcke ; and this duchesse had a daughter called the lady dorothy , and with this lady the aforesayd prince of orange meant to haue maryed , that by this meanes after the death of the duchesse christierna he might haue come to haue beene supreme gouernour of the whole low countries . but by reason of the duchesse of parma her being preferred vnto this dignity , & his designment broken , he out of cōceaued reuenge went and maryed with a daughter of mauritius duke of saxony being in religion a lutheran ; and with her returned agayne into the netherlandes , retayning still in his hart the mali●e which he had cōceaued , & the expectation of some occasiō of further reueng , with reparation of his decayed estate . now is it to be noted , that albeit martin luther the new-religiō-maker of germany , dyed not past three years before king philip departed out of these netherlandes , yet were there already , by meanes of him and his disciples six seueral religions risen vp in these coūtries , to wit , the religion which luther himselfe had first begune , the religion of the anabapstists , the religiō of the caluinists , the religion of the loyistes , the religion of the family of loue , and the religion of the georgists : of which six , for your more satisfactiō i will heere giue you ( though briefly ) some particuler relation . martin luther when he had made his reuolt from the catholike roman church , fynding that there were some thinges taught , and obserued in the same church , that were thereto descended by ancient tradition , and also deduced from the scriptures , though not expressly therein mentioned , thought with himself that the only way for him to draw many disciples after him , was , to proclayme in all his sermons and writings , that we ought not to belieue or do nay thing concerning faith & religion , but that which was expressly comaunded and set downe in the written word of god. by this deuyce in the beginning he found great applause , especially among the vulgar sort , into whose handes he had thrust bibles and testaments translated by himself into dutche , to the best aduantage of his doctrine . but it was not long after that some of these his disciples grew so subtile , as to examine his doctrine by his owne rule , and to see if all that he had taught them were expressly to be found in the written word of god. in which examination , they found that the christening of yonge children was not there to be found ; and thereupon esteeming the baptisme of children to be of no force , they reuolted from him and rebaptized themselues , and so began the sect of the anabaptists . after these , andrew carolostadius , one of the first and greatest disciples of luther , who with him allowed the baptisme of children , although not expressed in scripture , began to dissent frō 〈◊〉 in opiniō of the real presence of christ in the sacrament , albeit expressed in scripture ; which opinion being imbraced by zuinglius and others , and afterward p●●lished by iohn caluin , left vnto his followers the name of caluinists . the loyists tooke their name of one lo● , by occupation a slater , and a townseman of antwerp , who was so confident in his right vnderstanding of scripture by inward illumination from heauen , that being furnished of money by certayne rich merchantes of that citty whom he had brought to be of his sect , trauailed to wittemberge to dispute with luther , and to conuert him to his religion : but luther finding him so to interpret the scripture as to deny the resurrection of the dead , to hold that the soules of the good are immortal and do go to god , and that the soules of the euill do consume away and come to nothing , and consequently that there is neither diuel , nor hell , except the hell of this world , and the men-diuels in it ; luther offered rather to dispute with him with fistes , then with scripture : wherupon loy finding such harsh entertaynment returned to antwerp again , & left luther vnconuerted . but hauing in antwerp seduced and brought many to be of his opinion , after he had recanted his doctrine and fallen to it againe , he was finally burnt . the family of loue began by one henry nicholas a mercer , or seller of silks , also of antwerp , who held among other thinges , that man ought to be deifyed in god , and god ho●●●fyed in man ; and that men may haue their heauen first heer in this world by liuing in that deifyed loue they ought to do , and heereafter in heauen also . the last of these six was the sect of dauid george a glasse painter of delft in holland . this monster secretly taught his disciples , that in himselfe was infused the soule of the true messias and sauiour of the world , that he was more then elias , more then s. iohn baptist , yea more then christ . these six sects beginning now to grow and spread themselues in sundry parts of the countrey , though some increased more then some , the georgistes keeping themselues more secret then any of the others ; there was now no remedy for the preseruation of the subiects from so great confusion in religion , as also from the dayly increase of more sects , & the great inconueniences iustly feared thereby to arise , then by putting in practise the placarts or ordinances of the emperour , being no other then consonant vnto the ancient lawes of all other countryes in christendome , as also for the preseruation of the oath which the emperour , and his son the king of spayne had take in this country , for maintenance of the ancient established religion and clergy . these lawes then being now begun to be put in execution , and diuers of those that were of these sects put to death , but of none more then of that of the anabaptists ; certain of the decayed nobility aforesayd , of which faction william of nassaw was the chiefe , seeing that all this made for them , & that somthing must needes come of it , whereby they might fall to fishing in a troubled water , sought by all meanes to get themselues beloued of all these sectes , that in the end they might benefite themselues by that which most preuailed . wherupon in the moneth of april in the yeare of our lord 1566. in the towne of bruxells they exhibited vnto the l● . margaret aforsaid a supplication , wherin they requyred a repeale or moderation of all rigorous placartes , or lawes made concerning religion . let now any man of reason or iudgment consider of the lawfullnes of this demaund , and whether themselues that demaunded it , could with good conscience moue the same , the very mouing of the demaund it selfe plainely arguing little respect or conscience in the demaunders , & declaring plainely , that the thing they sought was for their owne endes ; and that taking part at the last with that sect which came to domimere aboue the rest , as in the end one must needes doe , they might sticke thereunto , and so by flatte and open rebellion make vp their mouthes by the ouerthrowe of the ancient clergy that was in possession of good 〈◊〉 and huinges , to which all these new sects did beare equal hatred , albeit ech or them did neuerthelesse hate one another . this request being as is aforesayd presented vnto the lady margaret in the moneth of april , she promised them to send it into spaine , and to require from thence , resolution and answere t●ereof . the request she sent , but the answere they attended not , but gaue f●●thwith such hart and encouragment vnto the sectaryes , that within few weeks after the request was sent away , they began to preach publikely in sundry townes and cittyes , vpon a selfe assumed authority , euen in despite of all lawes and magistrates ; and thereupon fell to robbing and spoyling of churches throughout al the countrey . vpon this the king of spayne as a prince most carefull of his oath , and of the good of his subiects , was enforced to send into these netherlands the duke of alua , to take vpon him the generall gouernment , which in so troublesome a world was too great a charge to be menaged by a woman . this duke ariuing in these partes in the moneth of august , in the yeare 1●67 . which was the yeare following ; the lady margaret resigned vnto him the gouernement , and departed out of the countrey . the duke now being placed in the gouernement , began to learne out , and informe himselfe what persons they were that had conspired togeather in this busines , and had giuen the onset and countenance vnto these rebellious sectaryes , and sacrilegious church-robbers ; & finding the earles of egmont and horne , and some other gentlemen to be culpable of this crime , they were apprehended , and beheaded in bruxels but vvilliam of nassaw prince of orange , the chiefest ring leader of this sedition , so soone as he heard of the ariuall of the duke , got him away into germany , and by his flight declared himselfe to be guilty , as by experience afterward it proued . heere now it is to be considered , whether in the sight and iudgement of the whole world , the king of spaine had not all right and reason on his side , to vse such meanes as he did for the punishment of such capitall offenders , and to imploy the subiects of one countrey , for the chastisement of the rebells of another , when he had no other remedy . and whether any king or prince liuing in the world , could in honour , or iustice winke at , & put vp such great and capital crymes and insolencyes committed by his subiects , as is a generall and publique sacrilegious church-robbery , and the spoyling of the clergy , for the preseruation of whose priuiledges he had so solemnely taken his oath , and to suffer the dooers quietly to passe vnpunished , & to let euery man openly professe & follow such new and neuer heard of doctrine , as his owne fancy should inuent , or of his owne choice he should best like ; which euen those themselues that are at this day the successours of these first rebells in some of these netherlands , doe find so inconuenient , for gouernement , that notwithstanding their first profession , that euery man ought to haue his free exercise or religion according to his owne conscience , they do prohibite to such , as they like not . the duke of alua hauing caused iustice to be executed , first vpon some of the principall conspiratours , and after vpon other inferiour offenders , did at last in the yeare of our lord 1570. by order from the king of spaine , cause a general pardon to be proclaimed , wherof if vvilliam of nassaw prince of o●ange and his adherents had taken the offered benefite , all further troubles had ceased : but to the contrary they laboured , both by secret seditious preachers , as by other such like agents to spread abroad that the king of spayne had broken the countrey priuiledges ; as thogh the countrey had had priuiledges that churches might forsooth be robbed , & no man called in question for it , & that euery man might professe what religion he listed , were it neuer so naught , or new , the prohibiting whereof and the conseruation of ecclesiasticall priuiledges , to which the king was sworne , being the only cause , as to all the world was apparent , why the sayd king was constrayned to send the duke of alua , and spaniardes into the countrey , which els had neuer beene thought of . so as the true blame which the king of spayne hath deserued , is not for breach of priuileges , but for seeking to restore priuiledges which his disobedient subiects had broken ; the which if he had not done , then might he haue beene thought negligent and carelesse of his oath : but this , the equity of his conscience would neuer permit . i am not ignorant that some fooles haue made other fooles belieue , that the king of spayne at his departure out of these netherlands , did promise euery seauen yeare to returne thither againe , and that the breach of his promise gaue cause sufficient for these his subiects to rebell . this foolish allegation deserneth no answere . yet least some wiser people might be abused by fooles , i ●ill leaue them to consider , that there was no cause why his maiesty should bind himselfe to any such condition , his predecessors before him hauing beene free , and the countrey comming vnto him by right of succession , as it did to them : experience hauing also shewed the inclination of the people to rebellion , being grown proud by reason of their wealth , and new-fangled also by reason of the choyce of religions ; in so much that the duke of alua saw it necessary to mayntayne certayne garisons of soldiers in castles & conuenient fortifyed frontier places in the countrey ; which he made known vnto the king of spayne , & sent vnto him for prouision of money , because he found the sayd king vnwilling to haue his subiects of this countrey burdened with any more taxations thereabout . but what successe heereof ensued , shall appeare in the next chapter . chap. ii. how dishonourable it was , for queene elizabeth of england , to take the hollāders parts , against the king of spayn : how she oppressed , and impouerished her subiects for their sakes ; and endangered her owne crowne and kingdome . before i begin to speake of queen elizabeth of england her assisting the rebelled subiects of holland against the king of spayne , it is not impertinent to the purpose , to call to mind whether there were any cause of emnity giuen vnto her by meanes of any wronges or iniuryes offred her by the king of spayne , in former tyme , in regard wherof she might now take the oportunity of reuenge . this king philip the second of spayne hauing beene maryed in england to queen mary , was neuer known to haue beene disaffected to the lady elizabeth , for so was she then called ; but cōtrary wise did shew himself to be the greatest freind ●he had in the world : which hee●e in briefe to declare , you must nore , that this lady e●izabeth , being then a subiect vnto her sayd sister queen mary , chaunced to fall into sundry troubles , for which she was imprisoned in the tower of ●on●on , and retayned in durance at woodsto●k ▪ and other places . m. fox the author of the english protestant martyrologe , wryting of this ladies inprisonment , declareth not any cause why ; but because he putteth her in his history of others that suffred for protestant religiō he intendeth to haue his reader imagine her to haue suffred some persecutiō also for the same cause , whereby he thinketh not a little to honour her . but had her troubles beene for religion indeed , fox would then neuer haue omitted to set down her examinations about the same , and her answeres thereunto , in defence of some such poin●s as are in controuersy betwen catholiks & protestan●s ; as about the real presence of christ in the sacrament , or about prayer to saints , or prayer for the dead , or some one or other point , as wel as he hath set down , the examinations and answeres of so many others , to their great glory , as he takes it : but heer is nothing found , fox in this in silent , and leaues his reader to imagine of himself that it was for religiō . for something it was , but that it was for religiō be could not make manifest , for that this lady in al the tyme of the raigne or her sister , dayly did heare masse , went vsually to confession , and in all points shewed her selfe a catholike ; yea three weekes after she was proclaymed queene she had masse in her own chappell in the court , and permitted it to be sayd in all churches throughout the whole realme for the space of seauen monethes after , which is no signe of being so resolue da protestant as that she would suffer imprisonment for that religion . her troubles , in very deed , were for sundry offences against queene mary her sister ; which being found to be such , as might perhaps haue cost her her life , if they had come vnto publique triall of iustice ; the king of spayne was so greatly her freind that he stayed the proceeding thereof , and so not only saued her life , but quit her also from the publike blot and stayne of treason : and heerin he was so earnest , that on a time , when she was to haue come to her answere , he did so importune queene mary his wyfe , to let the matter passe in sylence , that she sayd vnto him , my lord , you speake very earnestly now for her , but i pray god she do not one day make you repent it . a certaine spainsh author wryteth that the king was therevnto also moued vpon some consideration of state : for queen mary of scotland being then maryed vnto the french king francis the second if the lady elizabeth had dyed , there had in apparence byn great possibility that the kingdomes of england , scotland and ir●land might come to haue beene annexed vnto france , the sayd queene of scotland being the next heyre in bloud vnto them all . queene mary of england at last hapning to dy , king philip her husband , notwithstanding the caueat giuen him by his late deceased queen , did so cōtinue his good affection vnto the now queene elizabeth , that being then in the netherlands , he sent ouer vnto her monsieur de assonuile , to congratulate her aduancement , and to signify his gift vnto her of all queen maries iewells , which being his owne , he might iustly haue detayned vnto himselfe , if he would . these iewells she seemed very thankfully to receaue , and sayd vnto this monsieur de assonuile , that she thought her brother the king of spayne might thinke much in her for change of religion ; but , quoth she , there is but little difference betweene his religion and ours , almost all that he hath in latin we haue in english : and we do not as others do , for we mayntayne a clergy of bishops and other prelates , so vs we are in effect , as before . and whereas there was held a treaty of peace between the spanish & french kings vpon the taking of s. quintins , the king of spayn would yield vnto no agreement with the french , vnlesse it were also conditioned that callis should be restored backe vnto queen elizabeth of england ▪ and heerin were his commissioners that treate● with the french so earnest , that in the end the french to be rid of their importunity were faygne to confesse vnto them , that they knew that they tooke more paynes then they were desyred to do ; for that the english had playnly told them that they had not set them on work in any such busynes ; which was a signe that they desired not to be beholding vnto the king their maister . of which whē the king had knowledg , he stood no more vpon the rendring of callis , but concluded his peace with the french without it , which as thinges did afterward fall out , proued a happy turne to himself . these proofes of this kings good will vnto queene elizabeth being thus made manifest to the world , who would haue thought that she would not only haue omitted all signes of gratitude , but within a litle after , become an enemy to such a friend , yea and so great and capitall a one , as seldome any history can giue witnes of the like . seeing then that no acts of gratitude are to be sought after ; let vs then see what effectes of emnity ensued insteed thereof . first then to begin withall ( omitting her refusall of the king of spaynes kind endeauours for getting the french to restore vnto her the towne of callis ) we will returne vnto the duke of alua & his expected prouisiō of money from spayne , mentioned in the former chapter . this prouision be●ng the summe of six hundred tho●sand ducates , comming out of spayne 〈◊〉 the netherlands in the moneth of d●cember in the yeare 15●1 . was on the west coast of ●ngland seized vpon , and a●rested by the english . by meanes of which wrongfully detayning this money of the king of spaynes , the d●ke of alua was forced to demaund the tenth pennv of euery mans goods , that was of ability for his supply ; ●ut this demand of his ( caused chiefly thorough the said english arrest ) was cause of a far greater detriment vnto the king of spayne , then that wrongfully deta●ned money came vnto : so as the one great wrong was the cause of another far greater . for heereupon all the netherland people began to mutter , to shew a generall vnwillingnes vnto the so wide stretching of their purses ; the sediously affected took occasion by her forelockes , and to the feare of this taxe added the faygned feare of the bringing in of a spanish inquisition . one monsieur de lymmay , vnderstanding by detayning of the k. of spaynes money in england , what hatred that queen began to beare him , posteth out of france into ●ngland , where shewing his readynes to any rebellious attempt , receaued such encouragement by promise of ayde from thence , and such fit instructions , that he came ouer into holland , and there on the first day of april in the yeare 1572. he surprised the towne of briel , the first in all the low countryes , that set it selfe in open rebellion ; after whose example , flushing , enchusen , and others followed . heereupon was made ouer out by england vnto these rebells by meanes of syr thomas gressam threescore thousand pounds sterling to begin withall ; and presently after followed ouer with troopes of english forces , morgan , gilbert , and che●●er ; and after these againe north , 〈◊〉 ca●aish , and norris , all made coronels ; and comming thither with whole regiments , receaued from tyme to tyme great supplyes of money and forces from england , which grew afterward so heauy that for some ease in the sustayning of the whole ●urthen , it was deuised to draw the duke of alancon brother vnto the french king henry the third , into e●gland , vnder colour of treaty of a match betweene him and queene elizabeth : but in the end it proued an infortuna●e match betweene him , and the lady belgica ▪ for he was sent ouer into the n●therlands , & there made anti ▪ duke of brabant , where his successe was such , as ret●ring from thence into france with dishonour , he there not long after , dyed of griefe . in this designement , the english saw their expectation greatly deceaued . for albeit k. henry the third of france had refused to take the hollanders parts , hating them for that cause which no kinges can loue such people ; yet they thought by getting his owne brother aforesayd inuested in the duchy of brabant , he must then of necessity take his part . but the matter now falling out otherwise , the burden returned and remayned heauyer vpon the queene and realme of england then before . and the prince of orange soon after the death of the duke of alan●on being slayne , the hollāders remayned as a body without a head , vntill the queen of england sent ouer vnto them the earle of leycester , with great prouision both of men , and money , accompanyed with diuers noblemen and gentlemen of good accompt . and albeit this earle afterward returned into england againe , yet continued she her ayding the hollanders , both with men and money vnto her dying day . and it is thought by such as haue made calculation of this great and long continued charge , that she so oppressed and burthened her subiects for the hollanders wars , that she had more money from them by graunts & subsides , & such other meanes , then had all the kings of england from the tyme of the conquest vnto her dayes , who had the greatest warres with france . and i haue heard some lawyers affirme , that she did extremly wrong her poore subiects , by sometymes pressing them , and sending them perforce to her seruice out of the realme ; seeing , as they say , no prince by the lawes of the realme can compell any of his subiectes to serue in warre , vnles it be for the defence of the realme at home ▪ or for the recouery of some lost patrimony of the crowne abroad ; & seeing now that holland was neuer knowne to haue beene any part of the patrimony of the crowne of england , nor any pretence of iust war could be made by england to that end , it was the greater wrong and iniustice . and heere by the way i must also note vnto you , that at the beginning , for a long time of her ayding the holland●rs , though she did disguisedly make shew of friendship & amity with spayn , and had not only her embassadour in spayne , as the king of spayne had his also in england ; and in all her publike proclamations , wherein any mention happened to be made of holland and the adiacent partes , she did alwayes call them , the low countreyes of her louing brother the king of spayne , & therby acknowledged that which she could not deny : yet euen at this very time she imployed syr francis drake to robbe him of his treasure in the west indyes , don bernardino de mendoca remayning ambassadour ledger for the king of spayne in england , both then and long after , yea euen at the very tyme when drak was arriued home with his booty , ( which was in nouember in the yeare 1580. ) and being all this while an eye witnesse not only of the sayd queenes oppressing and impouerishing her own subiects at home , for the ayding of the foresayd hollanders abroad , & rebellious subiectes of the king his maister ; but of her sending forth also to robbe him , in his owne dominions , therby to ayde them vnlawfully with their lords own treasure . if now from the first to the last , the deportement of the queene of england towards the king of spayne in the long continuance of so many great wronges and iniuryes , be but indifferently considered ; what man , though but of meane capacity can iudge , but in the end , he must needes be prouoked to do something against her , were it but in regard of honour , he being a king so great and potent . and therefore it was no wonder , that after so many former yeares patience , he was in the end ( and that also with an addition of eight yeares forbearance ) after the taking of his aforsayd treasure ( in which tyme al detriments that could be done him , both by sea & land , besides the ayding also of don antonio ( the pretended king of portugall ) being put in practise ) forced to prepare that great armada against englād by sea , which he did in the yeare 1588. though with no successe . and therefore , as i haue heard strangers that are indifferent to both nations , wonder very much , why there should be more hatred discouered now in a tyme of peace and amity , betweene england and spayne , in the english natiō to the spanish , then in the spanish to the english ( the english hauing giuen more cause a great deale for spaniardes to hate them , then the spainards haue giuen to englishmen : ) so haue they likewise noted , that notwithstanding the misusage in england of the spanish ambassadour himselfe in his own person ; yet the spanish in spayne doe not for all this misuse the ambassadour of england ; the cause whereof is the discreet consideration of the spanish nation , who can discerne this misusage to proceed from such pure-strayned ministers , as are possessed with the fury of the spirit , or from the common debaushed people , that doe not consider , or haue not so much wit , as to think when they see a spanish ambassadour in england , that his maiesty likewise hath an english ambassadour in spayne : nor yet to set before their eyes the example of the carriage of the chiefe nobility , and of the better and wiser sort towardes the sayd ambassadour and nation ; nor chiefly and aboue all his maiestyes amity & friendship with the king of spayne , and the feare of his indignation and punishment due vnto such barbarous insolencyes . chap. iii. whether england hath receaued any benefite by defending the quarrell of the hollanders ; or whether the hollanders haue endeauoured to deserue the friendship they haue receaued frō thence , or haue any way shewed themselues gratefull for it . to examine and search out the benefits which england may haue receaued by meanes of the hollanders , i know not whereor which way to begin . the hollanders , or their friends may perhaps say , that it was a benefit great inough for the english to assist them , in reason of state , because thereby they kept out warre from their own country . but what an excuse this is ? when as the english neuer needed to haue feared warre in their own country , but for their cause , and for taking their partes : for it was for their cause that the english seized vpon the six hundred thousand ducates which were sent out of spayne to the duke of alua ; which was a capital cause of enmity , and indeed the only cause that enforced the sayd duke to demand the tenth penny of the peoples goods , whereby the whole common multitude became disposed the sooner to rebellion . for the king of spaynes money , was not detayned by the english vpon any couetous desire to haue it for themselues , but because the duke alua should not haue it to employ against the hollanders , and that it might be transported from england vnto the hollanders , & so come to be vsed by them against the sayd duke , to whom it was sent to haue byn imployed against them for their rebellion . but it may be further alleaged in excuse of the hollanders , that they were so gratefull , as they offred vnto the queen of england the soueraignty of the netherlandes , which benefit she would not accept of , and therefore it was not their fault that if she obtayned it not . to this may be sayd , that the diuel offred to haue giuen christ all the kingdoms of the world if he would haue worshipped him , and so was more liberall of giuing that which was none of his own , then were the hollanders . but the queen well knowing that by accepting this guift whereunto they had no right , she should haue been sure to haue drawn a perpetual warre , and the whole charge thereof vpon her shoulders , and therefore refused this their liberality ; yet was she willing notwithstanding to ayde them , without this obligation . and the reason was ; because she still retayned a hop to be wholy disburdned , or at least much holpen in the bearing this charge by france , or germany , or by bringing the hollanders to the full possession of the whole seuenteen prouinces , wherby they might depend vpon themselues . it may also be alleaged , that she had the cautionary townes of briel , flushing & the other places , deliuered into her handes . true it is , she had so , and thereby enioyed the benefit of being at more expence both of men and money . other benefits can i remember none ; nor can there be any found , & so will spare the labor to look any further after them : yet because ill turnes , and domages may more readily be discouered to haue heereby happened to the queene and state of england , i shall set downe what in this kind i haue obserued . first then to begin with the afore mentioned cautionary townes , it appeareth , that because the hollanders would so soone as they could , be the freer to set the english at naught , hauing by meanes of the truce with the king of spayne , and the archduke albert , gotten togeather some spared money ; they so laboured with their feed freind sir raph winwood ( a better hollander then an englishman ) that for paltry payment they got their brydle out of the english handes , and thereupō began straightwayes to shew their gratitude in forbidding the bringing of english dyed , and dressed clothes into holland , and their adioyned prouinces , without euer making the king or his ambassador ledger at the hage priuy thereunto . soon after , to make amendes for this their saucy and vnmannerly carriage , they came to offer the kings maiesty himself a more insolent affront . for whereas the duke of lennox , as admirall of scotland , by order from the king , had sent one m. brown in the yeare 1616. to demaund of the said hollanders , then fishing vpon the coast of scotland , a certayne ancient duty , called size herring ; with much a do they payd it , as in former tymes it was accustomed ; but yet withsome speaches that it was the last tyme , that it should be payed . the same m. browne cōming the yeare following with the same authority and commaundement , with one ship of the kinges only to demaund the duty afo●esayd , and with order , that if it were denyed , he should take witnes of the refusal in writing , and so peaceably depart ; being come aboard one of their ships , and demanding the aforesayd duty , he was by the maister therof denyed it , who told him playnly that he was commaunded by the states of holland not to pay it vnto the king any more , of which he tooke witnes according to his order from his maiesty . whyles this was a doing , there comes aboard that ship , the maister of of another ship of holland , & demaunding of m. brown his name , he replyed that his name was browne : why then ( quoth he ) if you be the man , i haue order to arrest you , and to carry you into holland : whereof m. brown gaue notice to the maister of the kings ship , requyring him to aduertise his maiesty of this insolency , and so m. brown was arested and carryed away prisoner into holland . about this tyme , as i also haue heard it credibly reported , one m. archibald rantkin a scottish gentleman residing at stockholme in sweden , & there soliciting for the payment of certayne money due vnto some londō merchāts ; one van ▪ dyke lying there also as agent for the states of holland , sayd vnto some principal persons of the swedians , that they needed not be to hasty in paying the king of englands subiects any money , or to giue them any respect , for that the sayd kinges promises , were not to be belieued , nor his threates to be feared . for which villanous and insolent speaches , being afterward challenged by rantkin , he had no better excuse then to say , he was drunke when he spake them ( for deny them he could not ) and so his excuse of playing the beast , excused him for playing the man. but now from these insolent affronts and speaches , let vs come to deeds , and see how they haue vsed our english nation in the north seas , on the coast of groonland & those partes , about the trayn-oyle fishing , where they haue offred them sundry abuses by giuing them blowes , chasing them away , and doing vnto them diuers oth●● detriments ; not admitting to vnderstand that the sea fishing is free for euery man , where it is not vpon the coast of any countrey , vnto which the benefit belongeth by ancient prerogatiue . and yet is all this but little in regard of their vsage of our nation in the east indyes , wher they haue as fiercely set vpon them with open hostility , as if before their meeting there , they had of long continuance beene mortall enemyes , hauing slaine many of our men , and sunke sundry of our shipps . and when moreouer they haue taken some of our men prisoners , they haue vsed them , in the sight of the indians , in such contemptible and disdainefull manner , as if at home in their owne countryes , the english in respect of them were but an abiect and a slauish nation ; and that the hollanders were either their superiours , & might vse them at their pleasure , or the english so base and vnpowerfull , as they durst not be reuenged , but quietly put vp any iniury at their handes . and indeed the indians might in reason coniecture that the hollanders would neuer haue dared so to domineer ouer the english abroad , if they had not had the maistery of them at home ; after which accounpt & reckoning such actions abroad are wont to be looked into . what thinke you now of our english prouerbe ? haue we not brauely set beggers on horsbacke ? nay haue not englishmen ( the premises considered ) great reason to loue the hollanders , and to hate spaniards ? yea , and to hate spaniards only for the loue of such courteous & gratefull hollanders ? and as for the commodious trade which the english haue had in muscouy for more then threescore and ten years , and which the hollanders haue now quite gotten from the●● , and spoyled , what shall i say ? seeing they are about to make recompence for the same by doing the like with our english merchants in turky . and it is a thing so naturall & notorious for them to spoile the trade of other nations , that when they cannot find occasion to do it , they will not sticke to spoile one another , so great is their auaricious and insatiable desire of gayne ; and yet all this proceedeth but out of a certain couetous wretchednes ; for , let any of them arriue to what riches he will , he knoweth not how to be noble or generous . chap. iiii. whether england can expect any benefite by continuing to take the hollanders parts ; and whether the hollanders doe deserue the same , by wishing , or desiring the continuance of the state and gouernement of england , as now it standeth . the end and scope whereunto the rebellious wars of the hollanders haue tended , hath beene to bring themselues into as free and qu●et a state as is the republique of the switzers , which they might haue easily done by the help they haue had from england & france , if the king of spayne had wanted the meanes or the will to haue continued warre against them . but admit they had arriued vnto this their designe and had freely and quietly gotten the full possession of all the seauenteene netherland prouinces , is it not like that they would then haue gotten into their clawes the duchyes of cleue , & iuliers , with the other parts theron dependant , seeing they haue already gotten fotting therin ? and hauing once incorporated these , is it like , that they would haue suffered the countrey of liege to haue remained in quiet , vnder the rule of a bishop ? when as the colour of reformation of religion had also beene sufficient for the taking away of the countrey from the true owner ? or may a man thinke , that they would stand vpon titles of right , who hold not the least place they possesse by any right at all ? or that they would make a conscience to detayne from their neighbour , when they make none to detayne from their true lord , and maister ? surely there is no reason to think other wayes : and yet if any man should , let him but looke into their attempt vpon huys , & also vpon liege the principall citty of that countrey , not long since put in practise . put the case then , that they had arriued vnto their desired greatnes , that is to say , to haue gotten the whole seauenteene netherland prouinces with the duchyes of cleue and iuliers , & the rest thereunto dependant , as also the countrey of liege ; how would they thē haue borne themselues towards england and france ? how had they then beene able to haue giuen law to both these kingdomes ; to the one by land , from the countrey of liege cōfining vpon it , and to the other by sea , by being able to ouertop it in shipping ? what doubt may be made heereof , considering what a correspondent party they would haue found in france by their most confident friends the huguenots , and in england by no lesse friendes the puritans ? who cannot now discerne that the king of spayne , by continuance of war against the hollanders , hath highly benefited both england and france ; and that england and france by assisting the hollanders against the king of spayne , haue laboured to their owne cost . what policy might it then haue proued for england and france , if the hollanders had by their help preuayled against the king of spayne , when they should therby haue prepared an irremediable scourge for themselues . let it then be truely considered , whether it had not been greater policy , more honorable , & more profitable , for both those nations , and more for the tranquility of christendome , that they had suffred the king of spayne to haue brought these his rebellious subiects to obedience , and so to haue gouerned them in peace , to the end he might haue imployed so many millions , as he hath beene forced to spend in the netherlād warres , against the turke . and that so he would haue done , if he might heere haue inioyed rest and quiet , who can doubt ? seeing notwithstanding these his long wars , and all other wars therby occasioned , both by sea and land , he hath , to his euerlasting prayse and honour , neuer made either peace or truce with that capitall enemy of christendome . and if those forsayd many millions might haue bin implo●ed against this common enemy , who can make doubt , but he might thereby not only haue beene driuen out of europe , but that hierusalem , and all palestine might haue beene recouered ? england , as hath beene sayd in the precedent chapter , hath already receaued proofe of the ingratitude of her costly holland friends ; and france no lesse , by hauing not long since discouered them to be more ready to take their partes that were in armes against the now regnant king , then the kinges part against them . and if they had been so wary as to haue dissembled som what longer their ingratitude & insolencyes towards england and france , yet their audacious brauing of the king of denmark ( notwithstanding they must passe with all their corne from danske throgh his sownd ) were inough to haue discouered their proud contempt of the maiesty of kinges ; and what neighbours they would haue proued to england & france , when they should haue arriued to their expected freedome of an absolute republike . let it then be considered , whether england or france , could euer feare to be so much endomaged by spayne , as by them ; or that spayne could haue so ready meanes to endomage thē , as the hollanders ; or could haue correspondence in either countrey with two such turbulent factions . thus may england as well by example of the hollanders ingratitude to france , as by the deere purchased experience in it selfe , cleerely behould what apparence there may be of expectation of any least benefite by their meanes ; since none can be found , none be looked for , albeit they were sought after with the lanterne of diogenes . if therefore no benefits can appeare , either past or to be expected , let vs then see what good fortune hath otherwise betyded such as haue beene the gretest actors in this rebellious busines , whereby it may appeare to the world , how their endeauours haue beene pleasing to god. the first man that began the surprize and open rebellion of townes in holland , was the aforenamed monsieur de lymmay . this man amongst other presents which were giuen him , when he was in england , one was a very faire great mastiffe dog , which he much esteemed ; and on a tyme playing with him , he bitte him so soare in the arme , that he could by no meanes be cured , but in the end dyed thereof , starcke mad , and raging , in the towne of liege . and thus came he to his death by being bitten of a dog , that had beene a wolfe vnto many ecclesiasticall persons , whose bloud without all forme of lustice , or any offence by them committed , he had caused to be shed , aswell in the towne of briel which he surpryzed , as in other places . the next great actor in this ill busynes was the duke of alancon also before mentioned . this duke after he had in the citty of antwerp beene inuested in the duchy of brabant , as absolute soueraigne ; fynding not withstanding that he was to be limitted & gouerned by such as he accompted his subiects ; & seeking thereupon to make his authority more absolute , drew certayne troopes of his souldiers into the town to haue surpryzed it , himself being with his whole army hard without , who , through the resistance of the townesmen , were all put to the sword . whereupon he with his whole army ( the artillery from the walles of the towne playing vpon him ) was forced to retyre thence in extreme disgrace , and melancholy , as a defeated enemy ; and in the end to returne into france , where considering the tricks that had by n put vpon him in england , and what disgrace he had therby receaued in flanders , on the 10. day of iune in the yeare 1584. he dyed of conceaued griefe , in the town of chastea● theiry , and so lost his faire possibility of wearing the crown of france , vnto which he was the apparent heyre . the next and chiefest styrrer in this busynes , was william of nassaw , prince of orāge , who because he was the arch-rebell , or principall actor in this great rebellion of all other , i hold it not vnfit , before i come to speak of his death , briefly to run ouer the thinges of most note in his life . this prince , as in the first chapter hath byn sayd , retyred himself into germany so soone as he heard of the duk● of alua his aryuall in the netherlandes ; and albeit he came afterwards backe agayne to push forward his begun rebellion ; yet was he fayne to fly the second tyme into germany , from whence when he heard that the town of briel , and one or two more were openly rebelled , he came secretly backe into holland , and being in very poore and bare estate , he took vp his lodging in the town of tergow , in the howse of one kegeling an apothecary , keeping himselfe very secret , because this town as yet held for the king of spayn , as also did all the other townes of the country except two or three . but the duke of alua his demaunding the tenth penny aforesayd , hauing bred a generall disgust and auersion in the myndes of the people ; certayne scouts of rebellion were secretly imployed abroad in the country to sound the people about their forwardnes to reuolt . which being done , answere was returned that they were found to be the●unto ready inough , so they might haue a head , but who this head should be , that knew they not . the prince of orange heerupō , in whose behalfe these scouts had beene imployed , called a consultation of some fyue or six irreligicus politikes ( for such best fitted to be his counsellours ) to consider what religion he were best to be of , for of all the religions now currant he could not be ; and not declaring himself to be of one , all might hold him to be of none . for he had so caryed himself vntil this day , that the catholikes held him affected to them ; the lutherans to them ; the anabaptists to them ; and the caluinists also to them . the catholikes tooke him for their freind , because they thought him not to hate their religion , but indifferently well to affect it , in regard that he had beene brought vp in it , long professed it , and had made as yet no open opposition or profession against it ; and for that he protested to vndergo this busynes for the mayntayning of their rightes and priuiledges , and to free the countrey from that terrible exaction of the tenth penny aforesayd . the lutherans tooke him for their frend , because they held him in hart to be of their religion , since he had maryed the daughter of the duke of saxony , who was now a lutheran , in publique profession ; and that he must in reason keep good correspondence with the lutherans of germany , in hope of hauing ayde from them . the anabaptists tooke him as greatly to fauor their religion , because his chamberlayne being the chiefest man about him , was an anabaptist , ( called of his fellow anabaptists by the name of mardochaeus ) by whose meanes this prince became greatly beholding vnto them , for the loane of sundry good summes of money , which he had receaued of them . the caluinists thought him assuredly their friend , because he was an enemy vnto spayne & spaniards , and because he could not but see them more forward in action of rebellion , then any of the others ; seeing briel and other townes were already surpryzed by those of their nation and religion . the aforesayd counselours considering that this indifferent carriage of the prince , could but argue a dispersed affection , & might breed many iealousies and factions , and wherby he could not procure to himselfe the assured affection of any one syde to sticke fast vnto him ; their resolution must now be taken without longer delay , of which of these he would declare himself absotely to be , albeit he might promise fauour and protection to the rest . there was no great need of learned deuins to dispute the matter , scriptures and ancient fathers were not important to be looked after , faith and conscience had heerin no clayme , and reason of state did put the holy ghost to silence . it was therfore first debated whether it were best & most for this prince his aduantage to declare himselfe a catholike , because the face of the state was yet catholike . to this was alleaged , that if he should so do by fauouring all opposite to the catholikes , the catholikes would therfore disfauour him , seeing the other through his fauour would insult vpon them : and so might there be danger of their returning to the obedience of the king of spayne , whom thev were sure was of their religion , and would mayntayne them in it . all which considered , it was not thought fitting for him to declare himself to be a catholike to declare himself a lutheran , was also thought vnsit , because the duke of saxony , albeit a lutheran , was yet a freind vnto the emperour , and the howse of austria ; and besides the lutherans were but flegmatike & cold fellowes , and too farre offto giue him assistance , if need should require . to declare himselfe an anabaptist , was held lesse fitting , for albeit they had shewed more heat of zeale , in their greater number that had suffred for their religion , then any of the others ; yet were they but of the meaner sort of people , not hauing any potent persons among them , nor any forrayne prince or state to take their partes . in fine it was resolued that it was most conuenient for him to declare himself a caluinist , in regard of their stirring spirits , whereof they had giuen greater proof then any of the others , & that there was apparence of assistance from england , and of good correspondence with the huguenots of france . vpon this resolution , followed straight-wayes the conuersion of this prince of orange vnto caluinian-protestant religion ; and his new gayned greatest friendes so bestirred themselues , that town vpon town rebelled especially after he had by solemne oath sworne to mayntayne the catholike clergy in all their rights and priuiledges , and in publike exercise of their religion ▪ about which point yet the town of amsterdam amongst others , very precysely capitulated with him , and he very seriously also protested and swore performance of the conditions : which oath notwithstanding he made no more conscience soone after to breake , then he had done sundry oathes before ; as the great and solemne oath which he tooke of fidelity to the king of spayne , when he receaued the order of knight-hood of the golden fleece ; the oath of fidelity , which he also tooke at the sayd kings making him lieftenant gouernour of holland &c. besydes his sundry other perfidious breaches both of oaths and promises . and because there is not any fidelity or honest dealing to be expected , where there is layd no ground of religion and vertue it is the lesse wonder that this irreligious noble man so caryed himself in choyce of religion . certayne it is , that he was at the first a catholike ; and notwithstanding that his malice had transported him so farre , as to protect and shelter some most sacrylegious church-robbers ; yet vpon the aryuall of the duke of alua , and before his flight into germany , he sent for his eldest some philip ( who was prince of orange next after him ) at that tyme a student in the vniuersity of louayne , and most straightly charged him , to liue and dye in the catholike roman religion , as the sayd prince hath at sundry tymes to diuers persons yet lyuing protested ; wherby it may seem , that at that tyme he had yet retayned some regard of religion ; and holding that for the best , commaunded his sonne to remayne still therin . foure wyues he had , the first was a catholyke , the second was a lutheran , the third and fourth were caluinists ; which perchance was because he found no noble woman fit for him to match withall that was an anabaptist , that so he might haue had foure wyues of foure seuerall religions ; yet to shew his great good wil vnto the anabaptists ( albeit he could not match amongst them ) he gaue them vnder his hand wryting the priuiledge & freedome for exercise of their religion in their own howses , which they yet in holland enioy . when i consider the life and actiōs of this man , i wonder in my self , that the blyndnes of the popular multitude , could be so great , as to honor and extol him so highly , and to accompt him the great patron and protectour of their country , that was the greatest enemy therof that euer it had ; and who was the cause of spilling so much bloud , aswell of the people of his owne country , as of other nations ; and such an one as was the betrayer , & transporter also thereof , vnto another nation , as much as in him lay , who had no right or clay me thereunto . to come now to touch the end of this man , when i cōsider , i say , what it was , there commeth to my remembrance this saying of a pagan poet : tyraennous lords , that cause landes to rebell , vvithout some blow , can hardly come to hell. about some foure yeares before the death of this prince , he was for his offences depriued by the sayd king of spayne his soueraigne lord , of all the authority and power which in former tymes the sayd king had giuen him , & proclaymed for a publike enemy vnto the king , the peace , and weal-publike of the countrey ; and his goods & person exposed to open violence by publique sentence . in the end after some attempts to that effect , the prince perceauing , what victorious successe the duke of parma ( that then vnder the king of spayne commanded in the netherlands ) now began to haue in flaunders , and brabant , he fled secretly , from antwerp ( where he had layne lurcking for a time ) vnto delft in holland , in his armour ; for it was the greatest prayse ( forsooth ) that this valiant captayne atchieued in these warres , that he did commonly put on his armour when he was eight or ten leagues from any place of danger . being arriued at delft , where he thought himselfe in greatest safety , he was vpon the tenth day of iuly in the same yeare 1584. slayne with the shot of a pistoll , by one ealtazar gerard ( aliâs serach ) a burgundian , of the age of fiue and twenty yeares , a moneth after that the duke of alancon dyed at chasteau-theiry ; for the duke dyed on the tenth of iune , & this prince was slayne on the tenth of iuly next following , as though his life had beene limitted by lease , to last but iust one moneth after the death of the other . the next of the greatest actors in this rebellious tragedy , was robert dudley earle of ●eycester , who after he had beene the chiefe commaunder of holland , in these broyles ( in which wa● slaine his sisters sonne syr philip sidney , a knight worthy to haue deserued more honour , if he had serued in an honourable cause ) he grew weary of the hollanders , and they of him ; in so much , that by a iustification of his worthlesse actions published in print , he was driuen to accuse & blame them of breach of promise and performance of couenants made vnto him , that so by laying the fault vpon thē , he might repaire his owne reputation , and excuse of gayning so little honour among them as he had . returning therefore with great discontentment into england , he soone after sickned and dyed , and as it is reported was poysoned , and preuented by one whome himselfe had thought by such a meanes to haue made away . he dyed without any signe of a christian ; and being dead seemed so vgly a corse , as euen amazed the beholders . his body was opened and in his stomake were great holes eaten through with the poyson . his landes were all presently seized on for his debts to the queene , whereby he was now , as much disgraced being dead , as he would perhaps haue beene , if he had liued but a little longer ; and as his life was not much laudable , so was his death not greatly lamented . the next in this ●anke must be queene elizabeth her selfe , by whose meanes , as this rebellion at the first began , so was it by her ayd ( euen to her last end ) continued . and if a happy death be the true happynes of the precedent life , she cannot be sayd to haue had it , neither in regard of the good of her selfe , nor yet of her subiects ; for she sought not the one , and she had not the other . she sought not the good of her subiects , which in all reason and right she was bound to do , both before god mā , because she prohibited both speach , and euen the knowledge as it were , of any successor to her crowne , as all the world well knoweth . in so much , that if some of the nobility , presently vpon her death , had not resolued to receaue vnto her crowne & dignity the true & lawfull heyre that now raigneth , the bloud of many thousandes of her subiects might haue beene spilt , for ought she did to preuent it . some do report her to haue sayd , that whyles she liued no heyre apparent should be de●lared ; and after her death , she wished that she might for a while remayne betweene heauen & earth , to see how they would tugge for the crown . surely the desire of seeing such a sport could litle deserue the loue that her subiects bo●e vnto her ; and heerby may we see , vpon how little cause and reason , vulgar affection is oftentymes grounded . that her death was not happy , appeareth , in that it is no happynes to dye distracted , and not to haue had , from the beginning to the end of her sicknes , the perfect vse of reason , and consequently not to haue beene able most earnestly to call vpon god ; which as it is most fit that at their end , a●l men should doe , so is it most requisite , that in the end of a life which hath been entertayned with all the pleasures that the world could affoard , it should be done with the greatest compunction & contrition of hart that may be ▪ and i haue heard it confidently reported , that syr thomas gressam , more then thirty yeares before queene eliza●eths death , did in priuate discourse , tell vnto some friends of his , and namely vnto syr philip scidamore ( then not knight ) that at the death of queene mary , he then being in the citty of antwerp , a woman comming into a house where he was , sayd vnto him : your queene mary is now dead and queene ●lizabeth that succeedeth her , shall in the end come to dye mad . whether this woman had the spirit of prophesy , or no , i cannot say ; but certaine it is that she seemed not in her sicknes , nor at her death to be in her perfect senses , whe●eby she could neither be carefull for the future good of her subiects , by not then declaring that which she needed not any longer to haue concealed ; nor in calling vpon almighty god , for mercy , for a soule that so greatly had need thereof . let vs now lastly come vnto the great statesman , and menager of this state composed of states , the holland-aduocate berneuelt . this man after the death of the prince of o●ange aforesayd , when his sonne count mauri●e , and his other children were but young , and the state and gouernment wholy raw and out of order , deuised and set down the plot and meanes for the mayntayning of it in the forme of a republike : he made the alliances between it , and other princes and states abroad , and became a most careful tut or for the bringing vp of the prince of orange his children ; yet in the end about realousies and wranglings grown vp among themselues , this great aduocate of holland , and sterne-holder of that whole state , hauing deserued so well thereof as any man could , came to dye on a scaffold , as a criminall malefactor , by the handes of the hangman ; whereby the king of spayne , and their highnesses the princes of the netherlands , whome he had most offended , and had not the meanes to punish him , did see him punished by those whome himself had most serued in offending them . some may heer a●leage that the archduke matthias , who afterward came to be emperor , had beene a chief commaunder and gouernour also ouer this rebellious faction , and yet came not to any vnfortunate end . to this i answere , that true it is , this prince had such a charge layed vpon him , when by reason of his youth he wanted iudgment perfectl● to descern what he did , william of nassaw the vnhappy prince of orange before mentioned , being his chief lieftenant vnder him , and the only man that disposed of al. and yet escaped this yong archduk not without disgrace among thē , when they neither cared for him , nor much respected him ; & in their ordinary speaches gaue him the name of their foster chyld , esteeming him but as a chyld , or as a cipher that only serued to supply a place . but in the end this noble prince discouering their vniust courses & his own errour , left thē , and gaue ouer that mistaken gouernment , and retyring himselfe into germany , sought , and found meanes to reconcile himself vnto his cousin the king of spayne , whose grace and fauour he obtayned , which none of the former that came to vnfortunate endes , euer sought for . and by this meanes all former soars were salued , & this prince by leauing to follow this wrong course , was not only freed from comming to an vnfortunate or disgracefull end , but came to dy as a good christian prince , and in the most high estate of an emperour . thus haue i heere briefly related vnto you , how ill they haue sped , who haue beene the chiefest actors in so ill a busines as is rebellion , & the assisting of rebels against their most iust and lawfull soueraigne ; what may succeed to others , that do , or intend to continue the same vniust course , must be reserued to the manifestation of tyme ; but apparent it is , by that which heere hath been shewed , that the most high and supreme ruler of all , hath , by permitting these their disgracefull endes , shewed his dislike of their actions ; & contrarywise to such as haue beene obedient to his will , his benediction hath been manifest in a copious manner . the benefits then which england might expect by continuing to take the hollanders partes , must be vnderstood to be , endles charges , great dishonour , and the high displeasure of almighty god , togeather with the hollanders recompensing the same with contemptuous ingratitude ; which are motiues to mooue mad men to be their friendes . some may perhaps suppose the hollanders to deserue the same in regard of a kind of loue and affection which they beare vnto that state , albeit no effect or shew of good deeds to proue it , doth anv way breake out . this inuisible affection , must then be imagined to consist in a true desire they haue to the countiuuance of the present state & gouernement as now it standeth . les vs then see how likely it is , by first of al calling into consideration the affection they manifest themselues to beare vnto our kings maiesty of england ; for this ought to giue the first and best light vnto this great obscurity . surely , if i should relate vnto you what myne owne eares haue heard in this point , you would stand amazed . respect of conscience and duty , doth not permit me to repeate those most odious epithets which without any r●spect of maiesty , are euery where common in these rebellious hollanders mouthes and i protest vnto you , that i verily thinke , they did neuer more spytefully raile against the king of spayne , whome they hold for their greatest enemy . their wordes , as i sayd , i will not repeate , for feare least an alleadger of the calumnyes of others , might be taken for a subtil calumniator himselfe : but if you doubt of the truth heerof , make further enquiry of such , as since the late famous battaile fought in bohemia , haue come out of holland into england ; for there want no witnesses to affirme this to be true . and if you shall chance to meet with one who for affection to the hollanders , will rather dissemble then confesse the truth , especially being demaunded therof in englād ; i doubt not but you wil meet with two , who will affirme it , and withall confesse that there is not any remedy to ●h●rme their durty mouthes , and much lesse to any purpose for an englishman to oppose himselfe against the lauish tongues of such an vnbridled multitude of cocks crowing vpon their own dunghil . and who can otherwise imagine , but that they who are in authority amongst them , be content that the common sort doe speake that which themselues also thinke , and in priuate speake the same , as well as they , seeing in publike they shew no dislike therof . that the hollanders do desire the continuance of the present state , and gouernement of the realme , as now it standeth , by wishing the long raigne of his maiesty of england , and of the prince his highnes after him , who can imagine ; since all their dri●ts do wholy tend to their owne ends ; and that the count pa●atine , by his mothers side is of the house of nassaw , to which house of all othe● vpon earth they are most deuoted : and that by the sayd count palatine his attayning to the crown of englād , diuers of the same house that want liuings as wel in holland , as in the duchy of bullion , as also in other places , might come to be aduāced in england . and no doubt , since the count palatine hath already had the tast of one crowne , they will the more desire the pleasing of hi● appetite with another . the religion of england they also like not , and therefore in regard of a more pure and perfect reformation , they do out of zeale and conscience the lesse desyre the continuāce of the state , as it is . their freindes the puritanes , haue long since giuen them to vnderstand how ilfauour●dly the religion of england is now reformed ; and what great want they haue of a holland-discipline , and such a worshipfall consistory of church-counsellours as they h●ue there in euery of their townes . they haue also enformed them of the great lyuings that certayne men in england do possesse , who beare the name of bishopes , and whose large reuenewes would fall out very fit for sundry poore countes of the aforesayd howse of nassaw , to begin withall , til confiscation of english noblemens lyuinges might be able to make them the more capable of the titles of dukes and princes . and this being matter to reflect vpon , i will so leaue it vnto your further ponderation , and proceed to giue you satisfaction according to your demaund in the rest . chap. v. of the present state of the hollanders ; and of the diuision among them about matters of religion : and whether respect of religion may vrge england still to assist them . that the hollanders haue a will to continue their warres , to the end that at last they might in quiet possession attayne to their wished great republike , of the whole seauenteene netherland prouinces , with such adiacent and anseaitcke places as they could come to incorporate and annexe vnto them , there is no doubt : but their want of meanes to vndergoe this charge , wherof no end can be determined , is also out of doubt . it is now about some two yeares ago that i saw a note of calculation made of their debts , which then appeared to be about six millions of florins , for the which they payed , & do yet yearly pay interest . it is not lyke that this debt is diminished , but that it is rather , since that tyme , much augmented ; besydes theyr yearely ch●rge of mayntayning their presidies , and fortifications , they haue beene at a great deale of lost cost in their monethly great summes of money disbursed for the ayding of the count ▪ palatine . their meanes and trafficke of marchandize is well known to be nothing so good as it hath beene , and dayly to declyne to worse and worse ; for they haue not only had ex●reme losses by pirates , but haue shewed themselues so vnpartiall , that because the english merchants should not thinke them only bent to spoyle their trade ▪ they spoyle their trading amongst them selues ; in so much that holland doth not only spoile the trading of zeland , but euen in holland they dayly study to spoile the trade one of another : so as it hath beene noted , that when in amsterdam it selfe , some merchant hauing gotten priuate aduice from his correspondent els where , that in such or such a place , such and such a commodity will be well vented , and that this merchant thereupon fraighteth a ship with wares accordingly ; another that perceaueth him to be fraighting , though not knowing whither his voyage is intended , will straight wayes , and with all diligence fraight a ship also with the self same wares , and follow and dogge him by sea , till he arriue to the same hauen vnto which the other is bound ; and so by hindering of his gaine catch away the bread out of his mouth . and as by this , so by all other wayes and meanes , ●ch one seeks to spoyke and hinder another ; for all will be merchants , aswell the boores in the villages , as the burgers in the towne . this then trading then thus hindred what by pyrats , what by the multitude of merchants , and other wayes spoyled , they cannot draw sufficient meanes for the maintenance of warre only out of toles and customes ; neither can it be raysed by taxes and impositions layd vpon the people , they being already more heauily burdened that way , then they are able to beare ; and farre beyond the tenth penny which the dulde of 〈◊〉 demaunded . what remedy then ? 〈◊〉 loanes and borrowings be requyred of the best monyed merchants ▪ 〈◊〉 . the catholikes , the arminians , & the anabaptists , which haue the best purses , haue little reason for it . the catholikes and the arminians are forbidden the exercise of their religion , and they will rather goe and reside out of the countrey . the anabaptists that haue exercise in their houses cannot beare the burden alone ; and if all these th●ee would be willing to lend , how could ●bis lending continue , when they shall see their money still cast into a bottomles pit of expences , where there can be no hope of getting it out againe ; and so shall they be sure to find , who doe assist thē , if after the now approaching expiration of the truce , warres do begin againe . thus hauing briefly deliuered vnto you my conceyt of their present meanes ; i will now also endeauour to giue you satisfaction to your demaund about their so great difference in religion . i do not meane the great difference that is between sect and sect , for that is beyould all calculation ; but the late great difference risen vp among the holland-protestants themselues . you shall then vnderstand that about the yeare 1607. one iacobus arminius a doctor and professor of protestant religion at leyden ( according as it is there professed ) did , after that he had , diuers yeares belieued and taught as they did , begin to fall into further consideration then before he had done of certayne points of their doctrine , and especially their doctrine of predestination , which is , that god hath absolutely and precysely chosen and ordayned some people to saluation , and some to damnation , before themselues haue either done good or euill : and that to those whome god , of an absolute will , hath ordayned to pe●dition , he hath determyned to deny , and actually doth deny , the grace which is needfull and sufficient for saluation , so as they neither can , nor may belieue or be saued . against this doctrine arminius opposed himself , affirming the same to be contrary to the nature of god , as repugnant to his wisdome , to his iustice , and to his goodnes . that it also is against the ghospel , which commaundeth conuersion and beliefe , and promiseth the grace of the holy ghost , remission of sinnes , and euerlasting lyfe . and that which is more , it impugneth free will , with which , and in the which , man was by god created . moreouer it hindreth the diligence vnto the doing of good workes ; for ( sayth he ) man being driuen ( as these mayntayners of this predestination affirme ) by meanes of the safe-making grace , then must he worke , and cannot leaue so to do ; but not being driuen by the same grace , he cannot so do , but must leaue it vndon . thus doth arminius refute the commō caluinian opinion in the doctrin of predestination , and teacheth playnly , that man hath free-wil , and sheweth that good works are needfull to saluation ; affirming also that the contrary doctrine to these points , doth ouerthrow and quyte destroy the foundatiō of religion , as further may be seen in his declaration printed at leyden in the yeare 1610. arminius himselfe dyed , before this his declaration came forth in print ; but certayne ministers that imbraced his doctrine , did after his decease cause it to be printed ; and these men proceeding forward in the same doctrine , and fynding many of the most learned ministers to imbrace it , and many thousandes of people , which dayly more and more increase , ready to receaue it ; they wrote sundry books in defence thereof , wherin they gaue themselues the name of remonstrantes . heerupon some of the ministers that remayned in the former and direct caluinian opinion , writing against them , called themselues the contra-remonstrants : but because the common people called those that followed the opinion of arminius aforesayd , by the name of arminians , the otherside gaue vnto the contra-remonstr●nts , the name of gomarists ; because of all other who opposed themselues against the opinion of arminius , one franciscus gomarus was the first and chiefest . and albeit the sayd gomarus taught not otherwise then did caluin , or do other caluinists ; yet are those of his side called by many in holand , and generally in all the netherlands by the name of gomarists , except by themselues ; for they call not themselues protestants , but the reformed , as they did before this discord fell out . about this difference in religiō there hath beene between them very many bickeringes , and virulent bookes and pamphlets haue beene written on both sydes , the one against the other . but because it would perhaps be too tedious to make but recitall of their titles in ●his place , i wil therfore heere only set down vn to you , what i haue translated out of a certayne printed table , concerning three of the pointes of religion which are in controuersy between them , wherby you may see what places of scripture are alleaged abou● these pointes by the armintans ; and what caluin and the gomarian caluinists alleage to the contryry . the first point is , whether god hath created any people vnto damnation . places of scripture alleaged by the arminians to proue that he hath not . genes . 1. vers . 27. and god created man to his owne image ; to the image of god he created him . and vers . 31. and god saw al things that he had made , and they were all very good ▪ psal . 145 vers . 9. the lord is louing vnto euery man , and his mercy is aboue all his workes . isay 45. vers . 22. turne you vnto me , so shall you be saued , all yee ends of the earth . ezech. 33. vers . 11. as true as i liue , sayth the lord , i haue no pleasure in the death of the vngodly , but that the vngodly do turn from his wickednes & liue . turne you therefore now from your wickednes ; why will you then dye , you of the house of israel ? ioan. 4. vers . 10. 11. you pitty the stalke of the wild grape , whereon you haue not laboured , nor haue nourished it , which is growne vp in one night , & is againe withered : and should not i then take pitty on the great citty of niniue , in which are more then one hūdred and twenty thousand soules , who know no difference betweene the right hand and the left . matth. 11. vers 28. come yee to me all that labour , and are burdened , and i will refresh you . marc. 16. vers . 15. 16 going into the whole world , preach the ghospell to al creatures ; he that belieueth , and is baptized , shall be saued ; and he that belieueth not , shal be condemned . luc. 2. vers 30. 31. myne eyes ( sayth simeon ) haue seen thy saluation : which thou hast prepared before the face of all people . ibid cap. 9. vers . 56. the sonne of man came not to destroy soules , but to saue them . ioan. 3. vers . 16. for god so loued the world that he gaue his only begotten sonne , that euery one who belieueth in him perish not . ibid. cap. 12. vers . 47. i am not come ( sayth christ ) to condemne the world , but to saue the world . act 17. vers 30. god denounceth vnto men , that al , euery where do pennance . rom. 11. vers . 32. for god hath concluded all into incredulity , that he may haue mercy vpon all . 1. tim. 2. vers . 4. god will that all men be saued , and to come to the knowledge of the truth . tit. 2. vers . 12. for the grace of god our sauiour hath appeared vnto al men . ● . pet. 3. vers . 9. god is not willing that any perish , but that all returne to pennance . 1. ioan. 2. vers . 2. he ( to wit christ ) is the propitiation for our sinnes , & not for ours alone , but also for the whole worlds . these are the places of scripture alleadged by the arminians for their opinion in this point . now followeth the doctrine of the gomarian-caluinists to the contrary , to wit , that god hath created some to damnation . iohn caluin instit l. 3. cap. 23. b. seeing the disposition of all things is in the hand of god , and seeing he hath the power of death & of saluatiō , he ordayneth then with his counsell and will , that some are borne , who from thei● mothers wombe are certainly deliuered ouer vnto death , to the end that by their destruction the name of god should be praysed . the same caluin vpon the 18. vers . of the 9. cap. to the romans . the destructiō of the vngodly is not only foreknown , but they are also purposely created , to the end they should come to destruction or perdition . idem in his booke ad ●alumn . nebulon. pag. 867. say you , that it is not permitted vnto god to damne any body , but such as haue done euill ? there are taken away out of this life an infinite nūber of yong children . cast now out your poyson against god , who taketh away innocent childrē from the brestes of their mothers , and casteth them into the depth of hell , in eternall death and damnation . the● . beza in his little annot vpon the romans 9. vers . 22. let vs then againe be licensed to say with paul , that some men are of god the workmaister , created vnto destruction . amandus polanus on the 9 vers of the 13. of osee . those whom god hath predestinated to eternall perdition , he hath also created vnto eternal perdition ; & al those thinges strengthen them to ●●●●nall perdition , that strengthen the elect vnto saluation . the same polanus in his doctrine of the t●uth of predestination , pag. 139. sayth : abiection is an inward , and eternall worke of god , which in truth differeth not from the essence of god it selfe . fr gomarus in his translated dispute of predestination thes . 23. sayth : abiection is gods predestination , through which out of reasonable creations , he hath in grosse , and without fore-knowne limits , according to his priuiledge and pleasure , from eternity , reiected some f●om eternall life , an● hath also before hand orda●ned them to eternall death , and con●empt . the contra-remonstrants in the conference at the hage , pag. 53. ●he cause why god hath determined to elect some and not others , is only his pleasure & grace ; and not , that he hath forseene that one should belieue in christ , & not another . the second point . whether god necessarily causeth man to sinne . places of scripture alleadged by the arminians for the negatiue . genes . cad. 4. vers . 6. the lord sayd to cayn , why art thou angry , and why is thy countenance fallen ? if thou do well , shalt thou not receaue agayne ? but if thou doest ill , shall not thy sin be present at the dore ? but , the lust thereof shal be vnder thee , and thou shalt haue dominion ouer it . psal 5. vers . 5. 6. 7. thou art no god that hath pleasure in wickednes : the euill shall not conuerse with thee . the foolish shal not stand in thy sight : thou hatest all those that worke iniquity . thou shalt destroy them that speake lyes : the lord abhorreth both the bloud-thirsty and the deceytfull man. psal . 45. vers . 8. thou hast loued righteousnes , and hated iniquity : therfore hath god , thy god , annoynted the with the oyle of gladnes , aboue thy fellowes . isa . 59. vers . 2. thy iniquities do separate thee & thy god , one from another ; and thy sinnes do hyde his face from thee , that thou canst not be heard . ose . 13 vers . 9. israel , thou bringest thy selfe into vnhappynes , for thy saluation standeth only with me . matt. 1 v●rs 21. thou shalt ( sayth the angel to ioseph ) call his name iesus , for he shall saue his people from their sins . luc. 1. vers . 74. 75. that without feare being deliuered out of the hands of our enemyes , wee may serue him , in holynes and iustice before him , all our dayes . ioan 8. vers . 44. the diuell when he speaketh a lye , he speaketh of his own , because he is a lyer , & the father therof . rom. 1. vers . 18. the wrath of god from heauen is reuealed vpon all impiety , and iniustice of men. galat. 5. vers . 16 walke in the spirit , and the workes of the flesh you shal not accomplish . iac. 1 vers . 13. 14. 15. let no man when he is tempted , say that he is tempted of god , for god is not a tempter of euill ; and he tempteth no man. but euery one is tempted of his own concupiscence , abstracted and allured . afterward concupiscence when it hath conceaued , bringeth forth sin , but sin when it is consummate engendreth death . 1. pet. 3. vers . 12. 13. the face of the lord is vpon them that do euill things ; but who is he that can hurt you , if you be emulators of good . 1. ioan 2. vers . 16. all that is in the world is the concupiscence of the flesh , and the concupiscence of the eyes , and the pryde of lyfe , which is not of the father , but is of the world . ibid. cap. 3. vers . 8. he that comitteth sin is of the diuell , because the diuell sinneth from the beginning ; for this appeareth the son of god , that he might di●●olue the works of the diuell . the affirmatiue doctrine of the gomarian-caluinists , to wit , that god doth necessarily cause man to sinne . caluin instit. lib. 1. cap 18. 2. i do confesse , that god in the abiect doth worke through the seruice of the diuel ; but so , as sathan through gods prouocation doth his worke . ibid. lib. 3 cap. 23. 9. the abiect sinning will be excused , because they cannot auoyd the necessity of sinning , seeing through the ordinance of god such necessity is layd vpon them ; but we feare that they are not therby rightly excused , for the ordinance of god , by which they complaine to be ordayned to perdition , hath her iustice , which albeit vnknowne vnto vs , yet it is very certaine . theod. beza against castalio . we confesse to be true , that god hath predestinated all such as he listeth , not only vnto damnation , but also vnto the causes of damnation . zuinglius de prouid . tom . 1. cap 6. pag. 366. no man can say , that the murtherer is excused , because he hath killed through gods prouocation , for he hath sinned against the lawes . but you will , say ; he was prouoked to sinne : i agree heereunto that he was prouoked to sin , howbeit to the end , that one should be saued , and another hanged &c. ibid. pag. 365. one & the selfe same wickednes , as for example either adultery , or murther , if the same come from god , as the author , moouer , and prouoker , is a worke , but no misdeed ; but if so be it proceed from man , then it is sinne . zanchius de natura dei lib. 5. pag. 172. we acknowledge that the abiect ( with a necessity to sinne , and consequently to perish ) do through the disposition of god lye constrayned and bound , yea do so ly constrayned and bound , that they cannot leaue to sinne , and to perish . ibid. thes . 4. de reprobat . the elect as well as the reprobate , are vnto sinne ( as being sinne , in as much as the honour of god thereby is aduanced ) before ordayned . io. piscator praefat . disput contra . schafman . pag. 7. the fifth principall point that we are charged withal , is that god doth secretly inforce a man to doe the sinne that he forbiddeth ; but the same , being well vnderstood , the scripture teacheth . in the treatise of predestination published by d. pezelius , lichae , anno 1604. if for an author you vnderstand such an one , as giueth counsell , vrgeth forward or inforceth , or in any sort giueth cause to doe ought , then may you assuredly name god to be the author of sinne . nicasius vander-scheuren in his briefe institution , pag. 15. sayth : god ruleth not only the body ▪ but also the hart and mind of his creatures , as wel vnto good as vnto euill . ibid pag. 16. if so be god hath power to ordayne man to damnation before he be borne , & being borne then presently , before he haue committed any euill , to cast him into the bottomlesse pit of hell ; wherfore should he not then haue much more power to moue the hart of man to sinne , and to direct it ? for whether is more , to damne him that hath done no euill , or to moue & direct him to sinne ? and seeing god will damne the abiect , is it not all one how he damneth him , whether after that he hath moued & directed him to sin , or before ? the third point . whether god do inuite any man to saluation whome he hath resolued in any case not to saue . places of scripture alleadged by the arminians to proue , that god inuiteth all men to saluation . deuter. cap. 30 vers . 19. i call for witnesse this day heauen and earth , that i haue proposed to you life and death , blessing and cursing : chuse therefore life , that thou mayst liue , and thy seed . psal . 95 vers . 8. this day if you heare my voyce , harden not your harts . prouerb . 1. vers . 24. 25. 26. seeing i call and you refuse , i stretch forth my hand , and no man regards it , & you let passe all my counsels , and will not accept of my correction : so will i also laugh in your mish●p , and deryde you , when that hapneth vnto you that you feare . isay 5. vers . 4. what might more be done vnto my vineyard , that i haue not done vnto it ? wherefore hath it then brought forth wyld grapes , when i expected it should haue broght wyne-grapes . matth. 23. vers . 37. hierusalem , hierusalem which killest the prophets , and stonest them that were sent vnto thee . how often would i gather thy children as the henne doth gather togeathe● h●r chickins , vnder her winges , and thou wouldest not . marc. 1. vers . 15. the tyme is fullfilled , and the kingdom of god is at hand , be penitent , and belieue the ghospell . luc. 7. vers . 29 30. and al the people hearing , and the publicans iustifyed god , being baptized with iohns baptisme : but the pharisees and the scribes despysed the counsell of god against themselues , being not baptized of him . ioan. 5 vers 40. you will not come to me , that you may haue life . act. 7. vers . 5. you stif-necked , and men of vncircumcised harts and eares , you alwayes resist the holy ghost . rom. 10 vers . 21. out of isay 65 vers . 2. al the day haue i held out my hands , to a people that belieueth not , and contradicteth me . apec . 3. vers . 20. behold i stand at the doore and knocke , if any man shal heare my voyce , and open the gate , i will enter in vnto him , and will sup with him , and he with me . ibid. cap. 22. vers . 17. he that thirsteth , let him come , and he that will , let him take the water of life gratis . the doctrine of the gomarian cal●inists to the contrary , to wit , that god inuiteth not all men to saluation . caluin . in●tit . lib. 3. cap. 24. vers . 12. those whome god hath created vnto eternall death , to the end they should be instruments of his anger , & become examples of his seuerity ; those bereaueth he sometims of the power to heare his word ; sometyms he doth blind them , & maketh them more ignorant through the manifestation of his word , because they should come vnto their end . ibid. cap. 13. behould he speaketh vnto them , but to the end they should become more deafe ; he kindleth his light , to the end they should be the blinder ; he declareth his doctrine , but to the end they should thereby become vnintelligible ; he vseth meanes , but to the end they should not be saued . caluin . lib. ad calum . nebulon. pag. 858. why doth god willingly let erre , ( yea through a secret resolution hath ordayned to erre ) such as himselfe commaundeth to go the right way . not to know this becommeth measured modesty , but saucely to be prying into it ( as you do ) is a foolish boldnes . theo. beza against castalio pag. 398. god sendeth forth his seruants , because they should declare the ghospell of saluation to all people , yet keepeth he secret to himselfe , in whome he will that the preaching of the ghospell shal be of force , and in what moment ; and also , who he hath resolued by the same preaching to blind , and to obdurate . 10. piscator in disput . aduersus schafman . pag. 7. it is manifest out of gods word that god doth also call some out-casts vnto saluation , and that he notwithstanding will not that any of those outcasts be saued , as being such as he with an vnchangeable resolution , hath ordavned altogeather to perdition . ibid pag 143. god acknowlegeth , or witnesseth with tongue by the ministers of the ghospel , that he will that the outcasts which he speaketh vnto in the number of the elect , shall belieue the ghospell , in asmuch as he commaundeth it ; and yet wil he not that they belieue ; for were it that he so would , then should he affoard them the grace to belieue , without the which no man can belieue . aug. marloratus in his annot. ioan. 15. so standeth then this sentēce firme , that he whome god hath elected before the creation of the world , cannot perish , and that he whome he hath reiected can not be saued , although he do all the workes of the saintes ; so irreuocable is the sentence of god. and now hauing truely translated and layd downe the different opinions vpon these points , i will leaue you to iudge of them according as piety and reason shall direct you . there was a synode held , about the controuersies betweene these two sydes , at dort in holland , in the yeare 1619. gathered togeather from sundry forreyne partes , aswel as out of holland it self , as other prouinces ; but the synod refusing to heare the arminians , as dilinquentes condēned them & their doctrine , being reduced into fyue capitall articles ; and heerupon , by a seuere proclamation were the arminiās forbidden to preach , or hold assemblies for the exercise of their religion ; some hauing been killed for attempting the contrary , some banished , some sustayned confiscation of their goodes , and some imprysonment , where they yet remayne ; though in the meane tyme their number doth not diminish , but dayly more and more increase throughout all the countrey , aswel in villages , as in citties . thus haue you the beginning and ground of this great controuersy wherof no end can be determined . it resteth now for con●lusion of my intended discourse , that heere i set downe , whether in respect of religion , the state of england may be moued to continue their help and assistance to the hollanders . the religion therfore of holland is first to be rightly known and conceaued , and then wel to be considered : i meane that which hath beene , and yet is principally mantayned by the states therof , to wit , that which is opposit ▪ vnto the arminians , and doth now vulgarly beare the name of caluinian or gomarian doctrine , as hath beene sa●d . the arminians against whome they of this religion do contend , did in the tyme of their formamed aduocate berneue't , sollicite and ●abour , that the states might haue the authority giuen them of supreme headship of the church ; and some affirme that they also sought to haue bishops after the manner of england ; but herunto the caluinian gomarists , in all earnestnes , opposed themselues , and especially against the hauing of supremacy or superinten●ēcy in their churches ; wherein they went so farre , that they published openly in their printed bookes , that whatsoeuer they were that went about to make men the heades of churches , would make of men idolls , and of themselues by so doing , idolaters . what think you now of the conformity of this religion , to that of england , where by established actes of parlament it is death to deny the temporall prince to be supreme head of th● church ? he that denyeth this in england is by the law to 〈◊〉 as a traytour : he that affirmeth it in holland is by their doctrine to be held for an idolater . our bishops in england were wont to persecu●e puritanes for denying their authority ; what would they say to these professors of reformation that make them idolaters ? these be purer then puritanes , being distilled into a farre purer strayne or quin● essence is not this a religion , trow you , that deserueth by english protestants to be foug●ten for , & to haue the wealth of england cōsumed for vpholding the cause and quarrel thereof ? what may we think of our most royall kinges expresse commaundement to haue the communion receaued kneeling ? they would shew themselues to haue leggs as st●●fe as the legges of elephants , rather then they would fynd an● knees to bow thereunto , let it be commaunded by what authority it would . and i do verily belieue , they would be without communion all the dayes of their life , rather then to receaue it with so much vnease , as of not sitting . and as for the crosse , which his maiesty hath likewise commaunded to be vsed in baptism● ; how is it possible they would endure it , seing they sticke not to say , it is the marke of t●e 〈◊〉 ? by which saying the world may ma●ke that themselues are beasts indeed . and england may thinke it self very ill aduised , and very vnhappy , to a first the quarrel of a people in regard of religiō , whose religion is so opposite to theirs as this is ; and the professour● wherof , if they were subiects of england and there resident , would by the lawes of the realme be seuerely punished . but much more vnhappy should england be , if heerafter by the fayling of his maiesty , & the prince his highnesse ( both whome god long preserue ) such a sect should come to be set vp and aduanced there . doubtlesse most wellcome to their puritan brethren , who then would triumph and ium●e with them to the full , and with them beare the only sw●y in persecuting the p●ot●stants in england , as the others now do the armintans in holland . one conceyte more commeth to my mynd , to note vnto you , before i take my leaue ; and this 〈◊〉 that wheras in the late synode of dort , some of our english and scot●ish d●uines , being sent thither to assist the ca●uinian-comarists , about the condemnation of the opinion of the arm●nta●s , they could so notwithstanding piettily put to sylence the ●omarists , for making of them idolaters , as though there had beene no such matter euer by them thought vpon ; and that on other syde the gomarists could be so kynd , as to sit in the company of english idolaters , and quietly hold their peace from challenging them to be such : yea and without all scruple of conscience , to eate and drinke with them ; and to parte very good friends . surely heere is in this case a great moderation and suspension of spi●it to be noted in both , seeing the one knowing what the other kept in his bosome , no reproach of being traytours or idolaters did burst forth between them . thus hauing giuen you a briefe , and true relation , according vnto your demannd , i will not be further tedious vnto you , but with respectfull remembrance , and of as great desyre of your good , as of my own , recommend you vnto him , from whome only all good proceedeth . finis . faults escaped in the printing . page line fault correction . 17. 17. from all from him ibid. 22. published polished 29. 8. honorified homofied . ifany other faults haue escaped , it is desired of the gentle reader , to correct them of his courtesy , the author being farre absent from the print . the actions of the lowe countries. written by sr. roger williams knight williams, roger, sir, 1540?-1595. 1618 approx. 272 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a68903 stc 25731 estc s120160 99855360 99855360 20847 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a68903) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 20847) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 602:13, 1401:6) the actions of the lowe countries. written by sr. roger williams knight williams, roger, sir, 1540?-1595. hayward, john, sir, 1564?-1627. [12], 133, [3] p. printed by humfrey lownes, for mathew lownes, london : 1618. editor's preface signed: io: hayvvarde. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "[fleuron]"; the last leaf is blank. dedication dated 1618. variant: dedication dated 1617. c4 is a cancel in some copies. identified as stc 25731a on umi microfilm reel 602. reproductions of the originals in the folger shakespeare library and the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. appears at reel 602 (folger shakespeare library copy) and at reel 1401 (henry e. huntington library and art gallery copy). reel 1401: some print faded. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the 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each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648 -early works to 1800. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-03 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the actions of the lowe countries . written by sr. roger williams knight . london , printed by humfrey lownes , for mathew lownes . 1618. to the right honovrable , sir francis bacon knight , lord chancellor of england . right honourable : this part of historie , hauing lyen a long time by mee , i haue thought good to publish to the world ; and that especially for these reasons . first to incite other men of armes to imitate in like sort their great master iulius caesar , who wrote exact commentaries ( adorned of late with obseruations of a worthy man of our nation ) of such militarie actions as happened vnder his commaund . secondly , to preuent least such worthy paines should either perish , or hereafter be set forth by others as their own : a thing too much practised by some , not of meanest note . lastly , to make this a meane of drawing the residue into light , which happely sleepeth in the custodie of some other man. this doe i presume to present to your honour ; as well in regard of the honourable estimation which still remaineth of the authour , as for the worthinesse which i conceiue to be in the worke. for all of vs doe well discerne both the lustre of many excellent perfections in your own noble spirit , and how you fauour men of valour , learning , or honest endeauour : which vertues , as they haue aduanced you to this height of honour , so will they make your memorie eternally to flourish . s. stephens . 1 ian : 1618. your honours in all seruice , pe : manvvoode . to the reader . albeit in all histories three things are especially required , order , poyse and truth : yet for diuers causes it hapneth that in many , one of these doth faile . for some haue written of times so anciently past , that no means are extant , either to direct or to correct them . many of these liuing in artlesse ages , haue stuffed their stories with most senselesse fictions ; nothing better then country womens tales . of this sort was hunibaldus , who fableth that the french tooke their originall from francio a troian : and is followed in his sotteries by gregorie of tours , rheginus , sigebert , and diuers others of the same suite . after this example geoffry of munmouth about 400 yeares since , did first ( as some affirme ) draw the originall of the britans from brutus the troian : forging such races , names , reignes and passages of affaires , as may more easily be conuinced to be false , then supplied with any certaine truth . of the same streine is wittikind ; who by his counterfeit saxo , hath drawen the saxons and first inhabitants of germanie , from the olde macedonian souldiers of alexander the great . so the scots set vp scota daughter to pharao king of aegypt , for foundresse of their nation . likewise the irish hatched their hiberus , the danes their danus , the brabants their brabo , the gothes their gothus , as founders both of their nation and name : a subiect wherein forgeries may range at large ; because the first times of nations for the most part are , as very small , so altogether obscure . of this sort among the ancients were herodotus , diodorus siculus , and theopompus : in whose bookes cicero saith , many idle vntruthes are found ; euen so farre as the vaine veine of the graecians durst aduenture to aduowe for truthes . in how many places ( saith iosephus ) is hellanicus charged with falsities by agesilaus , and by ephorus ? they by timaeus ? timaeus by many who followed ? herodotus by all ? others haue written of countries farre distant , either altogether vnknowen , or by them neuer seene : who writing vpon vulgar reports , things either imagined , or erroneously obserued , are easily entangled with vntruthes . of this fault era●osthenes , possidonius and patrocles the geographer are branded by strabo . hence also did rise the fables of the arimaspes , gryphons , troglodites , amazons , satyrs , pigmies , and of their cruell warres with cranes : of nations of men with dogs heads , with horse feete , without heads , without mouthes , with one foote wherewith they couer themselues against sun and raine , and of diuers other monstrous kinds of men , beasts & fowles , which now are discouered for vtopicall aperies . with these may stephanus & arianus be ioyned ; of whom the one writeth , that the french are a people of italie ; the other placeth the germanes neere to the ionick sea . so strabo choppeth , that the riuer is●et or danowe , hath his spring neere to the adriaticke sea : and that the riuers lapus and vezer , discharge themselues into the riuer enis ; whereas the one runneth into the rhine , the other into the ocean . so are tacitus , marcellus , orosius , blondus , in diuers places of germanie much mistaken . and so sabellicus , volaterrane , and conrade , doe much confound the alans and almans ; the hungarians and hunnes ; the danes and the dace ; austerane , and austrich ; placing the mount saint ottoly in bauaria , and the riphaean mountaines in polonia , or muscouia . others haue written of their owne countries and times : but these againe are of diuers sorts . for some busie themselues much in those things which the popular multitude doe applaud : making wordie ( i cannot say worthy ) reports of beare baitings , lanching of shippes , fleas , mice , owles , maskes , mayings , &c. and if they speake of any publicke affaires , they discerne nothing but the out-side : not vnlike to beggars , who trauerse ouer many countries , from dore to dore , and touch as many faire buildings ; but obserue nothing either of the persons , or furniture , or order within . such historians doe daily and duely attend certaine kings in india : and whatsoeuer they doe , whether eate , drinke , sleepe , disport , ease nature , retyre to any woman ; in a word , all , they barely wright downe , and nothing else . some others better furnished with iudgement , doe strongly biasse in their affections : and that chiesty by two meanes , leuitie and partiality . of the first sort are they who affecting to write rather pleasingly then truely , doe enterlace many ieasts , conceits , tales , and other pleasing passages ; either omitting or defacing the solide truth . of this fault trebellius is reprooued by laberian and vopiscus , tacitus by tertullian and orosius , orosius by blondus . to these also wee may adioyne danudes , philostratus , guidius , c●esias , heca●aeus , and diuers others ; who haue transformed the truth of many things into fabulous inuentions of their owne . of the second sort are they who vpon hate , feare , or fauour , either to some persons , or to their natiue countrey , or to the religion which they professe , or for some other partiall respect , doe write panegyrickes or inuectiues , rather then histories . so salust writeth , that the acts of the graecians are much admired : not because they exceede the atchieuements of other men , but because their writers hauing wit at will , did much enlarge them aboue the truth . of this fault blondus and sabellicus are noted in their histories of venice : paulus aemilius and gaguine in their histories of france : and most others in the histories of their owne countries . who extoll , depresse , depraue immoderately ; making things seeme not as they are , but as they would haue them ; no otherwise almost then comedies and tragedies are fashioned by their authours . amongst those fewe who haue written with knowledge , iudgement , and sincerity , the authour of this historie is worthy to be ranged : who doubtlesse was of endlesse industry ; alwaies in action , either with his sword , or with his penne . he was well knowen to be a man , who both knew and durst : his courage no lesse free from indiscretion , then from feare . yet hath hee wrote so modestly of himselfe , that some may happelie esteeme him rather a looker on , then a medler , in the hot medlies whereof he doth write : but his attributing so little to himselfe , will make others attribute the more vnto him . in writing of others hee expresseth a most generous disposition ; neither forbearing the errours of his friends , nor forgetting the vigilancy and valoure of his enemies ; but carrying himselfe with an euen hand betweene them . touching the historie it selfe , it is faithfull and free ; wherein are found sieges , assaults , surprizes , ambushes , skirmishes , battailes , liuely described . great varietie both of persons and of actions ; much mutability of fortune , many changes in affaires . admirable aduices , vnexpected euents , ponderous iudgements ; a phraze in a souldiers stile , sinowie and sweet ; full both of perspicuitie and grace . in a word , i esteeme it a compleate historie , if it were compleate . i meane , if it extended to all the actions wherein the authour did serue . but whether the residue was neuer written , or whether it bee perished , or whether it resteth in any other hand , i remaine doubtfull . this piece beeing shewed to mee , by a person , of whose vertues i had rather speake nothing , then not enough , i did much esteeme ; for that it comprizeth some actions of the time wherein i haue liued : of which time i endeauour to leaue a large memoriall to posteritie . but comming to mee in a ragged hand , much maimed , both in sense , and in phrase : i haue restored it so neere as i could , both to the stile and meaning of the authour . this is all the paines that i haue taken . this is all the thankes which i doe either challenge or deserue . io : hayvvarde . the occasions of the first stirres in the lowe countreys , the duke d' aluaes first comming thither , and his surprizing of the principall of the nobilitie , the prince of orange escapeth into germanie , and charles mansfelt into france . the state of spaine , as i said in my discourse of their discipline , is gouerned by two sorts of people ; captaines and clergie . the captaines animate the king to warres , to maintaine their wealth and greatnesse ; so doth the clergie to maintaine their estate against them of the religion . by these meanes , the ambition of the duke d'alua , of cardinall granuill , and their seconds , perswaded the king to vndertake to subdue the netherlanders to his pleasure ; to lay vpon them such gables , taxes , and all manner of tributes as should please the king to demand . but this they could neuer effect without making away their warlike and politike nobilitie ; namely , the prince of orange , the counts of egmond , of horne , of battenburgh , the lord of brederode , the marquesse of bergues , with diuers others of good qualitie . besides , they had a great number of strong townes , innumerable treasure and riches ; the seate of the most of their prouinces being meruailous strong by nature , by reason of their great riuers and streights , furnished plentifully with artillerie , munition , and other necessaries for warres . also t●eir liberties were such , that no stranger might gouerne either their prouinces , or any of their townes . and this grieued the spanish not a little , that such base people as they esteemed the netherlanders to be , should possesse peaceably such a braue and rich countrie , and their king carrie no other title than duke , count , and lord ouer their seuenteen prouinces . herevpon the king resolued to send his great captaine duke d' alua with a mightie army , giuing him commission to alter place and displace whome , and as many as pleased him , as well in their prouinces in generall , as in any particular towne . also giuing him authority to execute as many as pleased him , without respect of persons . this being discouered vnto the prince of orange , from a gentleman burgundian of the kings chamber ( who was greater with one of the kings secretaries wiues , than with her husband ) by reason of the spanish long counsailes in their resolutions , it came in good time to the prince , long before the dukes troupes marched from spaine into italie . in the meane time the prince animated the people all hee could against the spanish , making diuers of his assured friends acquainted with his intelligences ; but durst not trust count egmond , fearing his ambition and choler would marre all . notwithstanding considering his vogue and greatnesse with the men of warre , hee durst attempt nothing without him . wherefore politickely the prince fed both parties , assured the gouernesse the dutchesse of parma , of his loyalty towards the king and his religion : but in troth he was of the protestant religion , fauouring them what he could vnder hand ; so much , that hee and his instruments procured the people in great numbers to present supplications openly to the gouernesse , for the libertie of their consciences . likewise diuers papists and martinists presented her with supplications , to perswade the king to stay his duke d' alua and his armies : shewing her plainly that it was against their liberty and customes , that strangers should gouerne them . in this time the prince and his instruments animated a quarrell betwixt count egmond , and card. granuill ; so as after a banquet at brussels , vpon a dispute with multiplying of words , the count tooke the cardinall a boxe on the eare , to the prince and his parties great ioy . this count ( as i said before ) was so ambitious , that hee thought it his due to bee chiefe ouer all warlike actions , which either king or his country would vndertake ( i meane among the netherlanders ) without comparison he deserued it . he was most valiant , most liberall , and greatly fortunate in all his actions . amongst the rest of his actiōs , the chiefe praise of the battaile of s quintins , and of grauelin belonged to this count. notwithstanding the prince of orange carried all the vogue amongst the popular , by his fine and politicke gouernment ; and wanne a number of men of qualitie with great courtesies & affable discourses : insomuch that these two chiefes being ioyned , would haue carried all the countrey in general to haue done what they had listed . after this disgrace , the cardinall very politickly shewed neither choler nor minde to reuenge , but rather sought all meanes vnder-hand to stay the count from proceeding further with the prince ; and both hee and the gouernesse procured lotters from the king , with great speed to that end . in which letters were contained , that nothing should be done in the netherlands , as wel by duke d' alua , as by his base sister the gouernesse , without the counts consent ; and to repose all trust in the count onely for martiall affaires . the king wrote also vnto the count , assuring him , that nothing should bee too deare for him ; and that his great seruice should not be forgotten , but recompenced to the highest degree : shewing him , how all these stirres proceeded from the prince of orange , and his instruments , to ouerthrow religion , and to maintaine his estate and greatnesse . besides , they sent counterfeit letters vnto the count , as though the prince or his faction had certified the king often aginst the count to his disgrace . before these posts arriued , the prince or his instruments had procured the count , and all or most of the nobility with a great number of quality , to meet at tilmount in brabant : where , after a great banquet , most of them signed a letter to the king , rather to dye than to suffer the gouernment to alter . this letter was written very humbly to perswade his maiestie to stay his duke d' alua , assuring him to be loyall in all poynts : desiring his maiesty to remember their liberties and customes , which his maiesty was sworne to maintaine in as ample manner as his ancestors before . at this banquet all signed these letters , sauing the count peter ernest of maunsfelt , gouernour of luxenburgh , and the lord of barlemount , who politickly promised to doe the like the next morning : excusing themselues , that at that instant the wine was their master . but at midnight they stole post towards luxenburgh , excusing themselues by letters vnto the prince of orange , that count egmond would be deboshed from them by the spanish instruments ; and that they would not belieue the contray , vntill they heard that his person and men of warre were in battaile against the spanish . it seemes peter ernest was willing to second them , for hee left his sonne count charles as deepe as the best . they had reason to feare the count , for the next day he began to repent him of his bargaine ; taking occasions to murmure , and to stirre factions against the prince . but the prince politickly courtesied him with all fauours , in such sort , that all fell in a banquet the next dinner ; at which feast , according to their custome , there was great carowsing : where the basest sort came in great multitudes with glasses in their hands , crying to the prince , count , & nobility , viue les gueses , viue les gueses , le diable emporte les espanioles : god saue the beggers , and the diuell take the spaniards . after ending the banquet , the prince procured many of the nobility and of the best sort , to promise to second him in the action he would vndertake against the spanish . this being discouered vnto count egmond , he commanded his horses & coaches to be made ready ; seeming to bee much offended with the prince of orange and his faction , and withall departed toward louaine . true it is , all murthers are villanous ; but had the prince credited count charles mansfelt , count egmond had beene dead . i heard the prince relate his counsaile , which was ; let vs kill count egmond , then are we sure all the men of warre will follow you and yours . also his countenance is such amongst them , as at his reconcilement vnto the spanish , they will al follow him . but for feare of him my father and all the rest would ioyne with you . true it is , this young gentleman was the wilfullest amongst them , but spake the grearest reason to maintaine the prince of orange , as it fel out afterwards : for without doubt the reconcilement of count egmond , lost himselfe and all his friends . long afterwards in fraunce i heard count charles speak this , & also how he would haue wished the prince afterwards to haue marched with all his forces vnto the edge of louain , there to haue kept the streights betwixt louain & luxenburgh , where duke d' alua must pass without all doubt . with the fauour of god , had the prince & count egmond marched thither with their forces , by all reason they might haue fought with twice duke d' aluaes numbers . for there were foure thousand braue lanciers and light horsemen vnder their charge , ready alwayes entertained ; besides as many more who would haue mounted themselues most willingly , with at least twenty thousand footemen against the spanish and the prince , had they made away the obstinate count. besides , the nature of the neatherlanders is to be very willing to second any nouelties ; much more against a people they hated so much as the spanish , whose forces and policies were vnknowen to them at their beginning . being as high as lovaine , they had bin sure all the countries and townes behinde them , would haue seconded them with all necessaries . for the humour of the nation is to bee vnreasonable prowde with the least victorie , or aduancement with a reasonable armie ; and deadly fearefull with the least ouerthrow , or at the retreit of their men of warre from their enemie . the posts being arriued with the gouernesse and cardinall ( who receiued expresse commandement from the king to dissemble his disgrace with the count , assuring him duke d' alua should redresse all ) count egmond hauing receiued the kings letters , fell cleane from the prince vnto the gouernesse , and beganne to make all the faire weather he could vnto the cardinall ; thinking himselfe sure . this poore count perswaded all the rest to forsake their prince , assuring them that hee would vndertake to make all well againe with the king ; in such sort , that most of the nobilitie quited the prince . who fearing that the variable popular would doe the like , resolued to acquaint count egmond what the king had passed against them in his spanish councell ; and opening his minde vnto diuers of the best sort , the prince procured count egmond , with most of the rest to giue him audience : whose words i heard the prince himselfe report , as followeth . cousins and deare countrimen , it greiues mee to see you so blinded with the spanish dissimulation , which is to no other end but to lull you asleepe , vntill their tyrant d' alua arriues amongst vs , who hath so large a commission . and this he will not faile to execute to the vttermost ; which he can neuer doe , and suffer vs to liue , especially you count egmond . and resolue your selfe that they who send him with such directions , know your courage to be too great to endure your countrimen to bee made slaues , and to suffer him to wash his hands in your kinsmens bloud . beleeue my words , it is true what i tell you ; for there you see his hand , whom diuers of you know to be in good credite with the king , especially with his principall secretary . and herewith hee cast his letter with other testimonials amongst them , telling the count. cousin resolue on it , if you take armes , i wil ioyne with you ; if not , i must leaue you and quite the country . after pawsing a while , the count answered . cousin , i know the king hath not spaniards enow to employ in all his dominions : wherfore you must think he must be serued by others more then spaniards . you are deceiued to iudge the king a tyrant , without proofe of cruelty ; he cannot be so vngratefull to recompence our seruices with such payments . touching duke d' alua , if it be the kings pleasure to make him gouernour of these countries , we must obay him as we did the duke of sauoy , and others . touching our gouernment , resolue your selfe , he will not , neither shall alter it more than the rest of his predecessors before him haue done . for your selfe , if it please you to stay , i dare aduēture my credit to make all wel with the king. and assure you , doth duke d' alua lay hands on you , i will not endure it . withall he hurled before the prince and the rest the kings letters ; wherein was no want of dissimulation , nor of promise of forgiuenesse , onely to be assured to bring them sound asleepe , vntill duke d' alua should awake them . herewith the count told the prince resolutely , that he would not quite the king. if he would not stay , it would grieue him to see his house ouerthrowne . the prince answered . cousin , i haue been too long by his fathers chamber , and doe know the kings humors too well , and their spanish gouernement , to conceiue that they will pardō such persons as a number of vs here be , after entring into such actions as we haue done against them . good cousin , doe you forget how duke d' alua was wont to say vnto charles the fift : hombres muertos no hazen guerra : dead men make no warre . for these reasons , and diuers other , farewell : i will not stay their iustice , nor trust to their courtesies . for house it makes no matter ; i had rather be a prince without houses , then a count without a head . during these treaties and delayes , diuers brawles and bickerings fell out in antwerpe , betwixt them of the religion , the martinists , and papists . twice or thrice a weeke great numbers would bee in armes , sometimes before the gouernesse court , sometimes before the prince of oranges house , but often or continually in places of greatest note . although the prince was most politicke ; yet his courage was nothing cōparable to a number of others : if it had , without doubt hee might haue hazarded to haue surprized antwerpe : hauing done it , he might haue engaged the rest of the country . for in gant and in the great townes was faction for religion , especially throughout the most of the villages and countries , where was preaching & defacing of images in many places ; insomuch , that the papists and martinists drew them of the religion out of antwerpe . notwithstanding , they gathered together at a village hard by antwerpe , called osterwell ; where they preached in great numbers : in such sort , that the gouernesse and all hers stood in doubt , whether it were best to hazard their defeate there , or to stay for more forces . being cōsidered how they encreased daily , resolution was taken to charge them where they were ; intelligence being brought them , that the papists and martinists , with a number of souldiers did salie to defeat them . notwithstanding they were voyde of any men of conduct , or souldiers gaged vnder ensignes , or cornets ; and all or the most craftesmen , mechanicks , or poore peasants ; yet they resolued to fight , making head with good courage against their enemies . but for want of heads to direct them , default of armes and munition , they were defeated in plaine field . iudge you what they would haue done being in the towne of antwerpe , hauing with them a prince of orange , who had with him continually two or three hundred gentlemen , diuers of charge and conduct . besides , he was gouernour of the towne , neuer without a good partie , so as the gouernesse and hers durst not lay hands on him ; although they knew him an enemy and a fauourer of the religion . to say truth , he cloaked it what he could ; insomuch , as all their parties being often in armes in the great places , himselfe went to the strongest , which were the papists and martinists : protesting to them to liue and dye with the gouerness & religion . without doubt his meaning was , touching the gouernesse , to be true to his country , and to liue and dye with the religion . for amongst them of the religion hee had diuers instruments , some of his best gentlemen and captaines , who ( god knowes ) at that time had but little skill in warres ; notwithstanding they were assured by them of his good will , in such sort that they would haue marched often against the others , but for the princes perswasions to the contrary . sometimes he would tell them their enemies were more in number , and in charging them they should ingage their towne , wiues , children , and goods : assuring them , if they would goe forward , the basest sort would ransacke their houses . since i heard the prince say , that if hee had knowne the warres then so well , as he did since , he would haue ranged on their sides : wishing then his valiant brother count lodowicke in his place . pitie or feare ouerthrew the prince often , as i will shew hereafter . great warriers account the pitifull captaine a foole in warres , and neuer cruell vntill hee masters his enemie ; then hee must bee bloudy to execute , if hee cannot liue in safetie . this order continued vntill the newes came that duke d' alua was marching : then it was high time for the prince to shift for himselfe . before he arriued , the prince was in germanie . after , moouing the whole state of the empire , except the house of austria , hee found little comfort at their hands ; sauing the count palatine of the rheine , and his owne house of nassau . not without meruaile ; for those flegmatique people will second no body without money before hand , & assurance to be payd monethly , especially being gaged to serue the weakest partie . when they come into the field , they will endure neither hardnes nor wants without their due guilt . when they haue ioyned battaile , they haue often cryed guilt , hurled their weapons from them , and suffered their enemies to cut them in pieces . i doe perswade my selfe all potentates and estates hyre them , onely fearing their enemies would haue them . without doubt , if one side hath them , and not the other , likely it is master of the field ; they come in such multitudes of horsemen , as no christian nation besides is able to furnish . else perswade your selfe 500. hundred of either english , scottish , burgundians , wallones , french , italians , albaneses , hungarians , poles , or spanish , is worth 1500. almaines . duke d' alua being arriued in loraine , count peter ernest gouernour of luxenburgh feared him ; but like a wise politicke man , sent vnto him to offer him all seruice . notwithstanding hee kept himselfe in his strong townes of luxenburgh , and tyonuill , hauing garrisons at his deuotion : the gouernours and captaines either his kinsmen or assured friends . neither would hee suffer duke d' alua to enter those townes , or any other vnder his gouernment of any strength ; except onely his owne person , with so many more as the gouernours could dispose of at their pleasures . duke d' alua knowing this man to be a very expert valiant captaine , would not offend him , but rather pleased him all that hee might . insomuch as hee procured diuers fauourable letters from the king , to encourage him of their good meaning towards him ; fearing otherwise that it lay in him to giue the dutchie of luxenburgh to whom hee listed : which might haue beene a good present to the french king , being joyn'd with mets in loreine . duke d' alua remained quiet in the kings state at brussels , with some tyrannous spaniards about him , who from the highest to the lowest gaped for the spoyles and confusion of the poore netherlanders . these ( god knows ) at that instant were better fed then taught in marshall discipline , ( except a few of their nobility & men of war , who were all at the deuotion of duke d' alua , by means of the ignorance & obstinacy of count egmond , who was deceiued & lulled asleep in his vaine glory , by certaine treacherous , tyrannous and vngrateful spaniards . ) insomuch as they refused neither the tenth pennie , nor any other demaunds that pleased duke d' alua to charge vpon them . duke d' alua hauing intrapt the counts of egmond , and horne , with diuers others of great qualitie , sent for them to counsaile . at their entrie into a chamber where he was , the great prouost arrested them of high treason , taking from them their rapiers and armes . you may easily iudge their sentences , when they were to be tryed by the cardinall granuill and his friends . so for the boxe on the care and other follies , count egmond lost his head , with diuers others , and principally the men of best quality ; whom they feared and mistrusted to haue any vogue with the popular , or meanes to annoy them either with forces or councell . at this instant count charles maunsfelt had with him a vigilant politicke companion , which his father ( the olde foxe ) had foysted into the seruice of duke d' alua , onely to aduertise him and his sonne of their proceedings . this espy-all ranne to charles into a tennis-court , and brought him presently into his lodging , where they mounted themselues speedily to recouer luxenburgh : which they did , although duke d' alua sent diuers others on the spurre to bring them to him dead or aliue . these mist them narowly . for they had not passed the bridge of namurs , but the others were in the place within one houre . returning to duke d' alua , he was in great choler for not intrapping count charles , and not without reason . for hauing him , he might haue held him prisoner for the better assurance of his father . duke d' alua dispatched present posts to the great prouost of arden , who was altogether at his deuotion ; by reason of a picke betwixt count maunsfelt and him . by good espy-all count maunsfelt was aduertized of their practise ; which was , that the prouost should vse all diligence and meanes to intrappe the father or the sonne . if both , hee should doe the king and him great seruice . count charles being aduertized of the match , vsed all meanes possible to meet the prouost at equall handes . this count was rather desperate then valiant in all his quarrels ; but politicke and full of wit in all his affaires . by good espy-alls he met this prouost , hauing with him about twenty horsemen ; all or the most his owne seruants . the count had about twelue , the most or all captaines and souldiers . this encounter ( god knows ) was farre against the prouosts wil , considering the match . for most men of iudgement in those affaires value sixe chosen men well mounted , worth twenty ramassets , as the brench tearme them . the count ( as of greatest courage ) beganne to speake as followeth . master prouost , i doe vnderstand duke d' alua commands you to bring my father or my selfe vnto him , and that you gaue your word you would doe it . all honest men ought to maintaine their words and promises , especially great officers of qualitie like your selfe . i must confesse you ought to obey the kings lieuetenant , but not to make promise of more than you are able to performe . you know my father , my selfe , and you , are neighbours children ; and kinsmen a farre of . wherefore for all your small picke , you might haue vsed the duke with lesse assurance . but to giue him and all his proude spaniards to vnderstand that a netherlander carrieth as good resolution as any spaniard , and to terrifie such base fellowes as thou art from the like attempt , there is for thee . and withall strooke him with a pistoll in his bosome , downe from his horse . himselfe and his company mastering the rest , executed no more ; all yeelding to his mercy . the count told them , vpon condition that some of you will tell duke d' alua that i wished him here with his prouost , i giue you all your liues , and leaue to goe where you list . tell him also i am gone to the french king , and from him to the turke , rather then to yeeld to his mercie . the count being in france , was greatly fauoured & well vsed by the french king , and remained there vntill don iohn d' austria came into the lowe countries , to be gouernour and captaine generall . as i sayd before , count peter ernest would neuer hazard himselfe at the mercy of duke d' alua ; notwithstanding there passed courteous letters of dissimulation betwixt them . duke d' alua all this while plaied gloria patri , as pleased him ; thinking his worke at an end in the lowe countries ; sauing the finishing of two citadels , the one at antwerpe , and the other at flushing . in the meane time , he , the cardinal , & others perswaded the king all they might , to vndertake the conquest of england : thinking thereby to oppresse religion in all other places . being resolued both in spaine and flanders , he dispatched his great captain and marshall chiapine vitelly vnto her maiesty , with some fained message : but by all likelyhood they had intelligence of our discountents . for immediately after vitellies retreit out of england , the earles of northumberland , and westmerland were in armes in the north-countrie ; and the duke of norfolke was charged as faulty presently after . at which time duke d' alua had ready in zeland some ten regiments to embarke for england . but by gods prouidence our stirs were quieted before they could embarke . also god blinded his affaires in such sort , that hee vndertooke to finish the citadell of antwerpe , before that of flushing , to his vndoing ; as i will shew in this discourse . count lodowicks entry into frizeland , and the defeat of the count of arenbergue . i can speake little touching the first iourny count lodowick made into frizeland ; but i heard the prince report , that count lodowick marched into frizeland with some two thousand and fiue hundred horsemen , and seauen thousand footemen , all germanes . and hauing intelligence with the counts of schowenburgh , and his brother in law the count vanderbergue , hee tooke the castle of wedle , with diuers other places in frizeland , hauing ingaged groining . the counts of arenbergue and meguen were dispatched from duke d' alua to stop his courses , hauing with them the master of the campe don gonsalvo de bracamount , with his tertia of sardinia , and some companies of wallons , geldrois and almans ; with the two bands of ordinance of the counts , & about fiue other cornets , launciers , and hergoletters , albaneseis , and wallons . count arenbergue carried the commission , and marched before with bracamount and other bands of footmen ; giuing charge to count meguen to follow him speedily with the rest . count arenbergue being arriued within two leagues of count lodowick , and vnderstanding his forces , would haue staid from count meguen ; who would haue been with him that night . the pride of bracamount and diuers of his spaniards was such , as valuing lodowicke and his forces as nothing , they vrged count arenbergue with hainous words ; insomuch that a number of the basest sort of the spaniards began to call him cowardly traitour : although count arenbergue was a valiant expert captaine , and onely would haue staied for more forces . for he knew , and all the world with him , that lodowicke was a most valiant obstinate executioner , who alwaies directed his troupes to fight in good order ; and so resolutely , that at an encounter with the french , he and count maunsfelt made a discreet valiant retreit . the admirall and his frenchmen being defeated , bracamount and his spaniards vrged the count to approach lodowicke , who was lodged in a village by groning , hauing on both sides broad high waies , both towards groning and his enemies . at the end of the lane towards the enemie there was a great heath , with three high waies entring vnto it . true it is , lodowickes companions were germans , but of the best sort ; for fiue hundred of his horsemen were gentlemen that accompanied him and his brother count adolfe of nassau , for good will : all his rest were a thousand horsemen , which he led himselfe . count arenbergue being approached count lodowickes quarters diuided his horsemen on both sides of his footmen , which marched in one squadron , conducted by bracamount . hee placed some fiue hundred shot before his squadron , the rest on both his sides . count arembergue himselfe led the right wing of the horsemen , his lieutenant of frizeland the left wing . he commanded the herguleters to march before the forlorne shot of his battell on foote , and with some fiftie herguleters to keep as nigh lodowickes quarters as they could , and to keepe centinell at the entrie of the lane into the plaine . count lodowicks curriers hauing discouered them at the nuse , lodowicke aduanced out of the village , commanding two hundred reysters to displace arenbergues curriers , and to stand in the mouth of the streight . lodowick came with all his forces , placed his lieuetenant henrick vausican with a squadron of pikes , some thirtie score in the plaine , halfe of his shot on both sides of his squadron , aduanced the two hundred reysters thirty score before his battaile , placed his brother count adolfe with 600. reysters on the right wing of his battaile , and so many more with one of his best captaines on the left wing ; the rest hee hid in two squadrons in both the out-lanes , leauing in the middle lane a good squadron of pikes , with some three hundred shot in the hedges on both sides . he gaue charge to the two hundred reysters to skirmish with all courage ; gaue directions to his brother to retire softly as the enemie approached , himselfe standing with some seuen hundred of the best horsemen , hidden in the right lane from the enemie ; and gaue order to the other wing to run through the pikes which stood in the middle mostlane , who had directiōs to shift themselues ouer the hedge as though they were defeated . his directions were no sooner giuen , but arenbergues curriers and his were together by the eares , and the nassauians forced to retire vnder their battels of pikes . arenbergue aduanced with all speed both horse and foote . being neere bracamount and his spanish cryed to count arenbergue to charge : withall arenbergue and his lieuetenant charged at once . according to direction count adolfe retyred , bringing count arenbergue ( who had by far the greatest wing ) on count lodowicke . so did the other bring arenbergues lieuetenant through the lane where the pikes were . lodowicke giuing signe to his reysters in the third lane to charge , withall chargeth himselfe , and found count arenbergue and his lieutenant good cheape ; by reason they were out of order in running after adolfes troupes . his lieuetenant henrick vausichan was broken by the spanish and wallons : but at the sight of their horsemen which were in route , their courage quailed ; in such sort , that valiant lodowicke ranne thorow them cheape . in this place the count of arenbergue was slaine , all or most of the tertia de sardinia slaine or taken prisoners ; with a number of wallons and geldreis . diuers spanish captaines escaped by recouering their horses , which were led not farre from them . so did diuers wallons , and many of their horsemen , by reason lodowicke executed the most of his furie on the spanish footemen . at the returne of the spanish captaines that escaped , duke d' alua executed them , as i shewed in my discourse of their discipline , for vrging their generall to their ouerthrow . count lodowicke assayes groning , and the duke d' alua ouerthrowes him at dam in frizeland . after this , count lodowicke ransacked frizeland at his pleasure , insomuch that he besieged the faire and rich towne of groning . duke d' alua hearing this , dispatched his martiall , otherwise called master of the campe , generall chiapin vitelli with sufficient troupes of horsmen and footmen , being ioyned with count de meguen , to stop lodowickes course . duke d' alua vsed all diligence to gather his whole forces ; who marched with all speed after vitelly . vitelly being arriued by groning , lodowicke retired his siege into one quarter , resoluing to giue vitelly battaile ; to which end he sent his trumpets to vitelly to dare him , a small riuer being betwixt both . vitelly kept the passages , brake the bridges , answered count lodowicke hee had no order to giue battaile , but to discharge the towne of groning ; delaying the count politickely , and telling his messengers : i will send vnto my generall to obtaine his good will ; your master may be assured , hauing leaue , a battaile will be my first businesse . duke d' alua being arriued with his faire armie within a daies iourney of vitelli , count lodowicke retyred into iemming , a village by nuse-heile towards emden , breaking the bridges after him . at the end of the village towards the enemie , he left henrick vausichan his lieuetenant , with all his infanterie , being some eight thousand ; which were encreased by reason of his good successe at the last battaile . this iemming was a place enuironed with waters , sauing two or three large wayes which came into it from groning . on euery way count lodowick made trenches , placed strong guards , ranged his horsemen in foure squadrons ; making what meanes he could to fill ditches , to enlarge grounds , to make waies for his horse to fight out of the high wayes in diuers of the meadowes towards nuse-heile . by reason of the streights , his horsemen stood behinde the footmen in the great wayes . henrick vausichan hauing intrenched himselfe reasonably strong , with fiue thousand men to defend the place against the enemie ; planted diuers field peeces which flanked the quarter where the enemie must attempt . hearing duke d' aluaes curriers aduanced within the sight of the nassawians guardes , lodowicke sent two hundred reysters to re-encounter them , giuing them charge to stoppe their course what they could ; to winne time to strengthen his trenches , w th were in working with all his hands . being re-encountred , both these curriers fell into a hot skirmish . iulian romero hauing the vantguarde with robelos , seconded their curriers with some foure or fiue hundred horguleters , in such sort , that the nassauians were forced to retyre on the spurre . at the sight whereof lodowicke passed some foure hundred reysters , commanded by a valiant man , who charged the spaniards into the squadrons which iulian and the other led , beeing foure regiments of spaniards and wallons . the grand prior duke d' aluaes sonne commanded the battaile , hauing with him don iohn de mendosa , generall of the horsemen with vitelly . they passed with all speed through the vaunt-guarde some seuen hundred lanciers , which chaced the nassawians into their infantrie . and withall iulian and robelos aduanced with all speed : so did the grand prior with his battaile ; and duke d' alua with his sonne don frederico accompained with diuers others of great quality , seconded the battaile in great march . lodowicke giuing courage to his infantry , the base villaines ( as i shew'd you before ) cryd gilt , gilt , according to their simple and olde base customes . iulian and robelos being pell mell with them , they hurled downe their weapons , crying , liue spaniard , bone papists moy . notwithstanding lodowicke recouered his horsemen , who beganne also to shake and to crye for money . true it is , at the first approach of duke d' alua in frizeland , foure dayes before the horsemen beganne to murmure , and to counsaile lodowicke to returne to emden . lodowicke seeing this disaster , pulled off his caske , desiring his horsemen to follow him , or to stand to beare witnesse how honestly his brother stoode with some fiue hundred horsemen ; desiring him to charge those launces which aduanced hard before them . count adolfe did it with great courage , although halfe his squadron quitted him . at which instant lodowicke cryed to his horsemen , all you that haue a humor to liue follow mee . withall he gaue the spurres . some three hundred horsemen followed him , the rest ranne away . notithstanding , his brother and himselfe with lesse then sixe hundred reysters draue aboue eight hundred launciers besides herguleters into their vanguarde of foote . by that time the spanish generall of horsemen was arriued with great troupes , which soone mastered the nassawians ; in which place lodowicke was hurt very sore in two or three places , and his horse also . notwithstanding hee escaped with wonderfull hazard by swimming a riuer , and recouered emden . his brother count adolfe with the most or all the gentlemen that followed him were slaine , or taken ; so that scarce fortie escaped of both their troupes . all or the most of his infantrie were taken and slaine , sauing a troupe which made a composition , being strongly entrenched with henrick vausichan . notwithstanding the spanish vsed them cruelly , according to their cowardly deserts ; putting all or the most to the sword , & winning all their artillerie munition & baggage . this ouerthrow recōpenced double lodowicks victorie : but without doubt had the base people fought & followed lodowickes directiōs , the losse had bin the spaniards , the seate of the nassauians was such . besides , i forget to speake of a ditch which lodowicke commanded to bee cut , in such sort , that the water could haue assured their quarter within lesse then tenne howers . this valiant count had reason to draw vitelli to battaile ; knowing , in retyring before greater forces , the courage of his base souldiers would quaile . but hauing intelligence of duke d' aluaes approach , and finding the mindes of his men failing , hee had greater reason either to retire without ingaging a fight , or to haue fortified a strong passage where hee might haue made head safely , vntill the prince his brother would haue succoured him with more supplies . this hee might haue done , considering the time and warning hee had since the arriuall of vitelli , vntill the comming of duke d' alua ; principally since the ouerthrow of arenbergue ; finding groning not to bee taken , and seeing forces encreasing daily against him . but giue him his worthy right , to correct his deedes i may bee compared vnto a counterfeit alexander on a stage , better then to the valiant and discreete count. the prince of oranges first iourney into brabant . touching the prince of oranges iourney into brabant , i can speake no more than this . by the ayde of the count palatine of the rhyne , and his own house of nassau , which ingaging the greatest part of his owne countrey of nassau , he leauied some tenne thousand reisters , and twelue thousand launce-knights . with those , and some two thousand ramassees , of watlons , french , and flemmings , fugitiues ; but a number of them braue gentlemen of good quality , especially the count of holdestocke , being entred cleueland , the prince bent his course towards the riuer of mase : resoluing to passe the said riuer by the great and rich towne of leige , making account to finde some good partie in that towne . besides , diuers of the other townes of brabant , flaunders , and other prouinces promised him assistance , in case hee would encounter d. d' alua in the field . hauing passed the mase , & being encamped by liege , d. d' alua vnderstanding his meaning by good espy-alls before his arriuall , sent some captaines of quality who were expert in those affaires , both to the bishops and to the clergie ; to aduertise and direct them to defend themselues ; assuring them ( if neede required ) hee would hazard battaile for them . this towne being neuter , and of the empire , onely gouerned by priests and such men , with the assistance and counsaile of duke d' aluaes instruments , beganne to shew themselues rather enemies then well-willers vnto the prince ; insomuch that diuers sacked and spoyled some baggage and victuals loosely guarded , which passed vnder their fauours . the poore prince seeing himselfe so vsed by the liegrois , was vncertaine what to imagine , fearing the rest of the townes would doe the like ; hauing but small store of munition of his owne , and little hope to procure from others . also duke d' alua fronted him with a faire armie , but not comparable to his , especially in horsemen : for the prince had more then double his numbers . notwithstanding , duke d' alua was on the surest hand , by reason all the townes and passages were at his deuotion . diuers skirmishes passed betwixt both parties ; but the prince could neuer ingage duke d' alua to battaile , by reason he would bee sure to be strongly entrenched ( especially being in the field ) and lodged often vnder the fauour of his townes . hauing intelligence that the prince meant to enter louaine , to front him in his passage ; he sent his great captaine robelos and mondragon , with some twentie ensignes of footemen spanish and wallons , and fiue cornets of horsemen into tylmount . this tylmount is within three leagues of louaine ; a place of no strength , but sufficient to withstand the princes forces , hauing an armie hard by to countenance them . for d. d' alua was encamped within three leagues . in the princes march the garrison of tylmount annoyed him greatly : so that all his forces were constrained to stand in battaile before tylmount , vntill his reregard and baggage were past . insomuch that duke d' alua had the better meanes to looke to louaine : but offering them garrison , they refused it ; assuring him they would be loyall vnto the king , and him . duke d' alua politickely contented himselfe , fearing by despaire to enforce them to reuolt to the prince . notwithstanding , he vsed them with threatnings , that he would looke vnto to their doings ; assuring them that hee would account them rebells , if they would assist the prince with any necessaries . but he doubted not their loyalties in defending the towne . to be the better assured , he sent diuers of good iudgement to assist & counsaile them , as he did to liege . himselfe retired with his armie neere vnto brussels ; to assure both brussels and monts in henault . the prince being encamped vnder louaine , found not them so angrie as the priests of liege . for louaine was an vniuersity gouerned by good natured people , and a number of nobilitie ( as strangers tearme all gentlemen ) were allyed to the prince , or to diuers of his followers . besides , at that time the people in generall hated the spanish deadly ; in such sort , that for all duke d' aluaes instruments ( but for their buttered hearts and flegmatique liuers ) they would haue opened their gates . the prince perceiuing their peeuishnesse , seeing his orators could not preuaile to make him enter , he burnt their barriers , and terrified them in such sort , that either feare or loue made them to giue a great piece of money , with much victuals . perceiuing his fortune that no place would accept him , and that duke d' alua would aduenture no battel ; he thought it his best to retire . but politickly he and his instruments perswaded their armie , that the admirall chastilion was arriued in the frontiers of artois with a mighty armie of frenchmen ; and that they would ioyne with them . they gaue out also , that the queene of england had sent a great treasure vnto the admirall to pay both their forces . hereby they encouraged the mechanick mercenary reysters to march ; hauing intelligence at valentia a towne in henault , neere vnto the frontiers . being arriued there , the prince and his armie beganne to take courage , partly because they knew duke d' alua would follow them no further , but chiefly because they might bee presently in france . and although the army should mutinie , according to their custome , as i said before , the prince and his commanders might easily escape and shift for themselues ; who otherwise should be in great danger . for being engaged amongst their enemies , they might haue beene deliuered by their owne souldiers to duke d' alua , either for passage or for money . in this place the prince finding his rutters alert , ( as the italians say ) with aduise of his valiant brother , hee sent his trumpets to d. d' alua to tell him : that he would bee the next day fower leagues towards him , with fewer in number then himselfe did lead , where hee would stay his answere and dare him battaile . the duke lay entrenched within six leagues of the prince , hauing with him some twenty thousand . true it is , his horsemen did not amount to fower thousand . but they were italians , wallons , and albaneses , who in troth were to be valued with thrice as many reisters : yea , in my iudgemēt with six times so many , being not accompanied w th such chiefs as count lodowicke . the trumpets being arriued , d. d' alua hanged one , & answered the other : well , tell thy master , my master will maintaine his armie continually ; and thy master ( i am assured ) will breake his within few dayes vpon wants . therefore i haue no reason to fight , were i sure to winne the battaile . and although i know the valure of my men farre surmounting his , yet notwithstanding no battaile can be fought without some losses on both sides . for these causes i will not fight . vitelly perswaded him all he could to accept the offer , and to fight : alleaging the danger not to be great , considering the difference betwixt the men . alleaging also that in defeating the prince , & leauing his person dead in the field , their warres would be ended by all reason . for my part i am of vitellyes mind ; but the wisest and of best iudgement will be of duke d' aluaes . for all battailes end as pleaseth the great god. had duke d' alua beene defeated , he had not onely lost his forces , but all his masters countries . the next day the prince rose from valentia according to promise , leauing all his baggage and worst disposed souldiers in safety by valentia . hee marched with all or the most of his horsemen and footemen triumphing with drums and trumpets towards duke d' alua , to the place his trumpets did assigne . duke d' alua was also in order of battaile , but kept all his footemen in trenches with his horsemen ; sauing the guards which were beaten in by the valiant count lodowicke , who led the vant-guarde with three thousand of the best sort of reisters . but the prince and manderslo his marshall , with diuers others , would not march so fast as lodowicke , with the battaile and rereguard . wherefore lodowicke was forced to retyre , being within sight of duke d' aluaes trenches ; raging with the prince and the rest , for not marching to force the trenches . alleaging vnto thē , as it was very true , it were better to bee defeated in fighting , then for wants ; as they were sure in a short time to be . being retyred , they resolued to follow their first determination , the sooner the better ; seeing valentia would doe nothing for them . duke d' alua hauing news of their retreit and resolution , rose also , following them a farre off like a fox ; in such sort that he would be surely lodged , and march safely from hazarding battaile , by peronne on the french frontiers . vitelly ouertooke diuers baggages and straglers , in such sort , that he put a number of them to the sword : who were not guarded by reason of their owne negligence , in stragling behinde and aside the rereguarde , vnknowne to count lodowicke who made the retreit . but so soone as lodowicke had knowledge hereof , he returned in such sort , that vitelly and his vant-guarde of horsemen were forced to runne till hee met duke d' alua , to his disgrace ; considering his speeches fower dayes before . after this the duke pursued no further , and the prince and his armie entred france , hauing no meanes to content his armie but with spoyles of the french : which they did not spare ( as the prouinces of champaine and picardy can witnesse ) in their retreit to germanie . this was the fortune of the poore prince , for want of meanes to nourish his men of warre : and will bee of all others , vnlesse their chiefes prouide in time either money or spoyles . to say troth , the princes fortune might easily haue beene iudged when he feared to enter liege . for all voluntary armes , i meane that are not payed , are gone and defeated in short time ; in case they misse rich spoyles at their first entry into the enemies countries . in my time i remember fower came to ruine with those fortunes . besides this , they did some other matters about zutphen , ruremond , and those parts , by meanes of the princes brother in law the count of bergues : but it proued to small effect . for alwaies the masters of the field commaund all weake places in a short time . wherefore ( as i said before ) a voluntary armie must either be enriched presently with spoyles , or else assured by strong seats . but let the seate be neuer so strong , the master of the field will command it in time , vnlesse it be some strong port like flushing , rochell , callice , marsillis , brouage , graueling : or at the least some frontier strong place , that a state or potentate dares not assiege , hauing no hope to despaire the gouernour to deliuer it into their enemies hands . for example , goorden of callice being wooed and desired by his master the french king , to deliuer callice vnto his fauourite espernon ; for all his faire words and large offers hee would bee gouernour still . so likewise s. luke held brouage ; also lamote kept graueling ; making his peace as pleased him with the spanish king , and after offending to the highest degree . wherefore in a troubled estate , there can bee no surety comparable to a strong gouernment . duke d'alua abuseth his masters seruice in not finishing the cittadle of flushing before that of antwerpe , and in neglecting to place sure garrisons in the sea ports . after this , the poore prince remained in germanie ( god knowes ) almost despairing to doe any more good against the spanish ; but that the almighty stirred new instruments to maintaine his cause , and blinded the spanish in their affaires . as i said before , they left the cittadle of flushing , being the onely port and key of the neatherlands vnfinished , and ended that of antwerpe : all men of warre of any iudgement may easily conceiue , had they finished first the cittadle of flushing , zealand had neuer reuolted . yea , had they placed some 2000. souldiers in garrison in their ports of brill , medenblike , and harlem ; with some fiue hundred in the cittadle of flushing ; holland and frizeland , with the rest of the prouince had beene sure . for the spanish with their infinite indian treasure , beside the rich netherlands and other places , were sure to be master of the field ; hauing none to feare or to annoy them , but england , scotland , germanie , and france . touching england , we had neither reason nor surety to haue meddled with their actions ; without being assured of some of their best ports ; the mutability of the people is such . touching scotland , i perswade my selfe they would not haue meddled with thē , in case they had not bin ioyned with england . touching france , you saw the spaniards meanes so great in those parts , that his faction was to be compared to the kings , or any other ; and would haue beene farre greater if the guyse had liued . touching germany , their house of austria compassed the contrary of the best sort in those parts . as for mercenaries , we know it by good experience , commonly they follow the best purse ; and by that reason the multitude of that nation and swizers had beene theirs . touching the state of italy , either it is his , or dare not offend him . for the venecians are no body without mercenaries ; the geneuois are all or the most part at his deuotion : the great houses of mantua , ferrara , parma , vrbin , graftino , with all the rest of any qualitie of those stirring spirits , are either his seruants or pensioners . touching the clergie , either his loue or feare makes popes and cardinals as pleaseth him . portugall is his . touching denmarke , sweden , the hauns townes . poland . and such like ; they are either mercenaries too farre off to annoy them , or the most of them mechanicks , without chiefes of any conduct . being assured ( as they thought ) of the neatherlanders affaires , duke d'alua made his statue in brasse , placed it in the middest of the castle of antwerpe , treading on the counts of egmond and horne ; with the prince of orange looking vnder him for wayes to escape . hee made also peeces of arras , wherein were represented his sieges , battailes , and actions of armes in one peece : his owne portraiture standing like the picture of the sunne , with all the ensignes and cornets which euer he wanne , placed round about him . count lodowicke surprizeth mounts in henault , which is besieged and taken by duke d'alua . at this time the french king and they of the religion were at peace , so that the admirall chastilion thought himselfe assured of the king : but poore lord , himselfe & many others were treacherously handled , as the massacre of paris can witnesse . at this time count lodowicke was in paris : and finding accesse to the king by the admirals meanes , procured diuers principals of the religion to promise , to succour the prince his brother , & him against the spanish . to whose demaunds the king agreed most willingly , by his machiauell mothers counsaile ; who neuer cared what became of any estate or world to come , so shee might serue the present purpose , and maintaine her owne greatnesse . considering her machiauell humors , she was much too blame in this ; knowing the french disposition , rather then to liue long in peace , to fall into fight one with another . in going with count lodowicke shee was assured , that most or all which would goe with him , would bee of the religion : if they prospered , lodowicke promised some frontier townes to the french for the kings vse ; if not , they might be glad to lose so many enemies . by reason of the kings and his mothers distembling leaue , and master secretarie walsinghams true and honest meaning to the cause in generall , and to count lodowicke in particular , the count esteemed his affaires in good estate . master secretarie then beeing embassadour for the queenes maiestie in paris , furnished the count all hee could with countenance and crownes ; in such sort , that the count resolued to depart into the lowe countries : hauing the admirals assurance to second him , if his iourny prospered . but presently there went with him mounsieur de la noue , mounsieur de poiet , mounsieur de roueres , sir william morgan , mounsieur ianlis , mounsieur de mouie , with diuers other french gentlemen of qualitie . these by the admirals meanes were to second him presently with sixe thousand footemen , and some foure hundred horse , all frenchmen . count lodowicke sent sundry gentlemen netherlanders , some known in mounts in henault , some strangers vnknowne , appareled like merchants . who with their practise and meanes vsed the matter well with diuers of the religion , which were well knowne vnto them : besides a number of papists honest patriots , who loued the prince of orange , principally because they knew that he and his hated the spaniards . and although the prince were of the religion , his promise was to grant liberty of conscience being victorious : for which cause he carried many thousand hearts more then he should haue done otherwise . in those daies few of the popular were of the religion , but all in generall hated the spanish deadly . count lodowickes instruments behaued themselues so well , that promise was made vnto them ; when they would deuise any meanes , they should be seconded to doe the prince seruice , or any of his . this message being declared to the prince , hee returned the one partie presently to their fellowes , whom they had left behinde them in the towne ; giuing them charge in the breake of morning the third day , to vse the matter so , that the porter should let them out at the ports of hauery . that being out , they should giue the watch some bribe , and shoote off a peece ; appoynting that hee would be in person hard by ready to enter . according to promise , the parties executed his commandement : acquainting therewith an honest inne-keeper of the religion . the count giuing order vnto some seuen hundred footmen to march with all speed possible towards mounts , departed with the chiefs named before , accompanied with some foure hundred braue horsemen ; all or the most gentlemen and officers who had commanded before . the worst of these three , either la noue , poiet , or roueres deserued to command twenty thousand men . the worthy count hauing made a great caualcadoe ( as they tearm it ) from his last lodging , arriued three howers before day at the place appointed : after , leauing mesieurs de poiet , and roueres in ambush within foure hundred pases of the port , himselfe , mounsieur de la noue , sir william morgan , and some fiftie horsemen approached as neere vnto the port as they could bee couert . according vnto promise the merchants were let out , and withall a peece went off ; at which noyse the count and his troupe rushed in , diuers peeces and pettronels going off . the watchmen ranne away at the noyse , mesieurs de poiet , and roweres dislodged on the spurre , and entred also . the count entring the market-place , and there setting his men in order , caused all the magistrates to be assembled . being together hee vsed these speeches . deare countrimen , my comming is not against you , but against the tyrannous spaniards ; who haue vndone the prince my brother , and all his house , and will make you slaues if you doe not resolue to preuent them ; which you may if it please you . ioyne with mee , and i assure you , i come not hither of my selfe , but am promised by the french king , and other potentates to bee seconded presently . in the meane time you shall see lodowicke and his troupes sufficient to answere the furie of duke d'alua . assure your selues without the ayde of mighty strangers , & assurance that my brother the prince will march with all speed to our succours with a puissant army , and these gentlemen had neuer engaged our selues vpon any land towne as this is . although wee neede not to feare , knowing the strength of the place to be sufficiēt to withstand any forces that shall present themselues before it , being manned with a reasonable troupe ; much more hauing so many chiefes as you see here ; naming vnto him the great captains that accompanyed him , whose names were well knowne vnto most of the burgesses . his speeches gaue great courage vnto the burgesses , who were soone perswaded to depart peaceably to their houses , and to deliuer the keyes of their gates to the count. although the people hated the spanish deadly , they knew not what to make of this surprize ; whereat great murmuring was in corners . some feared lodowick would alter their masse , which they most esteemed ( for all or the most part were romane catholickes ) others feared duke d'aluaes furie , in such sort , that many presented supplications to the count , that hee would permit them to depart the towne , with their wealth and baggage . some had leaue ; especially such as were known to be obstinately spaniolized ; who eased the rest greatly that stayed . for in their houses the count lodged diuers of his troupes , and were for the most part the wealthiest of the towne . duke d'alua bearing this , was greatly amazed ; although the french king aduertised him how all promises passed in fraunce ; and that he had made a draught for his master and himselfe , to be quit of a great number of enemies ; thinking indeed that lodowicke and all his followers should fall into his hands . but the count himselfe and his vigilant followers deceiued both king and duke : who ( as you heard ) surprized mounts sodainly and vnlooked for at both their hands . this made duke d'alua amazed , thinking the french king doubled with him and his maister ; as king henrie and his constable mountmorency did for mets in loraine , with charles the fift . count lodowickes footemen ( named before ) being arriued , and the count perceiuing the murmure of the greatest part of the townesmen , who were very well armed , strong , and in good order ( in such sort that duke d'alua vsing before all the policie hee could , neuer could place garrison in this towne , by reason of their strong seate well fortified , and aboue three thousand men bearing armes ; besides as many or more able to carrie armes ; all obstinate , mutinous wallons , wanting neither victuals , artillery , nor munition ) hee sought to make his partie and himselfe as strong as he could . and hearing how duke d'alua gathered all the forces he could , with great speed and preparations to besiege him presently ; he acquainted therewith them of the religion , and such burgesses as he thought assured vnto him . after placing his men in order in the market-place , and seising on the best in mounts , hee made proclamation vpon paine of death , that all townesmen should bring their armes into the towne-house within sixe howers , which was obayed with all possible speed . this done , he gaue armes vnto some fiue hundred of the religion , and assured vnto him ; the rest he fed with faire words ; assuring them on his honour , that neither himselfe nor any of his companies should abuse them . but what he did was for the suretie of himselfe and his companie ; assuring them , if the siege presented not , to deliuer them their armes againe : if it presented , & it pleased the almighty to fauour him , at the enemies retreit he would leaue them as hee found them ; conditionally , to accept a small garrison during the spanish gouernement . as for such ( said hee ) as will not endure my gouernement and orders , let them come vnto me , they shall haue free leaue to depart with all their goods : leauing behinde them victuals and such necessaries as may pleasure their besieged friends . they seeing their fellowes houses who departed before vsed with hauocke , which happened ( as they thought ) for want of masters to keepe them , and to complaine of their guests abuses : seeing also they could not carrie away the one quarter of their goods ; the most part resolued to stay . desiring the counts leaue to signifie vnto their friends in antwerpe aud brussels , how they were constrained to stay perforce in the towne ; meaning by that meanes to excuse themselues vnto duke d'alua , whom they feared aboue all the world . euery day some of lodowickes horsemen ranne vnto the ports of brussels , and vp and downe the countries as pleased them ; spoiling and wasting what they listed . often they had great skirmishes , but alwaies they defeated their enemies with halfe their numbers , in such sort that d'aluaes captaines made ambushes for them , fiue hundred at a time , and the others would passe through them being scarse halfe their numbers . this continued some time : but d'alua hauing gathered his forces , dispatched chiapin vitelly with the most of his caualrie , and certaine regiments of footmen ; giuing him charge to inclose the towne in such sort , as the garrison could not sally forth . being approached mounts , lodowicke sallied , accompanied with the lord of la noue , and poyet , sir william morgan , and diuers other aduenturers of good qualitie , with all his horsmen , & halfe his footmen ; leauing mounsieur de roueres in the towne , well accōpanied with the rest . being past his counter scarfe , he left mounsieur de la noue , who gaue order vnto fiue hundred harquebusiers to hide themselues close in the high wayes , some hundred score from the gates ; poyet and la noue stood with two squadrons of horses a little before them , either squadron being of an hundred and fiftie ; the rest the count commanded to go to ingage the enemy to skirmish . mounsieur de roueres caused diuers pieces of artillerie to be transported from other mounts , vnto the mounts that commanded the field towards the enemie . the enemie aduanced brauely both horse and foote ; at which sight lodowickes curriers encountred theirs with sundry cornets . but they forced the nassawians to retire , and double their pases towards la noue and poyet . at this sight la noue aduanced , desiring the count to giue order to poiet to stand , and the harquebusiers to keepe close , telling him ; i know the enemy will repulse mee , notwithstanding i will charge with your leaue ; in my retreit , let the ambush of shot discharge their voles ; then poyet may charge the better cheap . the curriers being hard at hand , la noue aduāced , crying to his company , courage , turne bridle . and withall charging some 400. launciers , & herguleters , gaue thē the retreit into our squadrons , which aduanced to re-encounter la noue . at whose sight la none retired , bringing the enemies full vpon the ambush of shot : which gaue them such a salue of harquebushes , that happie was hee that retyred first . withall poyet charged very couragiously , in such sort , that the enemies doubled their pases towards their battell . at whose retreite , the count wisely retyred his footmen into the towne , with his horsemen in good order . in the meane time mounsieur de roueres forgot not to plague them with his artillery . the generall of the horsemen and vitelly aduanced , their battaile remained halfe of horse & foot in armes , vntill their quarters were entrenched ; which they did in a short time : for they were furnished with a great number of pioners , and all necessaries , in such sort , that in lesse then fortie howers they assured the one halfe of the towne from salying forth . notwithstanding , the ports towards valentia and hauery were cleare . there stood an abbey or cloyster some halfe an english mile from the towne , on a little riuer which ran frō the towne to the cloister . the place was not strong , nor able to abide the cannon . neuerthelesse , it was necessarie to be kept ; for betwixt it and the towne there was good store of grasse and corne , with other necessaries to feed horses and cattel : besides , they were assured the enemie would attempt this place first . therfore to winne time , it was most necessarie to be kept . into this cloister mounsieur de poyet desired to goe with some eight hundred harquebusiers : although the count and the rest were loath to hazard his person . notwithstanding the other alleaging himselfe to be but the third person in the towne , desired and perswaded them , that halfe their footemen should not goe to keepe any place , without the company of a principall chiefe . to fulfill his desire it was granted him , referring all vnto himselfe : being entreated not to engage himselfe further then he might well retyre ; and assured that lodowick & the rest would quite the towne and all to follow him , although they were sure to perish . mounsieur de poyet hauing possest the place , and furnished with about tenne dayes victuals , vsed all meanes to strengthen himselfe . by this time vitelly had made the quarters towards brussels very strong ; in such sort , that two thousand were sufficient to guarde it against tenne thousand . for he made there good forts about a quarter of a league one from another , with strong trenches that ranne from fort to fort , that no horsemen could sally ouer them ; and their footemen durst not passe those guardes , for feare of the counts horsemen . vitelly dislodged with all his horse and foote , sauing the guards which he left in his forts ; and remained in battaile betwixt the ports of valentia and hauery , vntill he erected a large fort like vnto the others . hauing left two regiments of footmen in it , hee retyred with his caualrie and the rest of his footemen vnto the next village , some halfe a league off , leauing neere halfe his troupes in guard , that they might be sure vntill the arriuall of duke d'alua : who beganne to set out from brussels with the rest of his armie , artillerie , munition and baggage that night , about two howers before day . the towne and cloyster hauing intelligence , sallied out from both quarters some eight hundred footemen , with all their horsemen ; to giue a camisado vnder the conduct of mounsieur de roueres . being met in one place , they gaue furiously into vitellies quarter , and forced his guardes into their place of armes . mendoza being lodged apart with most of the caualrie , gathered presently his horsemen in order , and gaue resolutely into vitellies quarter : which was in danger to be runne through with this camizado . mounsieur roueres like a discreete souldier had left one of his best captaines short of the enemies quarter , with some three hundred of his best shot , and a hundred and fiftie horsemen for his retreit ; which saued him and the most of his troupes . mendoza charged roueres in such sort , that happie was he who could returne first . comming vnto his ambush , they peppered mendoza and his horsemen with a salue of harquebushes , that turned them backe vpon the other : at which instant the hundred and fiftie horsemen charged them on their backes . by that time , vitelly and the most of his troupes were in order ; aduancing with all speed towards roueres . notwithstanding roueres and his braue captaines ( especially his caualerie ) retyred with small losse into the cloyster , where poyet was readie to receiue them in order without ; in such sort , that vitelly pursued no further . at this camisado the enemie lost six for one of the nassawians ; by reason roueres had forced their guardes before the rest were in armes . the next day toward night duke d'aluaes vantguard was in sight of the towne ; but before his rereguard came to their quarter it was nine of the clocke the next morning , by reason they marched very slowly : and not without reason . for they haled with them two and twentie pieces of batterie , besides some other field pieces , with all the munition belonging vnto them . duke d'alua being arriued , incamped on the riuer side betwixt the meadowes and the hills , from the wayes towards valentia downe to the cloyster . along this riuer he made strong trenches , which assured his armie towards the fields ; towards the towne he made large deepe trenches , impossible to be entred . this man would commonly assure himselfe with trenches , although the enemies were lodged three dayes iourney from him . now before mounts hee entrenched all his quarters , as though hee meant to bee besieged ; and not without reason , hauing intelligence how mounsieur ianlis marched for their succours with seauen thousand frenchmen , and the prince of orange making ready a mighty armie in germany . after his arriuall , the next day hee prepared to beate the cloyster ; vnto which place hee brought sixe pieces of cannon . mounsieur de poiet resolued before not to keep the place , but to winne time in forcing them to place the cannon . this cloyster was so neere the towne , that none could encampe betwixt it and the towne , by reason of the townes artillerie , and of wet meadow grounds which could not be entrenched . wherefore mounsieur de poyet did most brauely abide this whole dayes batterie , and in the night set the cloyster on fire with a traine : and so retired himselfe and his troupes safely into the towne , leauing nothing behinde . within few dayes duke d'alua beganne to make his approaches , in such sort that hee assured the towne from sallying ( sauing their secret sallies through the rampier & bul-workes ) before he mounted his pieces to beate the forts and defences . the towne plagued him greatly with their counter-battery : and besides they often sallyed , and annoyed them with sundry attempts on their artillery and trenches . with much ado , after receiuing great losses , he made three platformes . the middest did batter the port of hauery ; the two others the flanks and parts of the curtaines on both sides . on these three platformes hee placed two and twentie cannons , with which , and with his culuerins that did beate the defences , he discharged during his siege aboue 24000. shot . the furie of all batteries are past at the first , i meane within two dayes : yea , commonly in one . for the defendants knowing the place , and the successe of the furie , will re-enforce their breaches & re-entrench themselues in such sort , that the assailants can doe small hurt with their approaches . the second day they battered : and hauing made their breach reasonable ( as they thought ) they prepared to the assault . the poynt fell by lot to the tertia of lumbardy , led by the valiant mounsieur of the campe iulian romero : who was seconded by the master of the campe don francisco de baldesso and his tertia de la ligue ; after him the regiments of wallons , of the marquesse of hauery , count barlemount , messieurs de ligues , and of capers . so were all the rest of the armie in battaile ready to second one another , according to their direction ; with their whole caualery in order of battaile , some quarter of a league from their trenches . diuers had leaue to dismount themselues , who accompanied iulian at the poynt . the count re-entrenched himselfe ouerthwart the breach with a halfe moone . himselfe and some two hundred horsemen stoode at the mouth of the great lane towards the breach ; the rest of his horsemen were in three troupes , making patroiles ( rounds we call it ) from place to place round about the towne . as one troupe came vnto him , hee sent another out . mounsieur de la noue stood with the armed men in the midst of the halfe moone . mounsieur de poyet stood on the one quarter of the moone , with halfe the shot . mounsieur de roueres on the other with the rest . at euery corner of the moone they placed diuers pieces of ordinance , laden with nayles , small bullets , and stones ; which flanked the mouth of tbe breach . iulians captaines would not giue place one to another , more then the collonells , but by lot . after knowing who should lead , and the breach discouered saultable , iulian commanded the poynt to the assault : which were suffered to enter . but being in the middest of the moone , they were murdered like dogs ; in such sort , that happie was hee that could retyre first . notwithstanding iulian aduanced with all courage with his seconds : but being on the breach , and hauing discouered their trenches and workes within , he caused his troupes to retire , not without losse . for all their small shot playd incessantly vpon his troups . at this assault the spaniards courge was quailed from assaulting any more . iulian escaped with great danger , hauing sundry harquebushes on his armes . his lieutenant collonell was slaine , with fiue of his principall captaines , and the brauest part of his souldiers ; besides many aduenturers as well horsemen as footemen , which were not of his regiment . the count escaped not freely , for diuers of his best men were slaine ; especially mounsieur de roueres shot in the head with a musket . duke d'alua perceiuing the valure and conduct of lodowicke and his men , resolued not to force his breach , but cunningly attempted them often with alarmes and counterfeit assaults ; in such sort that hee spoyled many of the defendants with his artillerie , in presenting themselues on the breach . at this instant mounsieur ianlis was marching with his succours , in number ( as i said before ) seauen thousand french , all footemen ; sauing some foure hundred horsemen . being arriued hard by valentia , duke d'alua sent don frederico with his martiall chiapine vitelly , accompanied with one thousand fiue hundred horsemen , and foure thousand footemen ; himselfe remained in strong trenches with all the rest in armes , who being all together were about one and twenty thousand footemen , and three thousand horsemen . mounsieur ianlis , although he was a most gallant souldier , at this re-encounter shewed small discipline : vitelly hauing intelligence of his march and order . don frederico being arriued at saint gellane , some two leagues from mounts , hearing ianlis was in march , and that he meant to passe that way within tenne howers ; vitelly desired him to leaue all his men in ambush in that place in troupes , on both sides of the high waies . hauing finished his orders , he commanded his nephew iohn battisto del mounte , lieutenant generall of the horsemen , to march with fiue hundred horsemen halfe launciers , the rest herguleters , giuing him in charge to march in three troupes softly , vntill his curriers should meete his enemies : then to returne one troupe after another without ingaging himselfe to fight , vnlesse the enemie would enforce him ; but to vse all meanes to bring them engaged vnto the ambush ; then to run with his troupes as though hee were afraid , aside of the ambush . hee was not two leagues from vitelly , but his curriers met the french : who according to their accustomed furie charged the spanish curriers , and they according to their direction retyred before them ; so did their second , and battisto himselfe with the third ; bringing them in his taile vnto the place directed . by this time all or the most of the french horsemen were arriued , charging battisto his troupes who could first ; perswading themselues all to be theirs . vitelly like a discreet captaine , desired don frederico to suffer them to runne vntill they were entred into the ambush of fiue hundred musketiers , which stood vnder a hedge where they must passe ; and being entred , to charge them with halfe the horsemen , which stood equally diuided on both sides of the way . by that time the french were entred the ambush of musketiers ; and perceiuing the squadrons of launciers aduancing towards them , they beganne to retyre and to double their pases backe ; but withall don frederico charged . iohn battisto being on the other side turned also ; so did vitelly second with the rest ; in such sort , that presently their few horsemen were forced to runne through their owne footemen , which brake in a short time ; for they marched farre a sunder ( as they said ) two leagues from their first troupes vnto their last besides , they had no companies of pikes to make any stand ; especially their horsemen being broken . mounsieur de mouie escaped into mounts by reason of the woodland countries . few returned into france , because the peasants murdred them in cold bloud . after the ouerthrow , the greatest part of them were executed . m. ianlis with diuers gentlemē resisted valiantly : but at the last he was mastered , & carried prisoner into the castle of antwerpe . where himselfe and an english gentleman taken with him , named master iohn winkfield were executed long afterwards . duke d'alua hearing that the prince of orange was readie to march with tenne thousand reysters , and twelue thousand launce-knights , besides diuers fugitiue netherlanders , commanded his officers to strengthen his trenches with all speed , as well towards to towne as the field : giuing order that all the munition and victuals that might be gotten should be brought into his campe , and that his horsemen should bring in all the forage they could , and spoyle the rest . for he resolued to stay in the field , and at least to amish either the prince or the towne ; giuing charge vnto all men not to ingage any skirmish or fight , but to make the town frō sallying forth . the prince arriued w th his armie mentioned before , without any let to speake of , vntill he encamped on the top of the hils toward valentia , within halfe a league of duke d'aluaes trenches . at whose sight the duke gaue straight charge , that none should sally out of his trenches ; giuing the prince leaue to encampe quietly without skirmishing . that night the prince sent often diuers troupes vnto the dukes trenches , thinking to keepe his army in armes ; but none seemed to stirre , or to take an alarme . the next morning the prince sent great troupes of horse and foot to procure the enemy to sally ; standing himselfe with the rest in order of battaile in sight of the towne and of duke d'alua ; but none would sally out of the trenches : in such sort , that the prince dislodged with his whole forces , resoluing to force their trenches , or to lose not a fewe of his best men . being in order of battaile neere vnto duke d'alua , hee sent his martiall manderslo with three thousand launce-knights , and three thousand reysters ; giuing them order to charge the trenches with all resolution . being approached within musket shot of the spanish and wallons , the poore almans courage beganne to quaile , not without reason ; finding better shot then themselues within the trenches , and their horsemen not seruiceable , vpon whom all their glory did rest . notwithstanding that manderslo and his troupes beganne to retire , the lord of drume the princes lieutenant , and count holhocke , with diuers others of quality , accompanied with many troupes of horse and foote , marched resolutely and attempted the trenches against reason . for receiuing hot salues of musketadoes , they were forced to retyre . at which attempt the lord of drume was slaine , with diuers others of quality , and a great number of their souldiers both horse and foote . the prince being retyred into his campe , iulian romero with earnest perswasions procured licence of duke d'alua , to hazard a camisado that night vpon the prince . at midnight iulian sallyed out of the trenches with a thousand musketiers , and two thousand armed men , most pikes ; all the rest stood in armes in the trenches , their horsemen ready without the trenches to second iulian , principally for his retreite if need were . iulian diuided his forces into three troupes . the first two hundred olde shot , which could keepe their matches close , led by a desperate captaine named munchecho . the second one thousand armed men and shot , led by iulian himselfe . the third led by his lieutenant collonell and sergeant maior ; whom he commanded to stand fast in the midst of their way betwixt the two campes for his retreite , and not to stir vnlesse some of credit came from him to command the contrarie . presently after his directions , he commanded muncheco to charge ; who resolutely forced two guards , being at the least a regiment of almaines . iulian seconded with all resolution , in such sort , that hee forced all the guards that he found in his way into the place of armes be●ore the princes tent . here he entred diuers tents ; amongst the rest his men killed two of the princes secretaries hard by the princes tent , and the prince himselfe escaped very narrowly . for i heard the prince say often , that as hee thought , but for a dog he had beene taken . the camisado was giuen with such resolution , that the place of armes tooke no alarme , vntill their fellowes were running in with the enemies in their tailes . whereupon this dogge hearing a great noyse , fell to scratching and crying , and withall leapt on the princes face , awaking him being asleepe , before any of his men . and albeit the prince lay in his armes , with a lackey alwaies holding one of his horse ready bridled ; yet at the going out of his tent , with much adoe hee recouered his horse before the enemie arriued . neuerthelesse one of his quiries was slaine taking horse presently after him ; and diuers of his seruants were forced to escape amongst the guards of foote , which could not recouer their horses . for troth , euer since , vntill the princes dying day , he kept one of that dogs race ; so did many of his friends and followers . the most or all of these dogs were white little hounds , with crooked noses , called camuses . the campe being in armes and in some order , made head towards iulian in such sort , that he commanded the retreit , before he could recouer his stand with his lieutenant , the armie beganne to charge him in great troupes ; in such sort , that with much adoe he could arriue with his troupes ; and for all his good order , hee lost many of his men , as well taken as slaine . hauing recouered his stand , with the presence of the two thousand horsemen , which came for his retreit , the nassawians followed no further . without doubt had duke d' alua followed iulians councell , the prince had beene defeated in that place . iulian aduised that all their horsemen and halfe their footemen should haue beene in a stand , where he left his lieutenant , and himselfe with his three thousand to enter the princes campe : that hauing good successe , the stand should haue entred also . for my part i am of iulians minde ; but the wisest sort are of duke d'aluaes . although iulians courage assured him victorie , duke d' alua had reason not to hazard his forces in battaile ; being assured the prince would be forced to retire with wants . for if the prince and his armie had been in armes and in order , it must haue sorted to a battaile , hauing made halfe his armie to runne : and perhaps by that meanes the prince might haue succoured the towne . for without doubt let two armies incampe one hard by another , the first that discountenanceth his fellow , is in great hope of victorie ; or at least by all reasons to make his aduersarie to retire . this camisado quailed the poore almaines in such sort , that the prince was glad to vse all the policie he could to retire ; thinking the sooner the better , for feare least his reisters would grow to their olde custome , to cry for gilt , which he had not . to preuentall mutinies , he caused his officers & many of his best instruments to giue forth , that his brother count iohn was arriued with fiue hundred reisters by ruremount ; and with great treasure ( sufficient to pay all his forces for three moneths ) from the queenes maiestie , the king of denmarke , and the germane princes of the religion . his campe being throughly furnished with these speeches , he dislodged the next day ; making all the haste he could to recouer the mase . withall he aduertized his brother of his fortune , desiring him to make the best shift for himselfe that hee could . the prince being arriued by ruremount , hauing intelligence with diuers townes in holland , fed his armie with good speeches : assuring them that his brother count iohn was at serenbarke , with his brother in law the count of bergue ; and that hee would send for them to make his passage ouer the mase , where his brother count lodowick would arriue ; whom he looked for daily to come from mounts . after the princes retreit , count lodowicke finding no remedie , beganne to parle ; but stood on most honourable tearmes . duke d' alua knowing him to bee a most honourable resolute man , and the towne not to be taken by furie , fearing delayes would grow to disaduantage , accepted his parle , agreeng to such conditions as pleased the count : in such sort , that lodowicke and his garrison was to passe ouer the riuer of mase , where his brother the prince was staying for him . being met , resolution was taken that lodowicke should passe into germanie , and the prince into holland . the prince fearing the worst , passed the riuer by night , with a few gentlemen : amongst others sir william morgan was one . the princes sodaine departure gaue a great murmuring amongst the reisters . notwithstanding , he wrote a letter to his brother , to assure him that he would content them with all speed possible , and that his going into holland was principally to seeke meanes to pay them ; giuing to his brother leaue and authority to sell all that hee had in germany , rather then hee should bee disgraced with false promises . this letter being read openly gaue some contentment vnto the armie ; but principally the person of count lodowick stayed them , whom they much honoured and respected , knowing no fault to be in him . i forgot to write how malins accepted a garrison of the prince , as some of his forces passed by it in going to mounts ; which after wards retyred with the prince . duke d'alua for their reward after the taking of mounts , sent his master of the campe iulian romero , with his tertia of lumbardy and others , who entred the towne , and sacked it to the vttermost . the beginning and ending of this siege was most honourable , although vnfortunate . sometimes great captaines wrong themselues . had the count left either mounsieur de la noue , or mounsieur de roueres , or mounsieur de poyet gouernour in mounts . and retyred himselfe with the other to prepare their succours , by all reason it had beene farre beter . for the least of the three had been sufficient to command the towne , and the two others would haue stood the succours in good stead : i meane the prince and mounsieur ianlis . the onely way for the prince had been to haue encamped before brussels , which was a weake rich towne , vnfortified ; where hee must haue forced duke d'alua either to leaue his siege to fight with him , or else to lose the towne : and not to attempt treanches which wanted no defence that could be desired . touching mounsieur ianlis , the world may iudge there might haue beene better order at his defeate . the reuolt of flushing , the braue resolution of vorst the sea-man ; and of the baily , mounsieur de barland , in seizing on the towne , and in executing signiour pacheco . dvring the siege of mounts , one seigniour pacheco came from duke d'alua , with a commission to be gouernour of flushing and of the ramkins . pacheco had also authoritie to execute diuers of the inhabitants in flushing , principally the baily mounsieur de berland , and vorst the famous sea-man . at this instant they beganne the cittadle of flushing . pacheco being let in with some of his fellowes , and the restat the gates ; hauing intelligence with mounsieur de beauoir gouernour of middleburgh , thought within three dayes to haue placed a garrison of spaniards and wallons in flushing , and then to haue finished the rest of his purposes at pleasure . vorst beganne to mistrust the matter : whereupon hee went to mounsieur de berland , telling him resolutely that he would not stand to the spanish gouernment , nor trust to their courtesies . mounsieur de berland beganne to leane to his opinion and to apprehend some feare ; because he had receiued diuers letters from his friends in brabant , that pacheco would come to bee gouernour of flushing , and that duke d'alua was informed of some matters against barland , and the said vorst , with diuers others . hereupon mounsieur de barland and vorst resolued to lay hands on pacheco , and to seize vpon the towne . being respected , and greatly beloued of the popular , they made diuers acquainted with duke d' aluaes practises ; and how pacheco was the man that should execute his determination . presently they gaue order to make good watch at the water-port , to preuent the entry of the spaniards ; who were hard by it with their armes in their hands , ready to enter . withall they assembled all the magistrates and burgesses into their towne-house : whether they sent for pacheco , making him belieue they would obey all his directions , conditionally that hee would shew them his authority . pacheco being arriued amongst them , mounsieur de barland asked him for his commission . pacheco shewed it . withall vorst layed hands on him , saying , shellum spaniard , thou hast more directions then these . pacheco striuing with vorst , vorst and his companions threw him downe , giuing him and his followers store of good blowes . rifling pacheco , they found about him all his directions ; whereby diuers of them were to be executed . presently they carried seignior pacheco to the gallowes ; where they hung duke d' aluaes scutchion , at which they hanged pacheco , with his commission about his necke ; although pacheco offered them assurance of tenne thousand duckets to haue his head strucke off . they hanged also some fiue and twenty of his followers ; beating them with stones and cudgels all the way as they passed to the gallowes . mounsieur de beauoir arriued at the gates towards middleburgh with some foure hundred wallons , within two howers after the executing of pacheco . the flushingers resolued to resist his entry . beauoir being a white-liuered souldier retyred into middleburgh . without doubt had he shewed any valour , he might haue entred . for at that instant flushing was nothing fortified to speake of , sauing towards the water ; the rest was a lowe greene rampier , without flankes , parepet , or ditch ( but such as men of any resolution might haue entred ) or any pieces mounted towards the land ; vnlesse it were some paultry rusty olde clinkes , which a man would as readily choose in a maner to stand before , as behinde , at their going off . presently the flushingers fell to working night and day on their rampier ; and drew diuers pieces of ordinance out of their ships , and mounted them thereon . they dispatched also letters into england and france for succors , with a few crownes . flushing was in those daies ( god knowes ) a poore beggerly towne of fishing , in respect of that it is now : without towne , fort , fortresse , or village to friend in all that countrey . as god would , there were diuers followers of the prince of orange , and of his brother count lodowicke . some were sea-men , named by the enemies freebotters ; but some of them were resolute gallant gentlemen : namely mounsieur de lambres , de skonuall , batelentia ruchable , &c. these were sea-captaines , rouing out of their countries where fortune serued them best , in the prince of oranges name . there were also diuers wallons and flemmings which kept the woodes of flaunders , not knowing how to escape ; namely the captaines barnard , ely , ambrose duke , and others . hearing of the reuolt of flushing , they marched directly thither ; and at a place named meerchauen they made a strong trench : in which place they remained not three dayes hut the flushingers sent their boates to fetch them . the captaines barnard , ely , and ambrose duke being entred flushing , with some foure hundred wallons and flemmings well armed , did something assure the towne . some of these had good vnderstanding in the warres : principally in fortificatiō , they did helpe the townsmen greatly ; in such sort that they mounted their pieces in good order , and mended their fortifications . captaine thomas morgan comes to flushing , which was the first english band that serued the neatherders against the spanish king. at this time there was a faire muster of londoners before the queenes maiestie at greenewich . amongst the londoners were diuers captaines and souldiers , who had serued some in scotland , some in ireland , others in france . and hauing nothing to doe , with the countenance of some great men who fauoured the cause , and the small helpes of the deputies of flushing , captaine thomas morgan leuied a faire company of three hundred strong ; amongst whom were diuers officers which had commanded before , with many gentlemen , at the least aboue one hundred , amongst which my selfe was one . this band was the first that serued the neatherlanders ; i meane since duke d'alua came to be gouernor and captaine generall of the neatherlands . captaine morgan and his company arriued in good time : for at his arriuall flushing was in distresse . for duke d'alua had sent forces of wallones and spaniards vnder the conduct of don ruffello , to second mounsieur de beauoir ; who had commaund to entrench themselues on the dike towards the rampkins . had they done it , the towne could not haue cut the ditch , as they did afterwards ; and duke d'alua was to second them with all his whole forces . but hearing how the english were arriued in greater numbers then we were indeed , duke d'alua staid , to march in good order , and with great meanes : for he wanted a number of sea prouisions . also beauoir and ruffello hearing of our arriuall , made no haste to march . in the meane time there arriued from rochell three faire companies , ledde by the captaines henry , tristan and vtiran : of which one was leuied for mounsieur de saras , who was appointed gouernour of flushing by letters from the prince of orange . these troupes beeing arriued , wee thought our selues assured in the towne . belike duke d' alua was offended with beauoir and ruffello , not without reason ; for no two captaines could doe their generall worle seruice then they did . for without doubt they might haue lodged on the ditch before the arriuall of captaine morgan ; besides the cowardliness of beauoir , for not forcing the towne when pacheco arriued . perceiuing duke d' alua to be in choler , they ( to repaire their fault ) resolued to attempt the ditch . and to doe it the better , they thought good to mount certaine culuerings on a forced hill ( i meane made with mens hands ) which stood some halfe a mile from the towne , betwixt the way of middleburgh and the dike ; i meane the fourth dike from flushing to middleburgh . beauoir kept some 200 wallones in a strong house , halfe way betwixt middleburgh and flushing . this place was guardable without batterie . into this place beauoir and ruffello brought their forces , which might be some 2500 spaniards and wallones . out of that place they aduanced at midnight ; leauing their great troupe hidden out of the high-way , within a quarter of a mile of the said hill . at the break of day , they sent some 100 shot towards the hill . the garrison perceiuing their meaning , sailed with about 700. english french and wallones ; who were desired & commanded by saras to digge downe the hill . according to direction the garrison aduanced ; and beeing approached , the enemy retired . our men beeing at work , the enemy aduanced some 400 shot , which entered into hot skirmish . ours followed them so fast , that their ambush was faine to discouer themselues for their safeguard ; at whose sight ours retired in good order , by reason halfe our men made a stand , for the retreit of those which charged . after this skirmish , saras discouering the number of enemies , retired the garrison into the towne ; not without reason . for hee thought hee marched to besiege vs ; and knew no other , but that the most of their army might be at middleburgh or there abouts . our men so behaued themselues at this skirmish , that the enemy lost three for one ; notwithstanding the enemy tarried in the place , and after dinner made as though they would take the hill . the morning skirmish liked our captaines so well , as they desired the gouernours leaue to sally . which earnest request was granted , vpon condition , not to engage themselues too farre . whereupon the gouernour and the captaines mounted on the rampier , to direct their fight . hauing resolued , captaine morgan and our englishmen had the vantguard . to make the skirmish the more honourable , we sallied with our ensignes ; the french-men were to second vs ; the wallones and flemmings last ; the whole were in number some 800. captaine morgan beeing arriued within a great musket shot from the enemy , made a stand , and aduanced his shot forwards : giuing them commandement to stand also , vntill hee commanded them , or the enemy forced them . hee placed his armed men on both sides of the bridge , leauing a ditch betwixt them and the enemy : and stood himselfe with a troupe of gentlemen on the causway before the bridge . the two troupes of french-men and wallons placed themselues in meadowes , on both sides of the causeway ; leauing their few armed men right against captaine morgan . they placed their shotte in ditches , a little before their armed men ; sauing some 100. whom they directed to enter into skirmish when the english began . our order was scarce directed , but the enemy charged our men very hotly ; in such sort , that all or the most part of both parties shotte were by the eares . notwithstanding that theirs were twice so many , ours quit thēselues very valiantly ; vntill a great squadron of their armed men aduanced , which forced our english shot to retire : by reason that most of the english shot skirmished on the causeway , & hard by it on both sides , where the enemies could ioyne with them . at this sight captaine morgan and his armed men aduanced resolutely to the push of the pike : and so did the french and wallones shot flank amongst them their vollies , that they plagued them greatly ; in such sort that the enemy aduanced no further . to say t●oth , they could not ioyne with ours , by reason ours kept the ditches and bridge . perceiuing they could not force our quarter , the enemy retired ; but stood fast , within a great musket shot of the place . saras perceiuing the enemies minde , thinking they would charge againe , and fearing wee had lost more then we did , sent vnto ours to retire ; which they did with good order into the towne , with small losse in respect of the skirmish ; which endured very hot and almost the space of two houres ; in which time our men came twice to the push of the pike . once the enemy had holde on captaine morgans ancient ; which was rescued brauely by george browne and diuerse other young gentlemen . master mackwilliams , bostock , with other gentlemen were slaine , with some fifty english souldiers : and as many or more hurt of the french and wallones . so they killed and hurt some 100. of which were many gentlemen and officers . some prisoners were taken on both sides . by the enemies own confession they had slaine and hurt aboue 400. whereof some were of good account . the surprize of the brill in holland , by mounsieur de lumay count de la marke . at this instant mounsieur de lumay otherwise called the count de la marke , being on the coast of england with the prince of oranges directions , finding the sea-men named before ; i meane lambert , batelentia , rouchable , and skonall ; they made a partie betwixt them to take the brill in holland . true it is , the prince of orange had intelligence with most townes in holland ; but not with the brill , that euer i could learne . at this time there were but few spaniards in holland ; in the brill some hundred ; in diuers other places so many or fewer . hereupon this count de la marke and these captaines gathered into some eight sayles ( the most fly-boats ) seauen hundred wallons , dutch , some english and scots ; all mariners . arriuing at the brill , they landed ; hauing drummes , trumpets , and ensignes with them , sufficient to haue furnished thrice their numbers . at their sight , the simple spanish gouernour thought himselfe betrayed ; iudging that these troupes would neuer haue come thither without intelligence with the townesmen . the rest of the spanish made proude faces , as though they meant to abide their furie and siege : notwithstanding , they signified a feare vnto the burgesses , in sending their baggage and women towards roterdam . the count and his captaines approched with courage ; and withall landed three pieces out of their ships , with straw , pitch , and wood . he approched the gate , and put the same soone on fire . in the meane time the spaniards escaped towards reterdam . thus was the brill wonne without blowes ; in such sort , that all holland reuolted , sauing amsterdam : but diuers townes would accept no garrison . notwithstanding , the prince politickely wrote vnto the count , to vse them withall courtesie agreeing with their humors ; suffering them to doe what they listed , as well for religion as for gouernement ; whereby he gained all their hearts . for at that instant the most of the popular were papists . the count de la marke had almost marred all with his gouernement . for albeit hee was valiant and liberall , yet was hee lasciuious , wilfull and obstinate ; in such sort , that he would enioy and wench or woman that pleased him . also hee called an abbot and his fryers into a chamber , where hee forced them to denie their masse and to preach against it , in case they would not be hanged . besides these , he committed many other disorders : so as his insolency had almost thrust the prince and his faction out of holland . the flushingers growe in iealousie against saras their gouernour , offering his place vnto captaine morgan ; who refused it for loue hee bare vnto saras : otherwise he had small reason in doing it . the french , wallons and dutch which were in flushing , had beene for the most part in the warres before : and diuers of the basest sort would take any thing they could carry away , and liued at farre greater charges to the burgesses then the english did . for indeed the english at that time were rawe , and looked for no more then bare victuals , lodging , and promise of pay . hereupon the burgesses grew in great liking with our nation : insomuch that for a small suspect , they would haue made capt. morgan their gouernor , & haue cashered saras ; hauing no occasion , but that he had a brother that dwelt amongst the enemies , whom the enemies forced to write vnto the gouernor , to perswade him , to run a course on their sides . without doubt , saras was honest vnto the cause : for his brothers message and letters came no sooner vnto him , but he shewed them vnto his captaines and the principall burgesses . also this was hee that commanded afterward chiefly in harlem . captaine morgan , finding this man honest vnto him , friended him also vnto the popular ; refused their offer , and maintained saras what hee could in his place . notwithstanding , fewe men of warre would haue done it , vnlesse a man had beene greatly beholding vnto him ; i meane farre more then hee was to saras ; considering what a rich strong gouernement flushing was . to say troth , this captaine had neuer any great ambition in him ; although fortune presented faire vnto him often , beside this time . also immediately he wrote letters into england , which shewed the strength and goodnesse of the place . withall he procured sir humphrey gilbert to come ouer , to bee colonell ouer the english souldiers : which hee might haue easily obtained himselfe . hereupon sir humphrey contracted with the flushingers , to come vnto them with one thousand fiue hundred english ; besides those who were with them before . in the meane time , the count de la marke assured the most part of holland . roterdam surprized by the count of bossue , by the meere simplicity of the burgesses ; where the count sheweth great cruelty vpon the poore people : which was the occasion that all or the most of the townes in holand receiued either garrisons or gouernours ; principally dort , which was resolued before to the contrarie . but after this cruelty , they suffered themselues easily to bee surprized by the count de la marke . roterdam being without garrison , the count bossue approached it with some troupes of spaniards and wallons from vtricke . being arriued within a quarter of a league , he placed his troupes in ambush , at a little castle in a small woode on the riuer side towards dordrecht ; leauing with them his lieutenant gouernour , and giuing him charge at the shooting of pieces to dislodge with all speed towards the towne . the count being gouernour of holland and off vtricke came to the gates , with some two hundred wallons and flemmings ; and leauing them within tenne score of the port , went himselfe vnto the port with some tenne or twelue gentlemen , offering to enter . they shut the wicket against them . he shewed them , bow hee was their gouernour and country-man ; aduised them not to deale so , and to looke vnto themselues ; else he would make them know him : withall he desired some of the burgesses to goe fetch the burgomasters vnto the port , that hee might speake with them . in this t●●●e there was no garrison , but burgesses ; poore men of warre , as you may iudge by their gouernement . the burgomasters being arriued , the count vsed fine speeches to perswade them to let him enter with those men , to saue them from the heretickes , as hee tearmed the prince of oranges faction . they answered , that they durst doe nothing without the consent of their burgesses in generall ; and that they would assemble themselues presently in their towne-house , and vse their best meanes to perswade them to follow his directions ; promising to returne presently vnto him . being departed , this count , who was a good souldier and of good vnderstanding , knew the multitude would cry against the spanish : wherefore he thought the sooner hee beganne his play , the better . and first hee did deliuer some pieces of gould vnto the guarde ; desiring them to fetch him good store of wine and beere : the which was brought , presently . hee and his company beganne to carowse one with another , and with the guarde ; in such sort that they opened the little wicket to speake with the count. beeing armed vnder his coate , and valiant , hee gaue signall vnto his troupes , and therewith rushed in with some fiue or sixe gentlemen , giuing blowes of pistols and swords on the poore guarde ; in such sort , that his two hundred entred , and kept the port vntill the ambush named before entred . then hee marched vnto the market-place , executing all hee could finde in his way ; thence through the towne as pleased him : where hee slue a great number , and sacked what he listed . in this sort ( god knowes ) he soone mastered the towne . the prince of orange hearing this , acquainted many of his friends with this action of count bossue ; shewing , that hee knew he would doe the like in other places , vnlesse good guardes were kept ; which could neuer bee without some garrison , or at the least gouernours that vnderstood the warres . in those dayes the names of souldiers were odious vnto them . notwithstanding , they feared the spaniards so much , that rather then to accompanie with them , they would accept diuels . whereupon diuers agreed to accept garrisons : and the most of all to receiue gouernours , except dort. but finally the prince so vsed the matter with them , that all were content that dort should bee surprized ; but not with murder and sacke , as the spanish did at roterdam . after this resolution , the prince wrote vnto the count of marke , and his captaines , to doe the best they could to surprize dort. withall hee wrote vnto him , both to desire and to command him , to vse the burgesses with all courtesie ; assuring them of holland , to redresse all the counts abuses at their next meeting , which should be before long ; sending them the copie of his letters to the count. in the meane time hee vndertooke the count should leaue his insolency , and bee guided by the princes directions . the count made ready a great number of skutes , hauing placed some thousand souldiers among them , with a great number of trumpets and ensignes ; leauing the brill notwithstanding in good order of defence : for his victory encreased his forces . he tooke strineland , right against dort. the next morning before day hee landed his men at the head , before the faire , strong and rich towne of dort , inuincible without famine or treason ; hauing in it a garrison and munition , with a good gouernour . this fortunate wilfull count with his shews and lookes entred the towne without blowes . by this time the counts deputies had sent him three english companies , vnder the conduct of the captaines moris , drise , and read. the arriuall of sir humfrey gilbert : which was the first regiment of english-men that serued the neatherlanders against the spanish king ; with our follies before bruges and sluce . also collonell gilbert arriued at flushing with ten english bands : at whose arriuall flushing was most assured . hearing that the towne of mounts was in great distresse , & of the prince of oranges retreit , with his successe ; saras and collonell gilbert deuised their best meanes to relieue count lodowicke ; hauing a little intelligence with some burgesses of bruges . saras and sir humfrey resolued to enter flanders : and so leauing a good garrison in flushing , they landed at new-hauen , right against flushing , some 1400 englishmen , 400 wallones and flemmings , with some 600 braue frenchmen , newly arriued from rochell vnder the conduct of the captaines , lariuere , gentane and others . presently we tooke our march towards sluce : & beeing arriued at a village called ardenburgh , we resolued there to stay ; both to prooue if wee could doe any good on sluce , and to haue further intelligence from bruges . this place was a league from sluce , and three leagues from bruges . the next night saras and sir humfrey sent some eight hundred english , french and wallones ; giuing them charge to keep themselues close as neare sluce as they could , vntill they heard further from them . before day wee placed our ambush neere the ports , in such sort , that at the opening of the gates ( had our men knowne the warres then as diuers of them did since ) wee might haue easily entred the towne . to say troth , those that sent vs were as ignorant as our selues : in such sort , that we did no more than we were commanded , which was to ly close . notwithstanding diuers people came amongst vs ; some wee tooke , and some we suffered to goe back againe . the enemie hauing discouered our numbers & lodging , sallied some 200 shot , where wee fell to hot skirmish . but all we were lodged in three places , not able to succour one another sodainly . neuerthelesse , halfe our troupes charging them resolutely , forced them to run one after another into the ports . at this alarum , saras and sir humfrey hearing the artillery going off , marched with the rest . beeing arriued , the gouernour like an olde souldier , politickly to win time to aduertise duke d' alua , held sir humfrey & saras in a parley : as though hee meant to deliuer both towne and castle vnto them . withall hee requested them to retire vnto their lodgings , where they were before ; or else to lodge nearer where pleased them . hereupon they retired to ardenburgh , leauing their first troupes in a village hard by the towne . the next day our gouernours were desirous to haue the captaine of sluce his resolution ; who seeing he could not deferre them longer , requested them to take patience that day , and the next morning hee would keep promise with them . the next morning , ours marched with great glory to receiue the towne , as wee thought . beeing hard by the port , the gouernour welcommed vs with a good volley of shot ; making vs to retire faster than wee came ; by discharging their artillery against vs. hauing receiued some losse , saras and sir humphrey retired into ardenburgh , to their griefe . with this stratageme the gouernour of sluce wan foure dayes ; in which time hee aduertised his generall of our meaning : who sent the count of reux with certain horsemen into bruges , and a good troupe of footmen marching after him . notwithstanding , saras and sir humfrey dislodged with our forces , and marched vnto bruges . at the breake of day , sir humfrey sent his trumpet to summon the towne . the trumpeters horse was kild with a shot from the rampier : and they made answere vtto diuers gentlemen , who were approached neare the walls , that the count de reux desired all our troupes to stay where wee were ; assuring vs , either within foure and twenty houres the count would deliuer vs the towne , or finde meanes to hang vs all , at the least our confederates in the towne . sir humfrey was in great choler ; swearing diuers oathes , that hee would put all to the sword , vnlesse they would yeeld . after staying some sixe or eight houres , saras vnderstanding the warrs better then sir humfrey , perswaded him to retire : withall assuring him , vnlesse hee would doe it quickly and in good order , hee and his troupes would repent it . for the peasants aduertised him , there were diuers troupes of horsemen entred the towne , & a great number of footmen marched towardes it , which would arriue within foure houres . beeing in a march , wee doubled our pases in such sort , that wee recouered ardenburgh that night . to say troth , the count reux was either a white liuered souldier , or an ignorant captaine ; else hee and his horsemen might haue slaine a great number of our men ; our march was so disorderly . insomuch , as had the count beene a braue captaine , with three hundred horsemen hee might haue defeated our troupes . after our retreit , the count executed many burgesses , who had intelligence with vs. saras being arriued at ardenburgh , we resolued to remaine there certaine daies . this place was such , that it might haue been kept against double our numbers . besides , betwixt vs and flushing wee had meadowes and wood-land countries : in such wise , that horsemen could not hurt vs marching in any good order . resting in ardenburgh two dayes , wee had intelligence that there was marching from gaunt to bruges sixteen peeces of artillery , with some munition , conducted with one of the counts captaines like himselfe . whereupon saras and sir humfrey sent 300 english , french and wallones , of the best sort ; giuing the charge vnto rowland yorke , lieutenant to captaine morgan , and vnto tristan , and ambrose duke , ouer the french and wallones . hauing receiued direction , wee marched foure leagues off ; and placed our ambush by the breake of day , in the high way , where the conuoy was to passe . we had not staied eight houres , but wee might discouer the conuoy , which marched as followeth . before , they had some fifty horsemen ; behinde , as many , with a good band of footmen , wallones ; the artillery and munition in the midst . at their sight commandement was giuen vnto vs , to lie very close , vntill they were entred our ambush ; which was on both sides of a great way , that passed through a small groue of wood . we had gotten some twenty or thirty iades or mares , which wee trimmed vp with olde saddles , cushings and halters , that wee got in boores houses as wee passed . those wee placed behinde the ambush ; who had commandement to lie close , vntill the ambush discharged their volley : then to charge with all resolution . these iades were in the charge of ambrose duke the wallone , an expert souldier ; who had seene seruice on horsebacke often before . the conuoy beeing entered the ambush , our volley went off in good order ; in such sort that their first fifty horsemen ranne on their foootmen withall , ambrose duke charged with the mares and iades : so did our footmen enter the high-waies against theirs ; in such sort , that their horsemen ranne away , leauing their footmen & conuoy to be executed by vs : which were for the most part , with small losse , or none at all to our selues . out of this place we arriued at ardenburgh the next day , with all the artillery and munition , in like order as wee found them . by a bridge we staid , and tooke a great number of boates laden with wolsackes and marchandize , which wee returned all into our quarter . to say troth , these three leaders named before , were the minions at all attempts of our troups in those daies . the next day after our arriuall at ardenburgh , intelligence was brought , that mounts was deliuered , and mallins taken and sacked ; and that iulian romero was marching into flanders to as sist the count of reux , with 20 ensignes of footmen & some cornets of horsemen . this newes made vs not to take counsell twice for our retrait . whereupon we marched with all speed towards flushing . our first offer to assiege tergoose , with our sodaine retr●it . being arriued right against flushing at newhauen , wee made stand ; where saras & sir humfrey tooke resolution to assiege tergoose ; which stands in an iland of leland , bordering on brabant , and flanders . our shipping being arriued from flushing , wee embarked and arriued the next day at night , by beereland , a village of the said iland . after , anchoring and giuing directions , rowland york , vtran , and ambrose duke , landed with their accustomed troupes or more ; albeit diuers were slaine at the exploit of sluce and the conuoy . the brauest youthes desired to goe alwaies with the first ; in such sort , that these were alwaies well accompanied . beeing landed vpon the ditch which inuirons the iland , the enemy perceiuing ( as it is like ) our nauy long before wee anchored , sallied the most of the souldiers out of the towne ; and placed themselues in ambush , in a village hard by the place wee landed at , through which we must passe to goe to the towne . after saras and sir humfrey were landed , the vantguard was giuen to captaine morgan : and commandement to york , vtran , & ambrose duke , to enter the village . the enemies hauing with them their gouernour , a braue captaine , named pedro pacheco , kept themselues close in the village , vntill yorke and we entred the ambush . then they deliuered a hotte volley of shot vpon vs , and withall charged with some 100 pikes ; in such sort , that with much adoe the one halfe of our troupes could recouer the place where captaine morgan stood with our seconds . true it is , the enemy stood in the village round about the way where wee marched , and receiued vs at the entry of some 100 of ours into the village , out of the narrow way where wee passed , and could not march about fiue in a rank ; wherefore they found vs good cheape . our retrait was so fast , that the enemy followed vs vpon the heeles , into the troupes which captaine morgan led : who charged them resolutely with his armed men , in such sort , that the enemies ran back . but wisely hee had placed halfe his men in the village , for his retreit ; who deliuered their volley on captaine morgan ; in such sort , that hee staied for saras and sir humfrey , who were not within a mile , by reason they stood at the first alarum , and not without maruell : for i perswade my selfe , the most of them were afraid . i am to blame to iudge their minds ; but let mee speake troth . i doe assure you , it was not without reason ; for the most of vs who entred with yorke were slaine : such as escaped , swam , and struggled thorough muddy ditches . amongst other gentlemen , edward argoll was slain by sir humfrey his standard . the enemy recouered their towne ; and all our troupes entred barland , some two houres after their retreit . the next morning wee dislodged towards tergoose . our vantguard beeing arriued within halfe a mile of the towne , wee made a stand , vntill the rest arriued . in the meane time , the enemies sallied , and gaue suriously into our guards ; forced our first guards to runne amongst our battels of pikes : which stood in a large place , by the house of the count egmond , hauing a a bridge betwixt them and the enemy . notwithstanding , captaine morgan with his braue shot entered an orchard , and flanked the enemy which stood on the high ditch , beating on our pikes with volleyes of shot . withall , sir humfrey and his armed men passed the bridge , and charged the enemy with great resolution ; in such sort , that the enemy fell to running . notwithstanding , our men executed a great number ; and amongst others , three spanish captaines , with diuerse other officers . we lost also diuerse of our men . you must think that in those daies few of vs , or of the enemy , knew the warres so well as since . for this pacheco and his men quited ziricksea , some seuen daies before ; as a place not guardable . also being gouernour of a towne , hee was to blame to sally with his garrison so farre as barland , especially himselfe : for without doubt , had saras and sir humfrey knowne of his being there with most of his troupes , and therewith giuen a right direction , it had cost him his towne , besides his defeat . sir humfrey should haue directed at least halfe his troupes , to cut betwixt them and the towne , at the first allarum . some may say perhappes , there were no waies , or he knew of none . there were other waies , although not so neer . besides , a cōmander that enters the enemies countries , ought to know the places that he doth attempt : if not , he ought to be furnished with guides ; especially in cōming to besiege a towne . but we were so ignorant , that we knew not our owne estate ; much lesse the enemies . for the next day after our arriuall and skirmish , we marched to imbarke our troupes ; alleaging we wanted artillery & munition , with all other necessaries that belonged to a siege . before our imbarking , the olde souldiers captain gentoine and henrie the french-man vsed a fine stratageme . they requested saras and sir humphrey to cause all their ensignes to imbarke , with the baggage , and a good number of souldiers ; and to leaue in a church , and in a church-yard , and in a great close adioyning , the most of their ablest men : and they to keepe close that day , to see if the enemie would sally , to cut off their rere-guard and straglers . as they directed , saras and sir humphrey placed one thousand two hundred of their best men in that place ; which was halfe wayes betwixt our quarter and the imbarking place , about a great league from the towne . our ensignes were not all aboard , but pacheco salied with the most of his garrison ; which might be some foure hundred . being approached our first ambush , who were wallons ; a foolish officer contrary to direction discharged a volley of shot on the enemies , who were some quarter of a mile before their troupes , whereby all was marred . belike our armed men gaue them such sound blowes in the last re-encounter , that they desired no more . so vpon this volley the enemie retired into their towne : and we embarked presently , not vnwilling for any thing i could perceiue . to say troth , our losses might bee in a manner cōpared equal , from our landing to our embarking . let mee not wrong our gouernours too much . they said they were aduertized that tergoose was voyd of garrison , sauing some hundred : and that they knew nothing of pachecoes arriuall . being embarked , we arriued at our towne of flushing , where we landed vnder our towne , and marched to a village named southland ; three leagues from flushing , in the same island . before this time , camfier reuolted also vnto the prince of orange , by reason of their gouernour mounsieur de rouse . the camisado giuen , our troupes being lodged in south-land , by mounsieur de beauoir and don rufello : where our men defended themselues and ouerthrew the enemie most valiantly : with our second siege of tergoose , where we were defeated shamefully by the negligence and ignorance of our gouernour . mounsieur de beauoir gouernour of middleburgh , and don rufello hearing of our arriuall in south-land , ( belike pacheco aduertized them that we had receiued greater losse then we did before tergoose ) thinking our courage qualified , prepared all their forces to defeat vs with a camisado . to doe it the more terribly , they prepared a great number of haulters ; giuing them to their souldiers with a commandement , to hang all the prisoners they should take . the olde saying is true , it is no surety to reckon without an host . being ready , after directions giuen , they salied out of middleburgh , some two thousand spaniards and wallons , at the shutting of their gates ; and tooke the next way towards the sandy hils , betwixt flushing and southland . as god would , certaine of the victualers discouering their march , cut their mares out of their waggons , by which meanes they recouered southland an hower before the enemie arriued ; which , next vnto the almighties will , saued all our troupes . hauing the alarme , the enemies vanguarde was in sight ; which presently chargeth our guards , making them to run into the campe , and to quite the sandy hils . all their forces seconded with all speede very resolutely ; forcing our first and second troupes to runne into our place of armes , which was neere vnto the other side of the towne in a church-yard , and a large streete before it ; so as they wanne our artillery , turning the same towards vs. but resolutely our officers gathered a sufficient number of armed men into the market-place : who being ledde valiantly with braue captains , charged the enemy , giuing them a retreit and defeat beyond our field-pieces . here they came againe with a fresh charge ; but our armed men re-encountred them at the push of pike most valiantly ; in such sort that the ensigne-bearers philip watkins , thomas louet , iohn hamon , with diuers others , brake their ensigne-staues at the push of pike : so our men gaue the enemie a full ouerthrow , driuing them cleane out of the campe , and following them in defeate halfe way to middleburgh . after , our men hung a number of them with their owne haulters . this piece of seruice was one of the best and worthiest encounters that our men had from that time to this hower , in all their warres of the lowe countries . the enemies were all ouerthrowne : notwithstanding many escaped , by reason of the ditches and narrow wayes ; especially the most of their officers and leaders , by reason of their horses and tades . ours scaped not scot-free : for wee had slaine and hurt about two hundred and fifty ; many of them officers , and amongst others the captaines bouser , bedes , and bostocke english ; besides wallons and french which serued most valiantly . but the chiefe praise next vnto god , ought to bee giuen to the english ensignes and armed men . captaine walter morgan serued very well ; who was ouerthrowne with a musket shot in the head of the armed men . all the rest did most valiantly . some will blame me for the naming of our owne losses : but it is a shame for a souldier to write lesse then truth . there can bee no braue encounter without men slaine on both sides . true it is , the fewer the better conduct ; but the more dyes , the more honour to the fight . this encounter so encouraged our men , that saras and sir humphrey resolued to returne to tergoose . after finishing their preparations and orders , we landed at the same village we did before : in number aboue three thousand english , french and wallons : for our troupes were encreased with rowley and his garrison of camfier . our second landing was in better order then the first , by reason our ships attempted the island in two places ; but all or the most part that carried souldiers , were at the landing place . the other being so many vessels in number , approached the shore ; in such sort that the enemy durst not separate their forces to attempt both : fearing that the other would cut betwixt them and the towne . being all on the shore , we marched vnto a faire village named bifling , some league from tergoose ; where we lodged that night and the next day . the second night at midnight we marched towards tergoose ; before sixe of the clocke in the morning we were all within an english mile of the towne . finding the inconuenience of our last skirmish in the one place , order was giuen to the companies of the captaines , morgan , henrie barnard and vtran , to march with all speed to attempt the fort which stoode on the head of the hauen which entred into tergoose . and if the enemie would not quite their fort , then to lodge on the one ditch betwixt them and the towne ; where they stoode in battaile on the other ditch , to see the effect of our attempting the fort . being hot in skirmish with the fort , according to our direction ; a company of our men began to seek means to pass ouer the ditches , to cut betwixt the fort and the towne . there was also a way that passed throgh the medows , frō the ditch where our battell stood ; whither sir humfrey and saras sent many to second vs. the enemy perceiuing our resolution to lodge betwixt the fort & the towne , quitted the fort . notwithstanding york , with most of c. morgans cōpany , re-encountred thē on the ditch ; in such sort , that halfe of those who were in the fort were cut off , before they could recouer the towne . true it is , the enemie had reason to quit the fort , by reason they were not victualed but from hand to mouth ; neither was it worthy of any great munition , because it could not endure any battery . being entred the suburbs , pacheco salied with great courage , and skirmished in such sort , that our first troupes were forced to stand for their fellows ; at which instant the enemy fired all or the most of the salt-houses . our men being arriued close together , we charged pacheco , forced their troupes to double their pases into their gates ; and withall lodged and placed our first guardes at a chappell within eight score of the towne : where we stayed and made good , vntill all our troupes were lodged . by reason of our small army , we could not assure the one halfe of the towne : for the garrison were eight hundred strong , all naturall spaniards , commaunded by more expert leaders then our selues . yet hauing made our trenches and approaches , wee landed sixe pieces of battery within sixe score of the walles ; which did beate on the port towards the hauen . perceiuing those pieces could not make any breach to content our gouernors , we dislodged them , to beate on the bulwarkes which flanked that curtaine . hauing battered this parapat , and made it fit as wee thought , to be attempted with a small scalado ; resolution was taken to assault it the next night . in the meane time so great a picke and iealousie grew betwixt sir humfrey and saras , that each would faine disgrace his fellow . notwithstanding both agreed to attempt the scalado . after midnight , we dislodged from our quarter some two thousand of our best men , all in camisadoes with scaling ladders , god knows like ignorant souldiers : else we would neuer haue attempted a scalado on such a troupe . for lightly a scalado neuer takes place , vnlesse it bee on a simple troupe , or a negligent guarde , hauing a rampier or fort to defend . notwithstanding ambition and courage so pushed vs on , that sir humfrey and saras being approached , aduanced vp their ladders : so did a great number of gentlemen and souldiers on sundry ladders . the enemie politickely kept close vntill many were ready to enter . then they discharged a voley of shot full in our faces , killing many . and withall , their armed men aduanced to the push of the pike ; in such sort , that they dismounted the most without ladders . at which terror we retyred without commandement , vntill wee came vnder the dike where the enemies shot could not hurt vs. and not without reason . for being on the bulwarke , it was flanked from the curtain in such sort , that none could abide it . neither could we ioyne with the enemie , vnlesse he listed ; by reason of a dike betwixt both , one which they had a draw-bridge at their commandement . at this scalado sir humfrey and saras serued very valiantly : he that escaped best of both , had sundry hagabushadoes on their armours and camisadoes . i meane their shirts that couered their armours . many young gentlemen and officers performed also couragious seruice . diuers were slaine and hurt : among others one bourege was taken by the enemy , whom they commended greatly for his valour : but hee dyed afterwards of his hurts in their hands . this attempt so quailed our courage , that we despaired of the towne : notwithstanding resolution was taken to continue the siege , vntill the prince of orange were aduertized how the world went. hereupon saras , sir humfrey and rowland dispatched posts to the prince ; both to aduertize him , and to procure more meanes . the prince vnderstanding our case , dispatched letters to the towns of holland , and to the count de la marke , to desire them to doe their best endeauour to assist vs before tergoose . the count sent his lieutenant bartelencie with some 2000 neatherlanders and almaines . being ioyned with vs , they gaue some courage at the first ; but when their discipline and valour was tried , we found them simpler men then our selues : yea , so rawe , that they brought vs euery day into more disorders . neuerthelesse , the sight of our numbers caused vs to besiege the towne round about . belike the enemie feared vs , or wanted some necessaries . and finding meanes to acquaint d. d' alua with their wants ; he sent w th all speed his colonell mondragon with his regiment of wallons , and about seauen companies more of wallons & spaniards : who might be in all some 3000 strong . this colonell was expert , valiant and vigilant . being arriued at bergham vp zoone , and finding our forces masters of the seas , & making good guarde round about the island where we were ; he was in great paine , and knew not how to passe the water . by good espy-alls and guides , he found the island easie to be entred at a low water , from the banke of brabant ; where the passage in the deepest place was not aboue fower foote , and for more then halfe the way dry lands ; but at quarter floud all was couered with seas ; at the least sixe english miles . so as his troupes must recouer the dike of the iland from the place where they entred , in lesse then three howers ; or else be ouerflown with the sea . also being ready to enter on our dike , had our gouernour kept good guards with any valour , his troups must needs haue bin defeated . also he could not bring many hands to fight in order ; the narrownes of the place where he marched was such . but this collonell remembring the streight commandement of his generall , fearing the towne to be in greater wants , then indeed it was ; resolued to passe , and landed without resistance . notwithstanding , he lost in his passage neere two hundred . besides , he and his troupes were so wet and weary , that they remained all that night in the place where they landed : which was about two great leagues from our camp. then iudge you what would haue become of his troups , had we been cōmanded by expert gouernors , & charg'd them at their landing with half our numbers . in reason we had defeated them . the next morning mondragon tooke his march towards tergoose , hauing intelligence with the towne : and beeing in sight , the towne sallied and entred into hotte skirmish with our guardes , on the side from their succours : in such sort , that the most of our campe made head towards them . while wee were in hot skirmish with the garrison , mondragon passed his men through the towne pel mel with ours : in such sort , that they forced our guardes to runne , and quite all our trenches , euen to the fort , at the head of the water towards the sea . this fort was so little , that it could not hould 300 of our men . wherefore our disorder was great , in seeking meanes to escape into our nauy ; which anchored within a harquebush shot of the fort . a great number were drowned , besides those that were slain ; & some yeelded vnto the enemy : especially those who were in the fort . diuers officers were carried prisoners into the castle of antwerp : & amongst others cap. tristan , & vtran. thus ended our ignorant poore siege . and but for the skuts and small boats which came hard by the shore to receiue vs in , all had been lost . our blowe was so great , that sir humfrey and the most of our men not being acquainted with such disasters , sought all meanes to returne into england . notwithstanding , before we embarked , sir william morgan arriued from the prince , with authority frō the prince & the states in holland , to make large offers to stay sir humfrey and his regiment for their seruice . but all would not serue to stay either sir humfrey , or any of his troupes . whilst our siege of tergoose endured , vorst the admirall and his seamen wan ziricksee without blowes . by that you may perceiue , that pacheco and his were not exceeding expert , in quiting such a place in such manner as they did . i did heare also , that sir william pelham was sent from england , to view the seat of flushing . being returned , they said his report was , that it was a place not worthy to be kept ; meaning not sufficient to withstand so great an enemy any long time . if that bee true , we were not very great captains at that time ; for then without fellowe , hee was accounted our chiefest souldier . by this time the prince had gotten a sure footing in holland , so as all places of any importance were his . duke d' alua assieges harlem ; where many disasters fell on both sides : which siege may be called the tediousest , dearest , and painfullest of any in those daies . dvke d' alua seeing the people generally ready to reuolt , with the lest shew the prince could make ; resolued to gather his forces , and to charge the hollanders with all fury : swearing to his captaines and souldiers , that the spoile of holland shold be theirs , vpon condition they would execute all they found . hauing prepared a mighty army with all necessaries , hee dislodged out of brussels towards holland . beeing arriued at newmegen , hee passed the riuers of wale and rhyne in the dead of winter ; and against all reason marched from arnam towards vtrick . his high marshall or master of his campe generall was chiapine vitelly ; don iohn de mandosa was generall of his horsemen ; his generall of the artillery , mounsieur d' cressoneir ; his masters del campe were baptista de mounte , dorkus iulian , romero , iohn francisco d' baldeso , lanchio , auila and mondragon . there were with him also many other of nobility and gentlemen of quality ; as well italians , almaines , burgonians , and netherlanders , as also of spanish . being arriued at amsterdam , he commanded his sonne don frederick , chiapine vitelly , and mandosa , to march with the vanguard , and to engage the towne of harlem ; in such sort , that nothing could passe from it to leyden , or to any other place by land . hauing placed foure regiments of almaines and wallons , well entrenched in the wood hard by the towne , and in the waies towards leiden ; don fredrick placed himselfe with a spanish tertio or regiment well intrenched , in a village and a strong house betwene the towne and the sea ; and so lodged the rest of his companies , that the towne sallies were cutte off ; sauing on the one quarter , which was meadowes & marish towards the meere . in the towne were the most of the princes best captaines ; namely , mounsieur d' saras , steuen , butch , balford , smith , with diuerse others of the scots , french , almaines and wallons . amongst whom were some 200 english , in sundry companies ; without any ensigne of their owne . the garrison in the whole might be some three thousand souldiers . they caused also about sixe hundred burgesses to carry armes ; besides two thousand and more of all sorts of people , sufficient to supply the place of pioners : of which were some three hundred women , all vnder one ensigne . the womens captain was a most stout dame , named captaine margaret kenalt . hauing diuided the towne into quarters , and giuing charge of euery quarter vnto a principall chiefe , they fell to working in great numbers on the weakest parts of the citie , and mended continually some part of the fortifications ; in such sort that within one month their towne was three times stronger , then the first houre the enemy encamped before it . they kept also two small sconces on the mouth of the water that ranne from the towne into the meere , which assured the passage that waies ; by which meanes they receiued daily all manner of commodities , that pleased the prince & the states of holland to send them . the prince kept at delfe in holland . he chose for his lieutenant of the wars the baron of battenburgh ; for generall of his horsemen and marshall , mounsieur de carlon ; for admirall of the meere for that seruice , one noris brand. by reason of the spanish long delaies in their resolutions about their martiall affaires , the prince dispatched away his chiefes with some fiue thousand souldiers , and about sixty boyes and cromsters ; of which , sixe were galliots and friggats . this army arriued at the cage within three leagues of harlem , a place inuironed with waters ; where because the spanish could not attempt , by reason the prince was master vpon the waters , the baron battenburgh furnished harlem at his pleasure with all necessaries . there stood in the mayne right against it on the meere side , a village named the sase ; where hee landed and entrenched very strongly . in that place he encamped with some six hundred horsemen , and the most of his foote-men . at the cage there was no danger , wherefore he anchored his shipping hard by the shore ; leauing for their guard six hundred souldiers , with the admirall and one ashilers . by this time duke d' alua arriued before the towne with his whole forces , artillery and munition ; amounting in the whole neere to thirty thousand ; of which might be some thousand & fiue hundred horsemen . he needed no great cauallery , by reason he was assured there would bee but few against him . also those grounds did not serue for great troupes of horsemen to fight in . after viewing the strong seate of the baron of battenburgh , and perceiuing no good could be done vpon his troupes ; to affront him , hee aduanced iohn battisto del mounte with fiue cornets italians ; who entrenched strongly with sixteen companies of footmen in a village called hellingham , halfe the way betwixt both our companies . afterwards , he began to make his approaches carefully ; sparing neither pioners nor cost , to spare his souldiers . before hee planted his battry , the towne made many braue sallies , killed a great number with small losse to themselues . once they carried diuers ensignes out of their enemies trenches , & nayled sundry peeces of battery . after , placing his battry and playing furiously , he gaue two sharp assaults : which were defended worthily by the besieged , to the enemies great losse ; of whom a great number of quality were slaine and hurt ; and amongst others , the braue master of the campe iulian romero lost his eye with a hargabushado . the enemy often possest the breach : but beeing entred their halfe moone , i meane the trench which the defendants made ouerthwart the breach within , they were murdered like dogges . the defendants had diuers fowlers and other peeces loaden with nailes and small shot , which they placed on the corners of their halfe moone . those were discharged full against the enemies , being entred vpon the breach . also they had placed a great number of small shot in houses both high and lowe , full of cannoners who flanked the halfe moone ; and besides , the halfe moone was double manned with musketiers & calliuers . duke d' alua his losses were so great , that perceiuing the braue resolution of the defendants , hee gaue ouer his assaults , and began to myne and to approach carefully with sape and other stratagems . sometimes he would mount cages on masts , made with plankes and such deuices , of musket proofe . in those hee would place diuers musketiers , who by reason of their height did beate into the trenches of the halfe moone . the defendants good cannoniers plagued those cages in such sort , that often the cages , birds and all fell downe and brake their necks in their owne trenches . so , at last no birds could be found to sing in cages , where fire-worke and cannon-shot could annoy them . his mynes tooke little effect . some the defendants found with counter-myne . one myne beeing passed vnder a bulwarke before it was found , and then discouered , the defendants made such trenches round about it , that the myne being fired , and the enemies entered , the trench plagued them like the halfe moone ; so as they were driuen to quitte their myne , as before they had done their breach . another time they battered a new bulwarke : and the defendants perceiuing they would lodge in it , left rampiring against their battery , and fell to myning their owne bulwark . after , making many trenches round about it , and placing diuers barrells of powder in their myne , the enemies offered to enter . the defendants quitted the bulwark , sufferd the enemies to enter in great numbers ; and beeing at the push of pike at a barrier of their trench , they fired the myne , blew , slew , and toke at least 1600 : and withall sallied into their trenches , and recouered their owne ground where their bulwarke stood , which they entrenched & kept . duke d' alua his losses were so great , that albeit his choler encreased , yet the courage of his souldiers much quailed ; so that the wisest sort requested him to saue his men from such furious terrors , and rather to spend a long time either to famish the towne , or to procure the princes forces to fight ; which he could not doe without meanes to fight by water . beeing in amsterdam , with the resolution of his admirall count bossue , and good intelligence with the principall burgesses of the saide towne , hee resolued to cut a passage from the southerne sea into harlem meere ; which they did , and passed some forty fiue sailes , whereof most were greater then those of the princes . these they armed and double manned , with the best sort of souldiers out of their campe , besides their mariners . anchoring close vnder a fort of theirs , not farre from ours , they resolued to besiege the two forts at the mouth of the water , that came from the towne to the meere . hauing those , they were sure to stop that passage , and to famish the town without giuing battel . in short time they made a platform to beat th●se forts , which would hold good if their shipping could stay where they were . the prince hearing their intent , commanded the baron of battenburgh to prepare all his nauie to attempt the spanish fleete . by this time colonell morgan was arriued with tenne english companies : who , by reason he was but newly landed , stood on some poynts of contract with the prince . but the seruice required haste ; and the prince commanded the baron of battenburgh to aduance his nauie with all speede , and to vse all diligence to succor the distressed skonces . and albeit the english regiment stood on tearmes , colonell morgan ( his owne band commanded by rowland yorke , being arriued some moneth before their fellowes ) offered himselfe , and so did his lieutenant captaine bingham , with diuers others , to serue where the prince would command them . but their regiment refused to march without money . to say troth , they were promised to bee mustered and payd at their landing . the baron of battenburgh wanting souldiers to man both his nauie and his trenches at the sase , was forced to depart with the nauie before towards harlem ; god knoweth , nothing well manned , in respect of the spanish . the spanish admirall hauing intelligence , was ready with his nauie double manned , wanting no necessaries : for the faire and rich towne of amsterdam had furnished them with all wants , especially with store of marriners . being approached within sight one of another , we found the spanish in good order of battaile , keeping close together . they aduanced towards vs triumphing with drummes , trumpets and glistering armours , with great courage ; so as the sight quailed the courage of our white-liuered generall and cowardly admirall . in such sort , that being approached neere ready to board each other , our generall and our admirall shranke out of our first ranke backewards ; and aduancing their fellowes forwards , both themselues and diuers others of our best vessels made all the sailes they could to fly ; leauing their poore companies engaged to the mercie of their enemies , by whom ( god knowes ) they were soone discountenanced . our admirall and generall with our best ●a●les escaped to the cage , as i said before ; a place of ours , where we kept garrison : the rest of our nauie made to the contrarie shore from harlem . diuers escaped by reason they drew farre lesser water then the spanish ; diuers were boarded and burned ; among others two hoyes , where yorke and captaine morgans companie was . notwithstanding , halfe our men escaped with leaping into the water , and recouered the shoare . thus lost we our sea-battaile ; principally for want of souldiers to man throughly our ships ; but partly with ill directions and cowardly executions of the baron of battenburgh , and admirall norris brand. for no generall or chiefe can excuse himselfe escaping out of an ouerthrow , without staying with the last troupes that fight . after this our two skonces were lost , and harlem engaged to be lost without succours by land ; which could not be without battaile . shortly after , the towne beganne to fall to distresses ; hauing in it at the least one thousand sixe hundred mouths , with no meanes to be rid of any of them , but through the enemies campe : which they offered to passe often , but alwaies they were returned into the towne , or massacred in the campe. the poore prince perceiuing the distresse of the town , sought all meanes to relieue it . hauing no other means , he went to cublick banquets ; where he encouraged the hollanders to take armes , and aduenture themselues with his men of warre , rather then suffer their distressed countrimen to perish . these poore hollanders hauing ingaged themselues with promise , resolued to meete on a day in the campe of sase . being arriued , the baron of battenburgh and mounsieur de carlo generall of his horsemen , tooke resolution to try the fortune of warres with the enemie , rather then to suffer the world to cry out , that the towne was lost without blowes on their sides : and thinking his name to be infamous ( as indeed it was ) for the sea-fight , he thought it better to be buried dead then aliue . hereupon hee dislodged from his trenches of sase , accompanied with some sixe thousand footemen and sixe hundred horsemen ; and hauing with him some thousand mares . vpon most of the which he placed two shot a peece : the rest were led with boures loaden with pouder and other necessaries , which the towne wanted greatly . resoluing to put those necessaries into the towne , hee aduanced his forces . being arriued hard by hellingham , a place ( as i said before ) which the enemie kept ; at the breake of day , the enemy taking the alarum , the baron made a stand . after , conferring with his captaines , hee tooke resolution to deferre their dessigne , and returned with our campe to sase . the besieged being in great distresse for victuals , especially for munition , and finding the ill conduct of our generall and chiefes ; dispatched out of town their captaine mounsieur de saras , and hauton his lieutenant ; who passed with great danger , and were forced to swimme many ditches , hard by the enemies guardes . being arriued at the sase , bearing with them the townes resolution ; which was , at the first sight of our campe to sallie on the enemies trenches ; and so either to receiue their wants into the towne , or to escape how they could . saras hauing conferred with the prince and baron at leyden , returned to the sase ; where they tooke a full resolution either to dye , or succour the towne . hereupon they dislodged from the sase , with our armie named before , hauing with them some sixe hundred waggons loaden with victuals and munition ; with skonces made of boards of the proofe of muskets which ranne on wheeles , hauing in them places to play with sundry field-pieces ; which skonces were to ioyne and to open as pleased our enginer , euery fiue and tenne pases . being all ioyned together , i meane in one , it might couer at the least three hundred men . this skonce was to be drawen with horses on both sides , and in the middest , vntill we were ingaged with the enemies smal shot ; then to be pushed vvith poales by the force of men . being parted vvith all necessaries , and arriued betvvixt their campe at hellingham and the sea , the enemies tooke the alarum in all their quarters . arriuing vvithin sight of their campe , they kept their men very close , vvithin their trenches , and on the side of the vvood ; so that vve could not see them . our men vvithin the tovvne had made a great salie through the curtaine ; in such sort , that they might issue out , where there was neither guard nor trench of the enemy . but a traytour leaping ouer the walls in the night discouered all their intent . whereupon the enemy prepared great quantity of straw , which beeing made wet , they set on fire in sundry places , at such time as their curriers gaue the alarum of the approach of our army , when the townsemen were ready to sally out ; by which meanes the townesmen could neither see the approaching of our armie , nor knew what time they ought to sally . so the enemie directed fiue thousand of his best footemen , and three hundred horsemen to charge the townesmen if they sallied , and the rest to charge our campe , if it were possible vnknowne to the townesmen ; and so they did , by their gouernement and fine stratagem . for at the sight of our armie ( being within two musket-shot of their trenches ) duke d' alua caused the 5000 footemen , and 3 hundred horsemen , to discouer themselues before the breach which our men had made in the curtaine : withall he commanded the braue baron chiffero , and iohn battisto del mounto , ( who had quited hellingham with all his horsemen , and was newly arriued in their campe ) with others , to march on the sea-sands , vntill his artillery went off in vollies ; then to cut into the high wayes , betwixt harlem and our campe at sase ; hauing with them some fiue hundred horsemen , and about fiue thousand footemen . also he commanded his master of the campe iulian romero , del mount , donkus , the barons of likes , of capers , of frunsberke , and poule viler to leape ouer the trenches with their regiments , and charge our army at the discharging of his artillerie . also don iohn de mendosa generall of his horsemen , who was hidden , as i said before , was commanded to charge our horsmen at the going off of the artillery . the duke with the rest of his army stood in battell within the trenches . our generall and chiefes placed our waggons to frontier the fairest places where their horsemen could charge vs : our wallons , dutch and flemmish , stood within the waggons in good order of battaile , all in one squadron , with our horsemen on both the sides towards the enemies , our english , french , and scots stood , some twenty score before the front of our battaile . as we were basie in placing our engines , i meane our skonces and waggons , their artillery went off ; and withall the enemies presented in all quarters , as they were directed . at this sight ( god knowes ) our courage much abated . notwithstanding , the baron of battenburgh and mounsieur de carlo charged mendosa , he hauing better then eight hundred horsemen , and ours not sixe hundred : at which charge mounsieur de carlo generall of our horsemen was slaine , with many others of our best men . at that instant the baron chiffero , and iohn battisto came on the spurre towards the baron of battenburgh , leauing their footemen marching with all speede on the side of ours . vpon their approach , the baron and our horsemen ranne into our waggons , with all the enemies horsemen in their tailes . then iulian and the rest named before , draue in the english and french shot , winning our skonces and waggons ; and our battell brake and ranne towards the meere . by reason of meadowes & ditches diuers escaped into our nauie , which anchored not farre off , vnder a strong skonce ; whose boats rowing from our ships saued many . but the baron our generall was slaine after he had recouered our battaile , with the most part of our men . all or the most part of our cornets , ensignes , artillery , munition , waggons , engines and baggage were lost . thus were wee ouerthrowen with ill directions and ignorant gouernement . what prince or estate would direct their men of warre , especially being more then halfe their owne countrimen , to attempt aboue 26000 good souldiers well intrenched , gouerned with great captaines ; not being in the whole 6500 footemen , and of those halfe poore spirited burgesses ? or what generall or captaine would vndertake it , vnlesse he were ignorant and without iudgement in martiall affaires ? some will say , had our friends perished in the towne without blowes , it had beene our shame . i doe confesse it , hauing any reason to fight . but being sure to perish both , it was our greatest shame to attempt it . if wee had kept our selues vndefeated , and giuen order to the towne to haue compounded with the enemie , their composition had beene the better . but being defeated , the townesmen were faine to yeeld to the mercy of duke d' alua. for the sight of our ensignes and cornets so quailed their courage , that hauing no other remedy , they yeelded to his mercy within foure dayes after our ouerthrow . but he executed the most part of them most cruelly , sauing the almaines of stinbaghs regiment ( who compounded for the most part to serue the king ) and balfort with a few scottish men ; who to escape duke d' aluaes cruelty , promised to kill the prince of orange : but being arriued with the prince , he confessed his promise , and serued him faithfully long after . the spanish mutinies , mounsieur de herges repulseth them at their scalado on vtricke , duke d' alua assiegeth alkmer , where he receiueth the greatest disgrace that euer hee did since hee carried armes . dvke d' alua hauing wonne harlem , and as he thought broken the courage of the hollanders ; thinking the prince of orange and them not able to furnish any place like vnto harlem , and that his crueltie on that towne would terrifie any garrison from hazarding themselues to be besieged : hee resolued with his counsaile of warre to attempt one of the other strongest townes , as alkmer or leyden ; which being wonne , the rest or most of the others would yeeld . to that end he dispatched his sonne don fredericke , accompanied with the master of his campe generall chiapine vitelly , giuing them halfe his armie , and charge with all diligence to enclose the strong towne of alkmer , situated in north-holland himselfe with the rest of his armie , officers , nobility , artillery , munition , with all other necessaries , was to second them with all speede . his orders being set downe , and his armie dislodged , hauing passed their fort of sparendam , the spanish tertias began to mutinie ; partly discontented for want of pay , but chiefly fearing to bee troubled with a more miserable lodging then they had before harlem . this proceeded chiefely from a few of the neatherlanders which serued amongst their bands , and knew the seat of alkmer to bee an ill fauoured ma●sh , farre more vnholsome then harlem ; and knew it also to be a seat thrice stronger then harlem . to say troth ( if it were lawfull for men of warre to finde fault with any enterprise that their generall vndertakes ) they had reason to fear alkmer , considering how their misery endured before harlem aboue ten monthes : in the which time they lost aboue twenty thousand liues , the most with sicknesse and misery . whereupon beeing past the fort of sparendam , and lodged on the firme land , hauing neither riuer nor marsh betwixt them and the faire towne of vtrick ; the spanish tertias chose and forced one to bee their chiefe , named in their language an electo , who is lightly one of the finest stirring spirits amongst them , well knowne to bee stout and valiant . sometimes they forced a person to be their electo against his will ; but whether hee bee willing or not , they will be sure to giue him a strong guard of the chiefest mutiners ; with such articles as if they finde him faulty in the least point , they will murder him , had hee a hundred liues . especially he must neither signe nor write any thing , but in publicke places before them all . likewise , he must neither receiue writings nor speeches but in open audience ; nor doe any thing without their generall consent . obseruing their articles and orders , the multitude will respect and obey him during his gouernment ; in as ample sort as the kings lieutenant ; and all are sworne not to doe any thing without his consent . and with their generall and officers they promise to free him from all matters that can be laid vnto his charge ; which they haue obserued firmely at sundry times , as i will shew hereafter . and to say troth , if there can bee any good orders in mutinies , the spanish doe theirs in good order ; and keepe as good and as streight discipline during the time of their electo , as when their officers are amongst them . as i said in my little discourse of the spanish discipline , there can be no dangerous mutinie without a chiefe ; which must be authorised by a prince , or estate . if any of them mutineth , there must bee present meanes to cut them off , as alexander did his parmenio , or some other meanes to be assured of their persons ; else ambitious chiefes will often employ armies against their owne states and masters , and will not faile to vse their meanes and credits to deceiue the multitude , to serue their owne turnes . being stirred in armes , by all reason they are irreconciliable to their princes or estates ; the multitude and followers may bee pardoned and forgiuen , but in no reason their principall instruments can looke for any sure reconcilement . but a popular multitude either in armes , or otherwise mutined , may bee appeased and reconciled easily in respect of the others , hauing no other instruments then were made by themselues ; especially forced electoes like vnto the spanish . as i said before , the spanish tertias and some six regiments of wallons resolued to enter the city of vtrick , and to sack it rather then to misse their due paie . whereupon they marched with all speed towards vtrick ; and in their way they carried with them all the ladders they could finde in villages & churches , which they thought would serue their turnes . beeing approached hard by the towne , they found the wals well manned and in good order ; by reason mounsieur de hierges gouernour of gelderland and of vtrick , was arriued there vpon intelligence of their determinations ; who commanded the captaine of the castle vpon his allegeance to the king , to vse all endeauours for the defence of the towne . the castillian assured him of his loyalty , to the vttermost of his power . to bee the better assured of his spanish garrison , mounsieur de hierges caused halfe the garrison of the castle to sally ; and to manne the curtaine , where the mutiners attempted . before they offered any attempt , hierges sent a spanish drum vnto them ; assuring them , rather then they should enter the towne , hee and as many as loued the kings seruice would dy in the place . notwithstanding , the mutiners resolued , and aduanced the scale ; giuing their fury on the curtaine next vnto the citadell ; thinking belike , that their fellowes within would not be cruell against them . but being in the ditch , and hauing placed their ladders to the rampier , both hierges and the captaine of the castle and all the rest , plagued them with volleyes of shot both great and small ; in such sort , that happy was he that could returne first , leauing behinde them all or the most part of their ladders , with many of their men slaine or hurt . afterwards the mutiners returned into the countrie , so greatly discontented , as they did not onely raile on mounsieur de hierges , the captaine , and garrison , but on their king , generall , and officers : in such sort , that most of them sware they would bee paid , and better vsed , or else they would serue the enemy against their king. duke d' alua hearing their resolutions , dispatched commissioners to appease them : and in the ende was forced to content them , both with fiue moneths pay , and assurance to be forgiuen . hauing pacified them and reconciled all , they accepted their officers , and agreed to march whither they should be ledde . but first , according to their custome , euery man gaue a crowne vnto the electo , who was to depart with all speed out of the kings dominions ; but with good assurance and pasport not to be molested . this mutinie hindred duke d' aluaes intent some month . notwithstanding , according to his first resolution , don fredrick and vitelly marched with all speed to enclose alkmer . so did the duke followe with the rest in all speed . in the meane time , the prince and states of holland had sent into the towne , fiue or sixe expert captains ; especially the scottish men smith and cornelleys , who entered the towne with some foure hundred souldiers . the most of these captaines had been in harlem , and saued the towne for a long time , next vnto the almighties will. the vanguard being arriued , they soone ingaged the towne ; so as none could either sally or enter . duke d' alua being arriued with the rest , prepared great pontons or bridges , with other necessaries to plant his battry : which hee could hardly doe , by reason of the marish and wet rotten grounds , whereon the towne stood . notwithstanding , with his expert captaines & cunning enginers he mounted eighteen peeces of cannon , with som six culuerings in a marshie ground against reason ; impossible to be done , as the defendants thought . these peeces did bea●e crosse , on two platformes , a weak bulwarke , and a curtaine , some eight score off . hauing no other flanke , by reason the ground serued not , they could not bring the battry within lesse then eight score : wherefore their fury was the lesse . to say troth , all batteries ought to be placed within lesse then eight score ; if it be full seauen score , it is very farre to doe any great hurt : in case the defendants be in any great numbers within , hauing store of earth to rampier and entrench themselues . notwithstanding , i heard some of the best defendants in that towne say , in their iudgements , the feare of the people and of most of the souldiers within was such ; that had not the enemies enuironed the towne round about as they did , but left any place voide , the best of the defendants would haue quitted the place , and shifted for themselues . but beeing streightly enuironed and no waies to escape , remembring their cruelty at harlem , they resolued to fight ; by reason the souldiers which had been in harlem , did importune the rest ; especially the captaines , who were assured to perish comming into their enemies hands . after some 7000 shot , the breach was reasonable , as the assailants thought . but in troth it was not ; for aboue foure foot of the ground of the rampier was nothing battered , but falsely couered with the ruine of the parapet and the earth that fell from the highest parts of the breach . also they were faine to giue their assaults on pontons & such engines ; which they had made against reason , to aduenture men against a place defended with any valour . for a breach ( be it made neuer so assaultable ) hauing many hands to defend it with any valour , lightly is neuer entred ; in case they within be of any iudgement , as i said before , and hauing earth to entrench themselues . but the fury of duke d' alua and his commanders was such , that they aduanced to the assault , & attempted it with great courage . being twice repulsed , notwithstanding they aduanced the third time , to their folly and deare costs . for at those assaults they lost diuers of their best captaines , and at the least 1600 of their brauest souldiers . the next day the raine fell in great aboundance , in such sort , that they raised their siege in few daies ; and lost diuers peeces of battry which they could not hale out of the marish . at this towne did the famous duke d' alua lose the greatest credite , that hee did in any place since hee carried armes ; which he had done sixty yeares . for fifty yeares , the least commandment hee had , was generall of the horsemen : which place hee had in germany , when charles the fift ouercame duke iohn frederick of saxony and his confederates . but had the duke marched streight to delfs hauen and taken it , & mayston-sluce , when he marched to alkmer ( which places were vnfortified to any purpose ) by all reason he had carried all holland in a short time . i am sure , the most men of warre who knowe the seate of the countrie , will confesse no lesse then my selfe . mounsieur de poyet surpriseth gertrudenberg . whilest duke d' alua was busie about his enterprise of alkmer , mounsieur de poyet , who had bin with count lodowick in mounts , being newly arriued out of france , was chosen lieutenant of the warre to the prince of orange . hauing conferrred with the prince , they gathered certaine companies of english , scottish , french & flemings , at dort in holland : which they embarked with petardes , ladders , and such engines of warre . mounsieur de poyet vsing great diligence , landed his troupes in the night , on the dike towards seauenbrooke ; some halfe a league from the strong towne of gertrudenberg in brabant , situated on the water side next vnto dort. after , placing his troupes in order , hee sent before him a valiant french captaine , named malion , accompanied with a dozen resolute souldiers ; amongst whom were two or three of the countrie souldiers , who had been often in the towne , and knew all the rampiers as well as the inhabitants thēselues . whilest malion spent som howr in discouering the place they meant to scale , mounsieur de poyet aduanced his troupes towards the towne . beeing within a quarter of a league of the towne , hee staied vntill about an houre before day . hauing conferred with malion , he deliuered vnto him some two hundred of his best souldiers , giuing him charge to scale with all courage ; assuring him to second him with the rest . malion and his troupes entred the ditch of a small raueling , ioyning vnto the rampier , where hee placed his ladders . after the passing of the round ( notwithstanding that the sentinels gaue the allarum ) malion and his troupes recouered both raueling and rampier , before any great troupe came to encounter him . the garrison being gathered together in reasonable numbers , charged malion resolutely at the push of the pike ; but being seconded by mounsieur de poyet and his troupes , they were quickly content to quitte the fury , and also forced to runne into the market place , whither the assailants followed them in the taile . notwithstanding , being entred the market place , the gouernour with his fresh troupes turned vpon vs , and gaue a hot charge at the push of the pike ; but our many hands soone ouercame them , giuing them the retreit in rout . some took themselues into the towne-house , which they kept a little while , and then yeelded to haue their liues saued . diuers ran ouer the rampier towards breda ; more then halfe were slaine . the gouernour with a few recouered his house , which stood on the rampier ; out of which hee escaped ouer the wall vnto breda ; leauing behinde him all that hee had , sauing what hee carried vpon him . thus was the strong towne of gertrudenberg surprised , with lesse then 1200 men ; hauing in it at the least 600 souldiers , besides burgesses , with the losse of foure and fifty persons of our side ; to the great griefe of duke d' alua , not without reason . for considering his losse and disgrace at alkmer , it did equall at the least his victory at harlem . baldeso , sent by duke d' alua into holland , entreth the hague , attempteth delfe , and other places without successe . when duke d' alua aduanced to besiege alkmer , hee sent the master of his campe don francisco de baldeso , with his tertia de la ligue , with fiue corners of horsemen , and some twelue companies of wallons out of sundry regiments ; commanding him to aduance into the bowels of holland , to relieue his troupes in the rich villages ( where he thought best ) betwixt leyden , delfe , and the sea-co●st , as farre as the riuer of mase , and the town of brill : charging him to attempt nothing without his aduice and consent ; vnlesse it were with sure intelligence with some of the townes . baldeso being entred the faire and rich village of hague , without any resistance , found it a place sufficient to lodge double his troupes ; all in couert , and most in beds . this hague is counted the fairest village in europe , and the place of the generall assembly of all the neatherlands , next vnto brussels ( i meane the seauenteene prouinces since they were vnited vnder the house of burgundy ) where the king hath a faire palace , and diuers of the nobility houses , with a great multitude of lawyers . this hague is such a village , that charles the fift being requested to fortifie it , answered ; hee had rather it should remaine the fairest village , then a reasonable faire towne . but i perswade my selfe , both hee and the countrey would haue fortified it , but that it standeth more then halfe on sandie grounds : which can neuer bee made strong by the earth it selfe , by reason of the loosenesse of the sand . the prince of orange tryed to doe it , but could not to any purpose ; so as it might be kept with any garrison against an army , without a reasonable army to defend it . baldeso after lodging a fewe dayes in the hague , caused all the villages to bring him such necessaries as pleased him . then he aduanced certaine of his companies to a village called riswike , in the way towards leyden from delfe ; which he entrenched and baricaded . likewise he entrenched his first guardes at the bridge , halfe the way betwixt delfe and the hague ; where often our troupes and theirs had many a hot skirmish , both neere vnto the guardes , and sometimes hard by the ports of delfe . colonell morgans regiment and diuers companies of french men were lodged in the villages , betwixt delfe and roterdam , safely from the enemie ; by reason both the townes couered them behinde and before with great ditches on both sides , not to be passed with troupes , hauing any guards to defend them . these troupes serued alwaies ready to thrust into delfe , roterdam , delfe hauen , or mayston sluce ; where the enemy would haue attempted first . in leyden was mounsieur de lorges , sonne to that braue count of mongomery , with a faire french regiment ; and other companies of scots , and of the countrimen and burgesses well armed . in delfe was captaine chester with two hundred english-men ; whome afterwards the prince aduanced to be colonell of those troupes , by reason of some sting against colonell morgan . there were in it also three faire companies of french-men , besides the burgesses well armed . in roterdam were some bands of scots , and of the countrimen , besides the burgesses . at delfs-hauen was mounsieur de maysonflure , with sundry bands of french , scots , and of the countrey . in mayston-sluce was mounsieur de saint alagondy , and terlon , with some 1200 , most of them countrimen ; a great number of peasants and burgesses . besides , the garrisons wrought continually to fortifie both delfs-hauen and mayston-sluce ; in such sort that both the places were strong and guardeable , with reasonable defences . especially delfs-hauen was verie strong ; not to be wonne easily , hauing necessaries that belong to a fortresse . the garrison of delfs-hauen had fortified the village of ouerskie , halfe the way betwixt delfe and roterdam ; where they kept a strong guarde . mounsieur de poyet , for the better assurance of leyden , being the neerest place engaged and enuironed with enemies , thrust himselfe into it . baldeso practised all he could with leyden and delfe ; once by treacherie of some , who kept the towne-port towards vtricke . baldeso prepared sundry turfe-boates , in which hee lodged good troupes of souldiers . once being entred the ports , with the resolution of the garrison , and the good conduct of poyet , they were repulsed ; where baldeso lost many of his men . another time hee had intelligence with some in delfe : but being discouered to the townesmen and garrison , diuers of our bands which lodged hard by entred in the night ; but either some of the townesmen or baldesoes guardes discouered our arming : so as he gaue ouer his enterprize , when he was ready to attempt , in the like order as he did at leyden . but had he come , we were ready at the least 1000 souldiers , besides the burgesses , at the water-port where he should haue entred ; and ●ad bent sundry pieces of artillery , loaden with nayles , haile-shot , and such deuices . had hee presented himselfe , his troupes could not escape without great murther among them , with no danger to our selues . after these attempts , baldeso aduertized duke d'alua of his affaires ; shewing him that no good could bee done , without an armie and the furie of artillery . to that end hee requested more troupes or meanes , or leaue to retyre himselfe with those troupes he had . duke d'alua retyreth out of holland , sendeth iulian romero , mounsieur de capers and fronsperge to assist baldeso , verdugo gouernour of harlem . the duke remembring his disgrace at alkmer , fearing his armie would mutine if hee would ouercharge them with paines and trauel , hauing no treasure to content them ; resolued to retire to brussels . but before he departed , he sent the master of his campe iulian romero to his armie , which was lodged in the country by vtricke and amsterdam ; giuing him charge , if hee could , to procure his tertia of lumbardy ( of which iulian was colonell ) to march into holland , to ioyne with baldeso . he sent also mounsieur de capers ; commanding him to procure his regiments of wallons to do the like . also the regiment of fronsberke the almaine . these colonels were directed to the campe , to procure their regiments to march willingly , and not perforce . he commanded mendoza generall of his horse-men to send with them sixe of the best cornets . after that these regiments and cauallery were contented to enter holland , and had sworne to obey their colonells in all manner of seruice ; duke d' alua gaue the chiefe charge vnto iulian , and the next vnto him was baldeso . he placed colonell verdugo gouernor in harlem ; with his regiment of wallons , and one cornet of horsemen , with three ensignes of almaines out of frunsbergs regiment . himselfe departed out of amsterdam , with his sonne don fredericke , chiapin vitelly , mendosa and all the rest of his armie towards brabant ; resoluing not to attempt any great siege or seruice , before hee had acquainted the king how the world went. to that end being arriued at brussels , he dispatched two of qualitie vnto the king ; either to send him treasure and meanes more plentifully , and in better order ; or to giue him leaue to retire himselfe , and to send another gouernor . iulian romero winneth mayston-sluce , but dareth not attempt delfes-hauen . ivlian and his succours being arriued , and hauing conferred with baldeso , resolued to attempt mayston-sluce ; and dislodged from the hague with their forces named before , haling with them sixe pieces of battery . being arriued at the great village called florden , within a small league of mayston-sluce , they quartred their horse-men , with a regiment of footemen for their guardes ; and departed with the rest to approach the sluce . they carried with thē all the skutes and boats that might be found , in waggons ; with plankes , ladders , and all other necessaries that they thought fit , to scale and to make bridges ouer the dikes . being before the sluce , with their bridges and meanes they had made to passe the ditches , they tooke the great ditch on both sides of the sluce ; i meane the dyke the sluce stands vpon , and which keeps the sea from drowning the land . hauing mounted their artillery on both sides of the dyke , they dismounted ours within , which did beate on the dyke . after , turning their artillerie towards the seas , i meane the riuer of mase , which is aboue a league broad in that place , they beat away such vessels as the defendants had anchoring before their fort . mounsieur de terlon being admirall and gouernour of brill , perceiuing their successe , departed out of the fort in a skute , with great hazard , to recouer the brill ; presently the enemies passed their boates ouer the dyke into the mase . being passed , it much abated the courage of s. aldegoundy & his garrison , not without reason . for betwixt the fort and the water their rampier was worth nothing ; so as at a high water it couered the dyke of the fort , as high as the parapet . the enemy perceiuing their successe , prepared a ponton : which they builded artificially vpon their boates , and placed on it three of their pieces . the garrison perceiuing their stratageme , hauing no meanes to auoyde it , nor hope of succours ; compounded for their fort , deliuering the enemies their chiefe prisoners with their ensignes and armes . thus was the fort of mayston-sluce lost , partly by reason our ships of warre durst not hazard to dismount the enemies artillery ( which they might haue done , shewing their accustomed valour , as they did since and before in diuers places ) but chiefly by reason our men did not cut the dyke on both sides of the fort , to haue drowned the countrey ; hauing done that , the enemie would neuer haue attempted the place . by reason of the strength of delfes-hauen , the enemy refused to attempt it . to say troth , they had no reason to doe it ; hauing no meanes to approach but on such a dyke ; and the enemy being so well fortified and manned , as their approaches had beene vaine . the king of spaine calleth home the duke d'alua , and in his roome establisheth don lewis de requesence gouernour of the lowe countries . in this time order came from the king , to retire duke d'alua into spaine , and to resigne his place vnto don lewis de requesence , commendador maior de castillia ; a souldier of great reputation for counsaile , but no body for execution ; as the battaile of lapanta could witnesse . for this commendador being chiefe counceller to don iohn de austria , did what he could to procure the christian armie , not to hazard battaile with the turkes . also being in the fight , he aduanced so slowly with a rereguarde of gallies , that he nor his came to any blowes ; so as both there and in other places , alwaies the commendador was reputed a coward . but belike in respect of his wit and mildnesse , the king sent him into the lowe countries ; perhaps perswaded , that a milde captaine would winne the hearts of the people , farre better with faire meanes , then duke d'alua with his cruelty . but in troth , both king and councell deceiued themselues ; in calling away duke d'alua , and in making choyce of such a generall as the commendador maior . for by all reason , if the duke had beene royally maintained as he ought ; he had made his master absolute king ouer all the seauenteene prouinces . to say troth , furie and resolution well vsed or executed , had been the onely waies to supprsse that nation ; the spanish being resolued to subdue them , as they were . for all other since , the witty politicke neatherlanders did alwaies ouer-reach the spanish ; especially hauing such a head to direct them as the prince of orange , and being so strongly situated ; wanting no meanes to maintaine warres , and resolued to withstand the spanish to the vttermost , rather then to yeeld to any composition . for whether the people bee strongly situated or not ; wealthie or poore ; few , or great in multitudes ; being resolued to be mutinous and discontented , and not willing ( as i said before ) to be brought vnto any composition , but such as pleaseth themselues : god helpe that prince or state , that must be forced to compound with such a a people , by any meanes but by the sword ; which had beene farre more easie in the hands of duke d'alua , then of the poore commendador . but the emulation amongst councellers for greatnesse ouerthrew that seruice , with many others ; as i will shew hereafter . the spanish priests , namely cardinall granuill , the bishop of toledo , with the aide of rigomus did perswade the king , that duke d'alua was too great a subiect . by such means rather then any other , duke d'alua was called home , and questioned for many disorders ; committed aswell in other places , as in the lowe countries . walkheren besieged with the princes shipping , middleburgh releeued by the spaniards , diuers skirmishes betwixt the forces of either side ; mondragon entreth middleburgh , the spanish nauie at their returne toward antwerpe defeated . whilest iulian was busie in holland , mounsieur de poyet , and boiset gouernour of walkheren , with his brother , the admirall of zeland , had besieged the iland , with a great number of shippes of warre ; in such sort , that nothing could enter into middleburgh , armue , and ramkins , which the enemies held . messieurs de beuoir , and don ruffello being distressed for want of victualls in the said places , found means to acquaint the commendador with their estate . whereupon the commendador sent for iulian to come with most of his forces , and to leaue baldeso with the rest in holland . hauing prepared a nauy of some hundred saile of ships , hoyes , and crumsters , giuing them in charge vnto the masters of the campe , sanio , d'auila , castillan of antwerpe , and mondragon : after , furnishing them with all necessaries , both double manned with souldiers , and appointed with great store of victuals , as wel to relieue the distressed places , as the army abroad ; he commanded them to vse all diligence , first to enter middleburgh , and to relieue mondragon gouernour of the iland ( with his regiment of wallons , and some soure companies of spaniards ) both with victualls and munition ; then , to returne with the nauy for antwerpe , and to carry with them mounsieur de beauoir with his troupes . before this nauie passed lillo , messieurs de poyet and boiset had attempted the ramkins , and anchored with ships vnder the fort , which did dismount diuers peeces within ; hauing their tops of musket proofe , out of which our musketiers did command the parapet next vnto them . also a myne was made in the dike towardes middleburgh ; which being fired , rased a corner of the fort to little purpose ; but that there was but a few souldiers within , not halfe to man the walls , with a cowardly ensigne bearer which commanded . by these meanes the ramkins was deliuered to mounsieur de poyet some foure daies before the succours arriued . also there arriued from holland , collonell morgan and his regiment , with other companies of wallons and flemings . the spanish succours beeing in-sight , our men planted the spanish ensignes on the ramkins , and discharged a volley of artillery as if it were for ioy ; only to bring their nauie to anchor vnder the commandement of our artillery . beeing approached and anchored , they soone perceiued what friends did welcome them : in steed of safe anchoring , they were faine to dislodge vnder the muck of the dike a league off , to be safe from our artillery . being anchored , beauoir and ruffello marched with the most of their men of warre to that place , haled with them foure peeces of battry , which stood their nauie in great steed ; for they commanded all the road where the nauie lay ; in such sort , that albeit our nauy anchored within halfe a league of theirs , betwixt them and flushing , we durst not attempt them in that road , by reason of their artillery mounted on the shoare . perceiuing no hope to succour their distressed places by water , they tooke resolution to saile about the iland , and to land their men at a place named the hague , which stands on the neck of the iland , to the east-ward from camfier ; a league from the said towne , & some league and a halfe from middleburgh . whilest their nauy was doubling about the iland , our men of warre marched right against them alwaies , not knowing their intent , nor where they meant to land ; but had they known our directions , they might haue easily entred and seised on the towne of flushing , in sayling by it . of two thousand souldiers which wee had in the iland , we had not in the towne two hundred . in passing by flushing , had their nauy bent their course into the hauen , there was nothing to defend them , but a paultery bome ; which god knowes , could neuer haue endured one push of the smallest vessell . for the towne artillery , it vexed them onely in sailing by it . being entred the hauen , the souldiers had nothing to do , but to haue leaped out of their shippes to shoare on both sides of the hauen : which might haue been done easily ; hauing nothing to let them but the men of warre , which were at their passing by a great league off . for then ( god knowes ) the burgesses were nothing trained either with armes , or any policy of defence . also at this instant the bulwarke that flanked the hauen was nothing furnished to any purpose . therefore often true intelligence is the best part of an enterprise , and worth alwaies halfe an army . beeing anchored at the hague named before , they landed their men and placed on that dike certaine peeces of artillery ; in like sort as they did at their last anchoring , for defence of the nauy . hauing landed their victualls , & such necessaries as they had to furnish their distressed places ; they sent to beauoir and ruffello , to send them all the meanes they could to transport their necessaries . beeing arriued , mondragons men with victualls and munition departed towards middleburgh : where be-being arriued , mounsieur de beauoir & don ruffello returned with the olde garrison to the hague . in this time all our men of warre were arriued at camfier , the next place to front them ; so was our nauie anchored within halfe a league of theirs , halfe the way betwixt the hague and camfier . mounsieur de roule gouernour of the said towne , hauing set good order in his towne , mounsieur de boiset gouernour of the whole iland and roule , sallied with the rest , to front the enemies at the hague . being arriued right against our nauie , we being in number two thousand english , scots , french , wallons , and flemings , entrenched our mayne in that place ; then wee aduanced some three hundred , twelue score further , and entrenched there two hundred ; and aduanced six score further , one hundred . our guard was narrowe , by reason we were entrenched on a dike of sixteen pases broad , the seas on the one side , on the other side meadowes inuironed with ditches , not passable with armed men , without meanes to make bridges . the enemies perceiuing our lodgings , belike thought it was to cut off their passage betwixt the hague and middleburgh . whereupon not hauing passed halfe their necessaries , presently to intercept vs , they marched full against vs vpon the dike : a thousand or more aduanced into the meadowes right against vs ; some fiue hundred on our side towards middleburgh , followed with all their troupes . those on the dike forced our first troupe to runne , following them in rout vnto our second . being on the trench of our two hundred , we plagued them with a volley of shot , so as they were driuen to retire aboue twelue score ; where they stood vntill their shot in the meadowes approached neere vnto vs. collonell morgan perceiuing the heate of their skirmish , aduanced his lieutenant collonell , captaine bingham , with two hundred shot and armed men : so did boiset and roule aduance with them , and many of the other nations . withall , the enemies aduanced with great resolution vpon the dike : so did the others in the meadowes passe ouer the ditches with planks and hurdles ; in such manner that those troups annoyed vs greatly . for they flanked vs with volleyes on our sides so cruelly , that being at the push of the pike with the troupes on the dike , our men behinde made away . the enemies perceiuing their retreit , passed ouer the trench , where they executed and hurt many : by reason wee fought and knew not of our fellowes retreit , vntill our backs were towards the enemies . who followed vs so close and with such fury , that our great stand ranne aboue halfe a league ; vntill we came to a strong trench at a winde-mill , where we kept a good guard , which was commanded by the towne artillerie . the enemy perceiuing the place too hot to attempt ; and not guardeable being possest , by reason of the towne arttillery , retired . wee perceiuing their retreit , began to take such courage that wee resolued to charge them ; aduancing with a cry and fresh resolution ; charging their rereguard , their vanguard doubled their pases . perceiuing their countenances , it gaue further courage ; wherupon our charge began to bee resolute and furious : so as all their troupes ranne ; where we executed of them a farre greater number , then they did of ours in our first retreit . wee followed them through their lost trenches , close to their trench and village of hague . by reason of the nights approach wee quitted our skirmish , and kept guard at our trenches : which we mended all the night , keeping good guard and farre better order then we did before . all the night both towne and succours transported their necessaries into the towne ; so that by their great number of skutes and waggons , all their victuals and necessaries were entred the towne before two of the clock the next day in the afternoone ; and as i said before , mondragon with his , entred middleburgh ; and beauoir with don ruffello and their followers arriued at the hague . by reason of our equall losses and wearinesse , neither of both parties were eager to procure any skirmish : so that according to the commendadors directions , their troupes embarked . our fleete perceiuing their meaning to saile for antwerpe , belike to discharge an honest reporte to the world ; our chiefes resolued to fight with them by sea . hauing taken resolution aud imbarked the most of our souldiers , wee made towards them with good courage , as they sailed by camfier ; captaine yorke being aboard the vice-admirall of flushing , with a great number of young english gentlemen and souldiers , the most of collonell morgans company , procured our vice-admirall to board their vice-admirall : which he easily yeelded vnto , for the man was valiant and eager of himselfe to charge . so was valiant mounsieur de boiset our admirall , with the most or all his nauie very eager to charge their fleet ; beeing well manned with good store of gallant souldiers , of the nations of english , scots , and french. being close together , with great courage ours cried amain . according to direction , our vice-admirall boarded theirs : so did valiant robinson a scottish captaine , beeing in one of the best flushioners , board their rere admirall . mounsieur boiset charged their admirall through their nauie , who escaped with good sailing . captaine harry & ambrose duke , the valiant frenchmen & wallons , being aboard of some of our best sailes , boarded also two of their best sorts of vessels . the enemy perceiuing our resolution , fell in rout before the winde , with all the sailes they could make , to recouer the riuer of antwerpe . notwithstanding , wee tooke , burnt , and forced to runne on the sands , aboue two and thirty sailes ; & returned victorious , with their vice-admirall , rere-admirall , and diuers others into our towne of camfier : where we filled our prisons with spaniards , wallons , and great numbers of their marriners . this victory recompensed in honour double theirs ; although not so profitable as their victualling of midbleburgh and armu ; which by that meanes held out many a moneth the longer , and would haue done still , but for the defeat of rumers wall . notwithstanding that middleburgh was victualled and farre better manned , principally by the person of braue colonell mondragon ; the prince gaue not ouer his determined purpose , but charged both the besoits , i meane the gouernour and his brother the admirall , to vse all diligence to make sure guarde round about the iland with their ships , as they did before ; and to cut off all succours from entring any more . to that end they prepared a farre greater number both of ships and souldiers ; on which enterprise the prince did set his rest , with good reason . for he was assured to winne the iland in time , being master on the seas . within few moneths , mondragon and his beganne to fall into distresse , for want of victuals . to terrifie them the more , the prince sent his lieutenant generall mounsieur de poyet into walkheren , with the most of his men of warre , sauing colonell morgans regiment ; which remained in strinland , standing on tearmes for pay , and leaue to returne for england , by reason of some discourtesies that fell out betwixt the prince and the officers of the said regiment . notwithstanding diuers gentlemen of that regiment accompanied mounsieur de poyet ; amongst others captaine walter morgan , master christopher carlell , and master anthonie fant . mondragon fearing poyet would attempt armu , sent his lieutenant colonell into the said towne with a strong guarde ; by reason the place was but newly fortified , but very strong , without many hands to defend it . also he kept a strong guarde at the head of middleburgh , a mile out of the towne , to defend the hauen . poyet aduanced his forces on the ramkins dyke , towards middleburgh . being arriued right against the enemies guards at the head , ours intrenched themselues in that place ; lodging our forces on the dyke , from the ramkins to the said first guarde : hauing betwixt vs and the enemie the hauen , which might bee some threescore broad ; where wee had diuers good skirmishes , as well by those that sallied from middleburgh , as by them that lodged at the head . the occasion of sir roger williams seruing the spaniard . colonell morgan being arriued in england , with his regiment in good order , to the number of seauen hundred , who being mustered before her maiestie neere to s. iames , the colonell and some foure hundred of his best men were sent into ireland ; which in truth were the first perfect harguebushiers that were of our nation , and the first troupes that taught our nation to like the musket , as i said in my little discourse of the spanish discipline : there also i touch how philip de commines speaks much of lewis the eleuenth , but nothing how he quitted his duke of burgundy . most true it is , at colonell morgans going into ireland , hearing how the young prince of condy was newly escaped from france into germany , meaning ( as it was told me ) to leauie an armie , and to march with all speede into france : this bruit , and my greedy desires to trauaile to see strange warres , made me to quite the voyage into ireland , and to goe with all speed towards the said prince . being arriued in germanie , i found the prince nothing ready to march , nor any speech of his sodaine leauie . hauing spent there all the time i could , want of crownes forced me to returne for england . passing from colen towards antwerpe , and entring lire in brabant , i was brought before the master of the campe iulian romero ; who amongst many questions enquired of me , what noblemen in england i knew best . i answered , the earle of pembroke ; whom i serued a page . he replyed , what ? he that was generall of the english before s. quintin ? i neuer honoured any man more : and withall requested me earnestly to trye his courtesie in the spanish armie ; assuring me to depart when pleased me . hauing spent all my crownes , and being loth to returne into england without seeing something ; i promised to stay . also in those dayes there was no dispute betwixt her maiestie and the spanish king , to my knowledge . this was the manner , and the first hower that i entred into the spanish seruice . middleburgh in distresse , the spanish prepare a nauie to relieue it , which is beaten and ouerthrowne by the nassawians in a furious conflict . mondragon feeling his wants , aduertized the commendador ; who perceiuing no meanes to succour him , but by sea , which could not bee without forcing the princes ships , prepared all the sailes and meanes he could . in time he made ready some 120 saile : of which were foure-score of warre , as well ships as crumsters and hoyes , the rest victuallers , laden with all necessaries to furnish the distressed places . being in readinesse , some at antwerpe , some at bargen vp some , the rest at tergoose , hee gaue them in charge to his masters of campe , iulian romero and santio d'auila , desiring them for fashion sake to accept mounsieur de beuoyr for admirall , and to giue him some grace , in respect of his disabling for the commandement of zealand . this he did onely to flatter the wallons : by reason mounsieur de beuoyr was descended from one of their principall houses . the prince hearing their intent , prepared for his nauie all or the most of the ships of warre , that holland and zeland could make at that time , to the number of some two hundred : a few ships , the rest crumsters and hoyes . these are the best ships to fight in those waters , by reason the most of them draw but little water , and carry for the most part principal good artillery ; some demy cannons , and many whole culuerings . for those waters are full of sands and many dangers , although it be broad in some places tenne of our myles , all couered with seas ; notwithstanding not nauigable in the most places , but in narrow streames : insomuch as in many places you may discouer steeples and bankes , which in time past were ilands like vnto the rest . for this cause i suppose those countries doe carrie the name of sealand . also those small sailes turne farre shorter and readier , then other ships in those narrow passages ; and keepe farre better by a winde . hauing this nauie in a readinesse well manned , especially with great store of good marriners , besides a good number of souldiers of scots , french , and neatherlanders ; he commanded his admirall mounsieur de boiset , to aduance with his nauie betwixt siricksey and tergoose , where the enemies must passe ; there to trye the fortune of warre , rather then they should succour mondragon . after finishing all preparations , the commendador diuided his nauie named before into three squadrons . the greatest vessels and the farre more in number , he commanded santio d'auila to aduance vnder the iland of tergoose ; there to anchor vnder the fauour of some artillery mounted on the shore , and to stay in readinesse vntill he receiued further direction . himselfe with the rest of his councell and army marched to bargen-vp-some ; where he found iulian romero and his admirall beuoyr , ready to set out with the rest of his nauie , staying but for his directions . he diuided their vessels into two squadrons ; giuing them equally to the admirall and iulian. all his nauie being furnished to the vttermost he could , they wanted marriners , especially of the same countrimen , that were well acquainted with those sands and shallow waters ; but they were very well manned with braue land souldiers : for they had in them some 90. ensignes of souldiers , spanish , burgundians and wallons . the commendador , after placing himselfe with his nobility and a great troupe of men of warre on the high banke of brabant , within halfe a league of bergen , where hee might see very easily the place where the battaile was fought : hauing giuen a signall to santio d'auila from a hill on brabant side , which he might easily perceiue ; santio de auila aduanced his squadron with all the sailes hee could towards romers wall , where the nassawians lay in good order of battaile , hauing diuided their battell into foure squadrons . mounsieur de boiset the admirall of zealand , commanded the greatest ; the admirall of holland , the second , which was his right wing ; the admirall of sirickesey the third , which was the left wing ; boisets vice-admirall boenire commanded the fourth ; whom boyset commanded to make all the sailes hee could towards santio d'auila . being arriued within culuering shot , he cōmanded boenire to lead santio d'auila ouer the shallow waters , if he would follow him ; if not , to keepe in the wind as neere vnto him as he could ; without fighting , vnlesse the enemie would force him , vntill boyset began . iulian and beuoyr hauing not two leagues to saile vnto the nassawians , who were ready vnder the head of bergen in good order ; and perceiuing that santio d'auila could not saile vnto them , by reason that most of his vessels drew too deepe water , and that his smallest vessels were in fight with boenire : they aduanced with great courage in good order , thinking to haue sailed betwixt the nassawians and brabant side , and to haue ioyned with santio d'auila . by this time santio d'auilaes smallest vessels were in hot skirmish with boisets vice-admirall ; but many of his greatest vessels were runne on ground , with very ambition to come to fight before their fellowes ; iulian and beuoyr being right against the nassawians . boiset hauing the wind , made with all resolution towards the enemy ; so did they abide them with no lesse courage : in such sort , that the valiant admirall mounsieur de boiset , and the resolute braue master of the campe iulian romero , boarded each other : so did the admirall of sirickesey , and the admirall beuoyr board each other , with no lesse courage ; so did boenire , boisets vice-admiral , board the vice-admirall of santio d' auila . being in wonderfull hot fight a long time , the most part of the vessels , especially the squadrons of iulian & boiset , had bin on aboard each other neere two howers ; the most part of which time they were at the push of the pike , and blowes of swords . boiset and his fellowes were more expert sea-men then the spanish commanders , and farre better furnished with all manner of prouisions that belong to a sea-fight ; especially fireworkes : which they employed to the spaniards great losse . so that iulians alfere being aboard of boiset , was blowen vp with powder ; and with him threescore at the least of his brauest souldiers . and had they not done it at that instant , iulian himselfe had beene gone ; for he was entring with the rest . the spaniards were cruelly plagued in all quarters , especially by reason santio d'auilaes great vessels could not come to succour their fellows , among which he was in person ; being a most valiant man , accompanied with a great number of their best souldiers . iulian perceiuing his fellowes distressed without remedie , and himselfe most of all ; with wonderfull hazard , he and diuers of his gentlemen and souldiers did leape into their skuts , which carried them to the shoare where the commendador stood ; so did many others escape by the like meanes . likewise diuers of their smallest vessels ranne themselues on the shoare where the commendador stoode ; many were fast on the sands ; diuers were burnt ; the rest made all the sailes they could to recouer the riuer of antwerpe . amongst these was santio d'auila ; notwithstanding he had grounded his own vessell , in seeking to come to fight . the nassawians followed them into the riuer of antwerpe , defeating and taking many as they ranne away . by the spaniards owne reports , they lost in this battaile aboue threescore saile of all sorts ; forty seauen ensignes ; aboue sixe hundred brasse pieces , of which aboue 200. were taken out of the cittadle of antwerpe ; slaine and taken aboue six thousand souldiers and mariners . few were saued that came to their hands , but all or the most that were taken were slaine or drowned . amongst many of their commanders and men of good account , their admirall beauoir was slaine valiantly , at the push of pike : so was santio dauilaes vice admirall . the victorious escaped not scotfree . for their admirall boiset lost his right eye with the blowe of a pike , the admirall of holland sore hurt with a shot in the thigh ; boenyre , boisets vice admirall was slaine , with many other of good marke , besides at the least sixteene hundred souldiers and mariners . thus was tke battell of romers-wall begunne and ended . perhaps some will say , because there was no greater slaughter and confusion , it may not be tearmed worthy and comparable vnto diuers others . but in troth i heard diuers report , besides the commendador , who had been at lapanta and heer ; that the fury there was nothing comparable vnto this ; number to number . for my part , i neuer saw any thing so furious . i may well speake it , for there are some of good quality yet aliue , can testifie the same . but for iulian romero himselfe , i had bin blown vp with his alfere ; yet i escaped with as great hazard as any other of his followers . but i will dispute against any souldier , that no fight hath been comparable vnto it by sea , these fiue hundred yeares ; sauing that before sluce , fought by our famous king edward the third , against the french king and the earle of flanders , and that of lapanta . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a68903-e1260 the spanish counsaile touching the lowe countries . duke d' aluaes commission . the intelligence of the prince of orange . his policie , cardinall granuill taketh a boxe vpon the eare . count egmonds nature . the prince of oranges fauour , popular . the kings letters . peter maunsfelt , and the lord barlemount will not signe . count egmond repenteth . is pacified . combination of the nobility , with the prince egmond offended . charles maunsfelts councell concerning egmond . to take the streights against duke d' alua. the forces of the lowe countries . the disposition of the neatherlanders . egmond draweth all to the spaniard . the prince of orange seeketh conference with egmond . his aduertisement . egmonds answere . the kings dissembling letters . the princes reply . the protestants at antwerpe . their ouerthrow at osterwell . the prince of orange his ouersight . hee openly taketh part with the papists . perswadeth the protestants to quietnesse . a pitifull captaine . the prince of orange into germany . duke d' alua arriueth in loraine . count maunsfelt vpon his guarde . duke d' alua courteth him . duke d' alua surpriseth the chiefe of the nobility . count charles maunsfelt flyeth . duke d' alua pursueth him . duke d' aluaes trechery against count maunsfelt . the prouost of arden the instrument . charles maunsfelt meets the prouost . killeth him . goeth into fraunce . notes for div a68903-e3760 count lodowicke into frizeland . count arenburge and count meguen sent against him . bracamount master of the campe. the pride and insolency of certaine spaniards . lodowicke a braue commander . lodowicke● forces . the order of the spaniards . lodowickes order to traine out the enemy . the spanish discipline . notes for div a68903-e4780 lodowicke besiegeth groning . vitelli in ayde of groning . is dared to battaile by lodowicke . refuseth , and yet giueth hope thereof . d' alua approcheth . lodowicke retyreth . fortifieth himselfe at iemming . seeketh to stop the enemy . relieueth his curriers . his germans cryed for guilt , and are payed by the spaniards . his braue resolution in greatest distresse . the valour of count adolfe . count lodowicke defeated . adolfe slaine . the cause of lodowickes dating vitells . notes for div a68903-e5880 the prince of orange towards brabant . commeth to liege . d' alua sendeth to liege . liege enemy to the prince . sendeth forces to affront the prince . the garrison there annoyeth the prince . louaine refuseth a spanish garrison . but yet yeeld him money & victuals . the prince retyreth . his policy to keepe his army from mutinie . he commeth to valentia . auoydeth the danger of his mutinous souldiers . biddeth d' alua battaile . hee hanged one of the trumpetters . refuseth to fight . vitelly persuadeth to fight . the danger of the losse of the battaile to the spaniards . the prince marcheth to the place assigned . count lodowicke hath the vantgard and beats in the dukes guards . counselleth to force his tents . d' alua followeth . vitelly cutteth off straglers . is forced to run , by lodowicke . d' alua retyreth . the prince in fraunce . the causes of the princes bad successe . what townes are defensible . notes for div a68903-e7420 the duke d'aluaes error in not building & fortifying the the cittadle of flushing . england . scotland . fraunce . germany . mercenaries . italie . venice . genua . the great houses . clergy . portugall . denmarke . sweden . the hauns townes . poland . d'aluaes pride . notes for div a68903-e8020 the massacre of paris . lodowicke craueth ayde in france . obtayneth the kings consent . the french humors . m secretary walsingham . lodowicke dispatcheth his instruments to mounts . the stratagem for gaining the towne . the surprizing of mounts . lodowicke entreth the town . assembleth the magistrates . he speaketh to them . the papists perplexed . the spaniolized mount●is depart with good leau● . the king of france his aduertisement to duke d'alua . d'alua distrusteth the frēch . lodo wicke disarmeth such as he distrusted . hee giueth thē leaue to depart . they choose to stay , and for what causes . lodowicks horsmen spoyle the country . chiapine vitelly encloseth mounts . lodowicke sallieth , and in what order . poyet and la noue in ambush . roueres left in the towne . the first medley . la noue chargeth . retyreth to draw the enemy to the ambush . the ambush sheweth it selfe . poiet chargeth . lodowicke retyreth his footemen into the towne . the enemies order for entrenchments . the holding of an abbey without the towne . for what cause . fortifieth the place . vitelly finisheth his worke begunne . maketh a new for t . d'alua setteth forth . roueres salyeth vpon vitellyes quarter . mendoza succoureth the quarter . roueres order for retreit . roueres retyreth . duke d'alua arriueth . entrencheth himselfe . battereth the cloyster . payet abydeth one dayes battery , and retyreth by night . battereth the towne . the furie of the batterie . a breach made . preparation to the assault . iulian romero hath the poynt . preparation of the defendants . the assault . the retreit . iulian romerees danger & losse . the counts losse . roueres slaine . d'alua will no more assault . the ouerthrow of ianlis . duke d'aluaes forces . chiapine vitellies ambush to entrap ianlis . his order to traine him to it . the order put in execution . the french fall into the ambush . the disorder of the french march . mouy escapeth . i anlis prisoner . executed at antwerpe . d'aluaes order against his arriuall . attempt to duke d'aluaes trenches . the almans forced to retire . a second attempt with great losse . a camisado on the princes army by iulian romero . iulian romeroes order for the camisado . he chargeth . only not seizeth vpon the princes person . a dog saueth the prince . the princes care of himselfe . he recouereth his bo●se hardly . iulian retireth . as hardly bestead . yet he saued himselfe & his roupes . iulians councell to defeat the princes army . the danger of following it . the retreite of the prince of orange , and his fine stratageme and speeches to escape from his mutinous army . his retreit . count lodowickes composition for mounts . he commeth to his brother the prince . the prince departeth from his army by night . malins receiueth the princes garrison . is sacked by the duke d' aluaes appointment . lodowickes errour . the princes errour . notes for div a68903-e12020 pacheco appointed gouernor of flushing . the cittadle begunne . a garrison to be brought in . barland . conspire against the spaniards . seize vpō him . hang him with duke d' aluaes commssion about his necke . and 25. of his followers . beauoir retyred to middleburgh beauoir want of resolution . flushing vnfortified . the burgesses fortifie . succours into flushing . wallons & flemmings 400. notes for div a68903-e13000 a muster before the queene at greenewich . duke d'alua sendeth forces against flushing . he pauseth vpon the arriuall of the english. beauoirs & ruffelloes faintnes . they endeauour to amend their faults . by attempting the dike . they lay in ambush . the garrison fallieth . beateth back the shot of the spaniards . the losse of the spaniard . another sally to dislodge the enemy . the english haue the vantguard . captain morgans order for the skirmish . the enemy chargeth the english very hotly . who acquit themselues valiantly . the retire . captaine morgan at the push of the pike . the enemie retireth . captaine morgans ensigne rescued . the losse of the garrison . the enemies losse . notes for div a68903-e14070 count dela marke attempteth the brill . landeth his men . the spanish countenance , the count fiercth the gate . the towne entred . the princes courtesie to the hollanders . the counts disorder . towards women . towards the papists . notes for div a68903-e14500 the ciuill behauiour of the english. the flushingers affection towards them . they suspect saras , & would make captaine morgan gouernour . who maintaineth saras . is not ambitious . sir humphrey gilbert the first english colonel in the lowe countries . notes for div a68903-e14880 count bossue towards roterdam . lyeth in ambush . commeth to the gates . is refused . desiteth to speak● with the burgomasters . 〈◊〉 answere . the count shareth the guarde with wine . they open the wicket . hee rusheth in . seizeth the port . taketh the market-place . sacketh the towne . the prince perswadeth other townes to garrisons . they accept them . the prince promiseth reformation of count de la marke . the count takes strinland . entreth dort. three more english companies . notes for div a68903-e15410 collonell gilbert at flushing . saras and he entred flanders . with 2400 men . they attempt sluce with ambush . knew not how to take the aduantage . the garrison sallieth . is beaten into the towne . the gouernor ouerreacheth the chiefs of the flushingers . dallieth with them . they approach the towne . he plagueth them with his ordinance . aduertiseth duke d' alua with his purpose . he strengtheneth bruges . they summon bruges . count de reux answer . sir humfrey in a chafe . the flushingers retire . come to ardenburgh . he executeth the burgesses . the flushingers stand at ardenburgh . heare of a conuoy . send to surprise it a certaine number of souldiers . who laid an ambush . the order of conuoy . it entreth the ambush . which breaketh vpon it . and defeateth the spaniards . conueying away the munition . the flushingers retire to flushing . notes for div a68903-e16720 they resolue to assiege tergoose . land their men the tergoosians in ambush . pacheco gouernor of tergoose . the ambush breaketh vpon the english. forced to retire . captaine morgan chargeth them . they retire . the losse of the english. the flushingers enter barland . before tergoose the enemy sallieth . is repulsed . the order of pacheco . sir humfrey gilberts order . the flushingers retire to their ships . the ambush by the french captaines . disappoynted by a foolish officer . the flushingers embarke . land vnder their towne . march to southland . camfier reuolt●th . notes for div a68903-e17690 the victualers giue aduertisement . beauoir chargeth the guards forceth them to runne . winneth the artillery . is beaten backe rechargeth . is ouerthrowne the losse of the enemie . and of the flushingers . the english commended for their seruice the second attempt of tergeose . their landing in two places . come to bifling . direction to take the fort . the fort assaulted . quitted by the enemie . the flushingers enter the suburbs . pacheco salieth . fired the salt-houses . is forced to retire . the number of the garrison . ordinance planted . a breach made . the pieke betweene the thiefe of the flushingers . the scalado giuen . the flushingers repulsed . the prince aduertized of all . writeth for succours . their ignorance in seruice . the tergoosians iu want . certifieth d. d' alua. who sendeth them mondragon with 3000. strong . hee entreth the iland at a lowe water . the hazard of his entrance . the error of the chiefes of the flushingers . mondragon in sight of the towne . who sallieth . mondragon commeth vpon the flushingers . forceth them to the fort . thence to their ships . sir humfrey gilberts discouragement and desire to return into england . ziricksee taken by vorst . sir william pelham vieweth flushing . his iudgement the prince lord of all holland . notes for div a68903-e19300 dnke d' alua against holland in winter . his chieftains . don fredricks quarter . the forces of the towne . the order of the siege . two skonces at the mouth of the water . the princes care of the towne . he dispatcheth an army to the cage . which landeth at , and entrencheth the sase . duke d' alua before harlem with 30000. vieweth the seat of battenb . affronteth him with forces . makes his approaches . the towne sallieth with good successe . the battry . the towne receiued the assa●ants . to their losse who retire . d' aluaes stratagems . cages erected . which are beaten downe . mynes . blow it vp and sally vpon the enemy . and recouer their ground . duke d' alua giueth order to force the towne . he maketh a cut in harlem meere . passeth 45 ships into it . besiegeth the two forts . preparation for a sea fight . collonell morgan ariueth out of england . the english refuse to march without money battenburgh wanteth men to man his nauie . the nauies approached each other . the brauery of the spaniards . the princes generall and admirall flie . the rest discōsited . the two skonces lost . the town seeks to passe away their vnprofitable people . the prince attempteth to relieue the towne by land . battenburgh leadeth toward harlem . commeth to hellingham . retyreth . saras sent to the princes campe. the princes power towards har●em . 〈◊〉 moueable skonces . the spaniards keepe close . the townsmen make a sallie . are hindred by wet straw fired . d● d' aluaes order against the towne . sendeth forces of the retreit of the princes power . appointeth foots to charge them . and horse against their horse . the order of the princes armie . the battaile . the horsemen charge . carlo slaine . the footemen defeated . the errour of the prince . the towne yeeldeth . the cruelty of duke d' alua. balford . notes for div a68903-e21460 duke d' alua against alkmer . a mutienie amongst the spaniards . they chuse an electo . his quality and gouernment . his authority . chiefes appointed by states . a chiefe appointed by the mutiners . the spanish mutiny against vtricke . the towne defended by mounsieur de hierges . the mutiners retire . rayle on their king. are pacified by d' alua. send away their electo . don fredricke . d' alua followeth . alkmer strengthened by the prince . the towne ingaged . pontones for the ordinance . the cannon planted . the battry . the distance of the battry . the feare of the towne . no way to flee . the breach . not assaultable pontons for assaults . the assault . the spaniards repulsed . the siege leauied . d' aluaes disgrace . his experience for warre . his error . notes for div a68903-e22670 mounsieur de poyet landeth his troupes in the night . his order for the surprise . malion e●treth poyet secondeth him . resistance in the market place . the garrison defeated . the gouernour escapeth . notes for div a68903-e23100 baldeso sent into holland . entreth the hague . the seat thereof . baldeso fortifieth riswicke . placed his first guardes at the bridge towards delfe . the states garrisons . in leyden . captaine chester in delfe . in roterdam . in delfs hauen . in mayston-sluce . delfs-hauen fortfied . mounsieur de poyet in leyden baldesoes attempts vpon delfe . aduertisemēts to d'alua . notes for div a68903-e24180 d'alua retyreth to brussels . sendeth iulian romero to assist baldeso . with mounsieur de capers . fronsberke . six cornets of horse . iulian general . verdugo . d'aluaes retire , and to what end . notes for div a68903-e24650 iulian romero attempteth mayston sluce . his order . taketh the dyke the sluce stands vpon , dismounteth the artillery of the forte . mounsieur de terlon departeth . iulians boats in the mase . the w●aknesse of the fort towards the water iulian placed his artillerie vpon a ponton . the forte yeeldeth . delfes-hauen vnattempted . notes for div a68903-e25040 the error of the spaniard in remoouing d'alua . notes for div a68903-e25320 walkheren besieged with ships by the states . iulian romero out of holland . the cōmendador sendeth a nauy towards walkheren . the ramkins attempted by the states . from the ships . by the myne . yeelded vp . collonel morgan arriueth . the spanish in sight . trained into danger of the shot . retire into safety . defended by the cannon from land . saile toward hague . are affronted by land from flushing . the danger of flushing . the spaniards land at the hague . relieue middleburgh . are affronted by the princes souldiers . who intrench themseues . are charged by the spaniards . who are forced to retire . the english aduance . the spaniards second charge the princes souldiers flee . the spaniards enter the trench giueth chase to the princes souldiers . retireth . is pursued put to flight and executed . mondragon in middleburgh . the spaniards returne to antwerp . are charged by the prince his fleet . capt. yorke . boiset . the spanish borded . flee . 32 sailes of theirs taken the prince againe besiegeth the iland . his preparation mondragon● distresse . mounsieur de poyet sent into walkheren . the english malecontent . notes for div a68903-e27490 the spanish preparation to relieue middleburgh . iulian romero & santio d'auila generalls . the princes nauie . the nature of the sea . the best ships for that sea . the princes nauie at siricksey . 3 squadrons of spaniards . santio d'auila at tergoose . iulian romero and boiset . want of marriners among the spaniards . but not of souldiers . the commendador giueth a signall . santio de auila aduanceth . the order of the nassawians . iulian & beuoir aduance . the ioyning of the fight . boiset & iulian boardeth each other . so beuoyr & the admirall of sirickesey . the length of the fight . the nassawians better sea-men then the spaniards . iulian flyeth . and santio d'auila . the spanish losse . the nassawians losse . the furie of the fight . a reply of sir george downing knight and baronet, envoy extraordinary from his majesty of great-britain, &c. to the remarks of the deputies of the estates-general upon his memorial of december 20, 1664, old stile downing, george, sir, 1623?-1684. 1665 approx. 188 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 54 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36499 wing d2109 estc r8654 12818282 ocm 12818282 94181 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36499) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94181) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 712:7) a reply of sir george downing knight and baronet, envoy extraordinary from his majesty of great-britain, &c. to the remarks of the deputies of the estates-general upon his memorial of december 20, 1664, old stile downing, george, sir, 1623?-1684. [2], 104 p. [s.n.], london : 1665. on overseas commercial rivalries between british and dutch trading companies and the seizures of ships, including references to the west indies. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng united provinces of the netherlands. -staten generaal. -sommiere aenteyckeninge ende deductie ingestelt by de gedeputeerden vande hooge mogende staten generael der vereenighde nederlanden op de lest-ingediende memorie vanden heere george downing ... prize law. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. new york (state) -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-05 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a reply of sir george downing knight and baronet , envoy extraordinary from his majesty of great-britain , &c. to the remarks of the deputies of the estates-general , upon his memorial of december 20. 1664. old stile . london , printed anno dom. 1665. a reply of sir george downing , knight and baronet , envoy extraordinary from his majesty of great britain , &c. to the remarks of the deputies of the estates general , upon his memorial of the 20 th of december , 1664. old stile . the under-written envoyée extraordinary of his most sacred majesty of great britain , &c. having sent to the king his master a certain book printed at the hague , and entituled , succinct remarks and deductions made by the deputies of the estates general of the united provinces , upon his last memorial , and approved by the said estates , and ordered by them to be delivered by their agent de heyde to the ministers of several kings residing here , and to be sent to their ministers abroad with this direction and instruction , pag. 3. to the end , that they continue duly to inform those kings of the foundation of the alliance which this state hath with them , and of the true state of affairs ; and to the end that they do cause their majesties to comprehend the sincerity of their intentions and procedure . and his majesty having also been informed , that the said book hath accordingly been sent and delivered , hath commanded him his minister to say thereupon , by way of reply , as followeth . and first , as to the bitter invectives , reproaches , and foul and railing language wherewith the said book is stuffed from the beginning to the end ; it is to be remarked , that it is an usual thing here ( however strange it may seem elsewhere ) to revenge themselves in this kind upon any with whom they have disputes . how many resolutions hath he seen of the estates general , wherein the subjects of other princes having addressed themselves to the kings their masters , upon their just complaints against the people of this country , and the said complaints thereupon brought to them in their name , and by their order , they have not contented themselves with the not doing them justice , but fallen upon their persons with railing language , treating them with the title of impudent , &c. and having had lately a dispute with the bishop of munster , a prince of the empire , they thought it not enough to take the sconce or place in question , but in their letter to the emperor of the 10 th of june 1664. and which was printed and sold publickly here at the hague , they treated the said bishop with the titles and characters of vnjust vsurper , great impudence , and that his humour rendred him incompatible , if not to his own subjects , yet at least to all his neighbours : but certainly , 't is a practice very little to the reputation or advantage of any that use it : such as have a good cause in hand to plead , will not spoil it by railing language , which renders suspect whatever is said , as proceeding from passion , and not from reason ; but such as have an ill one , when they cannot answer ad argumentum , they turn themselves ad hominem : and as to himself , he is not here as a particular person , but as the minister of the king his master : and he is commanded to say , that there was not one word in his said memorial , that passed the bounds and limits either of his orders , or of civility , and good manners : and as whatever evil treatment by word or deed is done to any publick minister residing in any court in the execution of his office and instructions , is done to his master , that his majesty takes them all as said against his own royal person , crown , and dignity , and looks upon it as a piece of turcism , and of the way of those of algiers , where when any dispute arises between them and any other prince or state that hath a minister residing there , they sometimes revenge themselves upon the minister first , with reviling words , and then with blows ; and the one is as lawful as the other : nor is the king himself , his parliament , and the whole nation in general , better treated therein than he ; and is this the way to accommodate matters ? or is this a proper preparatory and introduction to that extraordinary embassy from france to england for that end ? and as to the matter of the said book , page 5 th , 6 th . the deputies endeavour to justifie the procedure of the estates general , in not communicating to him their resolution , to which his last memorial was an answer , upon this double ground ; first , that if he the said envoy extraordinary would have had it , or any copy of it , that he ought to have sent to their secretary for it . secondly , that it was not their intention to answer to his memorial , and that he had nothing to do with that resolution . as to the first : every court hath its customs ; and he doth declare , that to his best remembrance in the many years he hath resided here , he never received any one resolution of the estates , but what was sent to him by their agent de heyde , or some other officer of theirs ; and that having once for hast sent to their secretary for the copy of a paper that did concern him , answer was made , that they could give none till they had order ; and that when they had such order it should be sent . as to the second : was not the said resolution entituled , extract out of the register of the resolutions of the estates general , upon the memorial of sir george downing ? and doth it not begin , having deliberated by way of resumption upon the memorial of sir george downing , &c. and was not the whole body thereof , to make appear the contrary of what had been by him alleadged in his said memorial ? and how is it then , that he had nothing to do with it ? was he not here upon the accompt of the king his master , to do his business , to maintain his cause upon the accompt of the disputes between him and this state ? and shall such a resolution be printed and published , and given to other ministers by them , and can it be said that he had nothing to do with it ? whereas in truth he was the principal , and concerned in the first place , and other ministers only secondarily ; and that their communicating the same to them , and not to him , lookt rather like a surprisal of them and their master , then otherwise . for what is further said , page 6th , of his having distributed his memorial , 't was not he but the king his master that sent it to other king , and princes : all he did was to give it to some other ministers : and what is more ordinarily and constantly practis'd , here and in other courts , then for publick ministers upon occasion to give one another copies of their memorials and papers ? but this was not done till it had been first given to the estates general ; and they in printing and publishing their answers , without delivering them to him or the king his master , did thereby break off all further treaty between him and them ; and to be a minister of the first , second or third ranck makes no difference as to this , they are alike sent to the state , and to deliver their papers in the first place to them , and they theirs reciprocally to the said ministers ; and when this correspondence is broken off , it ceaseth to be any further a negotiation or treating , and becomes a declaring against each other , and an appeal to others thereupon . and so is this case . page the 6 th and 7 th . in answer to what he had said of his majesties having as a perpetual mark of his kindness towards this country , suffered many antient pretences of his subjects to be blotted out , the deputies are pleased to say , vpon which there is to be considered , that if this abolition of all antient pretences be a mark of affection , the pretences of the subjects of this state , and of the state it self , were much greater in number and quality then those of the english ( as appears by the lists exchanged on both sides ) , they desired that all the piratories done by portugal commissions should have been forgotten , and de facto your lordships have testified so much more affection then the king of england , for that you have yielded more of your right then he ; for that which ought to be principally considered here is , that it will not be found that even before the conclusion of the said treaty , any one english ship hath been taken by the inhabitants of these provinces , or their armes , which the english could reclaim , as belonging really to them . whereas the said lists of dammages did not consist of , or intermedle with , or contain in them any thing that was blotted out by the said treaty , but onely such matters as were reserved by the same . and as to any thing pretended to be done by portugal commissions , those were also all matters that had happened since the year 1654. and so also not mortified , but reserved by the said treaty . and how then do the deputies bring these two instances , as arguments that this state had forgiven more than his majesty ? and as to their third argument , which they call their main one , viz. that it will not be found that even before the conclusion of the said treaty , any one english ship hath been taken by the inhabitants of these provinces or their armes , which the english could reclaim as belonging really to them : and which is again repeated , page 11 th and 12 th . for that the english cannot complain , that since that time ( to wit , the time of the general abolition ) and before the conclusion of the said treaty , the inhabitants of these provinces have taken any one ship effectually belonging to english . what may not be said by them that will publish to the world , deliver to foreign ministers here , and cause to be delivered by their ministers abroad to kings and princes , a paper with such an affirmation as this ? what , not one ship taken before the treaty , that the english could reclaim as belonging effectually to them ? was not the ship experience built in england ! and belonging wholly to english , sailed wholly by english , taken anno 1660. upon the coast of portugal , with her lading worth between four and five tun of gold , by one quaerts , and others of zealand ? was not the ship charles , belonging to captain spragg , and others his majesties subjects , and whereof he was commander , taken as she was peaceably at an anchor in the road of st martins in france , under the protection of the castle , in the month of july 1660 , by three men of war of this state , and then in their service , commanded by one captain enno doedeson starre , and the men barbarously treated ? and so all that great roll of ships specified and set down in the list of the dammages of the english , delivered by him unto them , and all taken since the general abolition , and before the conclusion of the late treaty , and the times and places , and by whom there particularly specified ? and is this ( as is said pag. 3. ) to inform duly the kings their allies of the true estate of affairs between the king his master , and them ? and have they not great reason to expect , that upon such informations , they should break with the king his master , to joyn with them ? nor is it to be wondred , since their papers contain in them such informations as these , that they pass by the king his master , and him his minister , and give them no copies of them , and are so angry , that they take any notice of them . for what is further said , pag. 7 , 8. concerning the lists of damages , that the lists were exchanged in time convenient ; that he the saidenvoyée had so much less reason to complain upon this accompt ; for that their lordships were sooner ready than he . as to the first , the treaty was concluded upon the 4 th of september , 1662. st. vet. and the lists of damages were not exchanged till the 23 d of august , 1664. st. vet. which was near two years after ; and was that a convenient time to be spent meerly for the giving in of what they had to demand ? or did it look like a desire of hastning to a conclusion , and determining those matters that had been the cause of so much rancour between the nations ? as to the second , viz. their being ready sooner than him , having several times by word of mouth earnestly sollicited the exchange of those lists ; upon the 11th . of september , 1663. old st. he gave a memorial to the states general , wherein he declared , that he was then ready on his part to exchange the said lists , aud did from time to time after press the exchange thereof , giving in also some other memorials to that end ; and yet it was near a year after , e're he could obtain the same : and when about fourteen dayes before the exchange thereof the agent de heyde came to him to speak to him about the exchanging of them . which was the first summons that ever he had about that matter ; he returned for answer , that it had been so long since he had been ready , that his papers were neer musty with lying by ; that he would look them out , and attend at the day should be appointed for the exchange of them : and when within a few dayes after , viz. upon the 16th . day of august , he came to a conference with the deputies , theirs was not yet ready , for that they had it only in dutch ( whereas it hath been a constant custom between them , as with other ministers also , to deliver all matters in some common language , or at least a copy . ) and so that meeting lost , and the exchange not made till the 23 d , as above-said . pag. 8 , 9. the deputies say , to pursue from step to step the text of the treaty , immediatly after the exchange of the lists , and before the speaking of any accommodement , or decision of the matters therein , two things were to be examined : first , whether the pretensions set down therein , were not more ancient than the times limited by the said treaty ? secondly , whether they were of such a nature and quality as may be thought fit to be referred to such arbitration ? whereupon , in the conferences about this matter , their deputies made only one remark upon the english list , to wit , upon a matter hapned in the indies , and known atlondon , the 20th . of january , 1659. and it was accordingly exchanged by him the said envoy , and in the preliminary conferences , only these two things could be considered : however , it pleased the said envoy to proceed otherwise , imploying to no purpose , in the examining matters , to the bottom , the time in which the said lists might have been perfected , whereby it appears , that , if the said lists have not been perfected , the said envoye is the cause thereof , and not your lordships . with their favour there is a third thing , which by the text of the 15 th article was also to be considered in the preliminary conferences ; and which is the foundation of the other two , viz. that they be such matters as the one party hath suffered or can pretend to have suffered from the other ; nothing was to stand in the lists , which , supposing the fact to be true , could not yet be charged upon the other ; and the english list was so carefully and modestly penn'd , that the deputies ( as is here confessed ) made but one only exception against it , though the estates had sent it to all the provinces , to all the admiralties , and to the east and west india companies , to be examined and considered . and he the said envoy extraordinary had proceeded with that frankness and candour , as to tell the deputies at the time he delivered the said list , that that article was lyable to exception ; and that he should not have offered it , but that there were several notable circumstances that did wholly differ it from others of the like nature . and when in the next conference upon the 14 th of october following o. st. the said deputies did demand to have it expunged , in the ensuing conference after , which was upon the 8th of november following o. st. he consented thereunto ; and withall demanded of them if they had any other exception to make against the english list , to which they replyed , no : and then asked them whether the said list was not then fully agreed by them , to which they replyed , yes . and whereas they do impute to him , in relation to the remarques made by him upon their list , that he should have uselesly spent the time in examining matters to the bottom , he went not beyond the three rules above mentioned : but whereas such care had been used in the penning of the english list , as that but onely one exception could be made against the same , as above-said : the truth is , there were very few articles in theirs that were not lyable to exception by the said rules . for example , article the 2 d , 3 d , 10 th , 17 th , 18 th , 39 th , 44 th , 48 th , &c. no time mentioned , whereby it could not be distinguished , whether they were matters that happen'd within the time limited or not . moreover , articles the 2 d , 19 th , 24 th , 28 th , 33 d , 34 th , 35 th , 39 th , 43 d , 44 th , 45 th , 47 th , 48 th , 71 , 72 d , 73 d , &c. no person named that should have done the injuries there complained of ; and so it appeared not whether those matters had been done by english , or other nations ; and de facto in several articles , the persons named and complained against were no english , nor had we any thing to do with them , as article 16 th , 20th , 30 th , 68 th , &c. and so they might as well have inserted whatever ships had been taken from them by the turks . and a notorious pirate call'd vryborn , who had no commission , and who preyed indifferently upon all nations , having taken a dutch ship near cuba , and coming therewith by accident to the island of jamaica , the governor there immediatly seized him , and clap'd him and his company in irons as pirats , and sent five of them in irons to london , to be tryed for their lives ; set the dutch men that he found on board him at liberty , and restored them their ship , supplyed them freely with necessaries for their voyage out of his majesties stores , and gave the master of the dutch vessel money to go to london to prosecute him , and provided him with a passage ; and the said pirate is since hang'd , and yet this is inserted among others to augment the number of their pretences . and for the pretences of the dutch east india company , he shewed that they were so far from being of such a nature , as to be fit to be referred to such an arbitrage by commissioners and umpires , &c. or to any arbitrage , as that in truth the very inserting of them was a plain and downright mocquery and derision of the english ; for example , article the 4 th . whereas anno 1661. the states general , and the east india company having given their orders to the english east india company to receive possession of the island of poleron , ( which of right was theirs ) and thereupon the said company put themselves to a great expence in sending shipping , men , and all necessaries for the possessing and planting the same ; they content not themselves with the non-delivery thereof , and their frustrating thereby all that expence , but here demand reparation for their going to receive the same . so , article the 5 th , they demand reparation from the english , because their east india fleets return every year round scotland , and because they every year send a convoy for the securing of them . whereas what is this to the english ? do not other ships also that return in the summer from other long voyages , by reason of the largeness of those seas , and the length of the dayes , return that way also ? and do they not here constantly , even in time of peace , grant convoy to their shipping for the baltick , for france , and for london it self ? and why do they not by the same rule demand satisfaction from the english for them also , and in the conclusion make them bear their whole naval charge ? if they think fit to return that way , and to be at the expence of convoyes for their shipping , what is that to the english ? so article the seventh , they say they command all their ships outward bound for the east indies , not to enter into any harbour , or cast anchor in any road of england , and demand satisfaction for the same from the english . they may if they please give such orders to all their shipping , and that as well inward as outward bound , and by the same rule demand satisfaction for the same . article the eighth they say . that while they were in war with the king of bantam , and kept some ships before the said place for the blocking of it up , the english notwithstanding thereof did endeavour to trade there . is this a business to be referr'd to such , or to any arbitrage ? if the dutch be in war with any country , and have a few ships riding before a place , without a land force to block up the same , is it not lawfull for english to trade there ? yea in anno 1659. did not the dutch east india company make satisfaction to the english east india company , for three english ships that they had then taken upon the accompt of their having traded at that place ? article the ninth , they say they had a contract with the queen of achin for the sole buying of her pepper , and some other commodities in certain places ; and yet that the english had traded in the said places for the said commodities : whereas the english were no parties to the said contract , and so not bound up therewith , and consequently no action against them if they did so trade . moreover , that there were several articles concerning ships taken for trading at his majesties plantations contrary to the laws of his kingdoms , and in the said articles it is acknowledged that they did trade there , and that a great many of the said articles were concerning matters which in the artiticles themselves they acknowledge to have been ended between the parties themselves , and thereupon the money paid , yet therein revived , and payment again demanded for them from the same parties : and these , and other remarks of the like nature having been made by him in the conferences last mentioned , to this day , he hath never since heard from them : and how is it then that they are pleased to say , that he the said envoyée extraordinary , and not their lordships , hath been the cause the said lists are not perfected ? pag. 9 , 10 , & 11. concerning the hopewell , leopard , charles , james , mary , &c. the deputies say , that they were only hindred from trading in certain places that were either formerly besieged , or blocked up by sea ; that the english can demand no other satifaction , but only for the loss of the profit of their voyage , and so that these pretensions cannot be very considerable ; that theenglish themselves have done the like in several rencounters , and that yet this state hath offered to his majesty to satisfie the persons interessed , and to make a reglement for the future . suppose the case as is here suggested , and as they put it , that the places where those ships would have traded , had been really , and bona fide , blocked up by sea , without being also blocked up by land ( which they do not so much as pretend to affirm ) how fresh and pregnant are the instances of the practice of this state against such a maxim as that ? when the king of spain had of late years a great number of ships of war upon the coast of portugal , and before the town of lisbon , for the blocking of it up by sea : and though he had at that time a great land army in the bowels of that kingdom , yet did they not send their men of war thither , and that not onely to force their trade , but also to take those men of war of the spaniards that had interrupted the same ? and when the late king of sweden did formerly besiege the town of dantzick with a great fleet of men of war , and had also at the same time considerable land forces in those parts ; yet did they not send a fleet from hence , and by force open their trade there ? whereby they have sufficiently let the world see how little they will endure that rule to be practised against them which they impose upon others : and let it but be taken for granted that they may thus do , farewel all the trade in the east indies , or upon the coast of africa , or upon any of those remote parts , for any other nation but themselves . but with their favour , this is not the case : as to the hopewel and leopard ; hath it not been made out in several conferences , in the presence of the directors of the east india company , not only by authentick copies of the commissions and instructions of the captains of the said ships , the protests made by them , but under the hand of the commander in chief of the dutch fleet before couchin , that the hopewell was upon her way from surat to porca , and stopped in the open sea as she was passing by couchin to go thither , and not suffered to pursue her voyage : and that whereas the leopard , being one of his majesties own ships , according to the instructions she had to that effect , came of her own accord in her way to an anchor before couchin , to acquaint the same commander with her design for porca , where the english had then a setled factory , to which the said ships were consigned ; and the dutch at neither of those times had either a land soldier within the kingdom of porca , or a man of war before the town , nor upon the whole coast of that kingdome ; that notwithstanding thereof , they were both stopped by him , and not suffered to pursue their voyages thither . and here ( if the said envoy extraordinary would give himself the liberty ) might he not justly retort on them their railing and reviling language , for affirming , as is here affirmed , that they were only hindred from trading in places blocked up by sea ? and as to the charles , james , and mary , hath it not been made out at several conferences by authentick and undeniable proofs , that the places where they were hindred from trade were not besieged or blocked up by sea ? but only the dutch west india company kept constantly about castle delmina three or four men of war ; who assoon as they heard that any ship belonging to english , or any other nation , was come upon that coast for trade , one or more of them was sent to ride before such place where they were to trade , and then they must not trade there because it was a place block't up ; and if the said ship weighed anchor to go to any other place , then the said men of war weighed anchor also , and followed them to such place , & then they must not trade there neither , because that was a place block't up ; and so from place to place . this is the truth as to those ships , and yet they shot at , and took their boats with their ladings , wherever they endeavoured to send them on shoare , taking also the men prisoners ; and in like manner shot at the boats or canoes of the natives , which endeavoured to come on board them ; and this in places where the dutch had neither fort nor factorie : and where the english had not onely a constant trade , but setled factories , and at places where other christian nations had their forts , and with whom we were in amity , and had a free trade ; as namely at fredricksburgh belonging to the danes : and let them shew that the english have done the like to them in those parts . and whereas the deputies say , that the dammage could not be very great ▪ since it was but the hindring of some ships from their trade , and not the taking of them . is the defeating of so many ships of east india and african voyages a small matter ? yet this is not the main , but the consequence hereof , which was no less then the utter overthrow of the whole english trade in those parts . for if the said companies might upon such pretences as these are , defeat such ships as were sent thither , of their voyages , without making good and just satisfaction , who would adventure any more , or to what purpose ? and what might then france expect of their new east india & west india companies , but that their ships return as these with their empty holds , provision spent , tackle worn out , mens wages to pay over and above , and yet the most christian king must be importun'd by this state even to break with his majesty , because of his opposing these mischievous practises . and as to what they say that satisfaction was offer'd , 't is true , that after many memorials , long and tedious conferences , and many months delaies , seeing his majesty and his parliament : netled and alarm'd in the highest degree with these and orher the insolencies of the subjects of this state , they do in their resolutions of the 5 th of june last , new stile , promise , that they would so direct matters as that satisfaction should be made ; but nothing followed thereupon . and whereas they would impute the cause thereof to the want of some body to pursue it on the behalf of the persons interessed , did not he the said envoy from day to day with all vehemence and earnestness continue to press them in their name and on their behalf ? and yet what doth their resolution of the 25 th of september say more then their former ? and whereas the 14 th article of the late treaty requires expresly , that satisfaction be made within 12 months for all matters on this side the cape de bonesperance , that should have happen'd after the conclusion of the said treaty , the said 12 months did expire , and nothing done , complaint having been made by memorial , concerning the ships charles and james , on the 17th . of september , 1663. old stile , concerning the ships hope-well and leopard on november 7. following , and concerning the ship mary on february 16. of the year 1663. old st. and yet to this day no satisfaction given , whereby the treaty broke ; and in the mean while , daily new complaints ; the hope-well hindred in a second voyage to porca ; the samson , hopefull-adventure , speed-well , and captain bartwick's ship , and in a word , every english ship that went to trade upon the coast of africa , that they could master , in like manner defeated in their voyage , as the charles , james , and mary , and not so much as satisfaction promised for any of those ; and which is above all to be remarked , that whereas we had been so long held in expectation of our mony , now at last instead thereof , it is added in the afore-said resolution , that the case is disputable ; so that we were now further off our payment then in the beginning of the summer ; or , if it had been given us , ( which it is not ) yet being done in this manner , that is to say , not as of justice and due , but only as out of particular courtesie and complaisance to his majesty for that time , what would it have avail'd us ? the dutch east-india company did in the year 1659. make satisfaction for the postilion , frederick , francis , and john , ( as above-said ) taken upon the accompt of their having traded to bantam , then block't up by sea by them ; and there was added in the treaty concerning those matters , that the two nations should for the future rencounter one another with all peaceableness and perfect friendship , as well within the east-indies as elsewhere . yet so great is the advantage that the said companies have made by practices of this kind , as notwithstanding the said satisfaction and promise of the state they have continued ever since to do the like ( as appears by the many complaints of this kind of the english east-india company , specified in the englist list of damages ) for that by hindring other nations from trading , they inforce the natives to compact with them for the whole product of their countries ; and so though they do make satisfaction for the particular ships stopped , yet they thereby become infinite gainers ; and then not suffering any nation to trade there , because they say , they have agreed for the whole . nor hath their present grandeur arisen so much from their mesnage , or any thing of that kind , as from these violent and indirect means : and if these things were practised by the said companies , while disowned and discouraged by the state , and promise made that the like should not be done for the future , what was now to be expected from them when it was said by the state , that it was disputable whether they might not do so ? yea , in the dutch list of damages , as above-mentioned , satisfaction demanded from the english , for having traded in places block'd up by them by sea ( as they call it ? ) and thus whereas this dispute had hitherto been only between the companies of each side , it was now become a dispute immediatly between his majesty , and this state , they patrocinating and maintaining what the said companies had done : and do not the deputies say in this book , pag. the 11 th , that these pretensions are not so clear , but that they may be disputed ? and pag. 18. they say , we do avow , and we do maintain , that it might be done . and thereby all hopes of any quiet trade , or good understanding in those parts for the future utterly cut off ; and not only so , but what security nearer home ? do not the deputies say in pag. 17. that which is just in the indies , cannot be unjust in europe ? and is not that a fair warning to all the kings of christendom , to let them know what they are in time to expect in these parts also ? that is to say , to be handled by those of this country , as their said companies now handle the kings of the indies ; to be told , that unless they will sell them the whole product of their countries , they shall sell them to no body , and to have fleets plac'd upon their coasts for the effecting thereof ? and as to what is said of their having proffered a reglement for the future , he refers to what is said by him concerning this matter in his reply to pag. 17. and as to what is said , pag. 11. concerning the parliament of england , the said envoyée extraordinary could wish , that with what ever language the deputies had pleased to treat him , that they had been more sparing as to them . they say there , that the proposition which the parliament made to his majesty , was , that he ought to attacque this state , and to make war upon them . the two houses of parliament ( as is known to all that understand the government of that kingdom ) are they to whom the people thereof do ordinarily in great greivances address themselves , and it is their natural way for relief ; and the said houses upon such complaints , cannot transact or treat with any forraign prince or state , ( that being the prerogative of the crown ) and so humbly applyed to his majesty , that he would be pleased to interpose , for the obtaining satisfaction in those numerous and great complaints ; but as to the attacquing of this state , or making war with them , that there is not a word of any such matter in the said proposition ; but it hereby appears , what is in the deputies sense attacquing of this state , viz. let never so many injuries be done by the people of this country to others , if after never so many years patience , and utmost endeavours for obtaining satisfaction in an amicable way , serious and real consideration be at last had for obtaining the same , this is attacquing them , and becoming an aggressour ; and they are pleased to add as to the reason and ground thereof , it must necessarily be believed , that this proposition proceeded from an insatiable appetite , that they had to ravish the goods of others , and from a depraved gusto , that they found in the taking , robbing , and depraedation of the inhabitants of these provinces . a very uncharitable construction , and such a one as none but the deputies of this state would ever have made . suppose never so much to be taken from the people of this country , what advantage could the parliament of england have thereby , or what could they expect by a war as to their own particular accounts , but only to be contributors largely with the rest of the kingdome out of their own fortunes towards the maintenance thereof , as if one would take the liberty of retorting , might it not be said , and with much more reason , that the east and west-india companies of this country , durst not presume to do as they do , but because so great a part , at least , of the governours thereof are concerned in them , and that it ariseth from the same ground , that it is so difficult , and almost an impossible thing to obtaine justice and satisfaction for any injury done by them , be the case never so clear and evident . for what is further said , in page 11. the said envoy declares possitively , that he hath order from the king his master , to assure this state , that his majesty will not permit that his subjects do attaque or surprize as sea the ships of the inhabitants of these provinces ; and that the king would do them no hurt till he had advertised them by a formal and preallable declaration of war. to this , he doth reply , that he cannot but wonder that the deputies do affirm , that he doth declare thus much , the words of his memorial being as followeth ; that the king his master did the last spring ( to take away from them all umbrage , which might cause any extraordinary equipping at that time ) give him order to assure them ( as he then did in a publique conference with their deputies ) that his majesty would not trouble or hinder their fleets , which they then expected out of the streights , and theeast-indies , nor those then at the fisheries upon his coasts . and was not all that made good to them to a puncto , and is it not a very ill requital for so franck and seasonable a declaration as that was at that time , ( and which the king his master was no way obliged to make to them ) and which was made good , thus to misrecite his words ? for the justification of the extraordinary equipage in these parts the last summer , the deputies say , page 11 , and 12. they take , they stop in the havens of england , and confiscate with their merchandizes the ships of this country by express order of the king , and yet cry out against their equipage , though but small , and such as had been heretofore made ; so that it was impossible that the said equipage could give any umbrage to the king of great brittain , especially after they had assured his majesty by their letter of the twenty fourth of july , that their reall intention and constant resolution was to do no hurt to his subjects , and that it would be fitting not to suffer that the said fleets should go off their respective coasts , and havens , and that the king said to the ambassadour of this state , in the audience he had about this matter , that his majesty would let him know his mind concerning this matter in three dayes in writing , which yet he hath not done to this day . it is to be remarked , that they here alledge the taking , stopping , and confiscating of the ships and goods of this country in these parts , for a ground to justifie the late extraordinary equipage ; whereas that equipage was ordered and equipped in the beginning of the summer , and the taking , and stopping of the said ships was not till november following , nor any confiscated till february after : and as to what they say that that equipage was but very small , and that they had formerly made the like ; did they not resolve in the beginning of summer to equippe thirty of their capital ships over and above their fleet under de ruyter , and such as were fitted out for the convoy of their east-india ships , and what for guiny ? and was this a small equipage ? and were not hundreds of carpenters sent on a suddaine to work thereupon , sparing ( as is said in his memorial ) neither holy day , nor work a day , moon-light , nor sun-light , as if it had been upon the most pressing and urgent necessity that could have fallen out ; and this in a time when they had no dispute with any other nation that could give any imaginable occasion or pretense for the same ; nor had the king his master , at that time above seven or eight men of warr in these seas , nor any further equipage in hand ; and he had declared in his answer to his parliament , which was well known here , that he would yet endeavour the accommodating of matters with this state in an amicable way , and give orders to him his minister to that effect : and how can it then be here said , that it was impossible that this equipage could give any umbrage to his majesty . on the contrary , how was it possible , but that it should give him the utmost umbrage , it being very well known that their lordships are too good mesnagers to put themselves to such an extraordinary expence in a frolick , and without some proportionable design , and to be sure such design could not be with reflection upon any other then himself . and as to the letter to his majesty above mentioned , they do here confesse , page 12 , and 13. ( as was alledged by him in his said memoriall ) that they had one fleet actually out and gone to his majesties coasts at the time of the writing of that letter , and so would have been out of that engagement , and it was as numerous as that of his majesties , for the keeping whereof within doors they were so solicitous . and whereas they say ; that this state had no other fleet at sea that was capable to act , for that those that they had at sea were onely destinated for the convoy accustomed to be sent every year for their fleet out of the east-indies . it is not usual to send every year such a fleet as that for the convoying home of their east-india men , and there is not one word in the said letter concerning that fleet , much less to assure him of the design and intention thereof , and why they umbraged as his majesties having sixteen or seventeen men of war together in the downs , his own port , and where he is wont ordinarily , even in times of the greatest quiet , to have as many for the honour and grandent of his kingdom ; and he in the mean while not umbraged at their sending as many upon his coasts , when they had also at the same time another considerable fleet in readiness at home ; and suppose they had assured his majesty in their said letter to him , with all the fine words imaginable , that this fleet had been onely destinated for the convoy of their east-india ships , had they not in like manner assured him when they sent de ruster into the streights , that he was destinated only against the pirates of algiers and those parts ; and yet it was after found that he was capable to act elswhere , and upon other accompts ; and if it be considered about what time those orders must have been sent to him : it will appear that his going to guiny , must have been in design and agitation about the very time of the delivery of this letter to his majesty , for that he received them about the beginning of september , new stile . and at the same time they had also in agitation the preparing of another fleet , under the notion of sending thither , which also was out of the engagement in the said letter , and yet the deputies would have it thought that the states had proceeded with such incomparable and indisputable candour and franknesse towards his majesty in relation to these matters ; whereas in truth , all their overtures to him concerning the dispositions of fleets , had designs and catches with them . and on the contrary , his majesty to shew his reall , peaceable intentions , had from the beginning of the reports about these equipages , earnestly pressed that the same might not be , and that no extraordinary equipage upon either side should be made , for that then to be sure there could not be any thing of ill ren-counter , surprize or jealousie . and as to what they say , page the thirteenth , that they did pay them off so soon as their east-india fleet was arrived . was not tromp ( commander of that fleet ) and others of them after the arrival of their east-india ships , re-victualled and sent to joyn with their lievtenant admiral obdam before the ma●s , and continued with him a long time after . and as to what is said or his majesties having promised to give them his answer in writing in three days , it appears hereby how exact their lordships are in taking notice of , and expecting the fulfilling of whatsoever is said to them , even to the least circumstance and puncto , and to take advantage thereupon . it were well if such ministers as reside here , could obtain in many months , that which often times is promised to be given them in a few days ; but if they please to examine first the memorial of the ambassadour of this state to his majesty of the 11 / 31 th . of july last , they will find it therein said , that his majesty had even then by word of mouth given him his answer as to this point , the vvords being ; that his majesty had been pleased to answer upon the first point touching the keeping of the fleet from going to sea , that the numbers which were fitted and prepared on his majesties side were no way extraordinary , but onely for common and customary use , and without designe of bringing any dammage and inconvenience upon the inhabitants of the united provinces , and that though they did goe out , that he would give such order to the chief commander thereof , that this state should have no cause to apprehend any sinister encounters from the same . and upon the fifth day of august following , his majesty gave the said ambassadour an answer in vvriting to the like effect ; and how is it then here affirmed , that his majesty hath not to this day made known to their ambassadour in writing his intention concerning this matter . and may it not justly be said , that he that was the penner of this book , was either very little acquainted with hath passed between his majesty and this state , or very ill inclined ? for , vvhat follows , page the thirteenth , hereby may be judged , the candour and sincerity of the english , for that before the time of this equiping ( which they would have to be thought the immediate cause of the violences they have done , the king of england ) had already given order to attacque , and take by force the places and forts belonging to this state , so that in serving themselves of this pretext , for the covering of their manifest violences , they give themselves insensibly into a ridiculous contradiction , producing for an effect , that which had its being a long time before its cause . as to how farr his majesty is from being lyable to be charged or blamed upon the accompt of any of these matters , appears by what follows , where they are treated of at large ; but as to the purpose , for which they are here produced , viz. as if they had been made a foundation , for what had been done afterwards by his majesty here in europe ; if it had been so , it had indeed been very ridiculous , but all the use that is made by him in his memorial of that extraordinary equippage , was to shew that they did thereby inforce his majesty to arme also , the words being page the fifth ; seeing himself menaced with these equipages , which could not be but with regard to the king himself , was at last constrained ( though very contrary to his inclinations ) to arme also . so they might also have saved the labour of saying afterward , page the thirteenth and fourteenth ; it cannot be said these orders were given because of the equipage made in this country , or because of the voyage of de ruyter to the coast of africa , seeing they were executed before the said equippage was made here , and long before the voyage of de ruyter . he was not so ridiculous as to make that which had hapned after , to be the cause of what had been done several months before , and when , and where , and by such persons as could have no manner of imagination thereof ; nor was ever the said equipage , or de ruyter's going to guiny , produced for the justifying of what was done by the english there ; and therefore one would think some more grounded occasion at least should have been found out , if they had had a minde to take to themselves the liberty of falling upon the whole english nation with such reproachful and disdainful language , and which it may be is not elswhere to be found , no not upon the reallest of occasions to have been given by any state to a nation in general ; and to say no more , the english have deserved better from this country and state , and what if it should be retorted . hereby may one judge of the candour and sincerity of the hollanders , &c. page the fourteenth , fifteenth , and sixteen , concerning the ship st. jacob , laden at gottenburgh and bound for england , the deputies are pleased to say ; first , the said envoy hath the impudence to say , that this state are the aggressors in europe , for that they stopped in their ports a certain ship which came from sweden laden with masts . that which he saith is so extravagant , and the reason wherewith he backs it so impertinent , that none but sir george downing would have affirmed the one or made use of the other . secondly , seeing the ship concerning the stopping whereof he complains was of gottenburgh ; what had he the said envoy to do to intermeddle therein ? thirdly , this state had defended the transporting out of the country of all sorts of commodities serving for the equipping of ships , after the publication of these defences , this pretended ship of gottenburgh hapning to be in one of the havens of this country , it was necessary that she had a particular permission from the states to go out . fourthly , that liberty was granted her to go out , and it depended onely upon them to be gone . fifthly , that during the being of this ship in this country , news came that the english took and stopped in their havens , all ships belonging to the inhabitants of these provinces . as to the first with your favour ; he is not the onely person , or the first that affirmed them to be the first aggressors in europe , and that among other reasons upon the accompt of the stopping of this ship ; the king his master had said the same in his narrative given to his parliament in the month of november , and therein among other arguments alleadged the business of this ship ; so that 't is his majesty upon whom these incivil and opprobrious terms of impudence , &c. are cast and do abutt , nor was the said narrative unknown here at the time of the writing of this book . as to the second , the said ship was laden upon the accompt of one sir william warren an english man and merchant of london , and bound for england ; and those of the said ship with whom the said lading was intrusted , did apply themselves to him the said envoy upon her stop for his assistance for the obtaining of her releasment , as well as to the minister of sweaden upon the accompt that she came from gottenburgh , and the master a burger of that town ; and can it then be doubted ; whether he the said envoy extraordinary had to do with the business or not , or did he need procuration from sweaden , or was it intermedling with the interests of another crown , to demand the releasement of a ship laden upon the accompt of his majesties subjects and bound for england ? concerning the third , their defence was against the transporting of such kind of goods if laden and taken in this country , but this case was quite otherwise , for that this was a ship which was driven in by much foul weather that she had met withall at sea , and so not in the least within the compass or question of the said defence , nor lyable by the treaty between his majesty and this state to any molestation or search ; there are many sorts of commodities that are prohibited by the laws of england to be imported into that kingdome or exported out of the same by the people of this country ; yet such ships as are onely driven in thither by storme , or other necessity , and do not break bulk , are not , nor cannot be questioned thereupon ; and that is this case , and so that the defence aforesaid cannot in the least justifie the stopping and detaining this ship . as to the fourth , the master and others intrusted with the lading of the said ship , were here solliciting at the time , of the granting the order for her releasement , and went immediately away therewith , but coming to their ship , and preparing to set sayle , they were not suffered so to do , but threatned to be shot at , and so were forced to return back to the hague again . as to the fifth , it is not here confessed , that while that ship was in this country , they had advise of the stopping , and taking of their ships in england , and so there needs no more then this their own confession , to prove who first began to stop ships in europe ; and what though she were afterwards set at liberty ? the rupture was begun , and then there were other things also to be remedied as well as that . and as to what is said , page the sixteenth , concerning the confiscating of their ships ; there was no ship confiscated or condemned in england , till the first of february , old stile , which was long after the newes was arrived at london , of de ruyters having seized all the english merchants ships that he had met withall ; to a considerable number and value , and having actually broken bulk , and taken out their ladings , and appropriated them to the dutch west-india company . concerning the reglement for the future , the deputies say , page seventeen , the said envoy knows that they were alwayes ready to go about the making of a generall reglement , and treaty marine , but that he did alwayes excuse it , and alwayes declare , when he was summoned to confer about this matter , that he had no order concerning the same , but onely to stick to the termes of his project . to this he doth reply , that the discourse concerning this matter arose in conferences with the deputies of this state about several injuries done to the english east-india , and african companies , by the east and west-india companies of this country , that thereupon for prevention of the like for the future , his majesty did command him to tender to this state a concept of a reglement , which accordingly he did ; nor are there wanting instances of particular transactions of that kind before , between england and this country , and many things are proper for those remote parts which are not applicable nearer home ; that he did daily presse the state for their answer thereupon , both by word of mouth , and in severall memorialls given in by him from time to time to that effect : but as to what they say , that he was summoned to conferre about the same , he doth utterly deny it , much more that he should have refused the coming to conference about those matters ; nor did he , ever declare that his orders were to abide onely by the terms of the said conceipt , nor ever any such thing imagined or intended , but onely that the said concept should be a ground-work to work upon , and that they might make their exceptions thereunto , and that there should be added thereto , or taken there-from , as should appear reasonable and fitting upon debate ; but that he could never make the least-advance therein , nor ever had ( as is said in his memorial ) one word of answer from them concerning this matter . as to the near twenty ships that he had affirmed in his memoriall to have been taken in few years before the conclusion of the late treaty upon the coast of africa , only by the west-india company of this country , they say in the seventeenth page , that they are imaginary , as well as that he saith of the evil treatments done to the english , exaggerating them to the terms of a romance , with which he must have his fancy working at the time he penn'd that article , he doth wrong to the truth when he speaks after that manner ; very severe censures if justly charged . was not the ship brother-hood of london taken upon the coast of guiny in the moneth of february , 1655. by one cox , commander of a frygot , called the gat , and one yapoone , commander of the ship called the kater , both commissionated by the west-india company of this country ; and the ship rapahanock , belonging to one john jefferies , and the company of english merchants of london taken near cape lopez upon the coast of guiny about the eleventh of september , 1656. by two ships of this country , the one called mary of amsterdam , and the other the unicorn of middleburgh , commanded by one john scharael of munekedam . the ship sarah belonging to one anna lewellin administratrix of robert lewellin merchant ; humphrey beane and company of english merchants , whereof arthur perkins was commander , taken upon the coast of guiny in the moneth of august , 1656 , by two ships of this country , the one called the mary of amsterdam , and the other the unicorn of middleburgh , commanded by the said schrael of munekedam . the ship fortune , belonging to one constant silvester , and company of english merchants taken about the moneth of august , 1656. near cape lopez upon the coast of guiny by the said mary of amsterdam and unicorn of middleburgh , whereof the said iohn schrael was commander . the ship , saint iohn , belonging to vincent de la barre and company of english merchants taken in the year , 1658. near the port of calbarine by a ship of the said west-india company , and there confiscated . the ship lion , providence of london belonging to sir william thomson , and company or english merchants taken upon the coast of guiny in the moneth of august , 1656. by two ships belonging to the said west-india company , the one called the mary of amsterdam , and the other the unicorn of middleburgh whereof the said iohn schrael was commander . the ship ( brazil fregat ) of london , belonging to iohn bushel , and company of english merchants taken between angola and farnambuca in the year 1657. by a ship of ulissing , whereof one quaerts was commander , called l' escluse . the ship the leopard , belonging to nicholas bauchart of london , and company of english merchants taken near cabo blanco in the month of october , 1656 , and brought up to the castle of arangeny at cape blanco . the ship ( merchants delight ) belonging to one iohn young , and company of english merchants taken near cabo corso in guiny about the moneth of august , 1661. by a ship belonging to the west-india company of this country , called the amsterdam . the ship paragon , belonging to bernard spark , and company of english merchants taken upon the coast of guiny , about the fifteenth of october , 1661. by two ships belonging to the west-india company of this country , the one called the amsterdam of amsterdam , whereof aaron couzens was master , and the other the armes of amsterdam , whereof nicholas yo le was commander . the ship daniel , belonging to john knight , and company of english merchants taken upon the coast of guiny , in the month of may , 1661. by a ship of amsterdam belonging to the west-india company of this country called the amsterdam , whereof one aaron couzens was commander . the ship , black boy , belonging to one arnold breames , and company of english merchants taken near comenda upon the coast of guiny about the thirteenth of april , 1661. by a ship of this country , called the graffena , which came from castel-delmina . the ship ethiopian , belonging to john allen , and company of english merchants taken upon the coast of guiny in the month of january , 1661 , by a ship belonging to the west-india company of this country , called the post-horse , which carried her to castel-delmina . the ship charles , belonging to james burkin , and company of english merchants taken upon the goast of guiny , in the month of august . 1661 , by a ship belonging to the west-india company of this country : called the amsterdam of amsterdam , whereof aaron couzens was commander ; besides several others taken by them there and else-where : and how is it then that they say , that those ships were but imaginary , and it appears ( by the respective times of their being taken above cited ) that these were all matters of a fresh date ; and such as are not blotted out , but reserved by the late treaty . and as to the evil treatments and cruelties complained of by him the said envoy to have been done to the english in those parts , they are pleased to say of them also that they are imaginary , and would make the world believe that all that was but romances of his inventing ; whereas the depositions taken and sworn in the high court of admiralty of england , the 20th . of august , 1662. concerning the ship merchants delight , say , that the said ships whole company were put into nasty holes at castel-delmina , by jaspar van huysen ( general for the west-india company of this country ) where several of them famished to death , and the rest that were set at liberty after a cruel imprisonment , the most of them never since heard of ; the company of the ship paragon after like cruel imprisonment turn'd to shift for themselves amongst the wild beasts . the company of the ship brother-hood , having been stript and plundred of all , turn'd on shore amongst the wild natives , about cape lopez , without any thing of relief or sustenance , where several of them perished for want ; and had it not pleased god , that after their having been there in a miserable condition 20 dayes , a certain english ship , called the happy fortune , whereof one james peperel was master , came thither accidentally , in which they obtained passage , the rest had perished also , nor had it so much as been known what had become of them . the company of the ship black-boy carried to castel-delmina , the english colours with scorn and contempt trampled under-foot , the men miserably treated , so as that the master and six of the said company died ( as was verily believed of poison ) the rest turn'd on shore to shift for themselves . the company of the ship brazil frigot , nine of them turn'd upon a shore that was altogether uninhabited , and no victuals to relieve them , very few cloaths to cover them ( as appears by the depositions taken in the said high court of admiralty , the 16th . day of april , 1663. ) and much more of this kind could he instance , done within these few years upon the same coast , besides what elsewhere , all transmitted to him the said envoy extraordinary under the oaths of many of the persons themselves that felt them , to whom , and the rest of their comrades , the said evil treatments , and cruelties , were more then imaginations and romances . and whereas they say further , page the 17th . we have never heard of those pretended cruelties and barbarisms , nor hath so much as complaint been ever made , that the west-india company had taken any one ship that had truly belonged to the english . he did acquaint the deputies for the affairs of england ( by whom this book is compil'd ) with these cruelties in the conferences held with them concerning the lists of damages , and the said ships are all particularly mentioned and set down in the english list , so long since delivered by him to them ; how is it then that they here pretend ignorance of the one and the other ? and whereas , as to the ships they would evade under the notion of the words , truly belonging to the english . this is a very excellent and easy evasion , and upon this accompt their companies may take what they please from us , and it is but for them to affirm , that it did not truly belong to the english . those many families of his majesties subjects at london and elswhere that felt those losses , and many of which are thereby utterly ruined and banckrupt are living and too true monuments to whom the said ships did belong . and if they could clear themselves upon so easie a score , vvhy is it that we have been kept off these two years and a half since the conclusion of the late treaty ? so as that we have not yet been able to come so farr , as to begin to make out either our propriety therein , or the value of the damages sustained thereby : and whereas these suggestions are no doubt brought them from their companies , it may not be amiss here to put the deputies in minde with what confidence it was affirmed and maintained by the directors of the east-india company before them , that the hope-well and leopard were designed for couchin , a place then beseiged both by land and sea , and not to porca which was not block't up by land nor sea ; and yet when it came to the scanning of those matters , he the said envoy made out under the very hand of the commander in chief of those ships that stopt them in their voyage , that he stopt them from going to porca . for what they say further , page the 17th . we know not to what purpose the said envoy speaks of those said near twenty ships . the purpose was very clearly set down in his memorial , viz. that whereas all the complaints that were mentioned in the resolution of the estates-general , to which it was an answer ( as to what out of europe ) were only of matters pretended to be done against the west-india company , thereby to shew what great reason the english had to be offended with them , and to be the more sensible of the injuries done to them since the conclusion of the late treaty , considering how they had from time to time been handled by those of that company before the makeing thereof , having in a few years space ( as said ) taken near twenty english ships in those parts only , and not only no satisfaction given for the said ships , but new injuries heaped upon them , and the same designes carried on , to the utter ruine of the english trade in those parts . and whereas page the 18th . the deputies would excuse what had been done by the said company since the conclusion of the said treaty ; for that say they , first , he confesseth ingenuously , that since the conclusion of the late treaty , there hath not been one english ship taken . secondly , that all that hath been done is , that they would not permitt the english to enter into places asseiged by the armes of this state , or blocked up by sea. and so that that could not justifie what had been done by the english against them , especially considering the resolutions of the fifth of june and twenty fifth of september , wherein they had declared that they would cause satisfaction to be made to the persons concerned in the ships , hopewell , leopard , charles , james , and mary . he never said or confessed , that no english ship had been taken since the conclusion of the late treaty , and the contrary is acknowledged page the twenty seventh of this very book ; but that which was said in his memorial , was onely that those of the west-india company had not taken any in those parts of affrica since the conclusion of the late treaty ; and as to their pretences , that what they had done as to the hindring of our ships from trading there , was onely in places besieged , and that they had promised satisfaction ; these allegations and excuses have been so fully answered before , that it were but mispence of time to say any more concerning them , but as to that which was the force of his argument , they answer not at all , viz. that the question was not about the charles , james , and mary onely , but that what was done to them , was in like manner done to every english ship that came upon those coasts by men of war , kept there on purpose to that end ; whereby it appeared that what was done to them had not been upon some accidental rencounter , but upon design , and that this practice was as certainly pernicious and destructive to the trade of the english , as the taking of their ships , and more discouraging to the merchant ( as hath been afore-shewen ) and so that either some course must be taken by his majesty , not onely for the obtaining of satisfaction for those individuall ships , but for the securing in general of the trade of his subjects in those parts , or otherwise that they must give it quite over . page the ninteenth , they say that he should have said in his memorial ; that one must not doubt of the truth of all he saith concerning these pretended hinderances of the english from trade and evil treatments of them ; for that the same doth appear by the complaints he had order from time to time to make to this state concerning the same . the deputies deal here with him as in other parts of their book , misrecite the words of his memorial , and then descant upon them after their fashion ; the words thereof were not , for the same doth appear , &c. nor did it ever enter into his imagination , that his bare affirmation should be taken for a juridical proof : but his words are , as it doth appear by the complaints , &c. that is to say , taking them as they were accompanied with examinations upon oath of the masters and other officers of the said ships , and which were also by him produced to the said deputies with other authentick documents , which were juridical proofs : & so might it not justly be said , that those matters were made appear by him in his complaints concerning the same ? and what occasion given for all those reviling expressions which they are pleased here to make use of ? but whereas they say , if the complaints of sir george downing could serve for juridical proofs , the inhabitants of these provinces had long ago deserved the treatment which they have received from the english , and the hostilities which have been committed against them had been easily justified . if then by this reply it shall appear ( as it will ) that nothing was complained of by him , but what was upon good and real ground ; it follows by the deputies own confession , that his majesty is justified in what hath been done against the people of this country , and that he hath had sufficient ground and reason for the doing thereof . page the 19 , concerning the remonstrance or declaration of valckenburgh , they say , the 14 ofaugust last , the said envoy presented a memorial concerning the same subject , upon which this state made a very considerable answer the 8 of october following ; so that he is in the wrong to say , that satisfaction hath not been given him . it is therein said , that valckenburgh , director general for the west-india company upon the coast of guiny , doth not conclude in his declaration to cause all other nations to be gone out of all those quarters . ' t was not said by him in his memorial , that they had given him no answer , but , that a remonstrance or declaration had been published as well in the name of thestates general , as of the said company ; wherein was deduced their claim and pretended right to all that whole coast , to the exclusion of all other nations . and that , the said declaration was not yet disavowed , nor satisfaction given thereupon . and hath not such a declaration been published ? and did not he the said envoy give this state a copy thereof at their desire ? and can they say , that in the forementioned answer it is disavowed ? and could it be call'd , giving us satisfaction , that when we complain that a remonstrance is issued out by a governour-general , and that not only in the name of the west-india company , but in the name , and on the behalf of the estates general themselves , claiming a whole country wherein we have considerable forts , lodges and factories , and a considerable trade ; and which remonstrance had been formerly sent and notified by the said valckenburgh to the chief agent of the english african-company at their principal fort , to tell us , that he doth not therein conclude to bid the english be gone ? what though he had not therein bid us be gone out of any place ? is not such a claim , and the notifying thereof , a great injury , and which his majesty had just reason to complain on , and to expect should be disavowed by the state , whereby his subjects might be put out of apprehension of being disturbed in their quiet and peaceable possessions and trade ? but he doth in the said remonstrance , not only claim the whole , but therein actually commands the english to be immediately gone out of tacorari and cabo corso , two places in which they had not only a constant trade , but setled factories , at the very time of the issuing out the said remonstrance ( as is therein confessed ) and acknowledged by him the said valckenburgh ) and not only commanded them out of them , but upon those very grounds and arguments upon which he therein claimed the whole . and the deputies will have it thought , that the state hath given them satisfaction , when they say in their deduction aforesaid , that it doth not conclude to cause all other nations to be gone out of all those quarters . so far from disavowing their pretended right to the whole , or the commanding the english immediately out of those two factories and places , as that they will have it to be judged abundant satisfaction to them , that they have time given them to dislodge by degrees , first out of those places , and not at once commanded to be gone out of all those quarters . and it is to be remarked , that the said remonstrance was issued out the 7 of june , 1663. and so long after the conclusion of the late treaty ; whereby it appears , that since the conclusion thereof , his majesties subjects were not onely disturb'd at sea , by the shipping of the west-india-company , under the command , and by the orders of the said valckenburgh their general ; but also the whole country claimed from them , and actually commanded to quit immediately two of their setled and principal factories . and for what they say that captain holmes should have sent to one henry williamson cop , that captain holmes had sent three persons of condition to one henry williamson cop that commanded at cape verd for the west-india-company , who said to him from holmes , that he had express order from the king his master to let all know , that the right of trading upon the coast of africa , from cape verd to the cape of bona esperanza , belonged to him onely , to the exclusion of all other nations . we shew this state a formal writing , and not discourses which may fall , and which may possibly not be well remembred , or mistaken , or stretched beyond the intent and meaning of them that said them . and so was this case : yet what a mighty business did this state make hereof ! writing a letter immediately to his majestie expresly about it , and causing their ambassadour to complain highly thereof in an audience demanded for that effect . if we should make such ado about all the high words and threats in those parts , and in the east-indies , and elsewhere , of those employed by the east and west-india-companies ; we should be able to do little else . besides , those discourses are here acknowledged to have been upon the 12 of march 1661. and so , long before the conclusion of the late treaty , and so upon which the deputies cannot justifie any thing done by them since : whereas this remonstrance of val●kenburgh was , as abovesaid , long after the conclusion of the said treaty , and so a new breach : and above all , it is to be remarked , that the deputies do here confess , that whatever it was that should have been said by holmes , or his order , that it was immediately upon complaint , as aforesaid , disavowed by his majestie , as is here acknowledged , page the 20. which their lordships having represented to the king of great britain , as well by their letter of the 28 of july 1662 , as by word of mouth by their ambassadours extraordinary which were then at london ; his majestie disavowed that action of holmes , in his answer of the 24 of august of the same year . and so suppose such words had been spoken , and that since the last treaty , yet they would have been so far from being to be imputed to his majestie , or to be made use of for the justifying of any hostilities against his subjects , as that on the contrary , this state had all the reason in the world to be highly satisfied with his majesties generous and frank proceeding therein ; and themselves thereby so much the more condemned , that when such a remonstrance published in their name , and which a fresh breach , being since the conclusion of the late treaty ; and having been pressed so often , and for so long time together concerning the same , that yet to this day it is not disavowed by them : on the contrary , we are told that we ought to take it for satisfaction , that what is therein declared , was not executed at once : yea , the deputies will not admit that there was therein so much as an offensive word . and for what is said of selwyn's paper , page the 21. that could not have caused valckenburgh's remonstrance , for that it was written after , and in answer thereunto ; putting him in minde also of many outragious hostile actions done by him against the english , desiring they might quietly continue in their trade and factories , and telling him that they had more reason to bid him quit places he possessed , then he them , for that he did at that very time possess several places which did of right belong to the english , mentioning the same , and particularly cabo corso ; and so that if they must come to dislodging , that the english had more reason to expect that the dutch should dislodge , then they the english . page the 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. concerning the business of the king of fantine , they say , first , that he the said envoy hath never produced any proofs . secondly , that he doth not adde any particularities or circumstances that can give the least colour or appearance of truth thereto . what he gave them , was out of an original examination taken in the high court of admiralty at london , and sent him by special order of the king his master , with command to acquaint the state therewith ; and how is it them they are pleased to say , that he hath given them no proofs , or out of a meer loose paper ? nor was what he gave them ( as they are pleas'd to call it , pag. 23. ) the saying of one person onely , but attested also by one dobson , a principal person in those parts : and what ground then , or occasion for all these most injurious and reproachful terms which they are pleased upon this occasion to lavish out withal , and spend a couple of leaves of paper upon , such as no man would give to his foot-man ? and might they not be retorted in the highest manner , if one took pleasure in sullying his mouth or pen ? and as to the second : had there indeed been no circumstances to make good the intention of such a designe , it might have passed like the stories written to them by their officers in the east-indies , of the designes of the english to besiege batavia , ( which are ridiculous in the very imagination of them . ) but could there be more pregnant circumstances then those suggested , viz. first , that the dutch did actually pay down to the natives a sum of money for their encouragement ? secondly , that they did furnish them with store of muskets and powder from aga ; which the english having notice of , sent souldiers to a certain village thereby , who ( de facto ) did surprise a part of them , and bring them to cormantine . thirdly , that the west-india-company were to block it up by sea , while attacqued by the natives by land , and that accordingly two of their ships were actually upon their way , and come as far as cabo corso in order thereunto ; but that hearing of the failer of the designe of the fantiners , they immediately returned . page the 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. concerning the business of cabo corso , they say , first , that it was attacqued and taken , not by any rencounter that happened in those parts , and which might have provoked captain holmes to those violences ; but by express order of the king of great britain , according to his own confession and declaration . secondly , that the english have not pretended that cabo corso did belong unto them , but since that they had carried their arms thither , and since that they have taken it . concerning the first , he hath express and positive orders from the king his master to declare , that his majestie did never avow or say that he had given orders to holmes for the taking of that place : that in his answer of the 5th of august last given in writing to the ambassadour of this state , there is this following clause : concerning captain holmes , we have with great sincerity assured the said ambassadour , that he had no commission to take cape verd , nor any other place belonging to the dutch , or to do any act of hostility upon any of the subjects of the united provinces , that was not for the defence of our subjects , and their trade in those parts . that all he ever said to the said ambassadour concerning cabo corso , was , that he looked upon the case as to that place , to be very much differing from that of cabo verd ; and so much , as that if he had given order for the taking thereof , very much might have been said for the justification thereof . and to the like effect doth he the said envoy extraordinary speak in his memorial : that suppose his majestie hath permitted his subjects to endeavour to recover the possession thereof , it could not be thought strange , not could this state have had any just cause of complaint or grievance threat : for the english had not onely a bare liberty of trading , or of having a factory at that place , ( as at several others upon that coast ) but one thomas crispe , chief agent for the english guiny-company , at the earnest invitation of the king of fetu , whose land that was , went thither about the end of the year 1649. and purchased the same of the said king , and paid for it : and after all things were concluded , the kings officers summon'd all the natives thereof by the beat of drum , both men , women and children , to a very great number ; and when they were all come together , publike and solemn proclamation was then and there made , that the king of fetu , with the consent of his officers and great men , had sold the land of cabo corso to him the said crispe . whereupon the people gave several great shouts , throwing the dust up into the air , and cryed , that that was crispe's land. and the said crispe is yet alive , and now at london , and hath by special order of the king his master sent to him the said envoy the contents hereof under his own hand , with the testimony of others that were then in those parts , and know the same to be true . and some time after , a party of the natives of that country falling upon the english house there , and robbing and plundering the same , and so the english retiring for the present , the swedes came thither , demolished what had been there built by them , and built a fort upon the ground which the english had purchased . afterwards the danes drove out the swedes , during the late war between those crowns ; and then the dutch got the place from the danes . and so the dutch deriving from the danes , can have no better title then the danes ; and the danes deriving from the swedes , can have no better title then that of the swedes , which was onely possession , and having built upon the land of another without their consent ; and so the question is singly , whether the land should follow the fort or house , or the house the land ; and whether a possession of so late a date , can create a title against a clear and undoubted purchase . and whereas they say , page 26 , that they had bought that fort from the danes ; it is very well known , that the ministers of denmark do say and maintain , that the west-india-company of this country did nevery buy them out , but onely that during the late siege of copenhagen , and in the time of the low estate of that kingdom , that the governour-general for the dutch west-india-company , called van huysen , did debauch and corrupt one samuel smith , ( who then commanded the said place for the king of denmark ) to put the same into his hands for a bribe of seven or eight thousand gilders : and that this was without the knowledge , permission , or order of the said king. and this is their title to this place , about which they make so much ado . nor did they content themselves with the said fort , but ( as in all other places ) having once got footing , they fell immediately to the utter expelling of the english from all share or interest there : and whereas they had re-built themselves a house or factory there , some belonging to the dutch west-india-company , and in their service , did on the first of may 1659. attacque the same , and burn it , with all the moveables and merchandizes . and it being afterwards re-built by the english , they hired others to set upon it , and burnt it again , with all the merchandizes therein ; nor would so much as permit them to come and trade there with their shipping . and the said deputies rule is , page 7 , that one may retake by arms , that which hath been gained by arms. but this case had been otherwise : for the dutch having got into the said fort in manner abovesaid , were a little after droven out by one jan claes , who was general for the natives ; and the said claes having driven them out , and knowing well that the undoubted right of that place did belong to the english , made a tender to their agent in those parts to restore the same to them : but he was neither provided at that time with men , nor other necessaries for the receiving thereof ; and before they came to him from england , the said jan claes died . afterwards , ( and while the dutch were still out of the possession thereof ) the government of that country sent a publike minister to cormantine , to treat with the english agent there , about putting of the said place again into their hands : and a treaty was perfected and compleated between the governour of fetu , and commissioners sent thither by the said agent , and a sum of money paid in hand according to the said conditions . nor was there so much as any certain knowledge in england that the dutch had re-possessed themselves thereof , at the time when holmes his orders and instructions were made , nor other news thereof then a report which came about that time out of this country . and supposing it to be true , yet that could not alter such a treaty made while out of their hands : and that case being thus , if his majestie had given him such orders , what could they have to say against the same ? and whereas it had been said by him in his memorial , that his majestie had been so much the more justifiable in letting his subjects take possession thereof , because of the little effect that the instances made here in his name in other matters had had : the deputies are pleased to mis-recite the clause in his memorial , and then descant thereupon after their fashion . the clause ( as recited by them ) is , for seeing that his majestie hath not been able by all endeavours and instances to get out of their hands one ship , or the value of a peny of goods since his return to his kingdom ; what hope was there that such a place should have been restored ? and they are pleased to comment thereupon : this is a strange confidence of the said envoy , to put in writing , and to publish among forraign princes and ministers , and to present to your assembly a thing , of the contrary whereof he hath been so convinced by the deduction which ye made the 9th of october last , upon the king of great britain ' s answer in writing ; where your lordships have made clearly appear , by the restitution of the ship handmaid , and of the shaloup taken by captain banckert , and by several other particularities , that what the said envoy saith here , is not true : so that he might have spared the giving occasion to have himself contradicted here . whereas the words of his memorial are , and in truth if his majestie hath not been able , by all his endeavours and instances , to get out of their hands any one ship , or the value of a peny of goods since his return to his kingdoms , which had been taken by violence from his subjects , concerning which he the said envoy had made complaint heretofore ; what hopes that such a place would have been restored ? but their lordships leave out all the middle thereof , viz. which had been taken by violence from his subjects , concerning which he the said envoy had made complaint heretofore , whereby the sense is quite changed ; and then apply instances thereto , which would no wayes sute therewith , taking the intire sentence together . for as to the ship hand maid , it is true , that that business did pass his hands , but that ship had not been taken by violence from the subjects of his majesty : the turks had taken her from the english , and the dutch only rescued her from the turks . and as to the shaloup taken by banckert , 't was not a matter whereof the said envoy had made complaint , for that it was a business managed at london by his majesties ministers there , though there was scarce another instance of that kinde that passed not his hands ; and he doth here again affirm the truth of the said clause in his said memorial . whereas in the letter of the states , of the 26 of january 1664. to the king his master , their words are , that his majesty had very often caused justice to be done upon their complaints , since the conclusion of the treaty between him and this state. but as to the second : did not the agent selwyn , in his letter above-mentioned to valckenburgh , of the 14 ▪ of june , 1663. remonstrate the right of the english to that place , and protest against the detaining the same from them ? and did not he the said envoy extraordinary , in a conference held with the deputies of this state , upon the 12 of feb. 1663. old stile , deduce and make out the right of the english african-company to that place ? and it was not taken by holmes till the 9 of may following ( as is here confessed , page the 24. ) and how is it then , that they say here , that the english did not claim it till they had got the possession of it ? and whereas page the 25 they say , he himself did interpose in the said difference between the west-india company of this country , and the african company of denmark , concerning this place , as he hath often intermedled with several matters , wherein neither he , nor the king his master , had to do : and in the memorial which he presented concerning this matter , he backs the pretensions of the danes , and speaks not at all of those of the english ; from whence an infallible argument may be drawn , that the king of england ( whom he brings in speaking in his memorial ) did not at that time think that the fort of cabo corso 〈◊〉 belong to the english , as in truth they did not think it , till they were in possession of it ; and that now they judge 〈◊〉 their best pretence for the excuse of their hostilities ●●…mitted there . the memorial given in by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 behalf of the danes , which was of the 8 of febr●●●● , 1663. old stile , was only in general terms , 〈◊〉 that whereas the king of denmark had applied himself unto the king his master , complaining of great injuries , violences and depredations do●● to his subjects by the west-india-company in those parts , that his majesty held himself obliged to concern himself therein ; nor is there a word therein concerning cabo corso , or any other matter in particular ; and there were at that time a great many differences between the danes and them , viz. the taking of their ships , hindring others from trade at places of their own ( upon which we had no pretence ) as fredericksburgh . and how then is an infallible argument to be drawn from thence , that the english did ●ot think that the fort of cabo corso did belong unto him till they were in possession thereof ? and the contr●●y before made appear in the letter of selwyn above mentioned : and the conference aforesaid , wherein he the said envoy had made out the right of the english to the said place , was but within three or four dayes after the date of this memorial . and whereas they say , that he doth therein back the pretensions of the danes , and speaks not at all of those of english ; are not the words of the said memorial , that his majesty holds himself obliged to intermeddle therein with the same zeal and fervour , and to the same degree , as for the injuries done to himself and his own subjects in the same parts , and by the same company ? and whereas they are pleased to say , as he hath often meddled in several matters , wherein neither he nor the king his master had to do ; they would thereby insinuate , as if the said envoy extraordinary had of his own head given in that memorial , whereas it was in pursuance of a letter from the king his master to him , expresly commanding him to do it , and of which he knew nothing , till it was put into his hands by hannybal schestedt , high treasurer of denmark , who had procured the same , and brought it out of england with him . and to what is there said , that the king his master hath nothing to do therein , they know better ; and that ( as is said in the said memorial ) his majesty is obliged by all the bonds of honour , friendship , blood , gratitude and treaty , to interpose himself in the concerns of that king. page the 27 and 28. concerning the island of polerone , their lordships make no reply to what hath been said in his memorial , viz. that the said place ought to have been restored to the english , by vertue of a solemn treaty in the year 1623 , and yet we know not to this day that it is restored . and indeed no answer in such a case was the best answer : and it is to be observed , that by the said treaty it was stipulated , not only that the said island should have been restored , but the words thereof are , that the same should be restored in the same estate and condition the english had formerly injoyed it . whereas it was not only not restored , but those of the east-india-company did cut down , and grub up by the roots all the nutmeg-trees and plants in the said island , and have done the like several times since ; whereby in case it should at any time come to be restored , it should be ( at least for many years ) altogether useless and unprofitable to them . concerning the treaty of 1654. they acknowledge , that the said island was adjudged to be restored to the english by the sentence of the commissioners on both sides appointed by that treaty ; but say , that orders were then accordingly given to the english for the receiving the possession thereof , and so that if they had it not , they had none to blame but themselves : but if giving orders here in europe were enough , we had had it long before . and i pray , had not the english east-india-company again in the year 1660 , orders both from the estates general , and the dutch east-india-company , both to the dutch governour-general in the indies , and to the governour of the banda islands ( of which that is one ) for the delivery of possession thereof to them , and of which he the said envoy extraordinary hath copies by him ? but yet when the said company had put themselves to between twenty and thirty thousand pounds sterling charge , in sending men and necessaries accordingly for the receiving the same , and the said orders were tendered to the said governour-general , together with his majesties commission to the like effect , he laught at them ; nor would give them any order to the governour of the banda-islands for the delivery thereof ; notwithstanding to take off all pretence of failer on their part , the english continued their voyage from batavia to po●erone , and did there demand the said island , with their letters to the governour and council over the banda-islands ; but answer was made them , that they should not have it , and souldiers were drawn up along the shore , and they were let know , that if they offered to come on shore they would fire at them . and whereas it is said , page the 28 , that the revolution which happened in england by the re-establishment of his majesty , did so change affairs , that what had been only stipulated in the name of protector could not be any further executed ; that there must be another adjustment made with his majesty , before new orders could be given for the accomplishment thereof . and so would upon that accompt excuse the non-rendition thereof , till the conclusion of the treaty in the year 1662. whereas those letters were written about seven months after the return of his majesty to his kingdoms ; and in that of the estates generalto the governour and council of the banda-islands , there is express mention and reference made to the aforesaid award of the commissioners : the letter being to this effect : whereas the governours and directors of the english east-india company are now intended to go and take possession of the island of polerone , so we have found it expedient by these presents , to write unto you , that according to the award given up by the commissioners on both sides , those who shall come to appear from the aforesaid english company with due authority and qualifications in the islands ofbanda , ye shall give place , and deliver over the aforesaid island of polerone . whereupon we relying , &c. in the hague , the 17 of december , 1660. and it is to be remarked , that the deputies in reciting ( page 27 ) the clause of his memorial concerning polerone , wholly omit that part thereof relating to these orders . concerning the treaty of 1662. they say , 't was he himself that delivered to this state a letter from the king his master , of the 22 of january 1663. in which his majesty saith expresly , that he was intirely satisfied with their procedure in this matter . by the fifteenth article of the said treaty , it was agreed , that immediately after the ratification thereof , orders should be given by the states general , and the dutch east-india-company , for the delivery of the island of polerone to the english east-india-company : whereupon , after the ratification thereof , his majesty wrote to the states general , demanding the said orders ; which being accordingly sent hence for london , as his majesty had demanded the same by letter , so he was pleased by another letter to acknowledge the receipt thereof , and that with very civil and obliging expressions ; well hoping that for the future , all things would have gone after another manner , then before the conclusion of the said treaty . and this is the letter here mentioned : nor doth it contain any more in relation to this business , nor indeed could it , being written not above fourteen weeks after the conclusion of the said treaty , being dated whitehall the 22 of january 1662. whereas the deputies say in this their book , that it was dated the 22 of january 1663. which is above fifteen months after the conclusion of the treaty ; whereby they would have it thought , that this letter had been written upon some further procedure in relation to this business , and upon some advice out of the indies concerning the same . nor will the excuse of new stile or old stile serve the turn ; for if they had meant new stile , then it must have been dated the first of february 1663. and not the 22 of january 1663. and the king his master doth by no means understand this manner of proceeding with him . and now , i pray , doth this letter contradict or interfere , in the least , with what had been said by him in his memorial ? had he therein said , that they had not given orders for the delivery thereof , or more then that , yet we do not know to this day , that the said place is restored . and was not that then true ? and what ground or occasion given for them , to say , page the 28 , the said envoy doth hereby make appear the wrong he doth , in forming complaints upon a matter , concerning which the king himself had thanked the state ? had he complained , that this state had not given orders for the restoring that place ; or said more then as above-said , that we did not yet know that that place was restored ? and can any of them say yet to this day , that it is restored ? but if he had thought he should have been taken up so short , he would have added ( as he then could ) that the said orders , together with his majesties commission , under his great seal of england , had been actually ●endred and delivered to the dutch governour-general at batavia ; and that he had made sport therewith , as with the orders of the year 1660. asking how he could know that piece of wax from another piece of wax ? and how he could know the king's picture and image thereupon from another ? with many vaunting and insolent expressions ; though he did acknowledge that he knew of the conclusion of the said treaty ; and that thereby the said island was to be restored , and that the orders by them presented , as from the estates general , and east-india-company , were really their orders ; and that they who tendred them , were the factors and servants of the english east-india-company , and so that there could be no question , but that it ought to be delivered to them . and so , what though his majesties commission should not have been kept so perfectly clean , that could raise no question : but it 's a signe how exact the deputies informations concerning this matter are , and what credit is to be given thereunto ; for that they call it a paper , page the 28. presenting to them a paper that was so foul : whereas it is very well known , that the broad-seal of england is never put to paper , but to parchment only : nor do themselves alleadge , that the orders of the estates general , or dutch east-india-company were sullied , or those of the english east-india-company . and when they had spent much time in descanting upon the commission and orders , then the said general would have them to give an acquittance , wherein should be inserted such a clause as was directly repugnant to the treaty , and no way in their power to signe , and wherein they must in writing give thanks for the restoring of the said island to them , as if of grace , and not a thing agreed by treaty to be done , and of due , and which had so many years been unjustly kept from them , and now to be delivered with the trees again utterly wasted and destroyed , whereas at the time of its taking it was well planted ; and what other or further devices may afterwards be made , either there , or by the governour and council of the banda-islands , time must shew : we have cause to fear the worst ; and if it be not delivered , it will appear to have been caused upon such account , and not ( as is here suggested ) upon the want of shipping , or other necessaries on the side of the english for the receiving thereof , though they had no great encouragement to be over-forward in providing them , considering what the like orders had cost them in the year 1660 , and to what effect . and whereas they say , that the aforesaid letter of the 22th of january was delivered to this state by him the said envoy ; the deputies have very much forgot themselves : the said letter was not delivered by him , nor could be , for that he was at that time in england , nor had been in holland some months before , nor returned thither till several months after . page the 29 and 30 , concerning the business of new netherlands , they argue , first , from the signification of the word octroy , which , say they , is onely an advantage accorded to some particular subjects , to the general exclusion of all other subjects of the same soveraign , but which doth not at all oblige the subjects of other princes and states . secondly : and though the octroy or patent which the king of england had given to his subjects , did comprehend new netherland , yet that could not give the english any right to the places and lands which the subjects of this state had possessed peaceably for fourty or fifty years , and which they had occupied whilst it was deserted and uninhabited . thirdly , as to what was alleadged of their endeavouring to usurp still more upon the english , and to impose their laws and customs upon them , and to raise contributions from them : they say , we judge that this is a production of his imagination , and dare say that there is nothing of truth therein . fourthly : that if his majestie had thought that his subjects had any pretence to this place , would not his majesties commissioners , during the whole time that the ambassadours of this state were inengland , have spoken one word concerning this matter ? however , since they have not done it , it ought to be put among the number of those that are mortified by the said treaty . as to the first , he doth reply , that he did not argue in his memorial from the grammatical signification of the word octroy , but from the matter and substance of the octroys , patents or charters granted by his majesties royal ancestours concerning those parts . the deputies suppose that they must be after the model of the octroys of the dutch east-india and west-india-companies , which do not give the soveraignty of all the lands within the limits thereof to the said companies , but onely certain priviledges therein , to the exclusion of the rest of the subjects of this state : and some such there are in england also , as of the english east-india , turky , african , moscovian companies , &c. but these are quite of another nature ; they do grant the soveraignty of the lands within their limits to the grantees , under a certain model and form of government , and under certain powers and jurisdictions therein set down and prescribed . and as to the second , the deputies doe not deny that this land called new netherlands is within the patents granted by his majesty , to his subjects , and he the said envoy doth affirme that it is . and let those of the west-india company produce an antienter patent for the same , but he doth not believe they can produce any at all , other then that generall octroy ( which as abovesaid ) grants not the soveraignty of all lands within the limits thereof : and as to the point of possession , there is nothing more cleare and certaine then that the english did take possession of and inhabit the lands within the limits of the said patents , long before any dutch were there . 't is not to say , ( nor is it requisite that it should be said ) that they did inhabite every individuall spot , within the limits of them . it is enough that their patent is the first , and that in pursuance thereof , they had taken possession , and did inhabite and dwell within the same , and made considerable towns , forts , and plantations therein before the dutch came to dwell there : is it to be imagined that the dutch east-india-company have fully peopled and cultivated the island of ceylon , and other their great colonies in the east indies , and yet if the english should upon such pretence , endeavour to settle there without their consent . would they approve thereof , or suffer the same ? or accompt their title there to be good , or other then precarious ; and the setling of the dutch in new netherlands ( so called ) was upon permission graunted them by the english for their shipping , to take in wood , and water , there , and other provisions for their reliefe , when they should come into those parts , but the english did never grant unto them the soveraignty thereof , but that the said company ( as they doe elsewhere ) did upon this precarious admission and connivance , incroach from time to time upon the english . but whereas they say page 29. the said envoy saith , that the dutch ought every year to demand the confirmation of their possessions , and descant thereupon : but we have above observed , that there is very little to be built upon what he saith , that it ought not to be believed but upon very good proofe . it is very hard measure , that the deputies still take to themselves the liberty of misreciting the words , and clauses of his memorial , and make it speak what it never did , and yet withall fall upon him with reproachfull , and disdainfull language , for having said and written that which is no where ( that he knows of ) to be found but in this book . the clause in his memorial was ; that those hollanders which were there , did dwell there simply by permission , and not by any right that they could pretend to that place , and that that had been declared to them from time , to time , and from year to year . and is not there a great difference between , that it had been declared to them from year to year , that they had no right to dwell there , and that they ought every year to demand the confirmation of their possessions . and are not the very next words of his memorial , but so as that the english were content to have suffered them to dwell there , provided they would have demeaned themselves peaceably . so far from having said that the english did expect that they should every year demand a confirmation of their possessions , as that on the contrary what he said was , that though their possession was but procarious , yet that the english were contented to let them live there and enjoy the same , upon condition of their demeaning themselves quietly ; and was it not so that about the year 1654 , the english were about granting them certain limits , and the same had taken effect and been ratified ; if their continued new insolencies had not diverted the same : yet it shall be far from him to retort any such unhandsome expressions . and as to the argument whereby they would prove that they were more then few in number , for that it is not probable that a few hollanders should have so fallen upon many english . that they were but few in comparison of the english is a fact too known to need proving ; but the argument may be thus well retorted , how great was their presumption , to have attempted those insolencies , which they did from time to time attempt , being so few in number , and how great the patience of the english who are so numerous and strong in those parts , being able to bring many scores of thousands of able fighting men into the field , that they should yet so long have suffered the same . and this lead's me to the third particular , it would have been a boldness and a presumption indeed in him the said envoy to have fained these allegations , & endeavoured to have imposed them upon their lordships and the world , that they had from time to time injur'd the english , and usurped upon them in those parts if it had not been so ; but i pray was not one how , sent by his late majesty of blessed memory into those parts about twenty five years agone , and did not the dutch there seize him and his company , and keep them prisoners , and were not great complaints thereof brought to the court of england , and which were highly resented ? and did not the dutch about twenty years agone come to an english town called stanford , where none but english lived , and summoned them to come under their obedience and pay them contribution , and set up the dutch armes there , and all along the late times of disorders in england , were there not continually high complaints brought over against them ? did they not send armed men to an english town called greenwitch , and force the english there to come under them ? and was not one deyer sent in cromwell's time to stop their insolencies , and who did free the english of them in severall places . moreover did not the last governour of new-amsterdam ( so called ) lately come with armed men to a certain english town called west-chester , within the bounds of the english colonies , and where they had bought the land of the natives ( as is their custome , not to settle any where in those parts without first contracting with them ) and by force compelled them to come under their obedience , and to pay them contributions , or else to quit their dwellings in two month's time , and named the place oostdorp . and about three years ago , upon fresh complaints of their usurpations by land , and moreover that they did stop and hinder the english shipping from their trade in those parts , was not one scot sent to warn them to live quietly , and not to injure the english , or otherwise that some other course should be taken with them , and yet the deputies would have it thought that there hath been nothing of this kind , and that what hath of late been done to the dutch in those parts , should have been a surprize without any thing of provocation , or occasion given . and as to the fourth particular more needs not be said , then what is in his memorial , viz. that the english had by their charter jura belli in those parts , without appealing first into europe ; but if it can be made good that they have done any injury to the people of this country , his majesty will be alwayes ready to see that right be done . but whereas their lordships doe in severall places of this book , say , that his majesty should have confessed , that the taking of new netherland , ( so called ) should be done by his order . he is commanded to say , that his majesty never said more concerning this , then concerning cape corse , and that he did never say to the ambassador of this state , that he had given any such order : nor did he give it , nor was the said place taken by any order of his . and if the deputies had pleased to have minded the answer of the states general of the ninth of october last ; given to his majesty by their ambassador , they would therein have found , that the said estates doe not impute the taking of new netherland to his majesty , but to his subjects in those parts , the words being , that their lordships have made complaint , that his majesties subjects in new netherland , had with violence driven the subjects of this state out of their possession . and this was after de ruyter was actually gone for guiny , nor was so much as any thing known in europe concerning the taking of cabo corso , till about the same time . and how then these matters , and his majesty having said that they were done by his order throughout this book , produced to justify the sending him thither . pag. 30 , and 31. concerning what had been said by him the said envoy extraordinary , that the 15 th article doth onely mortify matters of piracy , and the like , and not of rights and inheritances of lands . they say , it is hard to say whether the said envoy doe faign the ignorant or be so in effect . and for the disproving of what had been said by him , they produce the instance of the island of polerone , concerning which they say , that it being stipulated by the said articles , that the said place should be restored , that consequently all other matters of that kind must be thereby mortified ; for that exceptio firmat regulam . and add this harsh expression , a strange blindness , if it be not willfull ; whereas that clause of the treaty run's , that by the restitution of the said island , all actions , and pretensions for losses , injuries , and offences committed upon each other in india , and known in these parts , the 10 / ●0 of january 1658 / 9 should cease , be extinguished , and annulled : moreover the deputies offer no answer to the instance given by him in his memoriall concerning the case of sir william lower , which was a case depending in their own courts of justice , concerning an inheritance of land long before the years 1654 , or 1659 , ( which are the respective times of the generall abolition in the said article ) and yet since the conclusion of the late treaty , that case hath not been abolished but still proceeded in , and continued as before . and how many other cases and actions are there of the like nature upon disputes concerning the inheritances of land depending in the courts of both sides , as also concerning morgages , and other reall engagements , and concerning wills , and testaments , bonds , obligations , and merchnts accompts of antienter date then the tearms prescribed in that article . let but the deduction of the states generall of the ninth of november last be looked upon , and they will find therein enough of this kind ; and how strange and monstrous an article would that have been , that should have abolished all men's actions of these kinds . and further to shew that it was the meaning of those that made the treaty , at the time when they penn'd it , that that article should not have so vast an extent , but only to reach to matters of piracy and the like . the deputies might have remembred , that during the negotiation thereof , this very objection was made by the ambassadours of this state , upon the debate of this matter , viz. that it might be of too large and generall extent , and his majesties commissioners did returne to them for answer as followeth ; their excellencies have already seen a catalogue of the complaint , of divers of his majesties subjects for injuries done to them by the dutch , so that if they please to call the same to mind , there can be no such incertitude in the article concerning commissioners , as their papers would seem to intimate . moreover it will appeare , that this article of commissioners is not desired for businesses of lands and houses , but for matters of pirateries , and merchandizes taken by force , which we desire should be so examined and determined , for the avoiding the charge and delay of juridicall proceedings . and upon this account his majestey did not , nor needed not make mention of this businesse during the negotiation of that treaty , and upon the same account his majesty did not think fit to insert in the list of dammages this pretence of his subjects thereto , nor to the fort of cabo corso , though as to the spoile and burning of their goods there , he did cause that to be put into it . besides ( as hath been shewen above ) there were very many and great provocations done in those parts call'd new netherlands to the english since the conclusion of the late treaty , and so though the treaty were to be construed as they would have it , yet it doth not help them concerning the businesse of guiana . they say pag. the 31. the digression which the said envoy makes as to the business of guiana is from the purpose , for that say they , he hath nothing to doe to trouble himself how this state will make off this matter with france ; he did not mention that business as intermedling betwen the french and them , but if at this time they have sent a minister into france , to decry the king his master , and his affairs , and to stirre up that crown against him , and particularly upon the account of his having ( as they pretended ) given orders for the taking cabo corso , and new netherlands ( to which his majesties subjects have so clear and undoubted a title ) was it from the purpose for him to say , that suppose his majesty hath given such orders , can any prince think it strange , or be surprised thereat , much lesse the most christian king ( as the words of his memorial ) seeing it hath pleased the same king that very year to order or suffer his subjects to repossesse themselves in the same manner by armes and force , of a certain place called guiana , which they pretend to have been unjustly possessed and detained from them by the said west-india-company . and if that were a digression , the deputies must give him leave to make another of the like kind , and to put them in mind of the late edict , whereby all the shipping of this country in the havens of that kingdom , were arrested and seized , upon the single account of the having seized in this conntry , two ships belonging to the french east-india-company , and though the said ships were built here and but newly bought , and that the pretence of seizing them , was the service of the state and payment proffered , and that the dispute about them had been but of a few weeks standing . pag. 32 , 33. concerning the business of cabe verd , and the ships of the west-india-company taken by captain holmes on the coast of guiny , whereas he the said envoy had said thereto , first , that his majesty had not only disavowed his having given him any order for the doing thereof , but also disowned the acts themselves ; secondly , that by the 14 th article of the late treaty , 12 months time is given for the doing of justice upon what should happen either by sea or land upon that coast since the conclusion of the late treaty . to the first , the deputies say , that his majesty had in like manner before disavowed the taking the fort s t andre by the said holmes , but yet that nothing followed thereupon . this is fully answered before , and thereby made appear that it is to themselves , and not his majesty , to whom it is to be imputed , that no further progress had been made in that matter ; yet it may not be amiss ( since the deputies do so often make mention of this business , and make so great outcry concerning the same ) to add how little the concern of this state is therein , or in what had been done concerning it ; for that that fort did not belong to the west-india company of this country , but to the duke of courland , and that they had but lately shufled themselves into it , ( as they do into the possessions of every one under one pretence or other ) nor were they in it upon their own account but his , and under pretence to keep it for him , and so that the cause of complaint was not properly by them , but the said duke , and though all possible endeavours have been since used by them to draw him to their party , they have not been able to prevail therein , but the said duke hath applyed himself to the king his master , and his majesty and he , are come to an agreement , concerning the same , and the said agreement concluded and sealed , and so neither the west-india company , nor the state , have any thing to do therein . and whereas they say , that his majesties answer was onely in generall terms , but that he doth not positively promise restitution and reparation : could more be said by him upon the first complaint ; yea ( as is said in his memoriall ) could any further answer have been expected from the meanest of their own courts of justice in any case that should come before them ? and were it not injustice to condemne the most criminall person before he were heard , or at least a competent time given for his appearance ; and did not his majesty say withall , that holmes had order to return , and was expected very speedily in these parts , and that so soon as he should be returned , he would cause the matter to be examined , justice done , and the offendors punished . and however the deputies would insinuare as if that had been but an elusion , yet did he not return accordingly , and upon his arrivall , was he not immediately by his majesties speciall order carrito the tower of london ( a place where none are put for any private disputes , or for any offences , but wherein the king himselfe is concern'd ) in order to his examination about these matters . but whereas the deputies would have it be believed that the said holmes is so monstrous a person , and that all he had done had been without any provocation , it may not be amiss to give here a touch of what he doth alleadge for his own justification . and first , as to the fort s t andre , he saith , that comming in the year 1661 , into the river of gambia to trade there , ( as formerly the english had done ) that those of the said fort fired at him , and would not permit him to pass up the said river . whereupon he fell upon them as to the business of cabo verde , he saith , that comming again upon the coast of africa , and going to the river of gambia near cabo verde , he was informed that a little before his arrivall there , one that was commander of the ship black eagle , and an agent for the dutch west-india company in those parts , had stirred up and engaged the king of barra to make war against the english , and had actually joyned himself and ship with the said kings forces for the compleating of his designs , and this was confessed to the said holmes by the said king of barra ( as he hath to shew under the hands of many credible witnesses who heard the same ) moreover that the said agent had endeavoured by summes of mony , and other rewards , to corrupt the officers of the royall company to deliver into his hands , for the use of the dutch west-indiae company , the places , and factories then in the possession of the english in those parts , and that hath been since made good by the oath of some of the said officers , lately taken before the lord mayor of london . moreover that at a certain place called ventam he had told captain manuel vasse de fraiula commander in chief for the king of portugall in the river of gambia , and manuel alves de britto , and divers other portugall merchants , that they were resolved to beat out the english ; that hereupon he went to cabo verde , not with design to attaque the same , or commit the least hostility against it , but onely to speake with the governour of that place , and to endeavour to compose matters for the present and untill finall order should be taken concerning the same here in europe ; but comming thither , ( without the least provocation given by him ) he was immediately shot at from the said fort , whereupon he fired at them again , and severall shot having passed between them , whereby his ship was much dammaged , his mast shot through , and much weakned , his master , and severall of his men wounded and kill'd , he drew off to a further distance , where being enforced to come to an anchor for the repairing of his ship and mast , without any thoughts of returning thither again , or pursuing the matter any further , while they were mending their mast , the governour hung out a white flag , and sent a boat on board him , tendering the surrender of the said place ; that passing thence and calling at lestus , he was there informed by the king of the country , that a certain holland's ship called the unity had been there but some days before , and endeavoured to perswade him to expel the english from trading there , and that he having refused to consent thereunto , that the captain of the said ship had seized all the said kings subjects that were come on board him , to trade ( according to the custome of that country ) as also all such fishers as they found upon the coast , making them slaves , and carrying them away . moreover that the dutch comming to severall places , had put out english colours , and having thereby inticed the natives on board them , carried them away and made them slaves , leaving the odium upon the english , that sailing thence to anta , where the english had then a factory , he found that one captain frome belonging to the said dutch west-india company , had but a little before compelled the english there to take in the english colours that were wont to be displayed there ; that sailing forward on the gold coast , he found , that not onely those ships of the royall company had been hindered in their trade , concerning which complaint had been come to england before his departure thence ) but that valckenburgh , generall of the west-india company there , had , and did , continue hindring every ship of the said royall company from trade there , that he had published the declaration above mentioned , wherein he claimed the whole coast and the whole trade thereof , and wherein he had commanded the english to quitt immediatly two of their principall factories , viz. tacorari , and cabo corso as above said . moreover that he was informed by the natives all along the coast , that the said valckenburgh had proffered to them a bendy of gold for every english man's head that they should bring unto him , and greater summs for such as were commanders among them . that thereupon he sailed to castel delmina to speak with him , where he found one captain cubit commander in chief of a squadron of the royall companies ships upon that coast , who told him that he had already written to him to the same effect , and desiring that they might live and trade peaceably each by the other , but that he had utterly refused to hearken to any thing of that kinde ; whereupon sailing thence to cabo corso ( where the english had a factory ) and where also on the other side of the water the danes had a fort call'd fredericksbergh , and having no intention of annoying the dutch , nor offering them the least offence , nor so much as going ashore on that side that they were , but on the other side where the danes were , and with whom the english were in a perfect good understanding , and had a free trade , that the dutch within the fort of cabo corso did severall times shoot at him , and very much endanger him ; that hereupon ( and not upon the account of any orders from his majesty , which he denyes that he ever had ) he call'd a councell of war , where it was resolved to attaque the said fort. he saith further , that having sent for the governor of inashang ( an english factory ) to come to him to cormantine , that being to passe by a place call'd aga , the dutch there shot at him and wounded severall of his company . moreover that sending a drum with a letter to anna maboa , a garrison of the dutch , that they most inhumanly fell upon the messenger under the wall of their castle , and contrary to the laws , and customes of most barbarous enemies , cut him , mangled him , and stript him , leaving him dead upon the place . concerning the second , viz. the 14 th article , they say page the 33. the said envoy gives a sence thereof according to his mode , but that the article saith the quite contrary to that he pretends to infer ; whereas in truth he barely repeated that clause of the said article , which saith that twelve months time shall be given for the doing of justice upon any complaint of any thing done upon the coast of africa by land or sea , since the conclusion of the said treaty , as was the business of cape verde , and what else complained of against holms , without making any construction thereof at all , nor did there need any , the words being of themselves as plain & full as words could be made for the purpose they are cited by him , that is to say , to shew that ways of force were not to be made use of in such cases , till the expiration of twelve months time after complaint and demand of justice ; but the deputies do here repeat a clause of the said article , viz. that it saith , that if any one doth any violence , that he alone shall be punished and no other ; and do make a construction thereof , and such a one as whoever would take upon him the liberty of retorting , might well say a sence thereupon according to their mode , and that the article saith quite the contrary , &c. for say they , that is to say , that the party offended or hurt , cannot resent it or revenge himself but only against him that hath done the hurt or offence , & that letters of reprisal which may reach to others as well as the parties offending , cannot be given till the expiration of a year after complaint . whereby they do infer from the said clause , that indeed as to letters of reprisal which do extend beyond the persons that had committed the offence , that those cannot be granted till a year after complaint , but that as to such way of force as reacheth only to the persons that had committed the offence , that the party offended might in the mean while make use thereof , and so nothing in this article that derogates from or restrains the law of nature , which teacheth to repell force with force ; whereas nothing can be more clear , then that the true intent and meaning of the said article is , not only that no letters of mart can be granted during the twelve months therein mentioned , wherby others then the persons offending may come to suffer , but that during that time the offendors themselves are not to be proceeded against by force and violence ; but in a judiciary way , the words thereof being , that twelve months time shall be given for the doing of justice and giving of satisfaction : and it follows immediately after in the said article , in case the offendors against this treaty do not appear and submit themselves to judgment , and give satisfaction within the time above expressed , that then their estates , goods and revenues whatsoever , shall be confiscated for the injuries and wrongs by them offered , and be lyable to further personall punishment , so that the said twelve months is given , not for sending fleetes and armies to fight against them , but for their appearance and submitting to judgement , and for the giving of satisfaction , not the taking of it by force , and then if it be not thus given ( and not before ) their estates , goods and revenues in generall liable to be seized , but not by the arbitrary and violent proceedings of vice admirals , but by a lawfull sentence by way of confiscation , the words being , their estates , goods and revenues whatsover shall be confiscated for due and full satisfaction of the injuries and wrongs by them offred ; and if there be a failer herein and that justice is either denyed or delayed , then , and not till then , is the door open for wayes of force against them . and whereas they say pag. the 34 th , that it is not easie to make pass for the injuries of particular persons , such hostilities as have been done with the armes , and under the pavilion of the soveraign . it is true that the 14 th article doth reach only to such matters as should be done by the subjects and inhabitants of either side , and not to such things as should be done by his majesty on the one side , or this state on the other ; but suppose an offence be committed under the flagg of either side , that alone is not a sufficient argument to make it to be an act of the government of either side : for example , enno doedestarre took the charles aforesaid in the year 1660 , in the road of martins in france with three men of war of this state , and under their flagg . and captain banckert of zeland did since take in the channell with one of their men of war under their flagg , his majesties shaloup aforementioned then in his service . and the east and west-india-companies of this country do proceed and act in the name of the states general , and valckenburg's declaration was in their name , yet hath the king his master charged any of these actions upon the state as done by them , meerly because done under their flagg , or be their authority in generall ? no more can holmes his actions by upon that account imputed to his majesty , that were done without his order . and whereas they say , pag. 33. that then the same article would authorize these violences , which is pretends to hinder . is there no medium between authorising of them , and the forbidding the having recourse to force for a certain time ? is the submitting them for a certain time to a course of justice , an authorising of them ? and when entail'd with so severe a punishment in the issue , as the confiscation of their whole estate , declaring their persons to be enemies , and further personal punishment , and an obligation upon him whose subject he is , for the taking care that justice be accordingly done , for that otherwise the 23 article of the same treaty , gives them liberty of having recourse to force . and for what is said , pag. 34. it is not enough to disavow an action , and to protect him that hath done it . is insisting that the person offending be proceeded against according as it is set down in the treaty , a protecting of him ? by the same rule , the maintaining of any courts of justice , or form of proceeding against criminals , and the not suffering them to be taken in a violent manner out of their hands , and tumultuarily fallen upon , may be called a protecting them . his majesty was alwayes farr from protecting of holmes ; on the contrary , he alwayes declared that so soon as he returned he would have him punished in case it should appear he had done amiss ; and if they would have had the patience to have expected the fruits of h●s majesties justice , but that it ought to be done according to the way in the treaty ; that is to say , that he ought to have a time to appear , and submit himself to justice , and not a fleet sent immediately to fall upon him right or wrong . and if it shall be objected , that great inconveniencies might follow , if this rule should be kept to . with their favour it is reciprocal , and so as much danger to the one as the other , and yet the king his master hath kept up himself religiously thereto ; he did not , upon the complaints made by his subjects to him , concerning the injuries done to them in those parts , or the east-indies , since the late treaty , send a fleet to those coasts , to fall upon the subjects of this state , and yet the argument of fear of other violences and pirateries to follow without end , was much more strong on his side , then it could be on theirs ( considering how his subjects have been from time to time treated in those parts ) but made and continued his complaints here , and expected their doing him justice according to the said article . and suppose such an article had not been made , would not the inconveniences and dangers have been greater on the other hand ? the government on both sides , being then lyable to be engaged upon every complaint and suggestion , to the sending of fleets and forces to the attacquing and falling upon the ships , and subjects , and possessions of each other ; and so it would be impossible at any time to continue six months in peace with one another : or though it should be true , that the inconveniencies might be greater with this article , then without ; yet the treaty being now ratified , there is no place to object the same . but under favour , this objection lies not at all against the said article , nor doth at all reach the case in dispute ; for the article doth not hinder the providing against future violencies and robberies : it doth not forbid the sending force to protect and defend for the time to come , as was also declared by his majesty to the ambassadour of this state , and that such , and such only were his orders to holmes : all it forbids is , that if any injuries have been actually done , that force cannot immediately ( nor till the expiration of 12 months ) be sent for the revenge thereof , or for procuring right thereupon , of which nature were the orders of this state to van campen , and de ruyter . whereas they say , pag. 33 , & 34. if sir george downing would take the pains to look over his memorial , and to hearken to reason , he would not have the boldness to give here an explanation directly contrary to the maxime which himself avowed in his memorial of the 13 of febr. 1664. wherein he endeavours to justifie the action of five english men of warr that had taken since the conclusion of the late treaty , a dutch ship called the arms of amsterdam , which he pretended to be an english ship , and to have been taken by those of the west-india company of this country before the treaty , and saith , that it is not strange , that they had endeavoured to retake by force , that which had been by force unjustly taken from them . the estates general had written a long letter to the king his master , dated the 26 of january 1664. n. s. making a very long complaint to him concerning the taking of a certain dutch ship belonging to the west-india company of this country , called the arms of amsterdam : moreover , they had communicated the said complaint to him the said envoy extraordinary , with a large deduction concerning the same , making a huge noise about it ; which he the said envoy extraordinary , examining narrowly , and looking into the business found out that the said ship called the arms of amsterdam , was in truth an english ship belonging wholly to english merchants of london , and that her true name was the merchants delight , and that having sailed from dover in the year 1660. upon a trading voyage to the coast of guiny , under the command of one c. bonner an englishman , she had been there seized in an hostile manner , by a certain ship belonging to the said company called the amsterdam , whereof one aaron cousens was commander , in or about the month of aug. 1661. and carried by her to jasper van huysen , then general for the said company at castle delmina . and although the said bonner did declare to the said van huysen , that himself and company were english , and that the ship with her lading belonged to one john young , and other merchants of london , and verified the same by authentick writings and papers ; yet that he kept the said ship and lading , evilly treated the men , altered and new named the ship , calling her the arms of amsterdam , that thereby she might be the less subject to be known wherever she should be met by the english , and that he had order long before from the king his master in council to complain to the states general concerning the taking of that very ship from his subjects , and for which yet no satisfaction had been made : hereupon he took the liberty to inform them of the truth of the matter in his said memorial , and to tell them that the case was not so strange and ill as they put it , viz. that the english had taken a dutch ship , but only that they had by force retaken an english ship that had been by force taken from them ▪ thereby to excuse à tanto . and what can now be said for the justification and defence of the sending van campen and de ruyter for guiny . was not the business of cabo verde , and what else complained of , matters hapned since the conclusion of the late treaty , and so directly within the compass of that article ? and was not the resolution for the sending of van campen ( as is said in his memorial ) taken within about 6 or 7 weeks after complaint made by this state to his majesty , concerning the taking of cabo verde , and the actual sending de ruyter within a little after , and doth it not appear by the express words of van campen's instructions , that his being sent thither , was not only upon the defensive , to perserve the places and shipping of this country in those parts , but in direct and down-right terms to fall upon his majesties subjects , and attacque them , revenging themselves by force against such whom they pretended to have done them hurt . nor is it therein said that they might fall upon holmes only , who was the only person complained of ; but the words are general and dubious , viz that those to whom the command of the said fleet was given , in case that upon the said coast they should find , or rencounter any ships or subjects of his majesties , that they should take care not to endammage them , or to trouble , or incommodate them in their traffique ; provided they had not already , or did not then do any dammage to this state , or its good inhabitants . whereby it is left in their construction and discretion whom they are to fall upon , viz. whomever they should judge to have done , or to be doing any hurt to this state , or any of their subjects . and this resolution is put into his majesties hands by the ambassadou●● this country , and not only so , but given to several other kings of europe , his friends and allies . and it s withall declared that this fleet shall pass the channel before his ports , and that under the convoy of a numerous fleet of capital ships of war under the command of the lieutenant admiral of this state. and was it possible for his majesty longer to sit still and to remain without doing any thing . hitherto the dispute had been only between the subjects and inhabitants of both sides , but now this state had hereby engaged it self : whereby the dispute was come to be immediately between the king his master and them ; and though while this state intermeddled not , neither did the king his master upon the other hand interpose , but with patience expected justice to be done by them to his subjects , according to the terms of the treaty ; but they on the other hand ▪ upon the first complaint of any injury done in those very parts to their subjects , breaking through the rules and bonds of the treaty ; what now remained , but the opposing of force to force . and whereas the deputies would have it thought no indignity or affront to his majesty , for that fleet to have passed , for that , say they , the sea is open to all the world. it may not be amiss to mark that however they plead so much for the the seas being free in these parts , yet that the contrary is practised where the people of this country have the power : witness the late declaration of the dutch east-india company ( not yet disavowed by this state ) wherein they claim a whole great sea to themselves . and witness the usage , of the west-india company at cape blaneo upon the coast of africa , where they will not suffer any nation to fish in the open sea without their permission , and paying them the tenth fish , and the governour there within these few years , seized and confiscated an english ship called the leopard , for having fished there , but here in this case there was no question about their liberty of passing the sea , but about their passing with such a resolution and to such an end. and could a greater affront be done to a king , then when he had done what was possible for the satisfaction of this state and more then requisite , that notwithstanding thereof , he shall be told by them , that they are resolved to fall upon his subjects , and not naming whom , whereby not any of them were in surety , especially considering they questioned our trading even at our own factories in those parts ( as hath been afore shewn ) and call it a hurting them . moreover it is to be considered that at the very time when this resolution was put into his majesties hands , there were just reasons to surmise and believe , that de ruyter was actually already gon , or upon the point of going to guiny , and so that all this declaring of their intent of sending van campen was but a meer grimasse , whereby to colour the preparing so considerable a fleet , as they were then gathering together under the notion of van campen's going to guiny and the convoying of him , but that in truth the real intent and meaning was to make use thereof nearer home ; for it had been said and written by this state to his majesty , that de ruyters imployment was to be against the pirates of algiers and those parts , and not a word of the sending him to guiny ; and the deputies say , pag. 36. that it had been very rediculous to have made known his order . from whence it must necessarily follow , that it was never intended to send van campen thither upon the same ground , because this state did declare and give out that he was to go thither : and yet it is not to be imagined that this state would have been at the charge of preparing such a fleet as this for nothing , or without some proportionable design ▪ and so his majesty had just reason of jealousie , that as they had sent de ruyter to fall upon him in guiny , that in truth this fleet was designed to have fallen upon him in these parts , as was done in the beginning of the late war with england , if he had not in time provided for his own safety and defence , which was no sooner done , but the noise of campen's going to guiny was immediately out of doors , and the great fleet which they had so long kept together separated . and let the words of the instruction to van campen aforementioned be considered , and it will appear that the same did reach as well to these parts as the coast of africa , the words being , in case that upon the said coast , or in their way thither , they should find or rencounter any ships or subjects of his majesties , that had already done , or were then doing any hurt to this state or its subjects : so that the said instruction reached to his whole way , viz. from the maes to guiny , and so was no other then a declaring of war against his majesty as well in europe as upon the coast of africa . and as to the reproach cast upon this state , upon the accompt of their sending de ruyter to guiny , viz. that they had invited his majesty to send a fleet to act with theirs against the pirates of algiers and those parts , &c. they say pag. the 35th . he supposeth as if there should have been some kind of treaty or promise to act conjoyntly against the pirates of barbary , but it will not be found that there was any treaty to that effect , nor yet any negotiation conducing thereunto . is not this clause in their letter of january , 1664. n. s. wherein they invite his majesty to send his fleet to act with theirs , viz. that their fleet should stay in the mediterranean sea and thereabouts , until it had cleared the same of all those pirates that ruined the negotiation and the trade there . and doth it not follow in the said letter ? we are intirely resolved so to do , and not to recal our fleet until we have reduced them to reason . and did not his majesty by word of mouth , and he his envoy extraordinary , after by his order declare unto them in his memorial of the 3d. of february , 1663. o. s. his acceptance of that their invitation , and his sending sir john lawson with a fleet against those barbarians , and that it should act with all good correspondence with theirs ? and did they not do it accordingly until the time of de ruyters quitting those parts ? and yet the deputies would have it thought as if there had been nothing of a promise on the part of this state to continue de ruyter against those pirates , and that there had been nothing of any negotiation or espece of treaty or promise concerniug that matter : and had they so much upon any accompt to say against the king his master , as he hath to say against the estates general in this , as well upon the accompt of the unhandsomness , as of the unwarrantableness of the action , what an out-cry would they make ? and what accompt is hereafter to be made of any of their declarations as to the imployments of their fleets ? and whereas it follows , pag. the 35th . that the english have made two different treaties with those pirates , without giving notice to this state. the first treaty was made long before the writing of that letter ; yea the said letter refers thereunto : and for the second treaty , it was not made till long after de ruyter had abandoned that work , and was gon for guiny ; and how then could his majesties fleet communicate with him ? and as to any other princes of christendom his majesty was under no engagement concerning that matter with any of them . they say further , pag. 35. it would seem that it was the intention of the english , to imploy the forces of this state alone against those pirates , while they carried their armes upon the coast of africa , there to ruine the commerce of the inhabitants thereof . whereas ( as appears by the fore-said letter ) his majesty did not put this state upon sending against the said pirates , but they put him upon it ; so that if there were any designs , it must be in them by vertue of that their solemn letter and engagement , to put his majesty out of all manner of jealousies or suspicion of their diverting that fleet , that so it might the more securely steal away for guiny : nor is it altogether unworthy the remarking ▪ that there were laid up before hand in readiness about cadix , all manner of provisions and necessaries for such a voyage . and ( i pray ) whereas it is said in the resolution of the estates general of the 20th . of september last , that the reason of the communicating to him their intention of sending van campen was , that his majesty may be intirely assured of the sincerity of their intention for the conservation of peace , and of all good understanding with him . yet when at the same time his majesty prest to know whether de ruyter was gone , ( who was in truth the person design'd thither ) nothing would be made known to him or confessed concerning the same : yea , the deputies say as aforesaid , it would have been a ridiculous action to have let the same to be made known , and that the ambassador of this state himself had no knowledge thereof . and when they had as aforesaid , sent out a considerable number of ships of war to his majesties coasts , presently after the estates general write to him , to keep in his fleet , and they would keep in theirs , and press vehemently by their ambassador an immediate answer ; and if his majesty had yielded thereto , he had been their catcht also . they say further , pag. 36. concerning the instruction of de ruyter , that he is sent onely to punish the authors of these violencies and hostilities : whereby it is also avowed concerning him , as well as van campen , that his sending to guiny was not upon the defensive , but also to fall upon his majesties subjects . but whereas the words are , that he should fall upon onely the authors of these violencies . and monsieur van benningen in his late paper published here in print , intituled , the substance of what monsieur van benningen envoye from the states general to the most christian king , had represented to him in his audience of september , 1664. saith , that the states had sent a fleet to guiny , not to attacque reciprocally the forts , ships , and goods of the subjects of england , but to re-take that which had been unjustly taken from them . whereas no sooner was de ruyter come into those parts , but finding there 8 merchants ships that had not been arrived there above 7 or 8 dayes before , and had no hand nor share in any thing done against the people of this countrey , yet he immediately seized them , broke bulk , unlading them , and appropriating their cargoes to the use of the west-india company . and in stead of declaring , that they would punish de ruyter for the doing thereof , he is since the coming of that news advanced from being vice-admiral of amsterdam , to be one of the lieutenant admirals of holland . and the deputies say here , we judge that there is no body that will not praise and commend the prudent conduct of this state , and that excellent design that they had to cause de ruyter to go from the streights to guiny . nor is there any thing said for his being designed for the coast of guiny onely ; and so he may be designed for the attacquing of his majesties subjects in other parts of the world as well as there . and now what occasion was there for the inserting of all those calumnies and reviling expressions in the deputies remarks , much less for the state to have owned them , and stamped their authority upon them . is there so much as one incivil or indecent word challenged in any part thereof to have been in his memorial , and doth it not now appear that there was also nothing therein but what was according to truth . and can it now be doubted by any who hath been the aggressor and the cause of all the present disorders between the nations . first , as to what before the treaty , to say nothing of the bonne esperanza and bonne adventure , and how his majesty hath been dealt withal in relation to them ( that having been already printed and published at large . ) as to the lists of damages , 't was as appears near 24 moneths after the signing of the late treaty ere he the said envoye could obtain the exchange thereof , and then coming to the examination of them according to the 15 article . whereas the english list was so soberly penn'd , that but one exception was made thereunto . the dutch list on the other hand was so composed , as that scarce an article thereof but liable to exception . and that they had excepted against in the english list was at the next conference expunged , and so the said list agreed , and ready to be proceeded upon . on the contrary , as to the exceptions made against theirs , to this day no answer returned , whereby it remains at their doors , that no farther procedure hath been for the adjusting and determining those matters . and as to what hath hapned since the treaty , the hope-well , leopard , charles and james , &c. had not only been stopped and defeated in their voyages , before any thing attempted by holmes , but the news thereof was come into england before he went thence ; nor was any thing done by him upon the coast of africa , till it plainly appeared by the stopping of every other english ship that came upon these coasts , that what was done was not done by accidental rencounters , but out of design ; nor till valkenburgh had actually commanded the english out of cabo , corso , and tacorary , two of their principal factories , under a penalty of a great sum of money for every moneth that they should remain there after the said notification ; and this done in a declaration , wherein he deduced the right of this state to the rest also , and so that the english could not but believe that the next news must be the commanding them to quit intirely the whole coast . yet ( as he saith for himself ) he did not go about to take upon him the revenging thereof , nor had done what he did but upon immediate attacques and provocations upon the respective places occasioning the same ; and suppose it had been otherwise , yet upon complaint made by this state , can they say that his majesty did by them as they did by him in the business of de ruyter , viz. give them no answer at all , or such a one as they gave him in the business of the stopping the said ships and of the said declaration ; yea , did he not immediately disavow what had been done by the said holmes , and declare that he had no orders from him for the doing thereof , and that so soon as possible matters could be examined , he would do therein according to justice and reason ; yet contrary to the express letter of the 14 article , which gives a twelve moneths time upon complaints in those parts , this state within 6 or 7 weeks after complaint resolve to send a fleet of men of war of their own thither , and within about as many weeks more put a resolution into his majesties hands ; whereby it appears , that their orders were not to be upon the defensive only , and to convoy and protect their subjects and shipping from further injuries ; but to attacque and fall upon his majesties subjects , and not some one or more of them by name ; but under such general words , as from the reach whereof none of them were secure : and that not upon the coast of africa only , but even here in europe , in the channel before his own ports . and what though there had been no other provocation but this very resolution ? was not this alone enough to have warranted his majesty to have fallen upon them , both in europe and elsewhere ? if any king or state send a declaration to another king or state , letting them know that they have prepared a fleet , and have actually given orders to the commanders thereof to fall upon their subjects , and that it appears that nothing but wind and weather hinders the execution thereof : suppose the said king or state to whom such intimation hath been given , shall thereupon ( and while god almighty by his providence hinders the execution of the said orders ) attempt something against them or their subjects ; shall not yet the other that gave the said denunciation be looked upon as the aggressor ? yet his majesty remained still only upon the defensive doing nothing against them : yea whereas 12 months were now expired since the complaints made by his majesty concerning the charles and james , &c. and nothing of satisfaction given ; whereby the said article , upon that account , was also expresly broken by them , and his majesty at liberty to have righted himself : yet notwithstanding he did not do it , and that though they on the other hand , had ( as aforesaid ) in relation to their pretences , broken in upon the said article , indeavouring to right themselves by force within the time limited contrary thereunto : nor did his majesty intermeddle or give order for the offering the least offence to their subjects , till he certainly knew that de ruyter had quitted that coast and work he was sent hence about ; and that his majesty had again & again demanded of the ambassadour of this state , residing in his court , to be satisfied whether he was gone , and upon what design , which he had reason to demand and expect to be satisfied in : first , because the work was not then done with those of algiers , and that this state had ( as is above shewn ) engaged to his majesty that that fleet should continue there till an issue thereof : and secondly , because that being in such a manner gone away , 't was not to be imagined , in that conjuncture of affairs , that it could be upon any other account then to go to guiny to fall upon his subjects there . nor is it an answer to say , that their ambassadour did not know it : he was their ambassadour , and his majesty did demand it of him , and if they did not think fit , either by him , or otherwise to satisfie his majesty concerning the same , and considering their resolution that they had put into his hands concerning van campen , and yet in which they make such protestations to his majesty , of proceeding so frankly with him ; what could he then conclude , but that while they were here amusing him under the notion of van campens going to guiny , that de ruyter was gone thither to execute what was threatned to be done by van campen . moreover , that themselves had actually begun the stopping of ships in those parts , stopping the ship from gottenburg , bound for london : and now , and not till now , did the king his master intermeddle by way of force ; and yet only stopping and seizing their ships , and that only till such time as he should come to be satisfied concerning the designes and acting of de ruyter , as was several times declared by him to the ambassadour of this state : nor was any disposition made of any of the said ships or their ladings , or any of them declared prize until the first of february , o. s. which was long after his majesty had certain news that de ruyter was arrived in guiny , and had taken a whole fleet of merchants ships of his subjects , unladen the goods , and which were ships that had not done any thing against this countrey ; and the said ships were seized upon the 13 october , o. s. and upon the 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , of the same moneth , he did unlade the same into his own ships : whereas his majesties order for the seizing of the ships of this country , was not till the 9 of november following , of the same stile , nor any ships stopped or seized thereupon till a day or two after ; so that de ruyter had actually seized and unladen a whole fleet of english ships , long before his majesty had so much as given order for the intermedling with any ships of this countrey , or doing any thing against them : nor were any letter of mart granted by his majesty , till long after they had been granted by this state against his subjects ; nor trade prohibited between both nations by him , till the like first done here . and whereas the deputies do so often in this book charge his majesty with having done what he did , without any preceeding denunciation or declaration , he did not denounce before hand to them , the doing of what was done by holmes , nor what was done in new netherlands ; nor could he , these being actions done without his order ; but as to what was done by his order , viz. the taking and seizing of their ships in these parts , to say that this was done without any preceeding denunciation , is like the rest of the calumnies in this their book . not to mention what passed between his majesty and the ambassadour of this state upon this account : was not the memorial of him the said envoye to the states general of the 27 of july last , as followeth : his most sacred majesty of great britain , &c. being desirous to omit nothing that may in any wise contribute on his part , for the prevention of any misunderstanding or breach between him and this state , hath by his last post expresly commanded him his envoye extraordinary , to declare to their lordships the estates general of the united provinces ; that his majesty hath given order to examine the complaints that have been made unto him in their name , against one certain captain holmes , for matters alledged to be done by him on the coast of guiny , and will upon full information and hearing of both parties , do according to reason and justice . but if their lordships shall not think fit to expect the doing thereof , but contrary to the stile and practice of all nations , and particularly of his majesty towards them , whom yet ( to say no more ) he hath not found over-quick in the dispatch of justice towards his subjects , and expresly against the letter of the fourteenth article of the late treaty with him , having made their complaint , shall think fit immediately to have recourse to force for remedy , they might as well have spared the labour of making their complaint , and the king his master will hold himself obliged to oppose force to force . given at the hague this 7th . of april , 1665. o. s. g. downing . finis . remarks of the government of severall parts of germanie, denmark, sweedland, hamburg, lubeck, and hansiactique townes, but more particularly of the united provinces with some few directions how to travell in the states dominions : together with a list of the most considerable cittyes in europe, with the number of houses in each citty / written by will. carr ... carr, william, 17th cent. 1688 approx. 227 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 113 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34614) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57018) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 623:12) remarks of the government of severall parts of germanie, denmark, sweedland, hamburg, lubeck, and hansiactique townes, but more particularly of the united provinces with some few directions how to travell in the states dominions : together with a list of the most considerable cittyes in europe, with the number of houses in each citty / written by will. carr ... carr, william, 17th cent. [10], 210, [6] p. 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to his royall highnes the prince of orange . great sir , providence the wise disposer of us all , sending me abroad to seeke bread in a strange land , gave me the good fortune to be a spectator of some of the heroick actions of your royall highnesse , not only at the takeing of narden , and the grave from the french , but at severall other places ; i have been also happy in liveing long in the hague where for severall yeares i had the opportunitie of observeing , ( or rather admiring ) your highnesse wise direction and government in the severall ▪ colledges of the states , where some times your highnesse hath been pleased to act the part of the pensionarie during his indisposition ; but why doe i speake of these things ? all the world knowes that your highnes hath wrestelled with and overcome the greatest difficulties imaginable , not feareing the frownes and unjust proceedings of some , who by force of armes detaine part of your highnesses soveranity and inheritance , nor could the large proffers and advantages offered to you by some , at any time shake that stedfastnes and princely resolution your highnesse ever had to stand by and dye for the intrest of the common-wealth ; no god hath certainely chosen your highnesse to be a moises to goe in and out before his people , and to be a glory to the royall familie of the stewards . and now great sir i want words to beg your highnes pardon for the high presumption of dedicating this small piece to your highnes . all i can say is that it would be an infinite joy to me if i could possiblie doe any thing to engage your highnesse to look upon and accept of these remarks , as comming in all submission , from him who shall never cease to implore the throne of grace to preserve your highnesse to be the most eminent instrument in his own hand , for the good of church and common-wealth ; so prayes , your highnesse most devote and humble servant w●l : carr . to the reader . there is nothing more odious ( and i am sure nothing that i hate more ) then to be recorded a foole in print , and yet i must be scribling ; but when i consider that the best of pens have mett with the like misfortune , by being severely censured , by the witt● of the towne , i am the more encouraged to stand their shott . i know the criticks of the age will take my remarkes in peeces , the one calling me a commonwealths man will say , i have flattered the government of holland too much , others will say i have been to fevere in painting out the defects of some countryes , and governments : and there is yet another sort that will say i am an opiniator of an english man , in praiseing so much myne owne country ; to all which i shall answer , that i never designed to please the wits of the time ; what i have done hath been to comply with the desires of some friends who designed to travell , and therefore ingaged me to print some of the remarks i made in my travells , dureing my 16 yeares liveing abroad . this being the truth of the matter , i hope the curteous reader will passe by any faults on the method i have used in discribing some countryes , which is all i beg , who am yours &c. w. c. some necessarie remarks for such as entend to travel thro the province of holland . as they that confine themselves to their own countrie have not the opportunitie to see and observe rarities in other parts of the world : so such as goe into forrain places , rather wander at random then travel , who hane not the curiositie to commit to memorie or writing such things they meet with , both for thier own and others satisfaction , as may demonstrate the fruits of their travels . i confesse all travellers are not of alike temper : some delight themselves in contemplation of the curiosities of arts , som are taken with the varieties of the works of nature , others speculate with a kind of reverence the decays and ruins of antiquitie , others studiously inform themselves with the transactions of modern tymes , others with thee gouvernment and politie , other speculate the strange customs and fashion of the places they passe thro ; to be short everie one labors to entertain the reader with those objects and rarities of forain parts , his genius and inclination is most affected with . as to my self , although during the space of 16 yeaves travel , i might have inlarged , according to the curiositie and opportunitie i have had in the rehearsal of many rare and exquisite things verie observable : yet my chiefe aime was to make such remarks , as might most contribute to the common good of humane society and civil life , in taking notice of the government and politie of the several states and dominions where i have been , viz. the vnited provinces , germany , denmark , sweden , and other countries , whose natural temper and disposition seemed to me most to sympathise with our english nation , and thereby have an occasion to do some good to my own countrie . expect not reader alike punctualnes , as to all the forementioned places , because verie many things which i might have observed , are much agreeing , and so may be referred , to what shal be spoken of the politie and goverment of holland , which , for reasons i shal by and by hint at , is the chiese end i aimed at in this treatise . we wil begin then in the first place with the common-wealth of holland , and dominions of the states general which for some yeares hath bin in a declining condition , and their forces exceedingly weakned , by reason of that fatal war it managed against england , france and the bishop of munster , unto which if we ad the intestime divisions of those two factions , the prince of orange and lovestein , that politick body was so tottered and torn , as did threaten its utter and total ruine . but as bodies whither natural or politick , after that a violent fit hath sore shaken , dissipated and exhausted their spirits , may recover vigor and look-lively again , if so be the radical constitution and natural temper be not wholie changed and depraved : even so this common-wealth of holland hath visibly recovered strength again , and probaly may attain to its former force and lustre , except som depravation in its vital humous should stil keep it languishing , and obstruct its perfect cure . we wil therefore make some remarks as to the defects and faylings ( observed not onely by me but also by others ) which that famous commonwealth hath of late yeares bin guiltie of : which i shal doe not out of any malice or disigne of reflection , the intention of writing this treatise being simplie to insert those defaults , which the wisest of authors have alwayes judged necessarie not onely for the reformation of this , but of all states whatsoever . this commonwealth of holland hath worthily bin the wonder of all europe during this last age , and perhaps not to be paralled in the records of former tymes : for if we consider how many yeares it was assaulted by the then most potent prince of europe , who aspired to no les then the vniversal empire , and that how formidable soever he were , yet they not onely maintained their pretensions , but with uninterrupted prosperitie and succesfulnesse advanced their trade , and spread their conquests in all the foure parts of the world . rome it self though most famous and victorious , yet could not , as is believed , in so short a time do , what by this commonwealth hath bin effected . in india and affrica they soon forced the spaniard , and portugeses to yeeld to them most of their trade and posessions . and tho england put in for a share , yet they were a long while vigourously opposed by the dutch , and to this hour have enough to do , to keep what they have gotten : so that in lesse then an hundred years this commonwealth by their industrie and art in trading , are becom so excessive rich and potent that they began to insult and would needs be arbitraters to their neighbouring princes and states , and encroach upon their territories and dominions . this drew upon them that fatal war before mentioned , by which they were sorely weakned and brought so low , that except god by a more then ordinarie providence had protected and appeared for them , they had certainly bin ruinated and never able to recover themselves again , however their pride hereby was much abated : and as luxurie and lasciviousnes are the sad effects of prosperitie , as wel as pride , so such vices in a bodie politick and common-wealth , as do corrupt the radical humors , by abating the vigour of the vital parts , doe insensiblie tend to the consumption and decay of the whole . that this commonwealth hath much recovered its strength , may clearly appeare , if we consider what great things they have effected , since the little time they have enjoyed peace : they have in lesse then 7 yeares built about 40 gallant ships of war ; they have laid out vast sums of treasure in refortifying narden , mastricht , breda , the grave and many other places : they have payd vast sums of money to their allies for their auxiliarie troopes , as also 200000 pound sterling to the king of england to enjoy their peace with him . and besides all this their encrease in riches and power may be guest at , by the many stately houses built within these 5 years in amsterdam , rotterdam and other places ; to all which we may ad , to what excessive hight the actions of the east and west-indie companie are risen , and the obligations from the sates are so esteemed as to securitie , that they can get as much money as they please at 2 per cent : not to speak , of the exceeding encrease of their subjects , occasioned by the french kings tyrannie against the distressed protestants in france , alsace and other parts of his conquests , neither wil we speak of other signes of the encrease of this commonwealth , as not judging it convenient to commit them to paper , but wil now proceed to shew the method of living and travelling in the dominions and places of the states , which if you do wel consider you may see , how happie and easie the government of england is , above that of other nations . the brill in holland is the usual place where the packet and kings pleasure boats bring on such as come for to see the united provinces : here be sure to furnish your self wel with money . from hence you take a boat to maseland sluce or rotterdam , which if you goe in companie with others , wil only cost you 5 stivers : but if you take one for your self , wil cost 25. stivers for maseland sluce , and a ducaton to rotterdam . the fifth part of which goes to the states for a tax , they call passagie gelt : and the other 4 parts are for the boat men or shippers , who also out of their gaines must pay a tax to the states , so that by computation you pay a fift pennie to the states for your travelling either in boats by water , or in waggons by land . as you passe by maseland sluce you 'l see a verie faire fishing village , to which belong near two hundred herring buisses , but if you goe by the way of rotterdam you sail by two old townes called flardin and schiedam : yet let me advise you before you depart from the bril , to take a serious view of it , as beeing the citie which in queen elisabeths time was one of the cautionarie townes pawned to england . the brill had a voyce among the states , but by reason rotterdam hath got away their trade , by which having lost its former lustre , is now become afishing town onely . rotterdam is the second citie for trade in holland and by some is caled little london , as having vast traffick with england , in so much that many of the citisens speak good english . there are in this citie two considerable churches of english and scotch : and how great a trade they drive with the king of englands subjects is evident , for in the yeare 1674 at the opening of the waters after a great frost , there departed out of rotterdam 300 sail of englesh , scotch and irish ships at once with an easterly wind : and if a reason should be demanded how it coms to passe , that so many english ships should frequently com to that haven ? it is easilie answered , because they can ordinarily load and unload , and make returns to england from rotterdam , before a ship can get clear from amsterdam and the texel : and therfore your english merchants find it cheaper and more commodious for trade , that after their goods are arrived at rotterdam , to send their goods in boats landward in , to amsterdam . this citie is famous as beeing the place where great erasmus was born , whose statue of brasse stands erected in the market place ; and although the buldings here are not so superb as those of amsterdam , leyden or harlem , yet the places worth the seeing , are , first the great church where several admirals lay stately entombed , here you see their admiralitie , east indie , and stathouses together with that caled , het gemeen lands huis . from rotterdam you may for 5 strivers have a boat to bring you to delph , but before you com thither you passe thro a faire village called overschie , where the french and english youths are trayned up in litterautre , as to the latin and dutch tongue , booke keeping , &c : from thence in the same boat you com to delph which is famous for making of porceline to that degree , that it much resembles the china , but onely it is not transparent . in delph is the great magasin of arms for the whole province of holland : their churches are verie large , in one of which are tombs of the princes of orange , admiral tromp and general morgans ladie , and in the cloyster over against the church you have an inscription in a pillar of brasse , shewing after what manner william the 1 , that famous prince of orange was shot to death by a miscreant jesuist , with his deserved punishment . delph hath the 3 d voyce in the states of holland , and sends its deputies unto the colledge of the states general , and to all other colledges of the commonwealth . they have also a chamber in the east-indie companie , as shal be more largely spoken to , when we shal com to treat of the state of the said companie . from delph you may by boat be brought to the hague for 2 stivers and an halfe : which is accounted the fairest village in the world , both for pompous buildings and the largenes thereof ; here the princes of orange hold their residence : as also the states general and the councel of state , here you have the courts of justice , chancerie , and other courts of law. here you see that great hall , in which many hundreds of coulers are hung up in trophie , taken from the emperor , spaniard and other potentates with whom they have waged war. there councel chambers are admired by all that see them . many faire libraries they have belonging to particular men . the princes pallace is a most superb building , and there are many costlie gardins adjoyning to the hague , together with that to the princes house in the woad , in which house are in a large hall the most rare and costly pictures of europe , there also are those magnificent and unparalled gardins of the heer bentham , of amesland and others . i might here speak of the splendor of the prince of orange his court , of his noble virtues and valour , of the most virtuous and beautiful princesse his royal consort , but i dare not , least i should infinitely fal short of what ought to be , and which others have alreadie don before me : and therfore leaving the hague , i shal onely tel you that from thence you may for 7 stivers have a boat to bring you to leyden . leyden is a faire and great citie , and the universitie is verie famous , beeing frequented by 1000 of students from all parts , as hungarie , poland , germanie , yea from the ottomans empire it self , who pretend to be grecians , besides the english , scots and irish , who this years were numbred to be above 80. the most remarkable things here to be seen , i shal summarilie set down : as the place called the bergh , formerly a castle belonging to the prince of liege in flanders : the stathowse , the vniversitie schooles , specially that of the anatomie , which excels all the anatomie schooles in the world , a book of the rarities whereof you may have for 6 stivers , their physick garden , and the professors closet are al ravishing in rare curiosities . but as to their colledges , they are but two and verie small , not to be compared with the smallest hals in oxford , neither have they any endowments , their maintenance being onely from the charitable collections of the ministers of holland , neyther are any students to remain longer there , then til they attain the degree of batchelers of art : one of the curators beeing demaunded by me , why so rich a commonwealth as holland is , did not build and endow colledges after the manner of oxford and cambridge , answered they had not so many able and publick spirited men as are in england , and to deal plainly with you , said he , had we such colledges , our burgemasters and magistrates would fil them with their own and their friends sons , who by leading a lazie and idle life would never becom capable to serve the common-wealth , and therefore he judged it much better to put them to pension in burgers howses , leaveing them to the care of the professors , who are verie diligent in keeping the students at their exercises , both at publick lectures and in their private howses also , where they cause them punctually at their appointed houres to come to their examinations and lectures , besides those they have in publick . their churches are rare , so are the walks round the citie , and the fortifications verie pleasing to behold . here you have the river rhine running through the citie and falling into it from catwyckop zee . leyden is verie famous in historie , for the long siege it held out against the spaniard . from hence for twelve stivers and an half you are brought to harlem by water , being twelve english miles . harlem is famous in that costor one of their burgers , first invented the art of printing . this costor beeing suspected to be a conjurer , was fain to flee from harlem to cologne in germany , and there perfected his invention , having in harlem onely found out the way of printing on one side of the paper . the first book he ever printed is kept in the stathouse , for those that are curious to see it . here is one of the fairest and largest churches of the 17 provinces , in the wals whereof there remain to this day sticking canon bullets , shot by the spaniards during the siege thereof . in this church are three organs , as also the model of the three ships , that sayled from harlem to . damiater , seasing the castle in which the earl of holland was kept prisoner , and brought him away to holland : in the tower of this church hang two silver be●s which they also brought from thence , and now ring them everie night at nine a clock . harlem is renowned for making the finest linnen cloth , tyfinies dammasks and silk stufs ; also ribands and tapes ; they have mils by which they can weave fortie and 50 pieces at a time , they make the finest white thread and tapes for lace in the whole world , there bleacheries surpas al other whatsoever , their waters whitening cloath better then any in the seventeen provinces : they have a most pleasant grove like a little wood , divided into walks where on sondays and holly dayes the citisens of amsterdam and other places come to take their pleasure . harlem is the second citie of holland and sends in deputies unto all the colledges of the gouvernment . from hence you have a passage by boat to amsterdam for six stivers , but when you are come half way you must step out of one boat to goe into another , where you see a stately pallace , where the lords , called dykgraves sit , everie one of these lords hath his apartment when he coms for the concerns of the sea-dykes , and bancks : here are also 2 large sluces having gates to let in or out water from the harlemmer meer . near this place about ano : 1672 a part of the seabanck was broken by a strong northwest wind , drowning all the land betwixt amsterdam and harlem , which cost an incredible vast sum to have it repaired . they sunck in this breach 400 smal vessels fild with earth and stones for a foundation to rebuild the wel upon , and by unspeakable industrie and charges at last repaired the banck . i come now to speak of amsterdam , which having bin the place of my abode for several years , i shal give a more large and punctual account thereof then i doe of other places ; it is esteemed by intelligent men the second citie in the world for trade , and not inferiour to any in wealth . certainly amsterdam is one of the beautifullest cities in the world , their buildings are large , their streets for the most part pleasantly planted with trees & paved so neatly , as is to be found no where els in any other countrie , save in some of the 17 provinces . and although , as i have alreadie said , amsterdam may justly be taken for the second or third citie after london and paris , yet it hath neither courtnor vniversitie , as they have . and now in treating of all the excellencies and virtues of amsterdam , i shal not hyperbolise , or flatter : for before i have don you shal see , i shal also faithfully declaime against the evils , mistakes and vices in it . amsterdam stands upon a thousand morgans of land , encompassed with a verie strong wal and bastions most pleasant to behold , with a verie large burgaval or gracht as they cal it , for the defence of three parts of the citie , the fourth being secured by the sea or ty. there are 13 churches in this citie for those of the reformed religion ( called dutch presbiterians ) to meet and worship in , with two frencb , one highdutch and one english , all presbiterian churches , who onely are alowed bels , and whose ministers are maintayned by the magistrate . all these churches or congregations make up onely a third part of the inhabitants of the citie : the papists who have eightie five howses or chappels to meet in for their worship , make another third part , and have a long square of howses for their nuns to live in , who are not shut up in cloysters , as in papists countries they are wont to doe , but may goe in and out at their pleasure , yea and marrie also if they grow wearie of a nunnish life : these churches of the papists have no bels allowed them , beeing lookt upon as conventicles , and are many times shut up , and again opened at the scouts pleasure . the other third part of the citie is made up by jewes , lutherans , arminians , brownists or english independents , anabaptists and the quakers : none of which , as was also said of the papists , have bels allowed them , but are accounted conventicles : and all that marie amongst them , must first be maried by the magistrate , and then if they pease among themselves in their own assemblies , neyther are any of them admitted unto any office in the government , but onely such as are of the reformed or presbiterian profession . the jewes who are verie considerable in the trade of this citie have two synagogues , one whereof is the largest in christendom , and as some say in the world , sure i am , it far exceeds , those in rome , venice , and all other places where i have bin : within the court yard where their synagogue stands , they have severa● roomes or schooles , where their children are taught hebrew , and verie carefully , to the shame of christians negligence , brought up and instruckted in the jewish principles . amsterdam for the wise statesmen it hath produced , is said to be a second athens : others make it the storehowse or magasin of europe , for that it hath such great store of corne , wherewith it furnishes many other nations . and secondly for the exceeding great magasin of spices , which in antient times the venetians brought by land , furnishing all parts of europe , but now is don by the east-indie companie which not onely supplyes europe therewith , but many places in the indies also . thirdly it hath inconceivable store of al manner of provisions for war , in so much that england and divers other nations send to amsterdam to buy arms , bufcoats , belts , match &c : yea here are several shopkeepers who can deliver armes for 4000 or 5000 men , and at a cheaper rate then can be got any where else , and this they can doe by reason of their great industry in the ingrossing most of the iron workes on the rhine and other rivers which run into holland . forthly amsterdam hath more store of sawed and prepared tymber for shipping then can be found in any one nation in the world , and this is the reason why her neighbour town sardam is made capable of building ships 20 per cent cheaper then they can doe in england or france : so that both france , and spaine do many times buy them in holland : as lately the king of spaine bought 10 capital ships of the two brothers the melts merchants in this citie . fifthly amsterdam is the staple where the emperor sels his quicksilver not only to the spaniard , to use in his mines in the indies , but for the making of cinoprium or vermillion , with which amstrerdam furnisheth not only europe , but many places in the indies . sixtly amsterdam is the market where the french king bought his marble for versellis louvre , and other of his palaces in france : there are such vast magasins in amsterdam that a man would think , that sees them , there were quaries of marble neare the city gates . seaventhly amsterdam hath the most considerable bank that now is in the whole world ; i have compared the bank of venice with that of genua and both their banks write not of so much money in two dayes as amsterdam doth in one : further i have compared the bank of venice with hamburg and find both those banks fall very much short with the bank of amsterdam . there are many other particulars i could name ▪ as arguments to prove the great riches & trade of amsterdam , as those vast quantities of wynes , & brandewynes they sell in the north & eastseas , & those vast countryes adjoyning thereunto , from whence they bring hemp , pitch & tar , & furnish france , italy & spain with the same , & they likewise have much ingrossed the copper & iron of sweedland . i will say no more of her stores & magazins , but shall in the next place say some thing of her churches & charitie to the poore . i will not speake much of her churches , but only that they are in general large and well built : in one of them the states have spared no cost to exceed the whole world in 3 things ( viz ) an organ with sets of pipes that counterfit a corus of voyces , it hath 52 whole stops besides halfe stops , & hath 2 rowes of keyes for the feet , and three rowes of keyes for the hands ; i have had people of quality to heare it play , who could not believe but that there were men or women above singing in the organ , untill they were convinced by goeing up into the organ roome . the second is such a large carved pulpet & canapie as cannot be found elsewhere in the world ; the third is a screene of brasse . the stathouse in this citty is a wonderfull superb building , on the uppermost part of which is a large magazin of armes . the copper statues that stand on top of the stathouse are very large & peeces exellently cast , especially that called atlas , who hath a globe of the world on his back that will hold 30 barels of water , for me to speake of the several rarityes of pictures , carved works & marble in this stathouse , & of the globes celestiall & terrestriall that are on the floor of the great hall , would make ▪ booke of it selfe ; i therefore will speake of their almeshouses & of the government of the poore , of their prisons & houses of correction . this citty is said to have 20000 poore every day at bed & board . the almeshouses are many & look more like princes palaces then lodgings for poore people ; first there are houses for poor ouldmen & women , then a large square palace for 300 widdowes , then there are hospitals for boyes & girles , for burgers children & for strangers children , or those cald foundtings , all these boyes & girles have every sonday & other dayes of worship 2 doites given them by the fathers of these houses , the which the children put into the deacons sack when they gather for the poore in the churches ; then there is an hospital for fooles , & a bedlam : there are houses where common beggers & gamesters & frequenters of taphcuses are kept hard at work : there is also a house called the rasphouse where petty theeues & such as flash one another with knives , such as beg with cheating devises , women with fained great bellyes , men pretending to have been taken by the turk , others that pretend wrack at sea , & such as beg with a clapper or a bell , as if they could not speake or heare , such as these are kept hard at work , rasping every day 50 pounds between 2 of them , or else are beaten with a bulls pissel , & if yet thy rebel & wont work , they are set in a tub where if they doe not pump the water will swell over their heads ; then there is a house where whores are kept to worke , as also disobedient children who live idle & take no course to maintain themselves , likewise women commonly drinking themselves drunck , and scolds ; al these sorts of hospitals & almeshouses are stately buildings richly adorned with pictures & their lodgings very neat & cleane . in some of the boyes & girles hospitals there are 1500 , in some 800 & in some 500 in a house ; then they have houses where a man or a woman may have their dyet , washing & lodging for his life , giving a small summe of money : these are called brouders houses , the almes children of this citie are held in such veneration & respect that a man had as good strike a burgemasters child as one of them . these children are permitted to travel in any of the treckscuts freely without money ; these hospitals are governed by men & women , as are of an unspotted life & reputed to be rich , devout & pious , it is very observable that the women governe their women hospitals better then the men do theirs yea it is a general observation in this country , that where the women have the direction of the purse & trade , the husband seldom prove bankrupts , it being the propertie of a true borne hollands-wife presently after marriage to apply her selfe wholly to her business ; but i forbear to say any more of the duch houswives , for feare of displeasing our english dames , not so much addicted , at least not so generally bred up to industry ; but to returne to the acts of charitie of amsterdam ; the which is so extraordinary that they surpas al other cittyes in the world , for they are dayly & houerly giveing to the poore , every house in amsterdam hath a box hanging in a chaine on which is written think on the poore , so that when any merchant sels goods they commonly conclude no bargain , but more or less is put in the poores box ; these boxes art lockt up by the deacons , who once a quarter goe round the citty & take the money out of the boxes . then twice a week there are men belonging to the hospitals that goe round the citty & ring a bell at every house to know what the master or mistris of the house will give to the box , who generally give not less then 2 stivers . then every first wedensday of the moneth the deacons in their turne goe round the citty from house to house to receive what every house keeper will give to the poore , then on the week before the sacrament is given , a minister with an elder goes round the city to every house where any members of the presbiterian religion live , & there ask if any differences be in the familie , offering their service to reconcile them , alsoe to instruct & prepare such as are to receive the sacrament ; at this tyme a minister may be seen to goe into a taphouse or taverne for which at another tyme he would be counted a wyne biber & the worst of reprobates ; at this tyme while these ministers & elders goe about the city on their visiations the people take an occasion to give to the poore . and here i ought not to omit telling you of their great charitie to the distressed french prosestants , who are here in great numbers . they maintaine no less then 60 french ministers , & unto many handicraft tradesmen and makers of stuffs , & cloath , they lend sums of money without intrest to buy working tooles & materials for their work , but this is no other then they formerly did to the poore distressed protestants of ireland & piemont , & their charitie was not a littel that they gave to geneve towards the building their fortifications ; and here give me leave to tell you what king charles the second said of the charitie of amsterdam , when the duke of lotherdal heareing that the prince of oranges armie was not able to oppose the french from advanting so neare to amsterdam , the duke jeareingly said that oranges would be very scarse in holland , after amsterdam should fall into the french hands to plunder , to which his majestie said that he was of opinion that god would preserve amsterdam from being destroyed if it were only for the great charitie they have for the poore , the which put the duke out of countenance ; i will say no more of their charitie , only this that they leave no stone unturned to bring moneyes into the poores stock , they make the stage players pay 80000 gilders a yeare to the poore : thert is not a ropedancer , puppetplayer or any of that sort of unnecessary vermin which frequent faires , but pay the 3d penny to the poore , which is carefully looked after by placeing an almesman at the doore of the booths , to see that they cheat not the poore of their share ; i shall now in the next place say some thing of the clergie , i meane those called the states clergie , for the states are absolutely head of their church , & when any synod of divines meet , two of the states , are alwayes present to heare that they debate nothing relating or reflecting on the government , or governers , if they doe , presently the states cry ho la mij● heeren predicanten● , & if their ministers meddel with any thing relating to the goverment in their pulpits they send them a briefe ( which some call a paire of shooes ) to quit the city , & some times impriprison them to boot : but if they behave themselves quietely & well , as they ought to doe , they th●n are respected by the people as gods upon earth ; they have a forme of prayer sent them , how they shall pray for the states & prince of orange , nor must they meddell with any other religion in the country , because all sorts are tollerated , at least connived at by the magistrates ; all those called the presbeterian ministers or states clergie are obliged under a forfiture to have done preaching & praying by eleven of the clock in the forenoone on sondayes , because then the schepens goe to the stathouse , to marry the jewes papists & lutherans & others that may not mary after the calvinisticall forme , & the reason why the states thus marry them first according to law , is to render their children legitimate , but they may marry againe afterward as they please themselves : none may marry untill they have made their appearence at the stathouse before the lords , where if the parties be agreed , the preachers marry the calvinists , & the schepens marry all the rest , who differ from the religion established by law. when one dyes the friends dare not burry the corps until it hath lain three dayes open in the coffen , that the friends & relations of the deceased may be satisfied that the party hath not been murdered or reported to be dead when alive , after 3 dayes the corps must be brought to the church before the delceaseth tolling , which is at two for if you keepe the body untill half three then the church dores are lockt & for the first halfe houre must be payd 25 gilders , & for the second 50 , & so untill six , then they may amers you as much as they please . there are many rich people who make that default on purpose , that they may have solemn occasion of giveing to the poore , as i knew once an english merchant did . the next thing i shall speake of is the method which the states observe in ordering their maritim affairs , one of the greatest mysteryes in their goverment ; the states generally divide their admiralty into five courts , which they call chambers : the first is rotterdam ( which is the chamber called the mase ) which hath the admirals flagg . then amsterdam which hath the vice-admirals flagg , & zealand hath the reare admiral flagg , the other two chambers are those in north holland & friesland : each of these five chambers have their admirals , vice admirals & reare admirals apart from the states generals flaggs , so that when the states have occasion to set out a fleet of an 100 shipps more or less , every chamber knowes the number they must provide for their proportion , tho in regard of its opulencye amsterdam frequently helps her neighbours & ads two or more shipps then their share comes to ; these chambers have lately built 36 men of war , & now are building of 7 more and all this is done without noise , every one building their proportion , & they have admirable methods in preserving their shipps when built , & their magazins are in good order every shipp haveing an appartment to lay up all its equipage in , & on the top of their magazins are vast cisterns , which are kept constantly full of water which have pipes into every appartment to let down water upon any accident of fire , & there is in their magazins a nursery roome , where a woman keeps an office to feed at certaine houres of the day a great number of cats , which afterward hunt among the stores for mice & ratts ; this great magazine in amsterdam was built in the tyme of cromwell in the space of 9 moneths & 14 dayes , in which tyme the lords of the admiraltie gave the workmen drinkgelt as they call it , to incourage them to work more then at an ordinary rate . at this tyme the biggest man of war the states had was the amelia , in which the famous amiral trump was kild , shee was a ship of no more then 56 guns , afterward made a fire ship. but the states quickly discovered their want of great shipps , and therefore built the same yeare 20 men of war , from 50 to 80 gunns . but the great shipps built at amsterdam had like to have proved of no use , had not theingenious pensionarie de wit found out a devise to carry them over the pampus , betwixt those they call water shipps ; the admiralty have an exellent method in setting out their fleets , they neither presse soldiers nor sea-men , all goe voluntarie at the beating of à drumb , each captain providing men & provisions for his shipp , who after they have received orders from the lords to the equipagemaster to equipe out their shipps , & receive the povisions of war , then the states send a board each shipp a chaplin , & check master , who take care of the provision of war , & see that the seamen have the states allowance & wholesome food , & great care is taken by the lords that both captains & seamen receive their pay punctually for the tyme they are in the states service , & for the incouraging their seamen there is plaistred on a board hanging by the foremast , the several rewards to such as either take or fire a flagshipp or take or sinck any other shipp of the enimies , also what pensions a wounded seaman shal have if maimd or disabled in the states service &c. the lords of the admiralty follow the same methodes which the states general observe , as to their land obligations , & goe throw this great charge by the good management of their credit , for tho it be true that they are indebted great summes of money , yet they never want a supply , nay , moneyes are often forced upon them by rich merchants , who send in their , moneys and only take the admyraltyes obligations , with which they afterward pay their customes , when their shipps arive , at which tyme the admiralty allowes them intrest for the tyme they have had their money , & this is it that makes the admiraltyes obligations more valued then ready money , for it saves the trouble of telling , & such is the credit of the admiralty that when they have occasion for any goods , the people strive to furnish them , & rather take their obligations then money , because they get intrest ; & all other assignments upon the admiralty are very punctually payd , & without exchequer fees , no they are sworne officers who are forbid to receive any moneyes for fees , being contented with the sallary , they have of the states . and their methodes used at the custome house for loading or unloading shipps are very easy , in so much that the women generally have the chargeing & dischargeing the shipps at the custome house , which is a great politie in the states to make trade easy for the incouragement of the merchants ; and the admiralty are very gratefull & generous unto their commanders , if any of their admiralls , or captains are kild at sea & have dove any considerable service , they then eternise their memories with lasting trophies of honor , as you may see by those stately monuments of trump , vpdam , de ruiter , the eversons , & others , nor are they spareing in bestowing large gifts & pensions on the widdowes , & children of those as have served them faithfully & valiantly in the wars , whilst the treacherous & cowards meet with the severity they deserve ; i might here in the next place in large & tel you of the exellent methodes they have in building & preserveing their shipps when built , but i shall refer you to that exellent peece written by the heer witsen on that subject . and shall now in the next place say some thing of their famous company called the east-india company of the netherlands , this company is said to be a commonwealth within a commonwealth , & it is true if you consider the soveraigne power & priviledges they have granted them by the states general , & likewise consider their riches & vast number of subjects , & the many territories & colonies they possess in the east-indies , they are said to have 30000 men in constant pay , & above 200 capital shipps , besides sloopes , catches , & yachts . this company hath by their politick contrivances & sedulons industry possessed themselves of many colonies formerly belonging unto the spaniards , & portugeeses , & diverse indian princes , & as good christians have been at great charge in planting the gospel of christ in many parts there , printing in the indian language bibles , & prayer bookes & catechismes , for the instruction of the indians , maitaineing ministers & schoolemasters to inform those that are converted to the christian faith ; and now because i have said that this company is so considerable & as it were a commonwealth apart , i will demonstrate it to be so , first by their power , riches & strength in the indies , secondly what figure they make in europe , & this verie briefly , for if i should speake of every particular as to their posessions in the indies , it would swell into many volumes , but i will only begin with them at the cape of de bonne esperance where they have built a royall fort , in which they maintaine a garrison of souldiers to defend their shipps which come there to take in fresh water ; from thence let us take a view of them in the iland of java where they have built a faire city called battavia & fortified it with bastions after the mode of amsterdam . this city is the place of residence of their grand minister of state , called the general of the indies , he hath allowed him 6 privie councellers in ordinary & 2 extraordinary , these governe the concernes of the company throughout the indies , & they make peace & war , send ther ambassadors to all parts thereof , as occasion requireth . this general hath his guards of horse & foot & all sorts of officers & servants as if he were a soveraigne prince , the whole expence whereof is defraied out of the companys stock . this general hath much of the direction of bantam and other parts of the iland of java : from whence let us take a view of them , in their great possessions in the moluceas ilands & those of banda where they are become so formidable that they looke as if they aimed at the soveraingtye of the southseas : they have also a great trade in china & japan , from whence let us return to the ilands of sumatra & on the coast of bengale , where they have several lodges ; in persia they have likewise great commerce & are so considerable that they wage war with that mighty monarch if he wrongs them in their trade . they also have several colonies & lodges on the coast of malabar & cormandel , & in the country of the great magul , & king of galcanda , but principally let us behold them in the rich iland of zylon where they are masters of the plaine country , so that the emperor or king of that iland is forced to live in the mountains whilst this company possess the city of colomba & other the most considerable garrisons of that iland : it is said that the company hath there in their pav 3600 souldiers , & at least 300 gunus planted in their forts & garrisons . in a word they are not only masters of the cinamon , but of all other spices except pepper & that they would also have , had it bin for their intrest to ingrosse , but they wisely fore saw that the english would be a block in their way , therefore they contented themselves to be masters the mace , cynamon , cloves and nutmegs with which they not only serve europe , but many places in the indies ; i will say no more of them in the indies , but let us see what figure they make in europe . and first to begin with them in amsterdam , where they have two large stately palaces , one being in the ould part of the city , and the other in the new ; in that of the ould part of the city they keep their court , and there sits the resident committie of the company , where alsoe they make the sales of the company goods . there for six yeares the grand councel or assembly of the 17 doe meet , and after six yeares are expired , the grand councel of the 17 doe assemble at middelburg in zealand for two yeares , and then againe returne to amsterdam : the other lesser chambers of delph , rotterdam , horne and enchusen never haveing the assembly of the 17 in their chambers , so that only amsterdam and zealand have the honour of that grand councel . i will therefore crave leave to describe unto you the chamber of amsterdam , it being the most considerable of the chambers , belonging to this famous company ; in there house or palace within the ould city are many large offices or appartments , as first on the lower floor is their parlement chamber , where the 17 doe sit : next to this chamber are several faire chambers for the committes to sit in . they have also a chamber of audience , where they do receive princes or ambassadors , or other great men as have occasion to speak with them . in one of these chambers are the armes of several indian princes they have conquered . on the same floor is their tresury office , where their receivers sit and receive money , and pay out the orders or assignments of the company , neer ●o that chamber sits their grand minister the heer peter van dam , who is said to be a second john de wit for parts , but he hath not one drop of john de wits or lovestine bloud , against the good prince of orange ; this great minister is a man of indefaigable industry and labor night and day in the companyes service ; he reads over twice the great journal bookes which come from the indies , and out of them makes minets to prepare matters of concerne necessary to be considered by the grand councel of the 17 , and by the inferiour committes of the company , and prepares instructions and orders to be sent to their chief ministers in the indies , i could say many more things of his great worth and virtues , but shall forbeare least i should be judged a flatterer : overagainst this great ministers office sitt in a chamber many clarkes or under secretaryes , who receive from this minister their ordrs of dispatches in the affaires of company , and next to this chamber is a register office where are kept the journal bookes of the indies , where you may see the names of al the men , and women that have ever served the company in the indies , with the tyme of their death , or departing the companyes service ; then next to that is a councel chamber where the residing chamber or committe of the company alwayes sitts then assending up staires , there sitt their book-holders , who keepe the accounts of all the transactions of those that buy or sel actions of the company , and over against this office sitts the heer gerbrand elias who is the second advocate of the company : on this floore are several large roomes in which are great stores of packt goods , and also a roome with all sorts of drugs , tee , and wax , ambergreace , and musk , and on the same floore is a chamber where the commissiners sitt who governe , the packhouses ; and next to them sitt their clarks who keepe the registers of the sales of the company goods ; and on the same gallery or floore is a chamber where are kept the severall bookes of divinitie , printed in the indian language that are sent to the several colonies of the company : and at the end of this gallery is a magazine full of medicaments and instruments for barber chirurgions chests , to furnish the companyes shipps and garrisons in the indies . then assending up another paire of staires , there are several large magazins of nutmegs , cloves , mace and sinamond , and in a long gallery are many men at work sorting of spices fitt for sale . then ascending up another paire of staires there are many roomes full of spices , then desending into the court-yard there is a guard chamber where every night the house keeper hath a watch , and on the other side of the gate there is the chymist , who with his men prepares medicaments for the indies ; adjoyning to this court-yard is their way-house and packhouse for pepper and grosse goods ; but before i leave this house in the ould part of the city , i must say some thing of the maner or method used in the transactions of the jewes and others , who make a trade of buyng and selling the actions of the company , the which is a great mystery of iniquitie , and where it inricheth one man , it ruins an hundred . the jewes are the chiefe in that trade , and are said to negotiate 17 parts of 20 in the company ; these actions are bought and should 4 tymes a day , at 8 in the morning in the jewes street , at a 11 on the dam , at twelve and at one a clock upon the exchange , and at six in the evening on the dam , and in the coledges or clubs of the jewes until 12 at midnight , where many tymes the crafty jewes , and others have contrived to coine bad newes to make the actions fall , and good newes to raise them , the which craft of doing at amsterdam is not taken notice of , which is much to be wondered at , in such a wise goverment as amsterdam is , for it is a certaine trueth they many times spread scandalous reports touching the affaires of state , which passe amongst the ignorant for truth ; i shall now in the next place say some thing of their pallace or magazine in the new part of the city the which may more properly be called an arsenal ; it is a building so superb that it lookes more like a kings pallace , then a magazin for merchants ; i have measured the ground on which this arsenal stands which i find to be 2000 foot , and square every way , reckoning the motes , or burgals , about it ; i remember the ingenious sr. joseph williamsen measured the two rope-allies by telling the stone figures in the wal , & found them to be 1800 foot long , the like whereof is not to be seene in the world . on the backside of this rope-allie lyes a store of 500 large anchors besides small ones ; in this arsenal they build the ships belonging to this chamber : and here are al sorts of worke houses for the artificers that serve the company . and in a chamber next to the joyners office , is a model of a ship , they now build their ships by , which cost 6000 gilders . when a man beholds the great stores of tymber , cordage , and the provisions of war in their magazin , a man would think there were enough to furnish a whole nation ; in this arsenal the ships unload their goods layd up in several apartments in the grand magazin , and afterward is removed to the house in the ould part of the city , as their is occasion for sale : in the upper part of this large pallace sit the saile makers at worke , but on the lower part of this house is an appartment where the bewinthebbers assemble upon occasion of businesse ; this arsenal is not to be seen by strangers without a ticket from the bewinthebbers ; now al what i have spoaken of these two houses , or magazins doth only belong unto the chamber of amsterdam ; there are yet other chambers of the company , who according to their quota , or stock in the company , have the like houses and magazins , as the chambers of zealand , delph rotterdam , horne and enkusen . and now i have named the six chambers of which the company is composed , i shall say some thing of their constitution , which is from an octroy , or act of the states general , by which they have soveraign power over their servants in the indies , yea their authoritie reacheth their servants in al territoryes of the states general donions ; it is death for any of the states subjects to be interlopers against this company , nor may any of what nation soever that lives in any of the companyes territories as burgers or servants , returne into europe without leave from the company , only those called freemen may depart without askeing leave to remove ; the grand councel of this company is the assembly of the seventeen , which are elected out of the several chambers before named , that is , eight from amsterdam , and four from zealand : delph , rotterdam , horne and enkusen send one a peece , which makes sixteen , and the five lesser chambers by turns chose the seventeenth . in the chamber of amsterdam there are 20 bewinthebbers in ordinary , who are for life , and have 1000 ducatones a yeare and spices at christmas , and their travelling charges , when they goe upon the companyes service . the next chamber is zealand which hath twelve bewinthebbers , who have about 250 l. a yeare and travelling charges , and spices at christmas ; the next is delph which hath seven bewinthebbers , who have only 120 l. a yeare and travelling charges and spices at christmas : the other chambers of rotterdam , horne and enkhusen have seven bewinthebbers a peece , and the like sallarie , with travelling charges and spices at christmas , as the chamber of delph hath . these bewinthebbers are elected or chosen out of those adventerers called the high participanten of the company ; they generally chose such as are rich and men of parts , and wisdome , most of them being of the magistratie of the country . no man is capable of being elected a bewinthebber who hath not a 1000 l. stock in the company . in a word this grand councel of the seventeen make lawes for the governing the company , both in india and europe . it is they that appoint the dayes of sale and what number of ships each chamber must send to the indies : and likewise order the building of ships , and all other grand concernes . this company is worthily esteemed a wise , politique , deserving company , spareing no cost to get good intelligence of affaires , sending messengers and expresses over land to the east-indies : they have their spies and correspondents in all the considerable trading parts of the world ; they have been so industrious as to gaine the spice trade , not only from the venetians , spaniards , portugueses , french , danes and other europian nations , but have also ingrossed all the spices , so that , as i tould you before , they sell spices to the indians themselves : but this i must say for them that they are a generous company and gratefully paying respects where it is due , as lately they have complemented his royall highness the prince of orange with an annuall summe out of the profits of their company , to make him their , friend and protector . neyther are they backward in bestowing presents upon strangers that have obliged them , as i could instance in some of our own nation : they are also very charitable to the poore giveing them the 1000th gilder of all the goods they sell ; and to all the reformed ministers in amsterdam they send spices at christmas , to pray every sonday for the welfare and prosperitye of the company . to conclude this companie is a buckler and defence for the commonwealth upon all urgent occasions : and truly our english east-india company might be the same to our king , if the differences between the two companyes were composed : especially now they have such a great king to protect them , and that the interlopers are distroyed . and now it is high tyme i should tell you the methodes a stranger must take if he hath occasion to keep house in amsterdam : if a man will hyer an house , he must take a lease upon seald paper , for which you must pay a tax to the states , and pay the broaker that makes the bargen , but before you can buy a house you must be in a capacitie to be made a burger . to this purpose it is usuall to take with you to the stathouse your broaker or any two securityes , and there before the burgemasters take the oath of burgerschap , which is to be faithfull to the city , to the magistrates and goverment &c. but if you buy either land or houses , and lodge privately you will find your case much worse , then you must pay a legion of taxes to the mils that draine your lands , and for maintaining the banks and sluces , and if the states have occasion to build a fortification on your lands , or to drownd them in the tyme of warre , you must be contented with the states termes , and if your house or houses stand empty without tenents , yet you must pay the states taxes on that house or houses ; thus much for the method how you are to be advanced to be a burger of amsterdam , and to give you a tast what you are to pay for houses or land , if you settel there , and if you have either purchased or hyred an house then comes an officer from the stathouse with a printed seald paper , who tels you , you must pay as followeth : first a pole tax for every male and female servant in the house above 8 yares old , six gilders a yeare . for a coach if you keepe one 75 gilders a yeare . for a coach without wheeles 50 gilders a yeare . for sope as the number of the familie is : the like for salt : for wyne as your qualitie is : to the rattel watch as your house is in greatnes . to the lanthornes as the largenes of the house is . for butter every 20 pound seven stivers . for beens halfe as much as you pay for the beens . for turff every tun five stivers . for every 20 gilders in wood six gilders . for flesh the tax often changeth : there is also a tax on the bread. then there is a tax called the 200ste penny , and a tax called the 8th : then there are many taxes in trade , as that no man can weigh or measure out his owne goods if sould in grosse , but the states officers must doe it , then the states have a tax called the verpounding on all lands and houses in their dominions ; then they have a tax on seald paper , and a tax for registering lands or houses , likewise a tax on cowes , horses , calues , and all sort of fruit. there are many other taxes i could name , as a stiver for every man that goes out or into any city after the houer of shutting the ports , also you pay for going over som bridges , and passing thro gates called tolhek , a stiver for every persons , but coaches , wagons or horses pay more ; these i have already named ; you will say , are to many , yet i may not forget to tell you , that milke first payes as milke , and again if it be made butter yea the buttermilke , and whay payes a tax likewise , for all which a man would think that a people that stand so much upon maintaining of their liberty should mutinie and refuse payment . but this seldome happens , and if it doth the states punish them very severely . i remember that in my tyme there was a mutinie at sardam about paying a new tax , whereupon the states sent a regiment of their souldiers , and sealed the heads of the mutiniers and hanged up 5 or six of them at the townes end , and severely whipt 8 under the gallowes ; and in the rich city of amsterdam if any refuse to pay their tax , the magistrates send their officer to pull of their dores , and if they remaine long obstinate , they send and fetch away the lower windowes of their house , and they dare not put up others , until they have payd the taxes ; howerer this is observable that if any man will sweare he is not worth what he is taxed at , then he is free : but there are many so proud , that they will not let the world know their condition , i knew a merchant named ornia , who payd during the war for his 200ste penny and other taxes for his and his wives children , ( haveing had two rich wives ) 14000 pound sterlyng : i also knew an english anabaptist merchant who tould mr. envoye sidney in my presence , that he had payd neare 4000 l. sterlyng to the war , and yet the same man did grumble to pay his majesties consul a pittyfull fee or consulat money on his ships : the reason whereof i once asked him , who answered me that the king could not raise a penny in england without his parlement , and therefore much less , could he doe it in the states country : thus these phanaticks had rather make bricks without straw , then pay the least tribut to their naturall princes officer : should wee in england be obliged to pay the taxes that are here imposed , there would be rebellion , upon rebellion : and yet after all that is here payd no man may bake his owne bread , or grind his owne corne , or brew his beere , nor dare any man keepe in his house a hand mil , althought it be but to grind mustard or coffy . i remember one mis guyn a coffy woman at rotterdam had like to have been ruined for grinding hir owne coffy , had not sir lyonel jenkins employed his secretary doctor wyn to intreat the states on her behalfe , and it was reckoned a grand favor that shee was only find , and not banished the city , and forfiture made of all her goods ; i remember also a landlord of mine in layden bought a live pig in the market and innocently brough it home , and kild it , for which he had like to have been ruinated , because he did not frist send to the accisemen to accise it , and also let the visitors see that the pig was free from deseases . at an other time a wyne merchant comeing to give me a visit , tould me that he had the rarest rhinish in the city , and that if i would send my maid to his cellar with six bottels they should be fild : whereupon i sent the maid only with two bottels , and charged her to hide them under her apron , but such was her misfortune that the scouts dienaers met her and seized her and her bottels , and caryed her to prison , which cost the wyne merchant 1500 gilders , and had it not bin for the strongest solicitations made by us , he had bin ruined : so sacred are taxes here and must so exactly be payd . and were they not here so precise , it were impossible for so smal a country to subsist : and therefore you may heare the inhabitants generally say , that what they suffer is for their vaderland , hence the meanest among them are content to pay what is layd on them , for they say all what is the vaderlands is ours the men of war are theirs , the sumptuous magazins , bridges and every thing what is the vaderlands . and indeed in a sense it is so for they have this to comfort them , that if it please god to visit them with poverty , they and their children have the publick purse to maintaine them , and this is one maine reason why they so willingly pay their taxes as they doe , for there 's not a soule borne in the states dominions that wants warme cloathes and dyet ; and good lodging , if they make their case knowne to the magistrates ; and for the vagabonds that rove up and downe the streets , they are either walons or other strangers as pretend to have bin ruinated by the late wars . i shall now in the next place let you know how exellently the laws are here executed against fraud and periury , and the intention of murders , which lawes were once much used in england , as you shall heare hereafter when i speake of the duke of brandenburgs court. i shall here instance a few particullars that hapened in my tyme : there was a spark that made false assignments on the admiralty , who tho related to many of the magistrates of amsterdam , had his head cut of ; and another who was a clark in the merchants bank , who made false posts in their bookes , and had his head also cut of , and all the portions he had given with his daughters , the husbands were forced to pay back , and all his houses and goods were sould at his dore in the open streets ; i knew a french marquis who swore his regiment was compleat , and when the states knew that he had not halfe his regiment , he likewise had his head cut of in the prison in the hague . i also knew a french paedagogue a runagado monk who designed to have murdred his master major cavellio , and his two pupils young children of the majors , and afterward to set the house a fire to couler the murder , he had his head cut of and set upon a post with his body on a wheele neare the hague ; i could name you two others cheaters , who were severely whipt under the gallowes : and two under farmers who designed to run away with the states money . the cheat of breakeing with a full hand is not so frequent in holland as in england ( wheresome use it as a way to slip out of business and then to live conveniently afterward upon the estates of other men ) because in holland they are more severely punished when discovered , then in england : as on the contraty those that fall to decay throw losses and unavoidable accidents which they could not prevent , find a more speedy and easie way of compounding and finishing matters with their creditours if they be over strickt , then the custome or law of england , doth aford , for the suing out of statuts of bankrupts in england doth prouve many tymes so pernitious both to creditour and debtor throw the tediousnes of the proceedings and the expensivenes of executing the commissions , that what by commissioners fees , treatises and other incident charges , the creditours are put to such expences as to be uterly disappointed of their debt , and the poore debtors for ever ruinated and undone ; i shall therefore in this place give a short relation of the method used in amsterdam in the case of bankrupts , which perhaps may be taken notice of by our king and parlement for the preventing disorders and sad abuses that dayly hapen in executing the statutes of bankrupts ; the magistrates of amsterdam everie yeare name commissioners for bankrupts , out of those that make up a judicature , like to our courts of aldermen in london ; these meet certaine dayes in the weeke in a distinct chamber in the stathouse over whose doore is cut in marble the emblem of fortune flying away with wings , and round chests turnd up side down , with mice and ratts eateing the money baggs , pens , inkhornes and paperbookes . there they receive petitions from debtors and creditours , and as occasion requireth summon the partyes to appeare before them , and to lay open the true state of the matter : this done they either by authoritie seaze the bankrupts books and effects , or else without any stir and noise leave all remaining in the debtors houses , and send thither two committes to examine the bookes , and make an inventorie of the estate ; with power to compose the matter , without giveing much trouble to the parties . if the comissioners find that the debtor is come to decay by unexpected losses and unavoidable accidents , to which he did not at all contribute , it is their usuall way to propose to the creditour such amicable and easy termes , as the poore man may be able to performe , alotting some tymes the halse of the estate left to the debtor , some tymes a third part , and some tymes perswading the crediteurs to advance to the poore man a sum of mony to help him up againe in trade , upon condition that he do oblige himselfe to pay the creditours all he oweth them , when god shall be pleased to make him able ; but on the contrary if the commissioners find that a trader hath dealt knavishly and broaken with a designe to defraud and cheat his creditours , as if it appeare that a bankrupt hath kept false bookes , and counterfitted bills of exchange , bills of loading , or pretended commissions from forraigne parts ; in such a case they are very severe and not only seaze all the bookes and effects of the bankrupt , but also imprison him , and also punish him corporally , and if the cheat be of an haynous nature , sentence him somtime to death , whereas if the debtor be only unfortunate and no wayes knaveish , then the commissaries use all the power they have to force the creditours to accept the poore mans termes , the which is better for the creditours then to use the rigor of the law , in committing the poore man to prison , seeing in that case the creditours must maintaine him in prison according to his quality , where if he lyes a certaine tyme , and the creditours be not able to prove 〈◊〉 prisoner hath an estate , then the debtor is admitted to his oath to sweare he is not worth 40 gilders besides his weareing cloathes , and working tooles , and then he is sett at libertie , but in the mean time let the prisoner have a care not to make a false oath , for then he is punished without mercy , an instance of which hapened in my tyme. the states haveing admitted a certaine jew to come and make such an oath before them , were at the same tyme informed ▪ by the goaler that this jew had been seen throw the chinks of the doore , quilting ducats of gould and some diamons in his cloathes , to the value of 5000 gilders the states hereupon admonished the jew to take heed to what he was about to sweare , because the law was very strickt against such as made false oathes before them , and at the same tyme caused the oath and the law to be ●ead unto him , nevertheless the jew oftered to take the oath , but the lords not suffering him to sweare , because then he must dye by law , caused him to be taken out into another room and searched , where they found about him the ducats and diamonts : this being tould the lords they sent for him in , and then sentenced him to have 60 lashes under the gallowes and to be banished the country , yet because the jew had many children , they gave a 3d part of what was taken about him to his wife and children , and a third to the poore , and the other 3d to the creditours , which was enough to pay them their debt ; these commissiorers are payd by the states and have not a doit from debtors , or creditours for all what they doe . these commissioners are also much to be commended for their readynes to doe good offices to those poore merchants , who haveing lived honestly , are brought to decay by losles and crosses in their trade : who when they find any such so poore that they can neither pay their creditours , nor maintaine the charge of their families , it is their constant custome , to take their children from them , and maintaine and bring them up in their hospitalls , yea often also soliciting the burgemasters on their behalfe to bestow some smal office upon them for their reliefe , and subsistance ; and here i must not omitt to aquaint you , that as the compounding of matters in holland betwixt debtor and creditour so as hath been said , is very easy and equitable , so is also their way or method of sueing for debts very favorable , which is after this maner , in the first place a note or summons is left at the debtors house , and if he nectlect to appeare , a second summons is sent , but then if he neither appeare himselfe , or send his proctor , the sheriffs order an arrest against him , and at last when he it brought before them , if the matter be difficult it is referred to two or three goodmen of the city , and tyme given him , but if the plaintiff make oath that he apprehends the debtor hath a designe to run away , then must the prisoner either give baile or return to prison . it is a remark that i have made in my travells , that excepting france and flanders i never saw in any prison above 40 prisoners for debt at one tyme , and in some great townes as in harlem and other , some tymes not one ; and the reason hereof is plaine , for you cannot lay a man in prison for an action or debt , small , or great , but you must maintaine the prisoner , so that many tymes the charges exceed the principall debt , and after all the prisoner can free himselfe ; whereas the custome in england encouraged by those varlets the pettyfogers and catchpoles of turning a man into prison for a crowne , or it may be for nothing at all , if he connot find bail , he may lye and starve there , is an abominable abuse , as also that of suborning false witnesses , to much in use in england , which is extremely cried out against beyond sea . and now because i am speakeing of pettyfogers , give me leave to tell you a story i mett with when i lived in rome , goeing with a romane to see some antiquityes , he shewed me a chapell dedicated to one st evona a lawyer of brittanie who he said came to rome to entreat the pope to give the lawyers of brittanie a patron , to which the pope replyed that he knew of no saint but what was disposed of to other professions , at which evona was very sad and earnestly begd of the pope to think of one for them : at the last the pope proposed to st evona that he should goe round the church of st. john de latera blind fould , and after he had said so many ave marias , that the first saint he layd hold of , should be his patron , which the good old lawyer willingly undertook , and at the end of his ave maryes , he stopt at st. michels altar , where he layd hold of the divell , under st. michels feet , and cryd out , this is our saint , let him be our patron , so beeing unblindfolded and seeing what a patron he had chosen , he went to his lodgings so dejected , that in few moneths after he die'd and coming to heavens gates knockt hard , whereupon st peoter asked who it was that knockt so bouldly , he replyed , that he was st. evona the advocate , away , away said st. peter here is but one advocate in heaven , here is no roome for you lawyers , o but said st. evona , i am that honest lawyer who never tooke fees on both sides , or ever pleaded in a bad cause , nor did i ever set my naibours together by the eares , or lived by the sins of the people ; well then said st. peter , come in ; this newes comeing downe to rome a witty poet writ upon st. evonas tomb these words : st. evona us briton , advocat non larron , haleluiah . this story put me in mind of ben : johnson goeing throw a church in surry , seeing poore people weeping over a grave , asked one of the women why they wept , oh said shee , we have lost our pretious lawyer , justice randall , he kept us all in peace , and always was so good as to keep us from goeing to law , the best man ever lived , well said ben johnson i will send you an epitaph to write upon his tomb , which was , god works wonders now and than , here lyes a lawyer an honestman . and trully old ben : was in the right , for in my tyme i have observed some gentlemen of that profession that have not acted like st. evona , or justice randal , i wil say no more of them , but wish them as great fees , and as much encouragement as the lawyers have in switserland . i now come to speake some thing of the three taxes i mentioned in the former part of my remarques on taxes , of which the first ought rather to be called an usefull and publique invention , like to that of the insurance office in london , then a publick tax , seeing no man needs contribute to it unless they please , and find his profit by it , but the other may be called taxes because the subjects are obliged to submit to them , but then they are so easy , that what the publick gets thereby not only lessons extraordinary subsidies , which many tymes occasions clamour , when because of their raritie and the urgencie of occasions , they must needs be great . yet it is sufficently compensated by the advantage and securitie in the estates which private persons , who are obliged to pay it , reape thereby dayly ; i am confident that if the king and parlement thought fit to introduce some or all three of these taxes into england , the publick charge of goverment might be defrayed with more ease and with less repining and clamour , then when it must be done by new and high impositions , how ever our governers are the proper judges of that . the first then is an house called the merchants bank which is governed by diverse commissioners , clarks and booke keepers , likewise a essaymaster who judgeth of the gould and silver , that at any tyme is brought into the bank uncoyned , the security given for preservation thereof , are the states and magistrates of amsterdam . now if you have a mind to put money into the bank , suppose a 1000 l. less or more , you must goe to the clarks and ask a folio for your name , and then pay in your money at three or foure per cent according as the rate of the bank money is high or low , or you may buy it of those called cashiers or broakers : then get the clarks to set downe in the folio what you bring in , haveing done so you may draw this summe , or sell it in what parcels you please , but then if you let your money lye seven yeares in the bank , you receive no intrest for the same . if you aske where then is the advantage for the merchants ? i answer first you have your money ready at all tymes for answering bills of exchange , and making other payments : you are at no charge for baggs or portage , at no loss by false tale or bad money , in no danger of thieves or unfaithfull servants , or fire , and above all you have the accounts of your cash most punctually and justly kept without any trouble or runing the risk of gouldsmith or cashieres breaking in your debt ; for such is their care that twice a yeare , or some tymes oftner they shut up the bank for 14 dayes , and then all that have concerns therein must bring in their accounts to the clarkes , who a few dayes after , haveing viewed the bookes , aquaint such as have brought in wrong accounts with their mistakes , desiring them to returne to their bookes , and rectifie their error , not telling them wherein the mistake lyes , so that i have knowne merchants , in my tyme sent back three or foure tymes , with their wrong accounts : but if they begin to grow impatient and say that they will stand to their accounts , then they pay a mulct to the clarkes upon their covincing them of their mistakes , either by chargeing to much upon the bank , or forgetting or omitting what was their due . i knew two merchants , who haveing forgott the one 750 l. and the other 220 l. in their accounts , were honestly rectified by the clarkes , so that they susstained no loss ; besides this care of the clarkes in keeping and stating the accounts , the bank is obliged for five l. a yeare to send to every merchant , that desires it , their accounts every morning before exchange tyme , of the moneyes written of by them in the bank the day before upon any merchants account , and what summes are written of by others upon their accounts : so that the merchants may compare the banks notes with their bookes and so save much of the charges of booke kee now if it be objected that though this be an advantage to the merchants , yet what can the publick gaine thereby , seeing the charges of paying officers , clarks &c. must needs be very considerable ? i answer , that indeed it is a mystery to those who understand not the thing , but if it were once known and practised , the advantage of it would appeare ; for among other things which might be said , the magistrates of the citty take out of the merchants bank a sufficent stock of money to supply the lumbert , a banck that lends out money , and is governed by 4 commissioners chosen out of the magistrates , who sitt in court every day in the lumbert , which is a large pile of building 300 foot long , containing several chambers and magazines under one roof , in these several chambers the commissioners have officers sitting tolend money upon all sorts of goods even from a paires of shooes to the richest jewell &c. this is a great convenicence for poore people , yea for merchants also , who some tymes may want money to pay a bill of exchange , and prevents the cheatting and extraordinary extortion used by the pawne brokers in england , france and other countryes . and besides the poore have their pawns safely and well preserved , neither are they punctually sould when the yeare is out or denied under the pretext of being mislaid , as the poore are often tymes served by the wicked pawn broakers . there is also another convenience in this lumbert viz , an exellent way they have of discovering thieves , and the stollen goods ; they publish two generall open sales of the goods pawnd twice a yeare , that such as will , may redeeme their goods and paying the intrest may have them although the time be relapsed . thus much as to the lumbert . i was once according to my duty to waite upon our present king at the bank of merchants , where shewing his majestie the way of keeping the journall book of the bank which is of a prodigious bigness , his majestie was extreamly pleased with the contrivance of preserveing it from fire ; saying that the course they tooke might be of great use for the preserving patents and the deeds of noblemens estates ; this contrivance which perhaps may be thought usefull or imitable , i shall therefore discribe it , it is a large firestone shaped like a chest , and set upright in a stone wall having a large brass doore of a vast thicknes with flops to fall over and cover the lock and hinges , into this chest the booke is drawn upon rouls , it being of such a bulk and waight as cannot be handed in by a man , and there it is so securely preserved that although the house should be burnt , the booke in al probabilitie would be safe ; should i here give an account of the vast summes of money that dayly are written of in this bank , i might probably be thought to speake at random , but this i may bouldly affirme that it farr exceeds all the bankes in europe , both for riches and business , and their credit is such that the italians , french , germans and english have great summes in the same , neither was ever any man refused his money in the worst of times . a second tax is what ariseth from the just and laudable establishment of a register , a tax which i think most men will be willing to submit to , except such as designe to cheat and defraud their naibours , and live by such like sins and confusion , and for the most part die with the curse of the people ; this register in holland begitts such assurance and safetie in dealling , that in purchasing of houses or land , a childe tho overreached in the value yet cannot be cheated as to the title : the methodes of which register . i have by me for the use of our king and parlement when they please to command it . the third and last tax is that of sealed paper as it is practised in holland . the method of which i likewise keep by me for his maiestie and parlements commands . there are many other things might be spoken , as to the government of amsterdam , but i may not tyre your patience . however one considerable thing i would not passe by touching the melitia ; there are in amsterdam 60 companyes of foot , the least of them haveing 200 men , some 300 , which in a modest account , amounts , at least to 15000 men , in which number neither jews nor anabaptists who carry no armes are reckned , only they are obliged to contribute to the maintenance of the 1400 souldiers who are kept in constant pay , as a guard for the citty , and towards the night watch or ratelwatch , who walke the streets the whole night to keepe good orders , and tell us every halfe houre what a clock it is . there are also upon every church tower , trumpetters who sound every halfe houre , and if any fire breakes out in the citty they give a signall on which side of the citty the fire is , and ring the firebell , and they have exellent wayes on a suddain in such sad accidents to quench fire : but i may not inlarge any longer , but hasten out of holland . and yet before i leave amsterdam i must vindicate her from a malitious aspersion cast upon her by the ignorant , they accuse her to have very rudely and uncivilly affronted the duke of york beeing there . anno 1681 all which is very false , true the english phanaticks of amsterdam were so malitiously wicked as to spread severall lyes of his sacred person , and stird up the canalie as much as they could to affront his highnes , but as for the magistrates they payd him verie great respects ; first sending me to the hague to know what day his highnes would please to honor their citty with his presence , that thereby they might be prepared to receive his royall person with all the honor emaginable , being resolved to treat his highnes in their stathouse , and that the burgers should be in their armes , also giveing out orders for coaches and the admiraltys yagts to attend his highnes , when ever he pleased to come , but his highnes , by collonel werden let me know that i should attend the burgemasters , and thank them for their kind presentation , but his highnes was resolved to see their citty incognito and therefore desired the burgemasters not to put themselves to any maner of trouble ; notwithstanding the magistrates commanded their yatchts to lye ready the halfeway harlem , and vice admiral de ruiter , dirick tulp , and others went out in their coaches to meet his highnes , and conduct him into the citty , at which tyme our english phanaticks especially those called monmouths twelve apostels did all that they could to stir up the rude multitude to affront his highnes , crying out to them , this is he that brought the last war upon you , and with his jesuits would cut all the protestants throats ; but the next day after his highnes was com into the citty burgemaster valkenier the great solon of amsterdam , sent for me and could me that although the burgemasters which are the soveraignes of the city give no visits to strange princes , unless they be crouned heads , yet said he i have a great ambition to pay a visit to the duke of york , upon severall respects , first as being the brother of so great a king , and as he is our statholders vnckell and father in law , and therefore said he you shall procure me audience in the privatest maner imaginable : for i designe to goe with you to him without so much as a footman attending me ; here upon i waitted upon the earle of peterborow and collonel werden and collonel porter to desire them to aquaint his highnes with the burgemasters designe , whereupon his highnes turnd to me , and said mr. carr when the burgemaster pleaseth , whereupon i went immediately to the burgemaster and attended him to his highnes quarters , the newes whereof comeing to the cittizens , they gathered together in great multitudes to see whether this great man their petty god did humble himself so far , as to pay a visit to his highnes , whereas the other burgemasters only sent a secretary and one of there pensionaries to visit the duke of monmouth , and all ambassandors have no other complement but by secretaries or pensionaries ; after the burgemaster had had a long houres audience with the duke in a roome a part , i attended the burgemaster to his daughter pelicorns house , the which was neare his highnes lodgings , for the tumult of the burgers was so great , that the burgemaster did not care to pas by them , and being come into his daughters parler , he began to speake to me after this maner , sir , i never in all my life met with a prince so generally experienced in all things , a prince that hath far penetrated into the affaires of europe , and hath the right measures of the present state of our country , and discourses as if he sate in our councell , but above all i was mightly pleased to heare him declare himselfe so freely touching liberty of conscience commending the wisdome of our state in opening their gates to all tender consciences , and that is it , said his highnes , that makes you so considerable and enticeth the rich merchants of other places to come & live amongst you , whereas the folly of the spanish inquisition hunts away the chiefest of their traders the jewes and others ; for my part said his highnes , i never was for oppressing tender consciences in england : for nothing more disturbs the peace and quiet thereof then forceing men by pe●d lawes to become all of one religio● , to conclude , said the burgemaster do but , remark this one thing and remember it , if you out live me , viz , that if ever this great prince come to be king of england he will alter all the measures of europe , and possible become the arbiter thereof : after which discourse the burgemaster said let me now present you , mijn heer consul . with a glasse of rhenith wyne to his highnes health , and pray when you have an opportunitie to speake with his highnes , assure him that he 〈◊〉 in amsterdam a true and faithfull freind , and moreover he said , when i speake next with our statholder the prince of orange , and our pensionarie fagel , i will doe his highnes justice ; and thus wee parted : but the civil deportment of this burgamaster was not all , for other great ones of the citty did their part also , as vice-admiral de ruiter , with at least 30 captains of the admiralty chamber of amsterdam attended his highnes to shew him the men of warr and magazins of the admiralty : likewise sir dirick tulp and the heer peter van dan● and others the bewinthebbers of the east-india company attended his highnes to the east-indie house , where was spread a banquet of sweetmeats , and rich wines , and they offered his highnes a present , but his highnes would not accept of any , only two large bookes in which were painted all the beasts , fishes , and foules , and likewise all the plants , flowers , and fruites of the east-indies , and because his highnes had tasted the mum in the east-indie magazine , and liked it , the company caused twelve caskes , to be neatly hoopt , and gave me them to be sent after his highnes to brussels ; and i know it was the resolution of the bewinthebbers to have spared no cost if his highnes would have accepted of a treat in their house , by all which you see that the magistrates and chiefe men in amsterdam were not guilty of rudenes to his highnes , but it was the canalie . and now haveing said so much good of the states government , and of amsterdam in particular , it will not be amisse to take notice of some bad customes and practises now in vogue in holland , and leave it to the reader to judge what they may portend ; there are tollerated in the citty of amsterdam , amongst other abuses , at least 50 musick houses , where lewd persons of both sexs meet and practise their villanies . there is also a place called the longseller a tollerated exchange or publick meeting house for whores and rogues to rendevous in , and make their filthy bargains : this exchange is open from six a clock afterdinner untill nine at night ; every whore must pay three stivers at the dore for her entrance or admission ; i confess the ministers preach and exclaim from the pulpit against this horrible abuse , but who they be that protect them i know not , yet i have heard some plead for the tolleration of these wicked meetings upon pretext , that when the east-india fleets come home , the seamen are so mad for women , that if they had not such houses to bait in , they would force the verie cittyzens wives and daughters : but it is well known that as money does countenance , so discipline might suppress that abuse . the ould severe and frugall way of liveing is now allmost quite out of date in holland , there is very littell to be seene of that sober modestie in apparell , diet , and habitations as formerly : in stead of convenient dwellings the hollandtrs now build stately palaces , have their delightfull gardens , and houses of pleasure , keep coaches , waggons and sleas , have very rich furniture for their horses with trappings-adorned with silver bells , i have seen the vanitie of a vintners sonne , who had the bosses of the bit and trapping of his horse of pure silver , his footman and coachman having silver fringd gloves ; yea so much is the humour of the women altered and of their children also that no apparel can now serve them but the best and richest , that france and other countryes affoards , and their sonns are so much adicted to play , that many families in amsterdam are ruined by it not that england is lesse extravagant then the duch , who as i said before got such great estates by their frugalitie , whilest they were not addicted to such prodigalitie and wantonesse as the english are , whose excesse i can not excuse , neverthelesse the grave and sober people of holland are very sensible of the great alteration that now is in their country , and as they say paracelsus used to cure his patients of their disease with a full belly , so a good burgemaster desirous to convince his amsterdammers of their dissolute kind of lif● invited the thirty six magistrates and their wives to a feast : who being come and the ladyes big with expectation of some rare and extraordinary entertainment , sat down at table ; where the first course was buttermilk boild with appells , stockfish , buttered turnips and carrots , lettice salade and red herrings , & only smale beare without any wyne ; at this the ladies startled and began to whisper to their husbands , that they expected no such entertainement , but upon removing of the dishes and plates they found underneath printed verses importing that after that manner of liveing they began to thrive , & had inlarged their citty . the second course consisted of bocke de kooks , quarters of lamb , rosted rabits and a sort of pudding they cal a brother here they had dorts and english beare with french wyne yet all this did not please the dainty dames : but upon removing away the plates another dish of poetrie appeared , which acquainted them that after that modest and sober way of liveing , they might keep what they had gott , and lay up some thing for their children . then comes in the third course made up of all the rarities of the season , as patridges , pheseants and all sorts of foule and english pasties , with plenty of rinish and other sorts of wyne , to moisten them , this put the ladyes in a frolick and jolly humour , but under their plates was found the use and application in verses , telling them that to feed after that manner was voluptuous and luxurious , and would impaire their health and wast their estates , make them neglect their trade , and so in tyme reduce their stately and new built flourishing citty to their ould fishing towne againe . after this was brought in a banquet of all sorts of sweet meats piled up in piramides and delicate fruite with plenty of delitious wynes , and to conclude all a set of musick and maskers who danced with the young ladyes ; but at parting like the hand writing to belteshazzar upon the wall , every one had a printed paper of moralities put into their hand shewing them the causes of the ruine of the roman commonwealth , according to that of the poët . nullum crimen abest , facinusque libidinis ex quo , paupertas roman a perit . with an excellent aduice to them that if they did not quit the buffoneries and apish modes of the french , and returne to the simplicitie , plaineness and modestie of their ancestors and founders , their common-wealth could not long last ; but all the thanks the good ould burgemaster had for his kind and chargable entertainment in thus feasting his countrymen , was to be sloutted at , and pasquild , the sparkes of amsterdam saying in all places , that the ould man being now past the yeares of pleasure himselfe , would have none others to take theirs ; and here i shall put a period to what i thought fitt to observe of the states of the vnited provinces only i will beg leave , to say something to the hollander by way of advise viz , that now they are in a prosperous condition , rich and at ease , they would looke back and remember what god in his infinite goodnes & mercy did for them in the dayes of their greatest calamities ; for my owne part i cannot but admire the great providence of god in preserveing them from being devoured by their many enimies they had in the last warr , besides their enimies at home , some of which particulars as they then happened , give me leave to relate . at the tyme when the french came to inuade the territoryes of the states general , it then looked as if god had markd out the way for the french to march , by sending such a wonderfull drye season that the rivers of the rhine , beta , wall , and other rivers were fordable , so that the french only waded throw , and became so victorious , that in a little space of tyme ( what by the treasons of some , and the ignorance , and cowardise of others intrusted with the militia , and garrisons ) the french became masters of above 40 cittyes and garrisons , at which tyme there was nothing to be heard of in the states dominions but confusion and miserie , even in the strong and rich citty of amsterdam it self , who at this tyme beheld the french armie like a mighty torrent comeing within sight of the citty , and at the same tyme wanting water in their canalls , and burgwalls to ply their sluces , and such was the scarcity of raine that a payle of fresh water was worth 6 pence ; thus heaven seemed to frowne on them as well as the french armie , by the shutting up as it were the conduits of heaven , and yet a worse thing had like to have fallen out , for at the same tyme the divisions grew so high amongst the magistrates in the stathouse , that it was putting to the question wheather or no they should not goe and meet the french king with the keyes of their citty , to save it from fire , and plunder , now nothing in all probabilitie could save this rich citty from falling into the hands of the french , but an immediate hand from heaven , and it had undoubtedly come to passe , had not providence caused the french to make a stand at muyden , two howers from amsterdam , at what time the valiant roman of amsterdam scout hasselaer like a true father of his country opposed the french party in the councell , calling out to the burgers from the stathouse to take courage and rather choose to dye like old battavians with their swords in their hands , then tamely and treacherously to yeald up their citty to the mercy of the french , as some of the magestrates were about to doe , this so incouraged the burgers that with great courage they mand ' the walls , and heaven then assisting them with a suden and plenty full raine , that they plyd their sluces , and drouned the lands round the citty 3 and 4 foot high , in some places , which caused the victorious french armie to make a quick retreat , as farr as utrick , else the monsieur had payd deare for seeing of amsterdam ; thus was amsterdam delivered by the hand of heaven . a second was , when that bloody duke of luxenburg , who gloryed and thanked god that he was borne without pitty or remors of conscience , took the opportunitye of an exceeding hard frost to march his armie over the ice as it had been drye ground , burning in his way the three faire villages of bodygrave , swammerdam and goudse-sluys . acting there a more cruell tradigie and worse then ever did turk , for they generally save the country people for ransom , but this cruell prince caused strong guards to surround the villages , and burnd men , women and children together , thus he began his march with a designe to burne leyden , hague , rotterdam , delph and all the rich country of rhineland : and this he might have done in all probabilitie , for first the governor of newsluce who commanded the post that should have stopt the french , treacherously delivered up the fort without firing a gunn , and the handfull of troopes then under general koningsmark were so inconsiderable that they joyned to the souldiers under pain and vin the governer of new sluce were not able to make head as could oppose luxenburgs armie , and at the same tyme the good prince of orange was with the states armie at charle le roy. now was leyden ready to meet the french with the keyes of their citty , and other cittyes too , for they had neither fortifications nor souldiers to man their walls ; thus the whole country and cittyes of rhineland were like to fall under the crueltyes and tyranny of the french , but god a second tyme sent these people reliefe from heaven , first by giveing such undanted courage to that great states man pensionarie fagel that he forced koningsmark to rally his troopes together and to make a stand neare leyden , offering himselfe to dye at the head of them if there were occasion , but god reserved him for a furder good to the commonwealth by sending such a sudden thaw as was never seen before , for in less then ten howers the ice so sunk and such floods of snow came downe from the high lands that the french were fain to make a very disorderly retreat , marching up to the middel for hast , because on the banks there could not march above four men a brest , so they were constrained to leave behind them the greatest part of the plunder they had robed from the innocent country people , and the nimble duch men on their sca●ses so long as the ice would beare them , did shoot downe the french like ducks diving under water , so that it cost luxenburgs armie deare , tho they had the pleasure to burne the poore people , of which the french afterward wickedly made their boast . the third was as wonderfull as the two others , and although i doe not believe miracles , as doe the papists , yet i say nothing i ever observed looked more like a miracle then this , to wit , when the english and french fleet lay before scheveling with a designe to land , and the french ready on their march to joyne with the english and other french as soon as they should land , at the same tyme the bisshop of munster lyeing before groeningen , and the french before gorcom , so that now all things looked with a dreadfull face for the states , yet at this very tyme god sent a 3d reliefe by sending such mists , and wonderfull sorts of tydes , as so separated the two fleets , that the english were forced to quit scheveling shore , and were driven on the side of the texel roade ; from whence they were constrained by the season of the yeare to retire home , and such were the sudden & great showers of raine that the bisshop of munster was forced in disorder to raise his siege at groeningen , and the french to quit gorcom ; i could ad many more observations of the providences of god to these people , as the preserveing the prince of orange from the many treacherous designes contrived against him from his cradel , but moses must be preserved , to goe in and out before his people , certainely never young prince indured so many fatigues as did his highnes in his tender yeares , of which i was an eye witnes , and had his highnes had the yeares and experience , and such a good disciplinde armie ( as now he hath ) in the yeare 1671 when the french entered the country , his highnes had given them as good a welcome as he did at bergen . i will say no more of this subject only this , that the peace at nimwegen was also a very wonderful thing , for that not above 8 dayes before the peace was signed , most of the plenipotentiaries did believe the war would have continued another yeare ; first because the king of denmark and duke of brandenburg prospered exceedingly against sweedland , and totally refused the propositions of france , and secondly because the french king writ such bitter letters against the states generall : yet 8 dayes after drest a letter unto the states in which he calles them his good friends , and old allyes , offering them not only mastricht but every foot of ground they could lay claime to in the world , also giveing them new termes , and conditions as to their priviledges in france , by way of trade ; neither can i forget how speedilie and as strangly the mighty french king did quit his conquered townes after the valiant prince of orange took naerden , which was the first step to the frenchs ruine in the states dominions . i come now , according to promess in the beginning of this book , to give the reader some remarkes i made in other countries where i have been during my sixteen years travels . to give a full account of all that might be observed in so many countries , is not a taske for one man , nor a subject for so small a book ; i shall onely therefore briefely take notice of some remarkable matters which may in some measure satisfie the curiositie of my country men who have not been in the said places , and convince , if possible , all of them , that no countrey that ever i was in , afords so great conveniencies for the generalitie of people to live in , as the kingdome of england doth . though i have twice made the grand tour of germany , hungary , italy and france , and after my return back to england travelled a third time through holland as for as strasbourg , and so back by francfort to denmark and sweden ; yet the reader is not to expect i should follow a geographicall method and order in speaking of the places i have been in ; that is to be lookt for in the map , and not in travels ; but onely that i mention places as i found them on my rode according as busines or curiositie led mee to travel . the first considerable place i then met with , after i was out of the dominions of the states general was cleave the capital citie of the province so called , a fair and lovely citie standing upon the rhine and the rivers wall and le●k . this province much resembles england in rich soyl and pleasantness of its rivers . the inhabitants of the countrey would have mee beleeve that they were originally descended of those saxons who made a descent in to england , and conquered it ; and to convince the truth of this , they shew'd mee a cloyster standing on a hill , called eltham , from which they say our eltham in kent had its name . i was made to observe also two places standing upon the rhine neare emmerick called doadford , and gron●wich , which according to them , gave the names to dedford and greenwich in england ; but many such analogies and similitudes of names are to be found in other places of germany , but especially in uper saxony and denmark . the greatest part of this province of cleave , and part of the duchy's of julieres and berg , and of the provinces of marke and ravensbourg belongs to the elector of brandenbourg , the rest belonging to the duke of newbourg now elector palatine , and the elector of cologne . the inhabitants are partly roman catholicks , partly lutherans , and partly calvinists , who all live promiscuously and peaceably together both in city and countrey . the citie of cleave is the out most limit of the territories of the elector of brandenbourg on this side of germany ; from whence his electorall highness can travel two hundred dutch miles out right in his own dominions , and never sleep out of his own countrey but one night in the territories of the bishop of osnabrug . from cleave i went to a small town called rhinberg , but a very strong fortification belonging to the elector of cologne ; which dies at two miles distance from the citie of wesel that belongs to the elector of brandenbourg . through disseldorpe : scituated on the rhine , and the residence of the duke of newbourg , i went next to cologne a very large city , called by the romans colonia agrippina , and the french rome d'allemagne . cologne is an imperial citie and a republick , though for some things it does homage to the elector of that name , and receives an oath from him . it is much decayed within these hundred years , having been much priest ridden , a misfortune that hath undone many other great cities . the jesuits have had so great influence upon the magistrats , that they prevailed with them to banish all protestants , who removed to hambourg and amsterdam , so that cologne is become so dispeopled , that the houses dayly fall to ruine for want of inhabitants , and a great deal of corn and wine now grows within the walls , upon ground where houses formerly stood . i dare be bold to affirm that there is twice the number of inhabitants in the parish of st. martins in the fields , then there is in cologne ; and yet it contains as many parish churches , monasteries and chappels , as there are days in the year . the streets are very large , and so are the houses also , in many of which one may drive a coach or waggon into the first room from the streets ; but the streets are so thin of people , that one may pass some of them and not meet ten men or women , unless it be church men or religious sisters . the most considerable inhabitants of the citie are protestant merchants , tho but few in number , and they not allowed a church neither , but a place called woullin a mile without the citie : the rest of the inhabitants who are lay men are miserably poor . there are no less than 3000 students in cologne taught by the jesuits gratis , who have the priviledge to beg in musicall notes in the day time , and take to them selves the liberty of borrowing hats and cloaks in the night : but if in the jesuits schools there be any rich burgemasters sons who have parts , they are sure to be snapt up and adopted into the societie . formerly , before the matter was otherwise adjusted in the diet of ratisbonne , there have been designs of voteing protestant magistrats into the government again ; but so soon as the jesuits come to discover who of the magistrats were for that , they immediately preferred their sons or daughters , and made them chanons , abbots or chanonesses , and so diverted them by interest . it 's pity to see a city so famous for traffike in former times now brought to so great a decay , that were it not for the trade of rhenish wine it would be utterly forsaken , and left wholy to the church men . the continuall alarms the magistrats have had by forreign designs upon their liberty , and the jealousies fomented among themselfs , as it is thought , by the agents and favourers of france , and especially the bishop of strasbourg , have for severall yeares kept them in continuall disquiet , and necessitated them to raise great taxes which hath not a litle contributed to the impoverishing of the people especially the boars round about ; who tho the countrey they live in be one of the most pleasant and fertile plains of germany , yet are so wretchedly poor that canvas cloaths , wooden shoes , and straw to sleep on in the same room with their beasts , is the greatest worldly happiness that most of them can attain unto . the elector of cologne is a venerable old man , bishop of four great bishopricks , viz cologne , liege , munster , and heldershime . he divides his time betwixt his devotion and experimental studies , being punctuall in saying of mass every morning , and constant in his elaboratory in the afternoon ; for he is much addicted to chymistry , and leaves the administration of government to his cozen the bishop of strasbourg . to speak of all the miracles of the three kings of cologne , and the vast number of saints who were removed out of england and interred there , would be but tedious and perhaps incredible to the reader , aswell as wide of my designe . i shall therefore proceed . from cologne i took water on the rhine and advanced to the citie of bon and so forward to coblints the residence of the elector of trier . over against this city , on the other side of the rhine stands that impregnable fort called herminshine , built on a high rocky hill as high again as windforcastle , and on the north side of it the river mosel falls into the rhine , over which there is a stately stone bridge . this prince governs his subjects as the other spirituall electors doe , that is , both by temporall and spirituall authority , which in that country is pretty absolute . the chiefe trade of this countrey is in wine , corn , wood and iron . the next countrey i came to was that of the elector of mayence who is likewise both a secular and ecclesiasticall prince and governs his subjects accordingly . he is reckoned to be wholely for the interests of the french king ; who notwithstanding of that , pretends a title to the citadel of mayence . as i was upon my journey to mayence by land , i made a turn down the rhin to visit the famous litle city of backrack , and some towns belonging to the landgrave of hessen , but especially backrack , because travellers say it much resembles jerusalem in its scituation and manner of buildings . the burgemaster of this city told mee that the whole country about backrack does not yield above 200 fouders of wine a year ; and yet the merchants of dort by an art of multiplication which they have used some years , furnish england with severall thousande of fouders . here i shall take the liberty to relate a strange story which i found recorded in this countrey ; tho i know it to be mentioned in history . there was a certain cruel and inhumane . bisshop of mayence , who in a year of great scarcity and famine when a great number of poor people came to his gates begging for bread , caused the poor wretches , men , women and children to be put into a barn ▪ under pretext of relieving their necessities ; but so soon as they were got in , caused the barn doors to be shut , fire set to it , and so burnt them all alive : and whil'st the poor wretches cried and shreeked out for horrour and pain , the barbarous miscreant said to those that were about him , harke how the rats and mice doe crie . but the just judgement of god suffered not the fact to pass unpunished ; for not long after the cruel bishop was so haunted with rats and mice , that all the guards he kept about him , could not secure him from them , neither at table nor in bed , at length he resolved to flee for safetie into a tower that stood in the middle of the rhine ; but the rats pursued him , got into his chamber and devoured him alive ; so that the justice of the almighty made him a prey to vermine who had inhumanely reckoned his fellow christians to be such . the tower which i saw , to this day is called the rats-tower , and the story is upon record in the city of mayence . on my journey from thence i came to the litle village of hockom not far distant , famous for our hockomore wine , of which though the place does not produce above 150 fouders a year ; yet the ingenions hollanders of dort make some thousand fouders of it goe of , in england and the indies . from hockom i proceeded to francfort a pleasant city upon the river of maine , called formerl●y teutoburgum and helenopolis and since francfort , becaus here the franconians who came out of the province of franconia foarded over , when they went upon their expedition into gallia , which they conquered and named it france : and i thought it might very well deserve the name of petty-london , because of its priviledges , and the humour of the citizens . it is a hansiatick and imperiall town and common-wealth , the magistrats being lutherans which is the publick established religion ; though the cathedrall church belongs to the roman catholicks who also have severall monasteries there . the citie is populous and frequented by all sorts of merchants , from most parts of europe , & part of asia also , becaus of the two great faires that are yearely kept there , many jews live in this city , and the richest merchants are calvinists , who are not suffered to have a church in the town , but half an houres journey out of it , at a place called bucknam , where i have told seventy four coaches at a time all belonging to merchants of the city . it was in ancient times much enriched by charle le maigne and hath been since by the constitution of the golden bull : amongst other honours & priviledges its appointed to be the place of the emperours election , where many of the ornaments belonging to that august ceremonie are to be seen . it is strongly fortified having a stately stone bridge over the maine that joynes it to saxe-housen the quarter of the great master of the toutonick order . the government is easy to the people , they not being taxed as other cities are , and had it not been for the alarmes the french gave them during the last war , they had not been much troubled , but being forced to keep three or four thousand men in constant pay to defend their fortifications , the magistrats were constrained to raise money by a tax . besides that of the emperour , they are under the protection of some neighbouring princes , as of the landgrave of hessen cassells , landgrave of armestadt , the count of solmes and the count of hanau , who are either lutherans or calvinists , amongst whom the late elector palatine was also one ; but whether the present who is roman catholick be so or not , i cannot tel . this city takes great care of their poor , and in their charitie to poor travellers exceed holland . i have seen a list of seaven thousand whom they relieved in one year . their great hospitall is a large court or palace , where the english merchants formerly lived , in the time of queen mary's persecution of the protestants , who when they were recalled by queen elisabeth were so generous as to give the whole court , with all their packhouses and lands to the poor of the city . it was my fortune to be there in that cold winter in the year 1683. and saw a ceremonie performed by the wine coopers of the citie , who are obliged by law , that when ever the maine lyes fast frozen over for eight days together , to make a great fouder fat , hoops and staves ; and set it up compleat upon the ice . it was very good diversion to see so many hands at worke , and to observe the jollity and mirth of the many thousands of spectators who wanted not plenty of rhenish wine to carouse in . i had the curiositie afterward to goe to the court of the landgrave of armestadt a lutheran prince who lives in part of the richest soyle in germany . his highness is a very courteous and obligeing prince to strangers , and his subjects are in a pretty good condition again , though they have been great sufferers by the last war between the landgrave of hessen and this familie . from thence i went to heidleberg a city i had been formerly in , in the life time of that wise tho unfortunate prince elector elder brother to prince rupert . here i had the honour to pay-my dutifull respects to the elector the son of that great prince , whose commissary i had the honour to be for two years together in amsterdam . this prince , since my being there , is lately dead , and left behind him the reputation of having been a zealous thorough paced calvinist , and so constant a frequenter of the church , that some sundays he went thrice a day to sermon ; but never failed , if in health , to be once a day at least at the garrison-church ; where he took particular notice of such officers as were absent . he was married to a most virtuous lady the royall sister of the king of denmark and his brother prince george . during his life time the university of heidleberg flourished exceedingly , so that the number of students was so great that chambers and lodgings in the citie were scarce , and spanhemius was about quitting leyden to return to his professors place in heidleberg , but how matters stand since his death , i am as yet ignorant . this countrey is called the paradise of germany for its fruitfulness in wine , corn , and all sorts of fruit . i my self have seen growing in one plain at the same time , vines , corn , chestnuts , almonds , dates , figs , cherries , besides severall other sorts of fruit . and as the countrey is fertile in yeelding the fruits of the earth , so the people are carefull in providing store room for them . this i take notice of because of the prodigious rhenish wine fats which are to be seen there , amongst which there are seaven , the least whereof holds the quantitie of 250 barells of beere as i calculated ; but the large and most celebrated fat is that which goes by the name of the great tun of heidleberg , and holds 204 fouders of wine , and cost 705 l. sterling in buildiug , for which one may have a very good house built . this fat i have seen twice , and the first time was , when the elector treated the french ambassadours that came to conclude the match betwixt his daughter and monsieur the french kings brother , who married her after the death of our kings sister his first wife : at which treat there happened an adventure that i shall here please the reader with . in a gallery that is over this fat the elector caused a table to be placed in the midle , exactly above the bunghole of this monstrous vessell , and to be covered with a costly banquet of all sorts of sweet meats : the day before , all the wine being emptied out of this tun into other fat 's , a litle before the ambassadours with other forrein ministers and persons of qualitie mounted the stairs to come to the place of entertainment ; the elector caused twelve drummers with as many trumpeters , some kettledrums and other musick to be lodged in the belly of the tun , with orders to strike up upon a signall given , when the elector drank the french kings health . all being sate down at table and merrily feeding , the elector drank the health , and the signall was given ; whereupon the musick began to play its part with such a roaring and uncouth noise out of that vast cavitie below , that the french and other persons of qualitie who were unacquainted with the designe , looking upon it to be an infernall and ominous sound , in great astonishment began to cry out jesu marie . the worlds at an end , and to shift every one for himself in so great disorder and confusion , that for haste to be gone they tumbled down staires one over another . all that the elector could say to compose them , was either not heard or not valued , nor could any thing satisfie and reassure them , till they saw the actors com marching out of their den . had not many persons of qualitie and travellers seen this fat as wel as my self who know that what i say of its incredible bigness to be true , i should be afraid the reader might think i imposed upon his credulitie . from heidleberg i went to see that impregnable fort or citadell of manheim alias fredericks-berg built by the elector frederick brother to prince rupert , a prince of as good a head as any germany affoarded , who though some have too partially judged of him by his misfortunes , yet by the wisest of the age was acconnted the cato of germany . the wisest and best-men of the world have been unfortunate , which makes some to be of the opinion that god in his wisdom thinks fit it should be so , least otherwise they might attribute their prosperitie rather to the wise direction of their own conduct , then his all seeing providence : and indeed , dayly experience seemes to evince the truth of this , since wee see knaves and fools advanced to preferment and richess , when men of virtue and parts die neglected and poor in the eyes of the world , though rich in the enioyment of a contented mind . but this is a digression which the honour i have for the memory of that great man hath led mee into , and therefore i hope will be pardoned by the reader . in the citadel of manheim i saw some of the records of that illustrious familie , which without dispute is the most ancient of all the secular electors , being elder to that of bavaria which sprung from one and the same stock , to wit , two emperours of germany . many writers derive them originally from charle le maigne , by the line of pepin king of france . there have been severall emperours of that race , one king of denmark and four kings of sweden , one of which was king of norway also , besides many great generals of armies in germany , hungary , france and other countries . since i can remember there vere five protestant princes heires to that electorall dignity alive ; which now by their death is fallen to the duke of nowbourg a roman catholick , whose daughter is empress of germany and another of his daughters maryed to the king of portugall . being so neare strasbourg , i had the curiositie to goe see what figure that famous citie now made since it had changed its master ; for i had been thrice there before , when it flourished under the emperours protection , with the liberty of a hausiatick town : and indeed i found it so disfigured , that had it not been for the stately cathedrall church , and fair streets and buildings , i could scarcely have know'n it . in the streets and exchange which formerly were thronged with sober rich and peaceable merchants , you meet with none hardly now but men in buff coats and scarffs with rabbles of soldiers their attendants . the churches i confess are gayer , but not so much frequented by the inhabitants as heretofore , seing the lutherans are thrust into the meanest churches and most of the chiefe merchants both lutherans and calvinists removed to holland and hambourg . within a few years , i beleeve it will be just such another city for trade and richess as brisac is . it was formerly a rich city and well stockt with merchants and wealthy inhabitants , who lived under a gentle and easy government ; but now the magistrats have litle else to doe in the government , but onely to take their rules and measures from a citadell and great guns , which are edicts that merchants least understand . i confess strasbourg is the less to be pityed that it so tamely became a slave , and put on its chains without any strugling . those magistrats who were instruments in it , are now sensible of their own folly , and bite their nails for anger , finding themselves no better but rather worse hated than the other magistrats , who did what they could to hinder the reception of their new masters the french. i quickly grew weary of being here , meeting with nothing but complaints of poverty , and paying exorbitant taxes ; i therefore soon returned to my petty-london francfort , and from thence went to cassells , the chiefe residence of the landgrave of hessen . this prince is a calvinist , as most of his subjects are , very grave and zealous in his religion : he married a princess of courland , by whom he hath an hopefull issue , to wit , three sons and two daughters . the late king was god father to one of his sons , who was christened by the name of charles . captain william legg brother to the lord dartmouth representing his majestie as his envoy . the court of this prince does indeed resemble a well governed colledge , or religious cloyster , in regard of its modestie and regularitie in all things , and especially in the houres of devotion . he is rich in money , and entertains about nine thousand men in constant pay , under the command of count van derlipp , a brave and expert soldier his lieutenant generall ; but can bring many more upon occasion into field . this familie hath been very happy both in its progenie and alliances , many wise princes of both sexes having sprung from it ; and the mother of this present landgrave may be reckoned amongst the illustrious women of the present and past ages . after the death of william the 5. landgrave of hessen her husband , she not only supported but advanced the war wherein he was engaged , did many signall actions , enlarged her territories , and at the conclusion of the peace kept under her pay 56 cornets of horse in five regiments , 166 companies of foot , besides thirteen companies of dragons , and 14 independent companies , in all 249 companies of horse and foot ; she was a princess extreamly obliging to strangers : especially virtuous and learned divines . i had the honour a good many yeares agoe to kisse her highnesses hand ; at which time she was mighty zealous in promoting an accommodation amongst different religions , as the roman catholick , lutheran and calvinist , but especially betwixt the two latter , and therefore entertained doctor duris at her court in cassels who wrote severall pieces upon that subject of reconciliation , and with some of his friends had a conference with a learned priest that came from rome to forward the project ; whereupon the doctor published his book of the harmoney of consent , which is highly esteemed in germany . from this princes court i directed my journey to hanover , taking lambspring in my way , a place where there is a convent of english monks ; and there i met with a very aged worthy and harmeless gentleman st. thomas gascoigue , a person of more integrity and pietie then to be guilty , so much as in thought , of what miscreants falsly swore against him in the licentions time of plotting ; the lord abbot and severall of the monks i had seen there formerly . this monastery is very obliging to all strangers that travell that way , as well as to theire own countreymen , and is highly respected by the neighbouring princes of all persuasions , as the princes of the house of lunenburg , the landgrave of hessen , and elector of cologne , who as bishop of hildersheim is their ordinary . the town of lambspring is lutheran though under the government of the lord abbot and his chapter , who constantly choose lutheran magistrats and officers for the civill administration , and live together in that love and unitie , that as yet there hath never the least debate happened amongst them ; and indeed this harmoney is now to be observed in most parts of germany where different religions are professed . when i considered so many goodly faces both of monks and students in that abbey , i could not forbeare to make a serious reflexion on the number of the english whom i had seen in the colledges and cloysters abroad , as at rome , rattesbonne , wirtzburg in lorraine , at liege , louvain , brussels , dunkerk , ghent , paris , and other places , besides the severall nunneries , and withall on the loss that both king and kingdome suffered thereby , when so many of our natives both men and women should be constrained to spend their own estats and the benevolence of others in a strange land , which amounts to more money than at first one may imagine ; and this thought , i confess , made me wish it were otherwise . i would not have the reader to mistake mee here , as if i espoused , or pleaded for any particular party ; no , i plead onely for the sentiments of humanity , without which our nature degenerates into that of brutes , and for the love that every honest man ought to have for his countrey . i am asmuch a friend to the spanish inquisition , as to the persecuting of tender conscienced protestants , provided there be no more but conscience in the case ; and i could heartily wish that papists and protestants could live as lovingly together in england as they doe in holland , germany , and other countries ; for give mee leave to say it , i love not that religion which in stead of exulting , destroys the principles of morality and humane societie . i have met with honest men of all persuasions , even turks and jews , who in their lives and manners have far exceeded many of our enthusiastick professors at home ; and when ever this happened , i could not forbeare to love the men without embraceing there religion , for which they themselves are to account to their great master and judge . in my progress towards hanover i touched at hildersheim a city whose magistrates are lutheran , though roman catholicks have the cathedrall church , and severall monasteries there . the court of hanover makes another kind of figure than that of cassels , it being the court of a greater prince , who is bishop of osnaburg , duke of brunswick lunenburg , hanover &c. here i had the honour to kiss the hands of the princess royall sophia youngest sister to the late prince rupert . her highness has the character of the merry debonnaire princess of germany , a lady of extraordinary virtue and accomplishments , and mistriss of the italian , french , high and low dutch and english languages , which she speaks to perfection . her husband has the title of the gentlemen of germany , a gracefull and comely prince both a foot and on horseback , civill to strongers beyond compare , infinitely kind and beneficent to people in distress , and known in the world for a valiant and experienced soldier . i had the honour to see his troops which without controversic are as good men , and commanded by as expert officers as any are in europe : amongst his officers i found brave steel-hand gordon collonel of an excellent regiment of horse , grimes , hamilton , talbot and others of our kings subjects . god hath blest the prince with a numerous offspring , having six sons all galant princes ; of whom the two eldest signalized themselves so bravely at the raising of the siege of vienna , that as an undoubted proofe of their valour they brought three turks home to this court prisoners . his eldest son is married to a most beautifull princess sole heiress of the duke of lunenbourg and zell his elder brother ; as the lovely princess his daughter is lately married to the electorall prince of brandenbourg . he is a gracious prince to his people , and keeps a very splendid court , having in his stables for the use of himself and children no less than fifty two sets of coach horses . he himself is lutheran , but as his subjects are christians of different persuasions , nay and some of them jews too , so both in his court and army he entertains gentlemen of various opinions and countries , as italian abbots , and gentlemen that serve him , and many calvinist french officers : neither is he so bigotted in his religion but that he and his children goe many times to church with the princess who is a calvinist , and joine with her in her devotion . his countrey is good , having gold and silver mines in it , and his subjects live well under him ; as doe those also of his brother the duke of lunenbourg , and their cozen the duke of wolfembottel , which are the three princes of the house of lunenbourg ; of whom it may be said that they have alwayes stuck honestly to the right side , and befriended the interests of the empire ; so that no by respect , neither honour nor profit , could ever prevail with them , as it has with others , to make them abandon the publick concern . from this princes court i went to zell the residence of the duke the elder brother of the familie . this prince is called the mighty nimrod becaus of the great delight he takes in horses , dogs and hunting . he did mee the honour to let mee she his stables , wherein he keeps 370 horses most of them english , or of english breed . his dogs which are also english , are so many , that with great care they are quartered in severall apartments according to their kind and qualities , there being a large office like a brewhouse employed for boyling of malt and corn for them . it is this valiant prince who tooke tieves from the french , and made the mareshall do crequi prisoner : he is extreamely obliging to strangers , and hath severall brave scottish officers under his pay , as major general erskin , graham , goloman , hamilton melvin and others . his lieutenant general is one chavot a protestant of alsatia an excellent and experienced commander ; who did mee the honour to treat mee three days at his house , where with all his scottish and english officers , whom he had invited , wee liberally drank to the health of our present king , having , as he told us , served under his majestie , when duke of york , both in france and flanders , where he gained the reputation both for skill and conduct in the wars not onely from mareshall turin a competent judge , but also from all other general persons who had the honour to know him , that fame hath made better know'n in the world than the encomium which that generous gentleman ingenuously gave , and which heere i spare to relate . i shall adde no more concerning this prince , his officers , or countrey ; but that he with the other two princes of the house of lunenbourg hanover and wolfenbottel , can upon occasion bring into the field 36000 soldiers whom they keep in constant pay , and such men as i never saw better in my life . after some stay at the court of the duke of zell i went to hambourg a famous hansiatick town . it is a republick and city of great trade , occasioned partly by the english company of merchant adventures , but much more by the dutch protestants who in the time of the duke of alba forsook the low countries and seltled here , and the protestants also who were turned out of cologne and other places in germany ; who nevertheless are not now allowed publick churches within the citie , but at a place called altena a village belonging to the king of denmark , a quarter of an houres walk distant from hambourg . this commonwealth is lutheran and governed by four burgemasters , twenty four radtsheres , and a common council of all the burghers who have above 40 schellings per annum free hold . the symbole or motto under their armes is , da pacem domine in diebus nostris , and in their standart are these letters s. p. q. h. the people here grone under heavy taxes and impositions ; the state becaus of continuall alarms they have from the king of denmark or other neighbours ; and the intestine broiles that frequently happen here , as well as at cologne , where the burgemasters are often in danger of their lives from the mutinous mobile ; being forced to maintain six or seaven thousand men in pay , besides two or three men of war to guard their havens from pirats . i shall not name all the wayes of imposing taxes which this commonwealth uses , becaus in most they imitate the methods of the states generall as to that , which have bin mentioned before : i shall onely take notice of some peculiar customes they have , wherein they differ from holland . when a barber , shoe maker , or any other artizan dies , leaving a widow and children , another of the same trade is not admitted to set up for himself as a master ; unless he compound with the widow for a piece of money , or else marry her , or a daughter of hers with her consent . if any man cause another to be arrested for debt or upon any other suit , the plaintif must goe along with the officer who arrests the party and stay by him untill the prisoner be examined by the sheriff ; so that if the sheriff be not to be spoken with that night , the plaintiff must tarry with the prisoner all night , untill the sheriff examine the matter , and see cause of discharging or committing the party ; but this a plaintiff may doe by a procuration notariall . if a prisoner be committed for debt , the plaintiff must maintain him in prison according to his qualitie : and if the party lye in prison during the space of six yeares , at the expiration of that time the prisoner is discharged ; and if during the time of his imprisonment , the plaintif doe not punctually pay the prisoners allowance at the months end , the prisoner is set at liberty , and nevertheless the plaintiff must pay the gailer the last months allowance . this state is severe in the execution of justice against thieves , murders and cheats . there is no pardon to be expected for murder , and a burgemaster himself if guilty cannot escape . the punishment for murder is here as in sweden , breaking malefactors on the wheele , pinching their breasts and arms with hot pincers , speeting them in at the fundament and out at the shoulder , they have also cruel wayes of torturing to make prisoners confess ; and are very carefull not to be cheated in their publick revenue ; their accisemen and collectors being punished as in holland . they take a very good course not to be cheated in their accise ; for all the mils of the countrey are in the hands the state ; so that no baker nor brewer can grind his own corn , but must have it ground at the states mills , where they pay the accise . there is a generall tax upon all houses , and that is the eight penny , which nevertheless does not excuse them from chimney money . the states here as at genoa in italy are the publick vintners , of whom all people must buy their wine , which they buy from the merchants , or otherwise import it in their own ships . in their ceremonies of burying and christening , they are ridiculously prodigall ; as for instance . if one invite a burgemaster , he must give him a ducat in gold , if a ra●dtsheer , that is , an alderman , a rixdollar , to every preacher , doctor of physick , advocat or secretary halfe a rixdollar , and to every schoolmaster the third part of a rixdoller . the women are the inviters to burialls , weddings and christenings , who weare an antick kind of a dress , having mitered caps as high again as the miter of a bishop . the churches here are rich in revenues , and ornaments , as images and stately organs wherein they much delight . they are great lovers of musick ; in so much that i have told ●5 masters of severall sorts of musick in one church , besides those who were in the organ-gallery . their organs are extraordinarely large . i measured the great pipes in the organs of st. catharins and st. james's churches , and found them to be 3 foot and 3 quarters in circumference and 32 foot long ; in each of which organs there are two pipes 5 foot and 8 inches round . the wealth and trade of this citie encreases dayly : they send one year with another 70 ships to greenland , and have wonderfully engrossed that trade from england and holland , and it is beleeved that small and great there are belonging to this commonwealth five thousand sayl of ships . after amsterdam , genoa , and venice their bank is reckoned the chiefe in credit ; but in trade they are accounted the third in europe , and come next to london and amsterdam . hambourg is now become the magazine of germany and of the baltick and northern seas . they give great priviledges to the jewes , and to all strangers whatsoever , especially the english company of merchant adventures , whom they allow a large building , where they have a church , and where the deputy governour , secretary , minister , and the other officers of the company live , to whom they yearly make present of wine , beere , sheep , salmond and sturgeon in their seasons . and so much of hambourg . from hambourg i went to lubeck , which is also a commonwealth and imperiall town . it is a large well built city containing ten parish churches ; the cathedrall dedicated to st. peter being in length 500 foot , with two high spires all covered with brass as the rest of the churches of that city are . in former times this city was the place where the deputies of all the hansiatick towns assembled , and was once so powerfull as to make war against denmark and sweden , and to conquer severall places and islands belonging to those two crowns , nay and to lend ships to england and other potentates , without any prejudice to their own trade , wherein they vied in all parts with their neighbours ; but it is now exceedingly run into decay not onely in territories , but in wealth and trade also . and the reason of that was chiefely the inconsiderate zeal of their lutheran ministerꝰ who perswaded the magistrates to banish all roman catholicks , calvinists , jews , and all that dissented from them in matter of religion , even the english company too , who all went and setled in hambourg , to the great advantage of that city and almost ruine of lubeck , which hath not now above 200 ships belonging to it , nor more territories to the state ; than the city it self and a small part called termond about eight miles distant from it . the rest of there territories are now in the possession of the danes and swedes , by whom the burghers are so continually allarmed , that they are quite tired out with keeping guard and paying of taxes . the city is indeed well fortified ; but the government not being able to maintain above 1500 soldiers in pay , 400 eurghers in two companies are obliged to watch every day . they have a large well built stathouse , and an exchange covered , on the top whereof the globes of the world are painted . this exchange is about fifty yards in the length ; and but fifteen in breadth ; over it there is a roome where the skins of five lions which the burghers killed at the city gates in the year 1252 are kept stuft . the great market place is very large where a monumentall stone is to be seen , on which one of their burgemasters was beheaded for running away without fighting in a sea engagement . the people here spend much time in their churches at devotion , which consists chiefely in singing . the women are beautifull but disfigured with a kind of antick dress ; they wearing cloaks like men . it is cheap living in this town ; for one may hire a palace for a matter of 20 〈◊〉 a year , and have provisions at very reasonable rates : besides the air and water is very good ; the city being supplied with fountains of excellent fresh water , which hambourg wants ; and good ground for cellerage , there being cellars here fourty or fifty foot deep . i had the curiosity to goe from lubeck to see the ancient city of magdeburg , but found it so ruined and decayed by the swedish war , that i had no encouragement to stay there . i therefore hastened to berlin the chiefe residence of the elector of brandenbourg , at whose court i mett with a very ingenuous french merchant who tould me that he and divers other merchants were designed to have lived in england , but were discouraged by a letter sent from london , by a french man that was removeing from thence to amsterdam , for these following reason which i coppied out of his letter ; first because the reformed religion is persecuted in england as it is in france , the which i tould him was a great untruth , for it is apparent that they have been all along graciously admitted , and received into his majesties dominions , without interruption , & allowed the free exercise of their owne forme of worship , according to the doctrine & discipline of the churches of france , nor can they who converse with the french ministers either in france or holland be ignorant , that the chiefest part , if not all those ministers are willing to complye with the church of england , and it is evident that most of the dutch and french protestants ( so called ; ) in holland make use of organs in their churches ; a second thing was that both the bank of london and the bankers . gouldsmiths were all broak , the which i tould this frenchman was not true altogether , for there are many able bankers whome i named as alderman fowles , alderman hornbey , alderman duncomb , alderman founs , mr. thomas cook , mr. rob : vyner , mr. childe , mr. endes , mr. evans and others well known to the world by their solid dealling : neyther was the bank ( as he called the chamber of london ) broak , only it had been under the management of a bad person whose designe was to bring it into disgrace ; besides there is the east-india company an unquestionable securitie for those as have money to dispose of , together with another undeniable securitie which is land. thirdly he saith , that in england there is no register , and therefore many frauds in purchases & morgages , which begett teadious suites , and renders both dangerous to trust ; fourtly that if a man would purchase land he cannot , being an alien , untill naturalized . fiftly that in england there are so many plots and confusions in government that the kingdome is hardly quiet twenty yeares together . sixtly that false wittnesses were so common in england and the crime of perjury so slightly punished , that no man could be safe in life or estate if he chanced to be in trouble . lastly he said that the english are so restless and quarrelesome , that they not only foment and cherish animosities amongst one another , but are every foot contriving and plotting against their lawfull soveraign and the government . by such surmises and insinuations as these the french and germans are scared from trusting themselves and fortunes in england and therefore settle in amsterdam , hamburg and other cittyes , where there are banks and registers ; this i say is one cause why there are now to be seene at amsterdam such vast numbers of french and germans who have much inriched that citty and raised the rents of the houses 20 parcent , and the silkeweavers grow also verie rich keeping so many almes children to doe their work and having all their labour without any charge only for the teaching them their trades ; which hath lessened the revenues of the french crown , and will in tyme greately increase the number of the states subjects , and advance ther publick incomes . to say the truth the inconstancy and wantonnesse of the english nation , especially of late tymes , when no other cause could be given for it , but to much ease and plenty , is not only wondered at but reflected upon by foreigners ; yet i am morally certaine that could the people of england be once againe united in love and affection as they are bound to be in duty and interest , and would they be as willing to contribute to their own hapines as heaven hath been kind and liberal in bestowing the meanes of it , with a good and gratious prince solicitous for preserveing the same to them , could wee be so blest as wee have great reason to expect wee may under the auspicious reigne of him whose royall virtues are dreaded by none either at home or a broad but such as are the disturbers of publick and lawfull authoritie . having made this digression , i return to berlin , it is a city lately enlarged with fair streets and palaces . the magistrates of the place are lutherans , which is the publick established religion in all the electors dominions ; though he himself and his children be calvinists . he is lookt upon to be so true to that persuasion , that he is reckoned the protector of the calvinists ; and indeed he sollicited the emperour very hard for a toleration of the protestants in hungary . his chaplains , as most of the lutheran ministers also , endeavour to imitate the english in their way of preaching : and his highness is so much taken with english divinity , that he entertains divines for translating english books into the german tongue , as the whole duty of man and severall others . he has a large and srately palace at berlin and therein a copious library enriched with many manuscripts , medalls , and rarities of antiquity . he may compare with most princes for handsome guards , being all of them proper well bodied men , and most part officers who ride in his guards of horse . as he is know'n in the world to be a valiant and warlick prince , so he maintains in pay an army of 36000 men ; besides five or six thousand horsmen , who in time of war are modelled into troopes ; with which body during the late war with sweden , his highness in person beat the swedes out of his countrey . hee keeps his forces in strickt discipline , obliging all the officers , if protestants , on sundays and holy days to march their severall companies in order to church , but if a superiour officer be of a contrary persuasion , then the next in commission supplies his place . this custome is religiously observed by all his highnesses garrisons ; whilest he himself with his children , being five sons , two daughters , and two daughters in law , goe constantly to the calvinist church adjoyning to the court. amongst other acts of publick pietie and charitie , this prince hath established and endowed some religious houses or nunneries for protestant young ladies , where they may live virtuously and spend their time in devotion as long as they please , or otherwise marry , if they think fit , but then they lose the benefit of the monastery . there is one of these at herford in westphalia , where i was and had the honour to wait upon the lady abbess the princess elisabeth , eldest sister of the elector palatine and prince rupert , who is since dead . notwithstanding the late wars with sweden and that by the prevalency of france in that hasty treaty of peace concluded at nimwegen , his electorall highness was obliged to give back what he had justly taken from that crown ; yet his subjects flourish in wealth and trade , his highness having encouraged manufactures of all sorts , by inviting artizans into his dominions , and estalished a company of tradeing merchants to the west-indies , which will much advance navigation amongst his subjects . and in all humane probabilitie they are like to continue in a happy condition , seing by the alliances his highness hath made with the protestant princes of the empire , and especially the house of lunenbourg , they are in no danger of being disturbed by their neighbours . i told you before that the prince of brandenbourg was married to the daughter of the duke of hanover , so that so long as that alliance holds , the families of brandenbourg and lunenbourg will be in a condition to cast the ballance of the empire ; they both together being able to bring into the field 80000 as good men as any are in europe . when i parted from berlin i made a turn back to lunenbourg in my way to swedland , where i found severall of my countrey men officers in the garison , who shew'd mee what was most remarkeable in the city , as the saltworks ( which bring in considerable summes of money to the duke of lunenbourg ) the stathouse , and churches , in one of which i saw a communion table of pure ducat gold . from thence i went into the province of of holstein , and at a small sea port called termond , of which i spake , before , i embarked for sweden . he that hath read in the histories of this last age the great exploits of gustavus adolphus and his swedes , perhaps may have a fancy that it must be an excellent countrey which hath bredsuch warriours ; but if he approach it , he will soon find himself undeceived . entering into sweedland at a place called landsort , wee sailed forwards amongst high rocks having no other prospect from land but mountains till wee came to dollers , which is about four swedish , that is , twenty four english miles from stockholm , the capitall citie of the kingdome : upon my comeing a shore i confess i was a litle surprised to see the poverty of the people ; and the litle wooden houses they lived in , not unlike soldiers huts in a leaguer ; but much more , when i discovered litle else in the countrey but mountanous rocks and standing lakes of water . the reader will excuse mee , i hope , if i remarke not all that i may have taken notice of in this countrey , seing by what i have already written , he may perceive that my designe is rather to observe the manner of the inhabitants living , then to give a full description of every thing that may be seen in the countrey they live in . however i shall say somewhat of that too , having premised once for all that the ordinary people are wretchedly poor ; yet not so much occasioned by the publick taxes , as the barrenness of their countrey , and the oppression of the nobles their landlords , and immediate superiours , who till the present king put a stop to their violences , tyrannically domineered over the lives and fortunes of the poor peasants . from dollers i took waggon to stockholm , changing horses three times by the way , by reason of the badness of the rode , on all hands environed with rocks , that hardly open so much as here and there to leave a shred of plain ground . at two miles distance upon that rode the citie of stockholme looks great ; becaus of the kings palace , the houses of noblemen , and some churches which are seated upon rocks ; and indeed , the whole citie and suburbs stand upon rocks , unless it be some few houses built upon ground gained from the rivers that run throw the town . stockholme has its name from a stock or logg of wood which three brothers threw into the water five miles above the city , making a vow that where ever that stock should stop , they would build a castle to dwell in . the stock stopt at the holme or rock where the palace of the king now stands ; and the brothers to be as good as their word , there built their castle , which invited others to doe the like ; so that in process of time the other rocks or holmes were covered with buildings which at length became the capital citie of the kingdome . it is now embellished with a great many stately houses , and much emproved from what it was 4●0 yeares agoe , as indeed , most cities are ; for the stathouse then built , is so contemtible and low that in holland or england , it would not be suffered to stand to disgrace the nation . the council chamber where the burgemaster and raedt sit , is two rooms cast into one not above nine foot high ; and the two rooms where the sheriffs and the erve colledge ( which is a judicature like to the doctors commons in england ) sit are not above eight foot and a halfe high . the kings palace is a large square of stone building , in some places very high , but an old and irregular fabrick , without a sufficient quantitie of ground about it for gardens and walks . it was anciently surrounded with water ; but some yeares since part of it was filled up to make a way from the castlegate down into the old town . in this palace there are large rooms ; but the lodgings of the king , queen and royall familie are three pair of stairs high , the rooms in the first and second story 's being destin'd for the senat chamber and other courts of judicature . the kings library is four pair of stairs high , being a room about fourty six foot square , with a closet adjoyning to it not half the dimensions . when i considered the appartments and furniture of this court , i began to think that the french author wrote truth , who in his remarks upon swedland sayes , that when queen christina resigned the crown to carolus gustaphus the father of this present king , she disposed of the best of the furniture of the court , and gave away a large share of the crown lands to her favorites ; in so much that the king considering the poor condition she had left the kingdome in , and seeing the court so meanely furnished , said that had he know'n before he accepted the crown , what then he did , he would have taken other measures . there are many other stately palaces in stockholme belonging to the nobilitie ; but many of them for want of repairs , and not being inhabited run to ruine ; severall of the nobles who lived in them formerly , having lost the estates that maintained their ancient splendour , as wee shall see hereafter , being retired unto a countrey life . there are also some other magnificent structures begun , but not finished , as that stately building intended for a parliament house for the nobles , and two or three churches : but what i most wonder at is the vault wherein the late king lies buried , is not as yet covered but with boards , for it is to he observed that the kings of sweeden have no tombs and monuments as in england and other countries ; but are put into copper coffins with inscriptions on them , and placed one by another in vaults adjoyning to the gray friers church . these vaults are about eight in number , having turets over them with vains of copper gilt , carved into the ciphers of the severall kings who give them their names by being the first that are interred in them . the vault of the late king is not yet finished , no more then the fabricks above mentioned , which perhaps may be imputed to the late troubles of swedland . the number of the inhabitants of stockholme are also much decreased within these few yeares , partly by reason of the removal of the court of admiraltie and the kings ships from that citie to charles-crown , a new haven lately made about 200 english miles from thence , which hath draw'n many families belonging to the fleet and admiralitie from stockholme to live there : and partly becaus many of the nobilitie , gentry and those that depended on them , are , as i said before , withdraw'n from stockholme to a retired life in the countrey . nevertheless the ordinary sort of bourghers who still remain are extreamly poor ; seing the women are fain to worke like horses , drawing carts , and as labourers in england , serving masons and bricklayers with stone , bricks and mortar , and unloading vessells that bring those materials ; some of the poor creatures in the summertime toyling in their smocks without either shoes or stockings . they performe also the part of watermen , and for a small matter will row passengers 40 miles or more if they please . the court here is very thin and silent , the king living frugally & seldome dining in publick he eats commonly with the two queens his mother and consort , who is a virtuous princess sister to the king of denmark . she is the mother of five children , three sons and two daughters , with whom she spends most of her time in retirement . the king is a goodly prince whom god hath blessed and endowed with accomplishments far beyond what might have been expected from his education , wherein he was extreamly abused , being taught litle more than his mother tongue . he is gracious , just and valiant , constant at his devotion , and utterly averse from all kind of debauchery , and the unfashionable vanities of other courts in playes , and danceing . his sports are hunting and exerciseing of his guards , and he rarely appeares publickly or gives audience to strangers , which is imputed to his sense of the neglect of his education . he is a prince that hath had a very hard beginning in the world , which hath many times proved fortunate to great men ; and indeed , if wee consider all the circumstances of his early misfortunes , how he was slighted and neglected by his nobles who would hardly vouchsafe to pay him a visit when he was among them in the countrey , or to doe him homage for the lands they held of the crown ; and how by the pernicious councels of the french and the weakeness or treachery of his governours he was misled into a war that almost cost him his crown , having lost the best of his territories in germany and schonen , and most of his forces both by sea and land : if i say , these things be considered , it will probably appeare that hardly any prince before him hath in a shorter time or more fully setled the authority and prerogative of the crown , then he hath done in sweden ; for which he stands no wayes obliged to france , as he was for the restauration of what he lost during the war. he is now as absolute as the french king , and makes edicts which have the force of laws with out the concurrence of the estates of the kingdome . he hath erected two iudicatures the one called the colledge of reduction , and the other of inspections ; the first of which hath put his majesty in possession again of all lands alienated from the crown , and the other called to account all persons even the heires and executors of those who had cheated the crown , and made them refound what they or their predecessors had appropriated to their own use of the publick revenue . these two necessary constitutions , as they have reduced many great families to a pinch , who formerly lived splendidly upon the crown lands and revenues , and obliged them to live at home upon their ancient and private patrimonie in the countrey , which is one great cause that the court of sweden is at present so unfrequented ; so have they enabled his majestie , without burdening of his subjects , to support the charges of the government , and to maintain 64000 men in pay . the truth is his other renues are but small , seing queen christina enjoys the best of his territories , as her allowance , and that what arises from the copper and iron mines , one silver mine , the pitch and tar , the customes and excise amounts to no extraordinary summ of money , & the land tax in so barren a countrey scarcely deserving to be named . the customes and excise , i confess , are very high , and the rigorous manner of exacting them pernicious to trade ; as for instance . i● a ship come to stockholme from london with a hundred severall sorts of goods , and those goods assigned to fifty several men more or less ; if any of those fifty doe not pay the custome of what belongs to him , though it be for a barrel of beer , the ship shall not be unladen , nor no man have his goods out , though he hath fully payed the customes for them , till this last man hath payed his . there are severall other silly customes in swedland that discourages men from tradeing there ; as if any stranger die there , a third of his estate must goe to the city or town where he traded . no forreigne merchant in stockholm can travell into any countrey where there is a faire without a passport : and at present seing there is no treaty of trade betwixt england and sweden , though the english bring as considerable a trade to that kingdome , as any other countrey whatsoever , yet they are very unkindly used by the officers of the custome house ; whereas the dutch , in lubeck , and other cities have new and greater priviledges allowed them . nor would i counsel an englishman to goe to law with a swedish burgher in sweden , especially if he be a whiggish scot who hath got his freedome in stockholme , for those are a kind of skrapers , whom i have observed to be more inveterate against the english then the native sweeds . of all the swedish army of 64000 men , the king keeps but 12 companies of 200 men a peece , with some few horse guards in stockholme , who are not upon duty as sentinels at the court gates , as at the courts of other princes . the rest are dispersed into quarters and garrisons upon the fronteers which are so far distant in that large compass of land which his territories take up , that it would require a hard and tedious worck to bring them together to a generall muster . they are however kept under very strick discipline , and those that lye neare often viewed by the king. they have od sorts of punishments for the souldiers and officers of all degrees : for example if a serjeant or corporall be drunk or negligent on duty , they are put into armour , and with three muskets tied under each arm , made to walke two hours before the court of guard : yet for all the severitie of discipline used against the soldiers , they commit many abuses in the night time , robbing and sometimes killing men upon the streets in stockholme , where they have no lights nor guards as in coppenhaguen . informer times there have been at one time thirty five collonels besides generall officers in the swedish army all the subjects of the king of great britain , but at present there are few or none , unless it be the sons of some scottish officers deceased ; nor did i ever see an englishmen in the kings guards horse or foot but one , and the son of sr. eduard wood , who hath since quitted the service . the king hath exceedingly won the hearts of the common people , not onely by exempting them from the tyrannical jurisdiction of the nobilitie and gentry , who formerly would by their own private authority punish and put to death the peasants at their pleasure ; which makes the countries very willing to quarter the kings soldiers , but by his exactness in punishing duels , murder and robberies . perjury is death here also as in holland : which makes the magistrates in some ports of this kings territories enjoyns strange kinds of oaths to deter men from being forsworn . as for instance , in some places , the witness is set , with a staff in his hand , upon some peeble stones and charcoale , where he is to imprecate and pray , that if what he sweareth be not true , his land may become as barren as those stones , and his substance be consumed to ashes like the coals he stands on , which as soon as he steps down are set on fire . this manner of swearing so terrifies the people , that they commonly tremble when they come to take their oath . the religion of the dominions of the king of sweden , as of those of the king of denmark , and of other princes and states whom wee have named is lutheran ; who are more rigid to roman catholicks and calvinists than the protestanrs of germany . there is no tolleration allowed here to calvinist ministers ; and they take an effectuall course to keep the countrey clear of priests and jesuits , by guelding them whether they be young or old . in commemoration of the great losses and desolation iustained in the late war , the swedes strictly keep four fasting days in the months of april , may , june and july ; on which days all men are prohibited by authority to kindle fire in their houses , or to eat till after evening service is don , which in the winter time could not be endured . they delight much in singing in their churches , which they constantly performe twice every day , morning , and evening . in their maryings , christenings and buryings they are so prodigally extravagant , that if all three happen in one yeare to a man of a competent estate , it is enough to breake him , the clergy of sweden are neither so rich nor learned as those of germany , wanting both the opportunities of study , and of conversing with learned men , that those of other countreys enjoy ; though there be some learned men amongst them . a bishoprick in sweden is no great benefice , if compared with some personages in england ; for the archbishop and metropolitan hath not above 400 l. per ann . and some of the rest are not worth above 150 or 200 l. a yeare . the inferiour clergy are not so regular in their lives and conversation in the countries distant from stockholme , as they are neare the court , and the reason is , partly becaus they entertain travellers that pass the countrey , there being no ins in most places for the accommodation of persons of any qualitie , and so are obliged to drink with their guests : and partly becaus at buryings and christenings , where there is commonly high drinking , the pape or parson is master of the ceremonies ; and here give mee leave , to tell a short story of one of them . a pape comeing to christen a child in a church , and finding a scottish man to be godfather , was so transported either with zeal or his cups , that when he came to exorcise the child which is a rite used in their office of administring that sacrament , he neglected the forme prescribed by the liturgie , and in an extemporary prayer begg'd that the devill might depart out of the child , and enter into that scottish heretick ; for so they call the presbyterians of that nation . the prayer of the pape so incensed the scot that he vowed revenge , and watched the pape with a good cudgell next day as he crossed the church yard , where he beat him and left him all in blood lying on the ground and crying out murder . for this fact the scot was had before the justice , who asking him how he durst be so bold as to lay his profane hands upon the man of god , he , who knew very well what use to make of the devill he had got , foaming at the mouth and cunningly acting the demoniack , made answer that the pape might thank himself for what he had met with ; for since he had conjured the devill into him he spared no body , neither wife nor children , nor would he spare the justice himself , and with that sell a mangling and tearing the magistrat , that he was fain to betake himself to his heeles , crying out o! the devill , save mee ; and so the scot marched home no man daring to lay hold on him , for fear of being torn to peeces by the devill . but the justice recollecting himself sent for the pape , told him that the scot was a cunning rogue , and bid him goe home , get a plaister for his head and be silent ; least if the matter came to the bishops ears , he might be censured for goeing against the rubrick of the liturgie . the famous universitie where their clergy are bred is vpsall eight swedish miles from stockholme . there are commonly 150 or 200 students there , but no endowed colledges as in other countries . the library is so meane and contemptible that the libraries of many grammar schools and of privat men in england or holland are far better stored with books then it is . upon viewing of it , and that of the kings palace , i called to mind the saying of a french man , upon the like occasion ; that swedland came behind france and england in the knowledge of men and things at least 800 yeares ; yet some swedes have been so conceited of the antiquity of their countrey , as to bragg that paradice was seated in sweden , that the countrey was turned into such heaps of rocks for the rebellion of our first parents , and that adam and eve had cain and abel in a countrey three swedish miles distant from vpsall . a french man standing by and hearing this romantick story , as i was told , fitted him with the like , telling him that when the world was made in six days , at the end of the creation all the rubbish that remained was throw'n together into a corner , which made up sweden and norway . and indeed the french seeme to have no great likeing to the countrey , what ever kindness they may have for the people , for a french ambassadour , as an author of that countrey relates , being by order of queen christina treated in a countrey house 4 swedish miles from stockholme , and upon the rode goeing and comeing , with all the varieties and pleasures that the countrey could affoard , on purpose to make him have a good opinion of the same ; made answere to the queen ( who asked him upon his return what he thought of sweden ) that were he master of the whole countrey , he would presently sell it & buy a farme in france or england ; which , under favour , i think was a litle tart and sawcy . having stayed a considerable time in swedland , and most part at stockholme , i set out from thence to goe to elsenbourg by land , and went a litle out of my way to see a small city called eubrone famous for a coat of arms which it got in this manner . a certain masculine queen of denmark who had conquered a great part of sweden , comeing to this city , asked the magistrates , what was the arms of their city ; who having told her that they had none , she plucked up her coats and squatting upon the snow , bid them take the marke she left there for their arms : it 's pity she did not give them a suitable motto to it also . what that figure is called in blazonerie i know not , but to this day the city uses it in their armes , and for marking their commodities . this queen came purposely into sweden to pay a visit to a brave woman that opposed a king of swedland , who in a time of famine would have put to death all the men and women in his countrey above sixty years of age . the countrey all the way i travelled in swedland is much of the same qualitie of the land about stockholme , untill i came neare the province of schonen which is called the store house and kitchin of sweden , where the countrey is far better . it was formerly very dangerous to travell in this province of schonen , becaus of the snaphances who were a kind of bloody robbers , now utterly destroyed by the king ; so that it is safe enough travelling there . entering into schonen i saw twenty nine of these rogues upon wheeles , and elsewhere in the countrey , ten and twenty at severall places . the king used great severitie in destroying of them ; some he caused to be broken upon the wheele , others speeted in at the fundament and out at the shoulders , many had the flesh pinched off of there breasts , and so were fastened to stakes till they died , and others again had their noses and both hands cut off , and being seared with a hot iron were let goe to acquaint their camerades how they had been served . the king is very severe against highway-men and duellers . in above a hundred miles travelling , wee found not a house where there was either french wine or brandie , which made mee tell a swede of our company who was travelling to denmark , that i would undertake to shew any man 500 houses wherein a traveller might have wine and other good accommodation in the space of an hundred miles upon any rode from london . there are severall small towns and fertile land in this countrey of schonen , lying upon the sound ; at the narrowest part whereof lies elsenbourg burnt down by the danes in the last war : here i crost over to elsenore , the passage being but a league broad . the king of denmark has a castle at elsenore which commands the narrow passage of the sound , where all ships that enter into or come out of the baltick sea must pay toll . having visited this castle and stai'd about a fortnight with the english consul , and sr. john paul late resident at the court of swedland , i went to the danish court at coppenhaguen . copenhaguen is the capitall city of zeeland , jutland or denmark and place of residence of the king it stands on a flat , encompassed with a pleasant and delightfull countrey much resembling england . the streets of the city are kept very neat and cleane , with lights in the night time for the convenience and safetie of those who are then abroad ; a custome not as yet introduced into stockholme where it is dangerous to be abroad when it is dark . the kings men of war lye here very conveniently , being orderly ranged betwixt booms after the manner of amsterdam , and neare the admiralty house , which is a large pile of building well furnished with stores and magazines , secured by a citadell , that not onely commands the city , but also the haven , and entrey into it . the court of denmark is splendid , and makes a far greater figure in the world then that of sweden , tho not many yeares agoe in the time of carolus gustaphus the father of the present king of swedland , it was almost reduced to its last , when the walls of copenhagen saved that crown and kingdome . that siege was famous , caried on with great vigour by the swede , and as bravely maintained by the danes : the monuments whereof are to be seen in the canon bullets gilt that still remain in the walls of some houses and in the steeple of the great church of the town . the royall palace in copenhaguen is but small and a very ancient building , but his majesties house fredenburg is a stately fabrick of modern architecture , and very richly furnished . denmark is at present a flourishing kingdome and the king who hath now made it hereditary , surpasses most of his predecessours in power and wealth : he hath much enlarged his dominions , aswell as authority , and by his personall and royall virtues , no less then the eminent qualities of a great many able ministers of state , he hath gained the universall love of his subjects , and the esteeme of all forreigne princes and states . the court if much frequented every day , but especially on sundays where about eleven of the clock in the morning , the nobility , forreigne ministers , and officers of the army assemble and make a glorious appeareance . there one may see many knights of the order of the elephant of malto but i never saw any order of the like nature as that of sweden , that king rarely appearing in his george and garter , but on days of publick audience i have observed at one time above 150 coaches attending at the court of denmark , which are ten times more than ever i saw together at that of sweden . the king is affable and of easy accels to strangers , seen often abroad by his subjects in his gardens and stables , which are very large and well furnished with all sorts of horses . he is a great lover of english horses and dogs , and delights much in hunting , as his eldest son the prince with his brothers doe in cockfighting ; in so much that the english merchants can not make a more acceptable present to those princes , then of english game-cocks . the standing forces of denmark are well disciplined men , and commanded by good officers both natives and strangers , both french and scots , as major general duncan , and major general veldun both scottishmen , whom i saw at copenhaguen . the soldiers , aswell as courtiers are quartered upon the citizens , a custome which is likewise practised in sweden , and tho somewhat uneasy , yet not repined at by the people who by the care and good government of the king find trade much advanced . for his majestie by encouraging strangers of all religions to live in his dominions , and allowing the french and dutch calvinists , to have publick churches , hath brought many tradeing families to coppenhaguen , and by the measure he hath taken for settling trade in prohibiting the importation of forreigne manufactures , and reforming and new modelling the east and west india companies , hath much encreased commerce and thereby the wealth of his subjects ; so that notwithstanding the new taxes imposed upon all coaches , waggons , ploughs , and all reall and personall estates , which amount to considerable summs of money , the people live very well and contented . there are commonly about eight thousand men in garison in coppenhaguen , and his majesties regiment of foot guards who are all cloathed in red , with cloaks to keep them warm in the winter time , is a very handsome body of men , and with the horse guards who are bravely mounted , and have their granadeers and hoboyes , make a very fine shew . his majestie hath caused severall new fortifications to be built upon the elb , and other rivers , and hath now in his possession that strong castle called hilgueland , at present commanded by a scottishman . the queen of denmark is a most virtuous princess , sister to the present landgrave of hessel-cassel , and in persuasion a calvinist , having a chappell allowed her within the court ; though the publick religion of the king and kingdome be lutheran . the clergie here are learned , many of them having studied at oxford and cambridge where they learnt the english language , and amongst the bishops there is one doctor king the son of a scottishman . but seing it is my designe rather to observe the condition of the people , then to be punctuall in describing all the rarities that are remarkeable in the countries i have been in , i shall conclude what i have to say of denmark , by acquainting the reader that the people of that countrey live far better then the swedes , and aswell as most of their adjoyning neighbours ; and that there are severall places , both there and in norway . which have the names of english towns , as arundale , totness , london &c. when i fist began to write this treatise , i had some thoughts of making observations upon the severall governments of other states and dominions , where i had travelled some years before i was in the countries i have been speaking of , as of the rest of germany , hungary , switzerland , italy and france ; but that was a subject so large , and the usefulness of it to my present designe so inconsiderable , that by doeing so , i found i could neither satisfie the curious , by adding any thing materiall to those many who have already obliged the publick by the remarks of their travells in those places ; or make my discontented countrey men more averse then they are already from removing into those countries , where i think few of them will chuse to transport themselves for the sake of liberty and propertie , tho england were even worse , than they themselves fancy it can be . all that remains to be done then , is to conclude this treatise with an obvious and popular remark , that those countries where cities are greatest and most frequented by voluntary inhabitants , are alwayes the best to live in ; and by comparing the city of london with all other cities of europe , and demonstrating by the surveys i have made ( which i think will hardly be contradicted or confuted , ) that of all the capitall cities of europe it is the biggest , and most populous , & so prove consequentially that england , for the generality of people , is the best countrey in the world especially for its natives to live in . now this being an observation , ( for what i know ) not hitherto made good by induction and instance , ( as i intend to doe it ) i hope it will please the reader as much , as if i gave him a particular account of other countreys and governments , and leave it to his own reflexion to state the comparison . though london within the walls cannot vie for bigness with many cities of europe ; yet take the city and suburbs together , according as it hath been surveyed by mr. morgan , in breadth from st. georges church in southwarke to shore ditch , and in length from limehouse to petty france in westminster and it is in a vast proportion larger in compass of ground , and number of houses then any city whatsoever in europe . this i shall demonstrate first by compareing it with some cities of holland , and then with the most considerable cities of the other countries of europe , which i shall set down in an alphabeticall order with the number of the houses they severally contain . when london and suburbs was surveyed some years agoe by mr. morgan , there were reckoned to be in it 84000 houses besides hospitalls , almeshouses , and other buildings that payed no chimney money to the king : now if those were added , and the vast number of new houses that have been built since that survey , upon modest computation london may be reckoned to countain 100000 houses ; i know the french doe vapour and would perswade the world that paris is much bigger then london . and the hollanders will scarce believe that london hath more houses then the 18 cittyes in holland that have voyces in the states , for say they amsterdam stands upon a 1000 morgens land , and london stands but upon 1800 ; to both which i answer , that it is very true that paris takes up a great spot of ground , but then you must consider , that in paris there are severall hundreds of monasteries , churches , coledges , and cloysters , some of them haveing large gardens , and that in paris there are 7500 palaces and ports for coaches , which have likewise great gardens , whereas london is very thick built , and in the citty the houses have scarce a yard big enough to sett a pump , or house of conveniency in ; but the weekely bills of mortality will decide this question and plainely give it to london , and so doth mons : la cour , and sir. william pette in his last essayes dedicated lately to our king , makeing it appeare that london is bigger then paris , rhoan , and rochell altogether ; and as for amsterdam i doe appeale to all knowing men that have seen it , that although it be true that it stands upon 1000 morgens land ; yet there is not above 400 morgens built , and this i prove thus , that the large gardens , on the heeregraft , kysersgraft , and princegraft , and the burgavalls of amsterdam take up more then a third part of the citty , then reckon the bastions , and the space of ground betweene the wall , and the houses , and all the ground unbuilt from the vtricks-port , to the wesoper-port , muyer-port , and so to the seasido , and you will find it to be near 300 morgens land : there are 2 parishes in the suburbs of london , viz stepuey , and st. martins in the fields , ( the later being so big that the last parlement divided it into 4 parishes , ) either of them have more houses then rotterdam , or harlem , and there are severall other great parishes as st. margrets-westminster , st. giles in the fields , toolyes , and st. mary overs , the which if they stood apart in the country would make great cittyes , wee reckon in london and the suburbs thereof to be at least 130 parishes , which containe 100000 houses , now if you reckon 8 persons to everie house then there are neare 800000 soules in london , but there are some that say there is a million of soules in it ; i shall now set downe the cittyes alphabetically and their number of houses as they were given to me not only from the surveyours and citty carpenters , but from the bookes of the herthmoney , and bookes of the verpoundings , where such taxes are payd ; and first i shall begin with the 18 cittyes that have voyces in the states of holland . cittyes houses . dort . 5500 harlem . 7250 delph . 2300 leyden . 13800 amsterdam . 25460 rotterdam . 8400 tergoe . 3540 gorcom . 2460 schiedam . 1550 brill . 1250 schonehoven . 2200 alckmaar . 1540 horn. 3400 enckhuysen . 5200 edam . 2000 monekendam . 1500 medenblick . 850 purmerent . 709 cittyes in germany and in the 17 provinces . antwerp . 18550 aix la chapell . 2250 arford . 8440 berlin . 5200 bonn. 410 bresack . 1200 breme . 9200 breda . 3420 bolduke . 6240 bergen op zome . 2120 brussels . 19200 cologne 12000 cleave . 640 coblins . 420 castells . 1520 dresden . 6420 disseldorpe . 620 dunkirk . 2440 emden . 2400 francford . 10200 groningen . 8400 guant . 18200 harford , 1420 hanover . 1850 heidelberg . 7520 hamburg . 12500 lubeck , 6500 louain . 8420 lypsick . 3240 lunenburg , 3100 lewardin . 5860 mayance . 2420 malin . 8000 middelburg . 6200 madelburg . 1120 mastricht . 5600 munster . 1240 nurenberg . 18240 osenburg . 2200 osburg . 8420 oldenburg . 620 praag . 18640 passaw . 560 ratisbone . 6540 strasburg . 8560 spire . 540 stockholme . 6480 salsburg . 12460 vtrick . 8240 viana . 4520 vean . 340 wormes . 1200 westburg . 2420 cittyes in france . avinion . 12400 amiens . 5200 bullion . 1400 bomont . 800 burdeaux . 8420 calis . 1324 cane . 2147 chalon . 1850 diepe . 1920 lyons . 16840 montruill . 820 monpiller . 5240 marsellis . 9100 nantes . 4420 nemes . 3120 orlians . 10200 orange . 354 paris . 72400 rochell . 4200 roan . 11200 tolonze . 13200 valance . 458 cittyes in italy . bolonie . 12400 florance . 8520 janua . 17200 luca. 1650 legorne . 3560 milan . 18500 napells . 17840 pesa . 2290 padua . 8550 rome . 31200 sena . 1820 venetia . 24870 veterba . 620 valentia . 1520 cittyes in savoy . chambray . 852 salé 320 turin . 8540 nece . 500 st. john de latteran . 420 remes . 340 moloy . 270 cittyes in switserland . berne . 4270 ball. 5120 geneve . 4540 losana . 2100 solure . 500 zurick . 6200 morge . 210 vina . 320 st. morrice . 300 cittyes in denmark . copenhagen . 8220 elsenore .   cittyes in sweedland . northoanen . 600 stockholme , 7500 vpsall . 8200 finis . a brief account of some of the late incroachments and depredations of the dutch upon the english and of a few of those many advantages which by fraud and violence they have made of the british nations since the revolution, and of the means enabling them thereunto. ferguson, robert, d. 1714. 1645 approx. 198 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41163 wing f731 estc r38871 18182558 ocm 18182558 106931 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41163) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 106931) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1123:21) a brief account of some of the late incroachments and depredations of the dutch upon the english and of a few of those many advantages which by fraud and violence they have made of the british nations since the revolution, and of the means enabling them thereunto. ferguson, robert, d. 1714. 71 p. s.n., [london? : 1695] caption title. attributed to robert ferguson by wing and ncu pre-1956 imprints. imprint suggested by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. dated at end: decemb. 28, 1695. page 26 misnumbered as 20. errata: p. 71. imperfect: stained with print show-through; cropped with some loss of print. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. 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do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702. great britain -foreign relations -1660-1714. netherlands -foreign relations -1648-1714. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-08 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-08 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief account of some of the late incroachments and depredations of the dutch upon the english ; and of a few of those many advantages which by fraud and violence they have made of the brittish nations since the revolution , and of the means enabling them thereunto . it may justly astonish , as well as surprize those who give themselves liberty to think , that a nation pretending to so much wit , and good sense ( and that very rightfully ) as the english do , should suffer themselves both in the view , and to the amazement of the world , to be tricked , cheated , and bubbled to the degree they are by the dutch , who were never much esteemed for the greatness and transendency of their understandings , tho' they have been so well known for treachery and fraud , as the peculiar qualities they excell in , and which they have never failed to excercise , and display themselves by , when and where they have had opportunity . for tho' now and then a few individuals may have been found , and still are among them , who for probity and intellectuals , have been , and are secured against this imputation and charge , yet these are the characters , which they have commonly lain under as a state ▪ and to which the generality of that people , have been as meritoriously as commonly entitled . and which tho' most nations have in some measure experienced , who have either had the misfortune to need , or the folly to confide in them ; yet none have so often and so sensibly felt the effects both of their ingratitude and deceit , as we of great brittain have done : whereof it were eas●e to give innumerable instances , since the very first moment , that by a friendly and vast , if not too lavish and improvident an expence of our blood and treasure , they became rescued from the jaws of ruine , vindicated into freedom , and established into a● republick . but that i intend for reasons which any man may penetrate into , to confine the account i am now to give of their fraudulent and rapacious behaviour towards , and the gains they have made of us by tricks and violence , only to that circle and period of time which hath elapsed since the commencement and consummation of the late revolution . and besides all the other influence , this is as well proper as designed to have upon us , if we have not both renounced common reason , and our native country , it may serve not only to awaken us , to a perusal of those many former relations of their treacherous supplanting , and their hostile usurpations , but to give a fresh and raised credit to all those antecedent detections of their villanies , which either thro a strange oscitancy we were willing to forget , or thro the inhumanity of them , too much disinclined to believe . i suppose it is needless now to tell any man that is not qualified for bedlam , tho he be one that hath renounced all revealed religion and moral honesty , and ridiculeth every thing that is superstructed on , or which fasteneth obligation and duty upon us in the vertue of the acknowledgment of those fundamentals : that it was not out of any love to these kingdoms , or for any real concern for what we value and challenge a property in , either as protestants or englishmen , that the states of holland lent their men and ships to the prince of orange , and encouraged his coming with an army into england . alas ! both his conduct and theirs since , do so interfere with those pretences , that it were as easie to reconcile contradictions , as to resolve that undertaking into those motives . and tho i cannot deny it to be very natural to all true hollanders to be furnished with a great deal of assurance , and to claim it as a prerogative entailed upon their country not to blush , as those other climes retain the modesty to do , when they obtrude the most notorious falshhoods upon the faith of mankind ; yet the present tottering and precarious state of the church of england , and the little room it hath in their thoughts , unless it be how to subvert it , as well as the many invasions made upon our laws , rights , and civil liberties , besides the rapines committed upon our trade , and the many guileful arts that have been practised to enslave and impoverish us since the beginning of 1689. have not only refuted , but exposed these state pretences of rescuing us from popery and thraldom , which had been made use of to wheedle us into those crimes , whereof we became guilty thro their delusions , and to prepare us to entertain , and tamely to undergo and suffer the miseries which they had projected to bring upon us . and as the transporting our coin ; the having our seas and merchant ships unprotected ; and the many sham plots upon our lives , as well as the various arts , methods and projects , of worming us out of our estates , shew what we are to expect from dutch-councils , in relation to our persons , property and wealth ; so the cold and disdainful reception commonly reported to have been given lately to those of the conformable clergy at al●hrope , when they went thither to pay their complements , and make their addresses , and where they were not accounted worthy either of a word or a salute , no more than any of those common decencies , which have been customarily vouchsafed to persons of their order , habit and communion , while the dissenters were at the same place , not only welcomed with hat in hand , and entertained with the respect of standing up to them , during the whole time they were attending , but caressed with the tenderest expressions declarative of his love unto , care of and confidence in them , and afterwards treated in an appartment by themselves , with wine and tobacco , and other civilities of the house , with an allotment of some noblemen to bear them company , and to bubble them into court-measures , do more than abundantly testifie under what contempt the established and national church is , thro' the influence of belgick advice , and in complacency to the hogen mogen constitution abroad . which tho it be but the beginning of a just recompence of reward upon your episcopal men for their apostacy , from the doctrine of their church in reference to civil government , and legal governours , yet it both sufficiently proclaims some peoples ingratiude , and intimates what those deluded , credulous , missed ; and revolting clergy-men are to expect , in relation to all those dignities and emoluments they have been advanced unto , and hitherto kept in possession of , by standing laws in preference unto , and contradistinction of all other protestants . and should not that story be so authentick , as it is universally vouched to be ; yet his behaviour upon all occasions towards those of the established church , is so scornful as well as unkind , as abundantly testifies , not only his distrust and hatred of them upon the motives of dutch counsels ; but a design to mortifie their persons , and to alter and subvert the establishment , which our laws do at present give them : nor are the late caballings , animosities and prosecutions against a certain person orn●mented with a george , and a blue ribbon , owing to any other motives , than that he both understands and asserteth the interest of his country , without justifying of , or conniving at dutch encroachments ; and that he has the fortitude to avow himself the advocate and patron of the established ecclesiastical constitution , and who will not be brought to sacrifice at once both our legal worship , and discipline , and the commerce , and treasure of the kingdom , to the pleasure and appetite of our outlandish neighbours ; nor be gained to betray our church and state , to the lust and humour of those court minions , who are gained by bribes and pensions to be brokers and factors for our rivals and underminers , tho at present thro a solecism in speech as well as in politicks , they be stiled our assured and good allies . nor need we any other evidence of the commencement and continuance of the quarrel against the tacitly formentioned nobleman , than the proposals that were made to him by a person of his own order and dignity , about stifling the enmity against him , and that those who are his boldest accusers , and most passionate antagonists , should depart from and deposite their accusations of him , and not only enter into a truce , but into an united and firm friendship with him , provided he would abandon the defence of the church , and joyn with them in promoting an oath of abjuration , both which are the contrivances of the dutch , and the results of councils given at the hague , partly to obviate the revenge they know themselves justly obnoxious unto from king james , should he at any time come to be reestablished ; and partly to kindle a civil war amongst our selves , by which we may be both diverted and disabled from inflicting those punishments upon them hereafter , which they so much deserve , or at least to turn and enflame the king's wrath ( in case he return ) against his own subjects , in hopes thereby to prevent the effects of his resentment against them . and that the quarrel which i have intimated to be raised against this honourable person , is the product of foreign councels , appears not only from the tools , and instruments emba●ked in pursuing of it , who are all of them favourites and partizans of the court , but is made evident beyond all controul from hence ; that when the said noble peer , told his master for news at burford the application that had been made to him , and by whom , and the tenor of it , he found that he was antecedently acquainted with , and possessed of the whole ; which well he might as being in the quality of executioner of belgick advice and measures , both the author and fomenter of the 〈◊〉 , and the projector and instigator of the accomodation and the terms of it . however , we may easily dis●rn from hence , what the whole nation , aswell as single individuals may expect from a dutch king influenced by dutch councils ; when the only person in the kingdom to whom he and they stand most indebted for promoting the revolution , aswell as for former and subsequent favours of the greatest dimensions and importance , is thus singled out to be hunted and run down by clamour and obloquy ; and this not for his crimes against the crown , or for his being the principal person in abdicating of the king , altering the succession , and subverting our hereditary monarchy ; but because that after he had brought us to the altar , he should now demur as to the letting the church annd nation fall victims to dutch malice and avarice . and if we had not been infatuated by bigotry , and made insolently wanton by too much prosperity : and had our intellectual faculties distorted by disloyal malice , we might have easily foreseen and prognosticated , what the infidelity of the dutch would be to the kingdom , by their more than heathenish treachery to the late king ; in that notwithstanding the alliance solemnly contracted and ratified by oath , in which they stood sacredly engaged to observe all terms of amity and friendship with him , yet whilst his majesty relied upon the assurance of that compact and stipulatior ; they did under the cloak and vail of being his confederates , clandestinly contrive the subversion of the throne . and tho they neither then could , nor have had the 〈◊〉 impudence to this day ( albeit not a people accusable for unseasonable modesty , when they can either recurr to weak pretences , or probable fictions for justifying their conduct ) to alledg any matter of just complaint he had given them , and much less any cause of hostile quarrel . yet by a treachery customary to them , but which neither turks nor pagans would have been guilty of ; they both gave eencouragement to the prince of orange , to invade his dominions : and commissioned , and authorized their fleet and troops to support and assist him in doing it . nor did they only perpetrate this treachery towards his majesty in defiance of vengance from heaven , and in contempt of every thing that has been held sacred amongst men , as well as in derision of all those pacts , and agreements upon which the intercourse and peace of nations , and the tranquillity of societies do depend ; but at the same juncture of time in which they were plotting his ruin , and had entered into correspondency and combination with his disloyal subjects , for driving him from his kindoms ; they gave him all the assurance which any prince could desire or expect from a neighbouring state , that they prized his friendship ; and did and would persevere in amity with him ; and that the ships and forces whch they had in a readiness to make a descent into his territories were designed for , and to be employed in affairs wherein he had no concern , and that he neither should nor could receive any prejudice from them , and therefore was not to be allarmed at those preparations : which barbarous as well as guileful behaviour of theirs , tho' we have hitherto overlook't , and not received that warning and instruction from it that such a procedure towards a crowned head , and one to whom by stipulation they were bound to be friends and allies , and who then actually was and still rightfully is the only legal monarch of these kingdoms was adapted , and should have have had efficacy in it to give : yet it is now hoped that the lessons , which experience that is the school-mistress of fools , hath refreshed our memory with , of their inveterate malice to these kingdoms , and of their fraudulent methods to render us poor , impotent and contemptible , will at last awaken us , if not to seek and persue revenge , at least to lay aside our confidence in them , and to give over the wasting our men and treasure , in defence of a perfidious people , who are endeavouring our ruine , as the recompence of all the services we have had , the simplicity , inadvertency and folly , to be rendering them , and in the doing whereof we have made our selves knaves to our country , as well as persevered in obstinate rebellion against the king. nor is it to be doubted , but that after they have seen us , who are their chief and envied rivals in trade impoverished and weakned in the management of this war , into which , in order to those ends they have wheedled and invegled us , under the pretence of humbling curbing and reducing france , they will be the first both to abandon the confederacy , and to unite their forces with those of that monarch , for the consummating of our ruine by power which they have begun and so far promoted by fraud . and that i may not reflect too far backward , nor put my 〈◊〉 upon examining their practices forty or fifty years since ; their behaviour about seventeen years ago towards the emperour , and the king of spain , but especially towards the king of denmark , and the la●e ●●ector of brandenburgh , who had embarked in their assistance , and come to their succour , when they were likely to be totally subdued in that war which they had provoked the french king to enter into against them , anno. 1672. may teach all that help and relieve them , under the firmest and most sacred confederacy , and the high●st assurances of their stedfastness and fidelity in their alliances , what they are to expect from that faithless people , who do always consult and prefer their interest before all the obligations they can be brought under to god or men. the truth whereof , tho' the remonstrances of all those princes do abundantly manifest , which they made unto the states general ; and published to the world , upon the separate peace which the dutch concluded with the king of france , at the treaty of nimeguen , anno. 1678. yet i shall in confirmation of what i have suggested , transcribe and exhibit some part of a pathetick letter written upon that occasion to the said states by the elector of brandenburgh bearing date at postdam , july , 11. 1679. namely , that in the deplorable condition his countries were then in , it is easie to judge ( saith the elector ) whether we have more reason to complain of those who are enemies , and had fallen thus upon him , or of those for whose sake all this happened to him , who instead of giving him the assistance required by treatie , have neglected them and made a separate peace , thereby abandoning as well his as their own affairs , and laying upon him the whole burden of the war , in which he should have had no part had it not been for his desire to help his friends in their misfortunes , as if it were a consolation to their high and mightinesses to see him ( who had endeavoured with all his might to save them from destruction ) as a recompence totally ruined . adding that he had expected an answer to his former letters , and to those memorials given into them by his ministers , in which he had advized them of the dangers that threatned him , and desired their assistance , that so at least , he might have had the comfort to see the concern they had for his misfortune , which he had the more reason to expect , for that it must be fresh in their memories , how in their greatest necessity he hazarded all for them , and preferred their friendship before all the advantageous conditions that were offered him . and therefore that he writes to their high and mightynesses this letter , that they may not think that he tamely digested their unjust proceedings , or quitted the obligation which his alliance with them laid upon them ; but , that as on his part he had alwaies performed his promises and engagements , so he requires the like from them , or in default thereof , satisfaction for the same , and reserveth to himself and his posterity , all the right thereunto belonging . and indeed such has been their perfidiousness , as to the o●sevation of most of ●he treaties wherein they have been engaged ; that should the several princes of europe be provoked at last to resent their infidelity , according to the demerit of it ; they would , instead of choosing to be their allies or confederates , associate and unite to be their revengefull and implacable enemies , nor , till they be condignly punished , for the many repeated violations of their most solemn stipulations , will it prove wise or safe to trust them upon the most sacred security that they can give to kings and nations , by concerted and sworn contracts . for , until then , it will be but a necessary prudence in all those , with whom they seek and endeavour to be in a foederal amity , to ask them as livy tells us the roman senator did the carthaginian ambassadors at the end of the second punick war , when they came to supplicate for a peace , per quos deos foe dus icturi essent ; cum eos per quos ante ictum esset fefellissent ? by what gods they would confirm and ratifie their stipulations ; seeing they had despised the omniscience power and justice of those deities by the invocation of and appeal to whom they stood obliged to the observation of former contracts . but , when they are once so sufficiently chastised for their treacheries and infidelites of this kind , that they can reply as asdrubal at that time did , namely , per eosdem qui tam infesti sunt faedera violantibus . that they will swear their leagues , by the same god who hath taken vengeance of them for their perjury , and their fraudulent violations of former agreements ; then and not before , are they to be trusted and relied upon , by reason and in the vertue of any compacts , covenants and alliances , how solemnly soever sworn and ratified by them . nor , will it be improper or unseasonable for me here , considering the present juncture , and the circumstances we of great brittain are now reduced unto , to put my country men in remembrance that among other of the motives upon which the dutch contrived and promoted the revolution , how that their obviating and preventing the reckoning and account , which king james was about calling them unto , for their wresting bantam by fraud and violence from the english east-india company , was not only one , but that which most influenced that avarous and rapacious republick thereun●o . for , having during our convulsions here , and the many jealousies and misunderstandings which had arisen between the late king charles and his people ( to the begetting and fomenting whereof they had contributed all they could ) guilfuly and ho●tilely wormed us out of , and drove us from thence , where of a large and beneficial trade , therefore to anticipate their being forced to restore what they had unrighteously usurped by deceit and power ; and to avoid making satisfaction for the dishonour they had therein done unto the crown ; as well as to decline repairing the injury they had done to the east india company and to the whole kingdom ; they came with warmth and readiness into the design of invading these kingdoms , and of supplanting his majestie 's throne . i suppose it needless to repeat , how they had elu●ded all the applications made unto them by king charles his ministers , in reference to that affair ; and how they delayed and evaded giving satisfaction to the east india company , during the time that remained of his reign , after that usurpation , tho often required and demanded of them , both by his majesty's envoys , and by the deputies and agents of the company . nor will i so far reflect upon the memory of that prince , as to assign the reasons why they came to treat him with so much superciliousness and neglect , in that and other concerns as they did ; seeing , besides the too great encouragement they had to it from somthing in his own constitution and temper , they were embold'ned thereunto by the mutinous humour , that was then predominant in many of his subjects ; and by the great and unaccountable divisions which were arisen between those who were stiled the court and country factions . but , finding that his royal brother king james , who , on his decease rightfully ascended the throne was not a prince that bore that careless respect to his own honour , to the reputation of his kingdoms , and to the prosperity of his subjects ; as to digest the aforementioned affront , injustice and injury , with the tameness that king charles had done ; and that he carried not that indifferency to his peoples welfare , and to the traffick of the nation ; as for a private gratuity , either to connive at , or to forgive a wrong done to the meanest of those under his protection and government ; and much less an o●fence of so heinous a nature , committed not only against the chief trading society of the kingdom ; but to the obstruction and loss of a commerce , by which all his people received considerable profit and advantage : they thereupon , by a violation and contempt of the obligatoriness and sacredness of leagues , both encouraged all the seditious and disloyal here ; aswel to rebel against , and revol● from the king , as by clamou●s and ryots to disturb the tranquillity of his reign : and they took hold of , and encouraged the prince of orange's , ambition , whom pride had disposed and prepared to despise and transgress all the laws of god , and to trample upon all the constitutions of nations for the gaining of a crown ; whose aspiring haughtiness they resolved , in that matter to gratifie , in order to the supporting themselves in the quiet enjoyment , of what they had treacherously , unjustly and rapaciously seised . and , accordingly they lent unto , and furnished him with a great part of their army and navy to enable him , in conjunction with the traitors that were here at home , to drive the king both from his throne and dominions . and , had not the people of england been at that time strangely infatuated by bigottry , and made uncapable by their disloyalty , of all just and rational thinking and arguing ; they might from the forementioned depradation of the dutch upon us in the business of bantam , have very easily foreseen and have naturally concluded , how far they would usurp upon cheat and rob us afterwards , when they should come to obtain one of their own complexion and mould , as well as of belgick birth , education , authority and inheritance , to be chosen and advanced to reign over us . nor is it unworthy of remark , how far in this very matter his being a dutchman , hath made him for these seven years last past , live in a continual forgetfulness of the justice he oweth to the nation , upon the foot and foundation of being stiled our king. for whereas both the belgick east-endia companies , and the states general had before the revolution made and sent overtures of giving satisfaction , and had offered a vast summ of money , in expiation of that crime , and for repairation of the injury they had done us in the case so often mentioned , we have not dared since to pretend unto , or claim the least compensation for that wrong , and much less to be so presumptuous , as to require to be re-established there again ; tho according to the modern methods of merit , and the ways and means which recommended people most distinctively to the new monarch ; this kingdom hath deserved as much of his highness for perjuring themselves , in order to serve and oblige him , as the dutch have done by the violation of their treaties . nay ! whereas they broke their alliances , upon the motives of in●erest , and have found their advantage in their perjurious treacheries : we by rendering our selves forsworn , in departing from our allegi●●●● , have only gained the being wholy shut out from that which we had both so good a right unto , and were in so near and assured prospect of recovering . so that all which , by co-operating unto , and concurring in the revolution falls to our share , is the acquiring the preheminence of a double character , namely that of fools , as much as that of knaves , whilst our belgick neighbours are content to acquiesce in the single one of being villains , and that chosen and submitted unto for their gain , and not for their loss . but the english being esteemed naturally a generous sort of people , may possibly think it but congruous to that opinion which men have commonly had of them , that when they have so wilfully done all they can by their late practices to forfeit heaven , to part with , resign and contemn the world also , and not to be like the avaritious , covetous dutch , who are indeed willing enough to renounce and disclaim their portion in the former , but then it is with a proviso of bartering it away for the later , which they take to be a cunning and wise exchange . and , all men must grant that more is to be said in their favour and for the extenuation of their folly , who would not choose damnation , but for the obtaining of wealth , than can be reasonably said of those , that not only give themselves over to eternal wrath , gratis ; but , who choose to pay dear for , it and to be robbed of their liberties and estates , that they may superarrogate for hell ; and be the better entitled and have the more deserving right to future vengeance . yet , i ought not to omit mentioning one thing which falls to our lot even in this world ; as the reward of having purchased the name , guilt and infamy of rebells , at the expence of our wealth and traffick , and of all we were happy for at home , and reputable for abroad ; namely , that the cap and coat , which were heretofore only the enclosure and peculiar of a few ; ought now and henceforward , to be the common badges , habit and dress of most of the kingdom , and especially of our westminster senators . to what i have already said , i will add in the next place , that our electing the prince of orange king , hath not only emboldned the dutch both to detain from us what they formerly usurped , and to make fresh encroachments upon us in all parts of the world , as well as in all things ; but they plead●● it as a ground authorising them so to do , and improve it as a mean to facilitate countenance and promote the depradations , which they do since commit upon us . for not to look nearer home . asia and africa can witness how they triumph over and insult us , in those remote parts of the universe ; representing us a poor , feeble and dastardly people , over whom they have constituted their servant a monarch , and thereby reduced us unto the condition of a province , tributary unto and depending on the hollanders . now the material part of this harangue being too true , tho not in all the formal circumstances in which they relate it , they thereupon not only themselves hector us , and withdraw and alienate the natives of those countries from valuing us as they were formerly wont to do ; but having diminished our esteem and reputation among them ; they do consequently , baffle and worm us out of our trade in all those parts . and , as the taking one from among them to be our king , who had no rightful title to be so ; and his having been their , and still being no more than an honourable a servant and dignifi'd minister of that republick ; gives a speciousness to what they say and alle●dg of this kind , among illiterate and credulous people : so , his having made a descent into this kingdom with a war like fleet and military land power of their preparation and supply ; and having since his election to the thrones of these kingdoms , assumed the confidence to publish by his mercenary scriblers , as well as to assert by severall others of his sychophant pensioners , that his title over us is founded and established in conquest ; and that he hath a right to rule over us , as so many subdued vassals , gives a kind of moral certainty to language of that nature ; where the methods , arts and tricks of his coming to the imperial crown of these kingdoms are not known and understood . for tho under the influence and conduct of madness , distraction and folly , we have invited and advanced a dutch prince to be our king. antecedently to our waiting the time he might possibly in right have come to have been so : yet , it deserves our warmest and most angry resentments , to hear that the hollanders boast and glory in their having imposed such a one upon us . nor can we vindicate our selves from the disgrace and reproach , until we have both renounced him , and severely chastised them , for the insolency of pretending to have done it . but alas ! should we overlook this allegation , which proceedeth merely from boorish pride : and their being bred in mosses and quagmires , there are many other advantages accruing unto them , by the establishment of the prince of orange upon the english throne , that both heartned them unto , and afforded them proper and natural means of encroaching upon , impoverishing and supplanting us : which they neither do , nor will ever fail effectually to improve , according to those respective tendencies that they lie in to our damage and to their profit . whereof the first that i shall name is this . that whereas the sole power of issuing out edicts and plac●ats , is intirely lodged in the states general , without their being either obliged to consult their stadtholder , or his being vested with any power to controul them in what they publish : the only authority of ordaining and emitting declarations and proclamations , is placed in this dutch prince and belgick stadtholder , by vertue of the right made inherent in him , on the foot of our having elected him king. for , as all the priveledg appertaining to our privy council is only to advise him ; but not to club with him in an authoritative power ; so it appears by too many modern presidents , that few of those that are members there , have the integrity and fortitude to contradict him in what he has a mind to publish ; and that his pleasure is sufficient reason with most of them to concur , and with others not to be so rude and unmanderly as to oppose him , but silently to acquiesce . and should some be so bold , as at any time to express their dissent ; the most part have that dependance upon him , in respect of pensions , offices and other gainful places , that he is alwaies sure to have the majority of the board to joyn with him in what he would have done . so that whensoever the dutch do emit what edicts they please , in subserviency to the interest of their provinces , preclusive of any consideration of these kingdoms , and to their sensible prejudice : our monarch by his interest in , and oath and obligation unto them as their stadtholder , must not only approve as well as connive at what is prejudicial to great brittain ireland ; and the dominions thereunto belonging ; but must concur and co●operate in the execution of what their high and mightinesses have thought fit to ordain . to which , should i under this head subjoin , how that while the states of the united netherlands , do retain fully and wholy in themselves , the right of making peace and war ; the jurisdiction of constituting ministers to foreign princes and states ; the power of repealing old , and the enacting new laws &c. and this exclusively of the prince of orange's having the least authoritative concernment in any of these matters : at the same time , this gentle man hath under the notion and quality of being our king , not only a negative upon all parliamentary bills ; but the sole power of nominating and appointing ambassadors and envoys &c. and the whole right and jurisdiction of making war or peace : on which respective differences of his power there and here ; should i insist and enlarge , answerable to the weight and merit of those particulars ; it might be made appear what vast advantages the dutch have of and over us upon all these accounts ; and how they became thence furnished with means of ruining , as well as of weakning and supplanting us in all wherein we are interested , either at home or abroad . not that i would have the forementioned prerogatives , which by our constitution and laws , stand vested in our monarchs , withdrawn and pillaged from the crown . seeing not only without them our supream rulers would immediatly cease to be kings , and be reduced to no better condition than that of doges of venice ; but because it is necessary for the good and safety of the subjects , as well as for the strength and glory of the government , that they should remain inseparably setled where they are . but all that i would insinuate is , that it is inconsistent with the prosperity of these nations , to have one and the same person allow'd and continued to be our king , and yet to remain at the same time stadtholder of the belgick provinces . nor do i need to enumerate , much less to demonstrate the many prejudices and mischiefs , which must unavoidably attend our being thus postur'd and stated ; in that they not only lie obvious to persons of the meanest understandings , who give themselves liberty to think ; but , because we have already felt and experience●d many of them in divers and repeated instances . and therefore , i shall only make this reflexion upon , and deduction from what hath been suggested ; namely , that the dutch and we being so differently circumstanced , by reason of the discrepant relations which the prince of orange stands in to us and to them , there an absolute and indispensible necessity , that he renounce being their stadtholder , or cease to be our king. it being impossible for him , with justice and equality , to discharge the duties of both , to nations whose interests are so irreconcilable , as well as different , a● ours and theirs are known to be . and seeing his first and natural , a● well as legitimate tyes are to them , and that their humors are agreeable , and their concernments interwoven : it will be the wisdom as much as it is the duty of these nations to return and remit him back to them , to whom we have found him so partially link'd in his affections , and so intirely swallow'd up , in promoting their separate and particular designs , as in recompence of the honour we have bestowed upon him ; the services which we have done , and the treasure we have wasted to support his ambition , and gratifie him in the upholding and carrying on an unjust and destructive war ; to sacrifice and offer us up as victims to their insolency and covetousness . for it is apodictically evident ; that thro his having so much power here , and so little there , we are only properties and a prey to the hollanders ; and that it lies within their circle to encroach upon us , as much as they please , and to undermine and baffle us what they will in all our concerns ; so it is no less apparent that by his countenancing , encouraging and protecting of them in their treacheries , rapines , and depradations , we both are , and must be left without relief , shelter and defence , while we remain so stupid and sottish as to continue him on the throne . nor are they merely accommodated with means of impoverishing , depopulating and ruining us , by having thro english folly and dutch wheedle , obtained their belgick stadtholder to be elected and advanced to sit upon our throne ; but they are farther impower'd to accomplish all those ends upon us , thro having so many of their countrymen received into our councils , established over our troops employed by the crown of england into foreign courts , and dignify'd with those titles and honours in virtue whereof they sit in the supream court of parliament , and have a vote both in the enacting and repealing our laws , and in adjudging causes which arrive before that high court of judicature en dernier resort . it would afford too much matter fo● satyr , as well as for piquancy , to find the chief honours and dignities of the kingdom so ignominiously debased and prostituted , as to be lavishly bestowed upon outlandish men , who have neither birth nor merit to entitle them thereunto ; but who receive them as the compensations of their master's gratitude for qualities and meanesses in them , and services performed to him , which it would be offensive to persons either of religion or of moral vertue , to have them mention'd . and the conferring english grandeurs upon so worthless people ; and that upon so vile motives as these have been granted , will in a little time render those titles and dignities , which used heretofore to be the rewards of distinguishing worth and vertue , and the signatures of the innocent and just favour of our princes to those that deserved meritoriously of them and of their country , to be more scorn'd and despis'd than the order of the star is now in france , where it is become a disgrace to receive it , and is wholy grown obsolete and disus'd , since lewis the xi . splitting the collar , which was the mark of , and gave investiture in it about the neck of the captain of the night-watch or of the constable , who is therefore called chevalier du guet . nor can any acquainted either with our own , or with foreign histories , be ignorant how unacceptable and disgustful outlandish men have been to natives and what fatal mischiefs they have brought first upon the people , then upon the prince , and at last upon themselves , where they have been raised to superlative dignities , and placed at the head of affairs . which , without travelling abroad for examples to confirm , we may find sadly verify'd in the lives of henry iii. and edward ii. and it would be prudent in benting , if he would consider the fate and destiny of gaveston and spencer whereof our histories can inform him ; as likewise of the monopoly which they made of the ears and authority of our princes ; and of the mischiefs which they occasioned to the people . and then for dutch and outlandish officers , as the advancing them over the english troops is a disgrace to the kingdom , and the diminution of the honour that belongeth to the crown of england , and giveth general dissatisfaction to the subjects ; so it is an affront put upon the parliament , and a ridiculing as well as a despising of the address made to the prince of orange , feb. 18 , 1692. by the house of lords , wherein they desire , that the chief commander of the english forces under his majesty , should be a subject born in his majestie 's dominions , to which he gave answer , that he would consider of it , but hath all along since done in this , as in every thing else , namely , treated the councel of peers , with neglect and scorn , and left the brittish soldiers not only under the command of forreigners as their supream officers , but to be insolently insulted over by them ▪ but , to wave many reflections , which the particulars now mentioned , are liable to have made upon them , i shall only observe in what subse●viency these things ly to our being ruined by the dutch , and what improvement they have already made of them to that purpose . for by having batavians in our councils , they are not only made acquainted with all the secrets of the board , relating either to state or trafick , but they have those present there , who will countermine as well as betray them , if they be not calculated and adapted to a dutch interest and design . and whence was it that our east india company came to be so long neglected in all the applications they made to the great man at kensington , but that the hollanders were to be encou●aged and assisted in the supplanting and and worming them them out of that opulent trade , and have time vouchsafed them for doing of it . yea , the late seisure of so many of their ships , which were the richest that ever were fraught from thence to england ; by which both the nation is so much impoverished as well as depriv'd and pillaged of those commodities which it stood so greatly in need of , and that society vastly sunk in their stock as well as reputation , if it were pursu'd to the original and true source of it , will be found to have proceeded from the treachery of dutch ministers in our councils , and from their hired and brib'd pensioners , who gave information to holland , whence it became betrayed and discovered to the french , at what ports in ireland the company had order'd their ships to put in , till they might be furnished with a convoy to protect them home . and that passage in the late speech to both houses , novemb. 23. that they would have a regard to the east india trade , least it should be lost to the nation ; was only to cover the treachery , and to prevent its being enquired into . and it lies so much under every ones prospect , that it needs only be pointed at and not insisted upon , how much the dutch stand advantag'd to endamage us by their having the same benting qualify'd to sit in the house of lords , under the character of an english peer ▪ in which capacity , abstracting from the influence he has over his master , to sway and determine him to put a negative upon such bills as may be prepared there and in the house of commons to skreen us from belgick encroachments and rapines , he is capable sometimes by his own single vote , and often so by the many proxies , which some ●hro fear , others thro flattery and many in order to court a place and preferment , do lodg with him to get those bills thrown out , which were either introduced there by some generous peer that loves his country ; or framed and sent up thither by the house of commons for their lordships concurrence , in order to protect our trade , preserve our constitution , and to prevent the slavery , as well as the poverty which the dutch seek to have overthrown , and wish and endeavour to have us reduced unto . nor was there ever a good bill formed upon the design of being a fence about our lives , liberties and estates , whether it began in the upper house , or came conveyed thither from the lower since the revolution , which this gentleman raised to the honour of peerage , by a merit singular and peculiar to himself , hath not both given his own vote , and if occasion was applied , all the right , authority and power vested in him by proxies , for the casting it out and the rejecting of it . to which , under this head i shall only briefly add : that it is no less than an avowed and visible betraying both of the honour and interest of england to the dutch , to employ a batavian under a character derived from the crown of england , to any foreign king or state about brittish affairs and concerns . and for any one stiling himself king of england , to appoint a dutch man amhassador or envoy to any court in europe , can be upon no other motive than of sarificing the concernments of england , in that court and country , to the pleasure and profit of the hollanders ; seeing we want not men of quality , sense and merit of our own , to be sent abroad under those characters . and yet this belgick prince , now set over us , and whom our wise senators have accustomed themselves to call their and our most gracious king , values himself upon treating us after this rate , as appears by his interposing in the vindicating , justifying and protecting of myn heer schonenberg at madrid , whom in his letters to the king and court of spain , he calls his ambassador . and according resents the driving him out of that city , as a violation of the rights and laws of nations ; tho it was for crimes that any other prince besides ours , would have chastised and not have defended him . nor does the privelege belonging to the character he bears , give him security by any laws in reference to the cause for which he was insulted , from being as justly as he was ignominiously dealt with . nevertheless , this belgick prince hath espoused and pushed the vindication and defence of this dutch heer so far , as to have forbid the spanish ambassador to present any memorial , or to appear at court , till he hav● satisfaction given him in reference to that batavian , whom he hath the indiscretion and confidence , in the view and face of the world , to stile an ambassador from the crown of england . and , were the wheedle of rescuing nations from popery and slavery , as proper to influence the subjects of his catholick majesty ; and to pervert them from the allegience to their monarch , as they did the weak and credulous people of these kingdoms ; this prince errant , who not only fancieth himself another hercules , born and raised up to tame monsters ; but one divinely commissioned to give laws to all nations , and to trample on crowned heads , and wrest sc●ptres out of the hands of kings ; he would embark speedily with his dutch janizaries for cadiz , to drive his catholick majesty out of spain , as he did the king of great brittain from his dominions ▪ in the mean time , the fraud to which this schonenberg was accessary , and the insolence he was guilty of towards the king of spain , shews the prince of orange's skill in the choice of his ministers to be employed abroad under publick characters ; and how well qualified this dutch man was for being constituted the ambassador of the king of england : seeing it is most certain , that as dutch stadtholder , he could not give that title , nor the powers belonging to it . but is not england in the mean time , in a safe and fine condition , to have all the affairs of the kingdom , that are to be transacted by a person vested with that character , in the only nation and court of europe where we have now most to do , and are most embarkt in commerce and traffick , and where our concernments do chiefly lie ▪ to be not only trusted in the hands , and put under the care and conduct of a dutch man ; but of one whom the hollanders themselves have given the same stile and appendant powers unto , for the management of what appertains to them both in the way of state and trade ? to whom we may be not only sure that he will be truer than to us , but that it was intended by the prince of orange , he should be so . and should any be so foolishly favourable as to entertain a better construction of his highness's intentions ; yet it is demonstrable that nature and interest will be prevalent in most men , especially in a hollander , above duty and obligation . accordingly , mr. stanhop who is both an english man and sent from hence to reside there in the quality of william's envoy , is not only sensible of the affront done to himself , thro a dutch man's being authorised under a higher cha , racter , to meddle at that court in brittish concerns ; but of the injury done to the kingdom by reason of that hollander's sacrificing them to a belgick interest . so that by this conduct of the gentleman at kensington , the sheep are committed to the wolves to keep ; and the guards allotted for our defence , are placed upon us in order to assassinate us. nay , at other courts , and particularly at the hague , where he pretends to employ english men , under the character of envoys and ambassadors from this kingdom : he trusts none of them in the great affairs and concerns of state which are transacted in that court ; but useth them only in complements , trifles and baggatells ; or at most , in receiving and delivering such letters as are of no importance . witness , among others , my lord dursly , whom i do therefore name , because , he is both a person , who for honour , prudence and good sense , is qualified to discharge the duties of a publick minister in any court whatsoever ; and is one who preserves that regard to his country and to his own dignity and reputation , that he would neither be accessary to see the nation betrayed , nor silently connive at it , and whom therefore tho the prince of orange kept a great while at the hague , under a publick character from hence , yet he was let into none of the secrets , nor trusted in the management of the weighty affairs of state ; which were agitated and adjusted between our belgick king , and those who have assumed to themselves the haughty stile of high and mighty lords , and in whose hands is the administration of the government of the seven provinces , in all things relative to peace , war , traffick and commerce . nor , is it matter of wonder or surprize , that he treats those english with disdain as well as reservedness , whom he pretends to employ under publick characters abroad , seeing the ministers who are supposed to be at the head of affairs at home , and who are believed to be admitted into all the secrets of the government , are made acquainted with very little , previous to it's coming to be 〈◊〉 , but then they whom he did not think worthy to be his councellors , tho they bear the name , are called upon and set at work as his tooles , to see that performed which only himself and his minion benting , and may be one certain person more , who is in credit with him for having formerly betrayed unto him both his master and the kingdom , had debated and resolved upon . yet those whom he calls his principal secretaries of state , signifie no more , nor make no better figure in the most important and weighty matters , than that of little and servile commis ; which one of these so resented heretofore , that he surrendered his post and withdrew from business , but being tempted with the profits , salaries and perquisites of the place , and allured by a lofty title , and a blew ribon , and likewise flattered with the hopes that were given him of being otherwise , and more honourably dealt with for the future , he hath reassumed it again , but meets with the same reasons , and has the same cause given him of abandoning it afresh , as he pretended to have for his deserting it before . but mo●eover , besides all these advantages ; the dutch are possessed for the undoing us , thro the interest they have in their stadtholder , and our brittish king ; or by reason of the services which a hollander can do them to our prejudice by being constituted ambassador o● envoy from the crown of england to foreign courts ; or , by vertue of the capacity that benting is in to betray us , and to be useful unto them and promote their separate designs and undertakings , by the room he filleth both in our council and senate house ; as well as by the post of special access and favour which he enjoyeth about his master : this same gentleman , benting , who is the minion and darling of our monarch for familiarities and privacies which i blush to mention , has granted unto him as well as assumed the whole superintendency of the kingdom of scotland & governs it intirely by his creatures , who are the only persons there trusted with the administration , and to whom he gives such measures , in reference both to the legislative and to the executive part of the government in that kingdom , as may best quadrate with the benefit of holland , and prove most disserviceable to the prosperity of england . witness among many other things , the new erecting of a scotch east india company , and the terms and immunities upon which it is established , whreof i shall discourse hereafter having now briefly detected and declared the known perfidious and encroaching temper of the dutch nation ; what awak'ning examples and premonitions we had antecedently to the revolution , to fear and expect their dealing treacherously and rapaciously with us , should we have the folly and madness as to trust them , and of which means and advantages they became thereby possessed , for encroaching upon and undermining us in all our concernments . i shall proceed in the next place to discover and lay open , some of those many methods , ways and instances wherein since that time , they have committed depradations upon us , and made us both the tooles of their sel●ish and ambitious designs , and the prey of their malice , craft and avarice . and the granting away such large estates ▪ and the settleing such ample inheritances upon some individuals of the dutch nation , may be just●y accounted a robbery perpetrated upon the kingdom , and a plundering of the crown and people , to enrich both those persons upon whom those la●ds are bestowed , and the whole belgick republick , which is not only made opulent , by this accruing wea●th of its particular subjects , but whither the profits and emoluments of those estates are carried and transported . for not to insist upon the vast summes of mony which many of that people have acquired here , in the way of salaries , gifts and bribes since the prince of orange made a descent into this kingdom , and which they have conveyed and transmitted thither , to the enriching that common-wealth as well as themselves ; how many noble real estates have been conferr'd upon and vested in them . and to omit the many other alienations of lands from the crown ; and the ravishment of ancient freeholds and inheritances from divers of of the subjects of these dominions that have been lavishly bestowed upon your ginkles and your rovignies , the later of whom besides the grant of the title and honour of lord viscount galloway , has the estate of sir patrick trant given unto him , which has been represented and is held worth three thousand pounds sterling . annually ; and the former is not only created earle of athlone , but has the estate of the earle of limerick , as likewise that of the lord baron of stone conferred upon him , of which the last , is reckoned to be , at least , worth two thousand five hundred pounds per ann. and the first , three thousand pounds yearly . but , i shall only take notice , and think it proof enough of what i have suggested , of the large grants made to benting of the lands at theobalds , and of the lordships of denbigh land , bromfield and yale in the county of denbigh : and which a●e not only given unto him from the crown for a certain term of years , or merely during his master's life ; but are disposed aw●y and alienated for ever to him and his heirs . for the dutch gentleman knowing his own invaluable , tho secret merits ; and how and in what manner he had debased and prostituted himself to deserve of his highness , by accommodating and serving him in his unnatural pleasures , thought that if mrs. villars , for gratifying him in his lusts in a more natural way albeit not a lawful , hath merited the gift of the king's lands in ireland , which without another revolution , or a resumption of them by act of parliament , will come at last to be worth twenty thousand pounds per ann. to her and her posterity : he might well pretend unto , and claim something more considerable , as having contracted a higher guilt , and submitted to a worse infamy for the purchasing of it , than she is believed to have done . and therefore not being contented with lands of theobalds , which were bestowed upon him soon after the prince of orange was advanced into a condition and capacity of making grants and alienations of that kind ; and of which he has made large improvements , and raised vast summes from thence by sales and otherwise , to the wonderful wrong and damage of all those that had leases of and tenant right in them , from and under the late duke of albemarle , to whose father they were judged a very royal and valuable recompence , for the noble service he did , in retrieving and re-establishing the government upon its ancient legal bottom ; the restoring the late king charles to his rightful and hereditary soveraignity , and for re-estating these kingdoms in the peaceable possession of their laws and liberties : i say . that not being satisfied with this ample donative and gift , he hath lately begged of king william the other lands i have mentioned , and hath had them granted unto him without the least regard to the right of the crown , the property of the prince of wales , the laws of this kingdom , or to the interest which some hundreds of persons have more or less in them , of which acquisition on benting's part and alienation on william's , it will not be amiss to inlarge a little , that we may the better discern , and come the more sensibly under the impression , both of the despotical and unlimimited absoluteness which the usurper and his minions challenge over us ; and of the slavish state and tenure we are reduced unto , of having our estates wrested from us and given away , to what degree , measure and proportion one dutch man shall have the impudence to demand , and the other the insolency and tyranny to grant. for , if we look into the extent and largeness of this grant ; it is the giving away no less than the dominion and property of five parts of six of one entire county ; which as it is too great a power and inheritance for any foreign subject to possess and inherit : so it may hereafter prove unsafe for the government , to have so numerous a people made subject unto , and dependant on him : seeing it is of that vast dimension , and ample jurisdiction , that near fifty mean lordships hold of those mannors , and above fifteen hundred freeholders are tenants there to the king , and thereby obliged unto him under a particular allegiance , besides that which they ow him in the quality , and on the foot of their being his subjects . and it is so particular a revenue anciently vested in the prince of wales , that it cannot legally , and according to the customs , constitution and laws of england be alienated from him . and therefore , upon the creation of a prince of wales , there are upon the right of tenure under him , and of tenancy unto him , mises of eight hundred pounds payable to the said prince . nor is it unworthy of remark , that in the preamble of the statute of the 21. jac. cap. 29 , it was brought into doubt and questioned , whether charles the first that was then prince of wales and duke of cornwal , whom the statute declares to have an inheritance in both , tho under special limitation , could let or rent leases for three lives or any longer than his own : and it is there declared that he could not unless such leases were confirmed in parliament . and the reason is , because upon want of a prince of wales , that inheritance becomes immediatly vested in the crown . so that if the prince of wales himself , who has an inheritance in that revenue , cannot grant estates out of it for any longer than his own life , without the consent and authority of parliament ; it demonstratively follows , that the prince of orange , who by the very title that he possesseth the crown , hath at most , only an estate in it for his own life ; cannot grant away and alienate it , without the consent of both houses of parliament declared in and by a formal and express statute . to which i will presume to add , that in case of a failure of a prince of wales , it doth not settle in the crown as a propriety ▪ but as an usufructuary ▪ till a prince of wales be created , to whose creation that revenue is annexed , by those words in our law , to him and his heires who shall be kings of england . nor was there ever a disposal or alienation of that estate from the crown , save when queen elizabeth who was as much the idol as she was called the protectoress of her people , ventured to grant it unto and bestow it upon the earle of leicester ; but that both occasioned such an insurrection and rebellion and was likely to raise and continue such a civil war in the kingdom , that leicester was glad both to depart from all pretence of claim that was made unto him by that grant , and quietly to resign it ; and the queen , who wanted neither spirit to assert her legal rights and prerogatives , nor interest in the affections of her subjects , for support and justification of them , was joyful to put an end to those intestine divisions and troubles , b● reassuming those lands to the crown , where they have ever since continued . nor can a rightful and heredita●y king of england even in the case , and on the s●pposal that there were no prince of wales , legally alienate and give away those lands from the crown ; seeing they are no otherwise vested in it , than in trust to be preserved forth coming to the use , profit and honour of such a prince when there comes to be one , and at what time he is created and declared . and therefore in and by the very statute of charles ii. which gave power as well as liberty for the sale and disposal of the fee farm rents , there is a particular and express exception of the forementioned welch rents , tho there was then no prince of wales , nor any prospect that there would be one of that king's body : which plainly imported , that the parliament took the welch revenue nor to be alienable . much less then can the prince of orange , that hath no hereditary right to the crown , but hath only obtained it by the illegal and merely pretended choice of the people , which is in other terms , to have usurped it ; and who by the very act of settlement , has but an estate for life in the possession of it , grant away the inheritance and absolute fee of the principality of wales . for , it is no less an absurdity in law to say that a tenant for life can grant a fee , than to say , that a tenant in fee can grant no more than for a life . but it appears that that tho the power of a lawful king , and of a legitimate prince of wales , be limited and restrained within the precincts of law ; yet that the power of an usurper is boundless and unconfined . however , it is no way incongruous , that he who has violently snatched his father in law and uncle's crown from his head , and drove him from his dominions , should also take upon himself to grant away and alienate the inheritance of his cousin , and to disinherit him of it . but why doth he not as well make benting prince of wales , as to give him the revenue of that principality ? seeing he may as lawfully , and by the same measures of justice do the first , as he has done the last . and no doubt but that as he hath inclination to it , we may also live to see it done , if he can but once emerge out of the present war , and thereupon bring over from the continent , a numerous and triumphant outlandish army to support and protect him in his usurpation and tyranny , and make us with tameness and decency wear our chains . in the mean time , considering the depopulaation and poverty which thro a long and costly war , the nation is already reduced unto , we may make this reflection upon , and this inference from the prodigality of our belgick king to his dutch minion and to his outlandish janizaries , viz. that it can be done upon upon no other design than to gratifie the commo-nwealth of holland , and to raise them to an ascendency of wealth and power over us . for had he the least rega●d to the welfare of england , he would blush to ask such immense summs of the parliament , when he is alienating and disposing away the standing revenues of the crown to his whores and burda●●●● for how can we imagin that any thing should be held needful to be levied of the people , if it were not in subse●viency to an outlandish interest ; when we see not only those lands that are pretended to be forfeited , but those ancient inheritances that the sovereign and royal family should subsist upon , squander'd away upon little foreigners , which were bred and heretofore accustomed to live upon the fragments of their master's table . surely we may expect from the justice and wisdom of this parliament ; that before they empty the purses of those they represent , they will enquire how the revenues vested in the crown are bestowed and applyed . for whatsoever usurpers may dare to do , in wasting the treasure and inheritance of the throne by buildng palaces , and furnishing them splendidly at loo , and for making indorsements on the posteriour parchments of those i have mentioned . our natural and lawful kings never used to demand succours of their subjects , till they had exhausted themselves , and disbursed their whole revenue in the service , and for the protection of their people . nor is there any thing more frequently met with , and better known in our law , than that there have been acts of resumption of former grants and donations from the crown , whensoever the nation has been engaged in an expensive war , and the people have groaned under large taxes . and as this is the first original of the kind , that ever we had experience of in this kingdom , and for which we are indebted to holland ; so i hope , that after our deliverance from a belgick prince . we shall have no copy of it ; or that any king hereafter will make alienations of lands from the crown , when he is under necessities of demanding aids of his people , for his support and assistance in wars wherein he may come to be engaged , to which i will only add , that under all those lavish and squandring wasts and consumptions of our prince upon dutch , for closet and chamber services ; he hath not only been narrow and parcimonious enough , but niggardly and highly ungrateful to the english ; because it could not benefit holland . whereof among others , talmash that is dead , and old danby who is alive ▪ are known instances ; tho they served him both in policy and war , and contributed farther to his exaltation to the throne , and to the keeping him in it , than thousands of his country-men were capable of doing ; and especially beyond what the chocolate and carpet gentleman i have been speaking of had either courage or brain to attempt . in recompence whereof , instead of any lands , and much less those of the crown ; the one was sent and abandoned to be killed by the french , but murthered by the english abroad ; and the other is forsaken , given up and sacrificed at ●●me , to the old envy and bigotted rage of his enemies . but whereas what i have now represented may seem to issue only in the enriching a few hollanders , at our loss and expence ; and not to amount to the benefit and advantage either of the community of that people , or of those states , unless secondarily and after several removes ; i shall therefore advance to the laying open and displaying , wherein to our vast and infinite damage we are bubbled out of our money and treasure , and made a prey to that republick , thro the large sums daily allotted and paid them out of our exchequer . nor is the way wherein it is done such a mistery as needs accuracy of parts , and great penetration to comprehend it , seeing it cannot escape proving demonstratively obvious to every one , who will give himselfe leave to consider how many of the dutch troops , and of those that constitute their particular quota , are upon the english establishment , and paid with english mony : for as if it had not been enough to have been guilty both of that prodigal folly , and that treasonable crime of giving them at one time six hundred thousand pounds , as a pretended re-imbursment of the charge and expence they alleadged they had been at in sending their fleet and army hither , upon the motives as they had the hypocrisy and impudence to say , and we the simplicity and lunatism to believe , of rescuing us from popery and slavery , but as appears by the event , for introducing atheism , thraldom and poverty ; we did not only over and above that , maintain and pay their whole army here for a considerable time , but have had ever since six or seven holland regiments upon english establishment , and both maintained with good english mony , and at the proportion of our pay , which is larger then they allow to those troops which remain under their own establishment . sure it might have been thought sufficient , and would be so by any prince , save this dutch one , who inwardly hates us , and by all the methods of his administration seeketh and pursueth our ruine , that besides the raising and maintaining the largest body of brittish troops , that has for many ages been imployed upon the continent , and over and above the charges we are at in assisting and relieving the duke of savoy , and on those particular forces , which are on english pay in piedmont , we should be at the expence of purchasing , subsisting and paying all the danes , most of the hess , many of the lunenburgh , and divers of the swiss , and some of the brandenburgh forces that are now in the confederate army in flanders ; but that after all this prodigal ▪ expence , which tho it may possibly give us the reputation of a rich , yet will not even with our allies themselves acquire us the credit of a wise nation ; we should be so ridiculously silly as to beare and defray the whole charge of so many regiments belonging directly to the dutch , and who being entirely under the authority and command of the states general , and of the belgick provinces , will in reward of our indiscreet and wastful liberality to them , be ready to invade us and to cut our throats whensoever their masters the high and mighty lords , and their dutch stadtholder shall require them to do it . and tho it may seem a paradox to soft-headed unthinking people , yet it is a measured and certain truth ▪ that as all the confederates give not one moyety of what is both necessary , and applyed to the upholding and carrying on of this war ; so scarcely a moyety of that which is granted and raised as the share and quota of england is disbursed and laid out upon our troops . but it is either bestowed in the hireing foreign princes to continue in this united and conjunct alliance ; or in the paying outlandish forces , who being ready to starve in their own countries , will serve the devil , or the mogull for mony ; or it is lavished away in reproachful gratuities upon minions under the notion of being expended for private service , as indeed it is , tho for a criminal and villainous one ; or it is disposed in the bribing members of parliament to betray the trust reposed in them , by those that have chosen them , and to sell their country ; or it is consumed in the making and keeping up of sham plots , and upon scoundrels and varle●s to swear peaceable men falsly out of their lives and estates . and least it should remain any longer a mistery , why william is so fond of foreign soldiers as to receive them in those vast numbers he doth into english pay ; when the natives of these three kingdoms , do not only equal those of all nations in valour and bravery , and without being thought a disparagement to those of other countries , are acknowledged to excel those of most ; and who have at all times been forward and ready to take arms , when the cause has been just and honourable , and where their treatment has been humane , compassionate and good . i shall therefore resolve this riddle , and detect both upon what motives and prospects he doth so ; which accordingly in brief are these , namely , that having formed designs both of enslaving us to himself , and of making us vassals and tributaries to his beloved dutch , whensoever he can emerge out of the war : and being apprehensive that native and brittish subjects will be so far from being his tooles to enthrall themselves and their off spring , as well as their country-men and their posterity ; that they will both abandon and withstand him in the attempt , and be provoked to revenge the affront and injustice which shall be offered of this kind , to these kingdoms , and the people of them : and the●eupon that he may be in a condition to execute hereafter without hazard what his soul , thro pride and malice , is now in travail with ; he both secretly lists and armeth the french hugonots here , and draws what outlandish troops he can , into his immediate pay and service from abroad . nay , in subserviency to this projection , he not only puts foreigners into the supream command over all the english and scotch forces , tho contrary to an address of parliament ; but there is not one brittish regiment in the whole army in the low countries , into which he hath not by his despotick power and absolute authority introduced aliens both as commission officers and subalterns . which being done in contempt , as well as neglect of an address of the house of peers , that i have formerly mentioned , their lordships do now seem sensible of the affront put upon themselves , as they are not only the consiliarii nati of our princes ; but as they are the chiefest and noblest part of the great council of the kingdom . and therefore like unto what the peers of england used to be , and as becomes the patriots of their country , they have demanded a list of all the officers that command our brittish troops , and of what country they individually are . which if king william cause to be presented to them with that truth and sincerity , which ought to be the inseparable qualities of a prince , both their lordships and all the world will have reason to be astonished at the wrong and dishonour done to these nations , in the setting so many foreigners over our forces to command them . whereof we have already seen and felt the fatal effects , in the late count solme's abandoning so many of our men to be butcher'd at the battle of steinkerk ; when instead of supporting them as he ought , and as they expected , he lay at distance covered and never advanced towards their relief . and where our men behaving themselves with that wonderful bravour that is natural to them , it is commonly believed , even by our enemies as well as by others , that a defeat might have been given the french , if those brittish troops , which were so shamefully deserted and treacherously sacrificed , had been reinforced and succoured as they should have been . but as to the list which the house of peers have demanded ; it is too probable that king william will with the same regardlesness both to truth and to his honour , endeavour to sham them off with a false and imperfect account of those officers , as he hath ventured to do the house of commons , in the state of the war he hath caused lay before them of the quota's of the several confederates for the year 1696. if their lordships will have the tameness to sit down with , and acquiesce in it , without farther examination and enquiry . but to proceed ; it may not be amiss to observe , how that in order that none of those whom he hath already mustered , in order to this future design ; or of whose service he thinks himself sure , when the time arrives of accomplishing it , may in the interim languish and decay in their zeal towards the enterprize , he loseth no opportuni●y of placing marks of his favour and kindness upon them ; tho it be sometimes to the forfeiture of his discretion , and prove the giving too early an alarm to england , of the lurking and malicious intentions which he entertains for us . so that when he addressed his parliament on nov. 23. last , he could not omit recommending his muster'd and regimented hugonots to their care and supply ; tho he did not think those many thousands of starving widows and orphans , whose husbands and fathers perished in his service , worth the being mentioned to them for relief . and much less had he the justice and goodness to desire their aids and supplies , in behalf of those many once wealthy and trading families , that are since the revolution reduced to extream poverty , by his pursuing his concerted measures with holland , for the ruining of our trade ; and thro the treachery as well as neglect of the commissioners of the admiralty , who act by his order and instructions ; and rather choose to sacrifice the kingdom , than in any thing to controul his pleasure . of whom , if the parliament requireth not an exact and severe account of all our losses by sea , and make both their lives and estates responsible for their sloth and infidelity in protecting our commerce and traffick , we shall have reason to think both the houses , as well as the gentlemen of that commission ; engaged equally to hasten and see the ruin of the kingdom . nor can any other reason be given , save that which i have assigned , why king william should address his parliament , with that concernedness he did , for a benevolence to be granted to the hugonots , at a time when the other supplies he demanded will arise to m●re in case they be granted , than all the circulating , and very probably , more than all the real mony in the kingdom will amount unto . moreover , the condition of the french refugees , is not only infinitely better here , than ever it was in their own country , but exceedeth as well as equalleth the state of our own people of rank and quality with them . for instead of canvas and sabotts , which used to be the habit and dress of many of them in france , they are now both shod and clad as decently and richly as the best of the english are ; upon , as well as among whom they do subsist . and in the place of feeding commonly upon herbs , and only now and then upon flesh , and that the refuse of markets , which was their custom ; nothing will now content them but the choisest provisions that butchers and poulterers can furnish them with , and that in large proportions also : which also shews that while our purses are almost emptied , theirs are become well filled since their arrival hither , that they can be able to bear the charges of living so splendidly , as they are now known to do . but it shews the mean and contemptible opinion this dutch prince has of the understanding and wisdom of an english parliament , otherwise he would not in the forementioned particular have treat-them as so many fops , that are to be bubbled and cullyed out of their own , and the nations mony : and indeed he hath had just cause given him to account the generality of the people of england , to be no less fools than in subserviency to his ambition they have discovered themselves to be knaves . and it is but just , that upon his finding them to be people of so little conscience towards king james , he should in reference to his own concernments , esteem and treat them as people both of as little wit and honesty . and this i dare avouch , as having had it from those that are conversant with his privadoes , and with such as are upon his secrets , namely , that he looks upon most of the english as no better than rogues and traytors ; and as he knows no difference in this point betwixt whig and tory , so he resolveth to treat them all equally and alike , if he can but once put an end to this present war. and what we may then expect from him answerable to those fine characters he is pleased to give us , may be easily guessed by the murder of glenco , and so many other innocents as were there massacred by his express order and command , after having had all assurances given them by those in commission under him of their protection . nor can we after that treacherous and bloody president question the entertainment we are to meet with from this dutch prince's cruelty and malice , as soon as he hath his hugonots here , and his outlandish janizaries from abroad in a readiness , and all mustered together upon the spot to execute his commands . and as his outlandish troops abroad have such officers commanding them , who will as readily put in execution all his barbarous and inhumane orders , as well as those degenenerate natives , hill , hamilton and glenlion , &c. did that which was sent down to require and authorise the massacre in scotland , anno 1691. so we have little reason to believe otherwise , than that the french and pretended hugonot schombergh , whom in derision of the nation and in contempt of the house of peers , he hath advanced to be general over all the forces in england , will be forward enough both to employ such of them as he can debauch to perpetrate a cruelty , and to instigate and to make use of his refugee country-men , to concur and assist in inslaving us , and to cut our throats , if we will not tamely submit whensoever the time comes , that such a work is seasonable to be put in execution . and the late insolence , as well as illegality committed by the hugonots , who live within the precincts of westminster , in the not only daring to pretend to have a vote in the election of members and burgesses for that place to serve in parliament , and in having the impudence to come four or five several persons out of one house upon that errand , where they live crowded together , or rather as soldiers disposed in baracks and quartered upon the kingdom , than as tenants or inmates ; but their hectoring , insulting and ●rudely attacking those english , who were disposed to give their votes for others than they had received their cue from whitehall and kensington , may teach us what they are capable of attempting for the subversion of our laws and liberties , and what we may justly look for at their hands , when they have an opportunity , and the word is given them . for it is an affront to our laws , and a banter put upon our understandings , to say that aliens who remain under the character and quality of such , and who neither can purchase nor inherit lands should have the right and priveledg to vote in the choice of members of parliament . and we shall deserve that all mischiefs should ove●take ●us , which he designs to bring upon us , if the de-witting in holland , the gaffnying in ireland , the glencoing in scotland , do not warn us to provide for our safety , which we can never have assurance of , if this man continue in the authority and power he has ; and much less can we ●ope for it , if he arrive at more . but , to advance a step farther in an enquiry after and into the spoils and depradations , as well as the gains and advantages , which the dutch have made , and continue to make of these nations since the revolution , and that their belgick s●adtholder became seated in the throne of england : besides the obt●ining so many of their own troops , to be brought upon an english establishment , and to be paid with our mony , as hath been already declared ; have also made a vast and unconceivable profit by the mony that hath been allowed and transmitted for the payment of our own troops . for , as in order thereunto , much of the ready cash of the nation hath been exported from hence ; so most of that mony hath come to circulate in holland and a great part of it to centre there ▪ and surely it must be a great damage to us , and an answerable gain to them , to have two hundred thousand pound● ; or at least fifteen hundred thousand pounds , carried yearly in specie from hence , and all to come either first or last into the hands of the dutch , and annually to encrease their treasure in that proportion ▪ to which let this be subjoyned ; that besides the mony remitted to pay our army ; there has been a great deal of silver carried over year after year in the king's yatchts , as well as in other vessels ; partly to be distributed among several princes of europe , to keep them in the confederacy , and to gain men from them for the upholding the war ; and partly to be squander'd away among the ministers in those courts to counsel and advise their masters , suitably to the instructions which king william should give them and partly for the bribing of the burgher-masters and pensioners of the most considerable cities of the seven provincs , to be zealous in moulding and influencing their respective towns to to persevere in the interest of their stadtholder , and to support him in all the designs , in which his ambition should engage him , as being contrived and adapted to their advantage . but that which is more to be adverted under this head is , that all or much the greatest part of this silver thus transported , whether in order to the paying our army , or for other ends and designs , has been the●e melted down and coyned into skillings , that are not worth half the int●insick value of what they are either current for there , or paid to our soldiers for their salaries and to subsist upon , or made passable in the procuration of the whole equivalent in bills , of what they go at in holland to be conveyed and made solvable elsewhere . by which means alone , the dutch have since the revolution ▪ made an advantage to themselves of many millions . and therefore when the society stiled the bank of england , which was establisted by the late parliament , and to whom upon their undertaking for the remission of mony for the payment of our army , or to any other , in order thereunto ; there was liberty granted by a particular statute for conveying over so much as is there limited , either in bullion or in specie coyned . i say , when the fore-named company would have erected a mint on the other side , in order to have melted down and re-coyned , what they had transported in such embased mony , as was there current and passable , the dutch not only refused the suffering it to be done in their own provinces ; but by the interest they have among , and authority they bear over their bordering neighbours in flanders , did obstruct our obtaining of that freedom and privilege , and thereby did wholy frustrate and defeat that project and design ; so that by this single , fraudulent and avaritious trick and artifice , they do to this day make cent. per cent. of all the mony that is remitted to holland , either for the payment of our army , or for other uses and ends . nor is it unworthy of remark ; that whereas whilst they were drawing our bullion and coyn from us , and in order to get most of the treasure and silver of england into their possession , and have it lodged in their country , they willingly paid and allowed three and forty of their skillings as the equivalent of one pound sterling of ours , and gave our soldiers so much readily in exchange for it ; that now having gained and engrossed the greatest part of our mony , and finding that what we continue to remit in specie at present , is not out of choice but upon necessity , they have sunk the value of our mony to eight and twenty of their base skillings , which is the most they have given of late , and will give no more at present for one round sterling of ours . which being less by near a third part than what they gave in exchange for it before , is an incredible damage to us , and a vast gain to them at our loss and expence . and which villainous depradation of theirs upon us , cannot without our utter impoverishment and ruin be much longer suffered or connived at . to which may be added , that since the diminishing and clipping of our silver coyn which we are indebted to the revolution for , and which had never befaln us in the degree it hath , but thro the ill administration of our dutch prince , who is glad of and encourageth all the methods , that may render us poor and make us despicable : the hollanders will either receive none of our clipt mony , tho it is in a manner all that is left current in the kingdom ; or if they do receive any of it , it is only in proportion to the intrinsick value , and not according to the rate that it doth pass for here , and hath done for a great while ; so that if any of that mony be sent over , either in payment to our soldiers , or come to be carried abroad upon other occasions , the dutch will take it but for a moyety of what it commonly and universally goes for here . and yet in this very interim , while they either wholy refuse the taking our clipt mony , or depress the value of it to half what it now passeth for in england ; our poor soldiers beyond sea , are forced to take their base skillings , and other of their debased mony , at what rates they are pleased to make them current , tho not worth half of it with respect to their intrinsick value . and all these things are some of the felicities which we enjoy du●ing this reign of restoration to our liberties , and of exaltation to greater wealth , prosperity and happiness , than our belgick prince will , by his outlandish logick , allow us to have known heretofore . yea , besides the fore ment ioned spoyles and rapines which they have committed upon us in the methods that i have detected , to the enriching themselves , and the imyoverishing us in our silver coyn. i might also upon very good authorities , charge them with the fraudulent importation both of light and false mony , bearing the stamp and impression of our own , but minted in holland , and then vended among us at the rates which our best and weightiest silver pieces of such and such denominations have used to go . nor will any man who knows the morals of the dutch , and the practices of the same kind , whereof they have been guilty in most parts of the world to which they have had access ; or who hath observed in what other ways of cozenage and deceit they have bubbled and injured us in the matter of our silver , judg it unlikely that they should first mint abroad and then palm upon us both false and light mony ; seeing the much counterfeit metal , and the great quantites of true mony , only with a●atements of weight which have been coyn'd and stampt by villains among our selves , do afford the dutch so plausible a cover and obvious a ma●k and disguise for cheating us in this way and manner that i have suggeffed ▪ and whereof the nation hath been and still is so full of clamour against them . but which being so agreeable to the inclinations and designs which our belgick prince entertains towards this kingdom , and being so much to the advantage of his beloved country-men , he hath neither taken care to have it enquired into as it ought to be , nor hath he used proper and effectual means to obviate it . and then as for our gold , whereof we are next to speak , whatsoever of it hath been at any time sent over thither , either for the subsistence and payment of our troops , or for any of the other forementioned ends , they have for some years wholy refused it , except upon the terms of half a crown , less in the guinea than it readily went for in england ; so that by the remission of it again hither , and the transmitting it back to them , which hath been done at least four times in the year , they have clearly gained of us fifty per cent annually by that sole species of our english coyn ; but more especially since the rise of guineas here to thirty shillings a guinea , ( that hath been occasioned by the scarcity of silver , which the transporting it hither and their melting it down hath proved the cause of ) it is incredible what a prodigous profit they have made to themselves , and what proportionable damage and loss they have brought upon us , in bringing over not only all the guineas can be found in their own provinces , but all they could procure and purchase in other places on the continent , and which they have put off and vended here at that excessive rate which they do now go at , and have done so some time ; whereas they went both from us heretofore to holland , and ●●re lately bought up by the dutch from other foreigners , at a price and value not exceeding nineteen or twenty shillings of our mony. to which i may subjoyn that the value of all other gold being risen in england , in proportion to the growth of the value of guineas , they have thereupon brought over as much foreign gold as they saw any likelyhood of buying up our grain , manufactures and the other productions of our country with , and have thereby both made vast depradations upon us , and suitable gains to themselves thro their vending that gold here at high and exorbitant rates , which they before possessed or had lately procured at the moderate and intrinsick value of it . whence upon a little consideration and less arithmetick , we may easily calculate how great by this means alone , their gain and our loss have been in that by all the guineas , and proportionally by other gold 〈◊〉 they have brought over and put off to us , they have m●de of every two pounds above three . nor is this all the damage that thereby ariseth to us ; but there are worse and more fatal mischiefs that must unavoidably overtake us very speedily , in that all our productions and manufactures which from year to year , have been transported into the seven provinces , either to serve them or the neighbouring parts of the continent about them , have been bought up in extraordinary portions and measures , thro their vent of their guineas at so high a value , and for as much as they can neither consume themselves , nor dispose to others with whom they drive a commerce , what of our productions and manufactures they have bought in the way , and and on the terms i have mentioned ; it will be therefore impossible for them , and is beyond their intention to transport from us , for these several years to come , what this kingdom fabricketh and yieldeth . so that by a necessary consequence thereupon , there must very soon ensue an extraordinary decay in trade , to the starving both most of our manufacturers , and all others who gain their subsistence , and have heretofore liv'd plentifully , by carrying out and vending abroad the productions and superfluities of our country . for as the dutch , who for several years to come will need none of them ; so by reason of the large stores of all kinds of english commodities and goods , with which they have furnished themselves , will be able to forestal and undersel us in all the markets of europe . moreover , to all the forementioned ways of their making their excessive advantages by , and criminal depradations upon us , thro and by reason of the mony that hath been exported hence in specie for the payment of our troops , they do also gain an incredible and vast profit to themselves , and cause proportionable loss and damage to us , by those immense summs which have not been remitted in specie , but returned beyond sea by bills , for the use and ends which have been specified , which they effect and accomplish by skrewing up and raising the exchange in profit to themselves , and sinking it in loss to us twenty and thirty per cent , for no less at present is the difference of exchange , not only on all the goods and commodities which we either buy of or sell unto them ; but upon all the mony which upon whatsoever funds we draw and transfer thither by bills . and the extraordinary g●in accruing by this means to the dutch , was one of the principal reasons why they would not suffer those of the bank of england to erect a mint on their side , for the coyning our silver into such mixt and embased mony as goes current in holland and flanders . and it was likewise the grand motive why they refus●d to lend the two hundred thousand pounds to the said bank , which they would have borrowed of them the last summer towards the paying our army ; and for which they offered five per cent. interest , and not only to give their own obligations for the security of the said principal and interest , and which 〈◊〉 should be assignable from one person to another , as those of the states of holland are ; but that king william himself should , thro a mortgage of his revenue and hereditary lands to the states , become surety for the payment of the said summ and the interest of it . which tho it would have been not only very profitable ▪ but highly reputable to the dutch , and disgraceful to king william and the kingdom of england , yet upon the score and motive of their making a much larger profit , than that would have amounted unto on the remission of mony from hence thither by bills of exchange , they laughed at the overture , and scornfully rejected the proposal . nor can any man be so void of sense , as not to discern , had all but so much m●ral honesty and love to their country left as to acknowledge it , that this exorbitant growth of exchange between england and holland must speedily perfect and consummate our ruine , considering the poverty to which we are already reduced , and the scarcity of mony , under which we labour . all which we are indebted for to our belgick king , and to his treacherous as well as improvident conduct towards england , in his management of the war , which to gratifie his ambition we were easily brought to embark in . but before i shall dispatch the topick i am upon , i cannot omit the representing one method more , by which they bec●me greatly enriched , and we as much impoverished , thro the mony either conveyed from us , or from any of the confederates to the army in flanders , and that is , by furnishing most , if not all the stores and provisions , upon which the army doth live and subsist . and the manner as well as the reason is obvious , to any one that can think two thoughts coherently , namely , that all of one kind or another which they need , is conveyed to them by the dutch , and carried out of the seven provinces into the spanish netherlands , where all things are put off and disposed to the respective troops , and to ours especially at their own rates ; so that they carry back into their own country all or most of the mony : which is laid out in favour of , and upon our own troops , as well as that which is expended upon the several materials which are necessary to the support and maintenance of the war. which circulating backward and forward every week , as well as every month , and centring at last in holland , they are rendred rich by the war , which makes us so poor , and has reduced us to the indigent and dep●orable estate that we are now in . yea , the burning and bombing cities and towns by the french , and their seising and destroying the forage , and the magazines , upon which the confederate army should subsist , turneth all to the profit and account of the dutch , and is improved by them to their gain and advantage . because both the materials for the rebuilding ruined cities , and the stores required to supply and fill wasted and destroyed magazin●s , do in a manner come all from holland , and from other of the belgick provinces , whither they carry back the value in current mony , to the enriching of their bank , the encreasing of their stock , and the enlarging of their trade . and as they make a large gain by the spoils , losses and deva●tations , which their confederates suffer and undergo , so they make no less profit by their victories and successes , even to the preclusion of their allies , and especially the english from all advantage and benefit by them . for as namur is the only conquest since the commencement of this war in flanders , that has been obtained over the french , so it is but a recovery of what the confederates had lost during the present war , and not a new acquisition . and as it has cost infinitely more in men and treasure , than it and all the dependencies upon it are worth ; so these three kingdoms who contributed most to the taking of it , and had more of the blood of their men spilt and more of their treasure and ammunition expended and wasted in the winning of that city , than any one of all the confederates , have reapt nothing by it but the enlarging the barrier of the dutch , and the putting a strong and well fortified city into their power and possession , to make them more insolent unto and encroaching upon their allies . and when i consider the customs of the spartans who had an order that when any of their generals compassed his designs by policy and treaty , he should sacrifice an ox ; but when by force and bloodshed , only a cock. i think that our many late bonfires and illuminations , and especially our prodigal and foolish expences in st. james's square , were ridiculous as well as wastful consumptions . for as the distinct values of those oblations of the lacedemonians , do shew us ( according to the judgment of plutarch ) how much they preferred the successes of calm and sober councils , before those of force and strength , so there was more cause for lamentations for the many and brave men that had been lost before the town and castle of namur , e'er they fell into our hands , ( and which in all probability , will with less cost be speedily snatch'd from us again ) than of vain , childish and expensive triumphs for the gaining them . but to omit this , that which i am to represent and display is , that the city castle which were gained at the price and cost of so much english blood and treasure , are now consigned over to the dutch , and stand mortgaged to them for the repayment of what they have laid out and disbursed in this war ; which seeing there is no likelihood that ●ver the spaniards will be in a condition to reimburse them ; that town is consequently become a part as well as an enlargement of their territories and is the addition of an eighth province to the former seven . yea out of kindness to the dutch , and disaffection to us ; our belgick prince is so frugal of their treasure , and so prodigal of that of this kingdom , that much of the charges necessary for repairing the fortifications of namur is born by us , and our mony remitted and transported to defray them . which is such a bubbling of this kingdom ; that those most engaged in king william's interest , cannot avoid resenting it with indignation . and as this new acquisition which our dutch king hath gained them , at the price of our blood and bones , as well as of our mony , gives them a stronger barrier than they had , and a new and large jurisdiction , so it not only opens a traffick to them with france , in time of war as well as of peace ; but delivers the hollanders from a necessity of depending upon brussels , or upon any spanish towns , for the management of their trade : seeing by being possessed of namur , they can supply both flanders and france , and carry home what they want from thence , without being under the necessity of allowing the intervention of others in the management of their trade , or of suffering others either to intercept them in it , or to make profit by it thro exchange : so that while the english and others fight , they do only win ; and the lives of our men are no farther valuable with our belgick king , than as they serve to purchase power and opulency to the dutch. for tho we be made use of as the jackall to hunt the prey ; yet we are not permitted to have the least share in it . and therefore whosoever have cause to be weary of the war , and to groan under the consumptions and desolations that attend it , they have not ; and thence it is that in kindness to them , but in hatred to us , our belgick king labours all he can , both by persuasions and by authority to foment and keep it up , and resolves to do so untill he hath render'd them so opulent and powerful , and us so necessitous , despicable and weak , that we must be contented ( because we will not remain in a condition to hinder it ) to be slaves to him , and tributaries to the hollanders . and the tyrannous projects and designs which k. w. hath contrived and harboureth in relation to these kingdoms , as well as our own madness and folly in concurring and co-operating to promote them , are equally manifest , and both of them apparently evident by this ; namely , that even upon the supposition that it was needful and just to begin , continue , and uphold this war : yet much of that mony which hath been sent abroad from hence , to subsist and pay our troops , might , through a very small care , and friendly conduct of the prince of orange in our behalf , and through the least measure of discretion , wisdom , justice , equity and compassion of those assemblies stiled our parliaments to the kingdom , have been preserved in the nation , and have remained to circulate among our selves for the support and increase of our manufacture , and for the protection and enlargement of our trade and navigation . and the ways , means , and methods in and by which it might have been done , are both so various and plain , that had there not been a conjunction of malice in king william , and of treachery in our senators towards england , it would not have escaped the being undertaken , persued and effected long ago . for why might not we with as much ease , and with more justice , have carried all the provisions from hence for the subsisting the confederate army , or at least our own troops , and those of other nations under our pay , as that the dutch should have the privilege of furnishing it , and to be encouraged as well as suffered to go away with the gain ? nor can any other reason be assigned of the conduct we have been under in this matter , but that william intends to bring us first to beggary , and then into thraldom ; and that too many among our selves are through folly and knavery willing both to assist and justify him in the effecting of it . had we not ships enough ( as i am sure we had before we lost so many thousands of them , as we have done since the revolution , and the commencement of this war which was the unhappy off-spring of it ) to have carried over to flanders our grain , butter and cheese , iron , bread , and all things else that are necessary unto , or consumable by an army , but that the buying of all those here , and the transporting them thither , should in a manner be given up and entirely consigned into the hands of the dutch ? whence we are justly become the derision and contempt of the world , that being stored and furnished ( without purchasing of other nations ) with all the productions either of art or nature that an army can need or use , and the dutch having scarce any thing of their own growth , and little of their own manufactures , to answer the occasions and exigences of so vast a military body ; yet that they should engross to themselves the supplying them with all they want , and we not only tamely connive at it , but like people who have lost their senses , and forfeited their understandings , as well as abandoned the care of their country do approve it . with what facility might it have been stipulated and provided for at our first entrance into the confederacy , or retrieved and recovered to us since , upon renewing of alliances with those whom we are become engaged to assist in this war , that all those supplies necessary for troops which england could afford should be applied to that end ; and that as they should be transported by none but our selves , so they should be expended and laid out not only upon our own troops , towards the saving the remission of money , but taken off from us , and accepted by our allies in lieu of those vast sums we have disbursed upon them . nor will ever england vindicate it self from the dishonour and ignominy brought upon it , in that during all this time wherein we have been wasting our men and treasure to defend the dutch barrier , and protect the provinces of others , and to make conquests for them , we should never have contracted for a port , where we might unload what we pleased towards the premised uses and ends , without being liable to the payment of customs , or any other duties of that kind which use to be exacted . which the present house of commons seems to be sensible of ( though it is now too late ) and have therefore declared in their vote of decemb . 10. that it is the opinion of that house , that all commodities and provisions that shall be transported from england , for the use of the forces in his majesties pay abroad , be exempted from any duty and excise throughout the spanish and united netherlands . but though this vote doth sufficiently intimate their sense of king william's infidelity , as to the trust reposed in him under the quality and stile of king of england , and of his treachery to this nation , in not having contracted and stipulated with those allies for the forementioned privilege and immunity : yet the treaties between him and these confederates being already concerted and ratified , without the mention or specification of any such freedom and advantage to be allowed us ; all the effect and operation which this vote of the house of commons can have , is to proclaim them to be pragmatical , weak and insolent , in assuming a power and authority over the rights of foreign princes and states ; and that contrary unto , as well as without regard to articles , adjusted between king william and those states in the fresh alliances which have been lately renewed , made , and ratified . nor can any thing now , after the aforesaid vote , preserve the house of commons from the derision , scorn and contempt of mankind , but their declaring those alliances to have been contracted and confirmed to the prejudice of england , and therefore not to be supported by any taxes to be levied upon the subjects of this kingdom : and that the said house will grant no money towards the confederacy , till such other agreements are made and entered into between this crown , and those neighbouring states , which may correspond with , and come up to the opinion of the said house , as they have declared it in the foresaid vote ; and by the printing whereof they have published it to the world , as the unanimous opinion and judgment of the representative body of the whole commons of england . and may not this treachery in the present administration , so openly reflected upon by the foresaid vote , cause us remember both the memory of queen elizabeth and of oliver cromwel , with commendations and praises of their conduct , while in the mean time we must convey down to our off-spring the name of the prince of orange loaded with all the obloquies , imprecations and curses , that a people impoverished and ruined , by his contrived and chosen ill conduct towards these kingdoms , can entail upon it . for as that great heroine , queen elizabeth did , upon her assisting the dutch with a very few troops in comparison of what we now do , covenant with and obtain of them the brill , flushing and ramekins , to be put into her hands as cautionary towns , not only that she might thereby oblige them to a more firm dependency upon her , and tie them to the better observation of their alliances , and secure unto herself the reimbursment of some part of the treasure which she expended in protecting them ; but that she might always be in a condition , and have it in her own power , to reinforce , relieve , succour and supply , those troops that she sent them for their aid and defence , according as their should be occasion , and as she should judg to be at any time needful for the honour of the crown of england , and for the safety , commerce and reputation of her subjects . so oliver cromwel , upon the assistance of six thousand men which he gave the present king of france , an. 1657. did not only by a ratified treaty take care and provide that what ports and maritime towns should be won from the spaniards , by the joynt and confederate forces of france and england , should be resigned unto him , and given up to the possession of the english ; but in pursuance of that stipulation he had dunkirk , upon its being taken from the king of spain , put into his hands . yea , the late king charles , who in the alliances he made , was not thought by many to be so regardful of the interest of his kingdoms as he might have been , did in the treaty he entred into with france against the dutch , an. 1671. provide and stipulate by an express article , that what marine towns on ports should be taken from the common enemy , should be resign'd up and delivered over to him in compensation and recompence for the share and charge he was to bear in that war. whereas this dutch prince , whom we have been so unkind to our selves , as well as disloyal to the king , as to set over us , hath not in all the many alliances which he hath entered into with foreign monarchs and states , notwithstanding the numerous troops and vast treasure supplied by us to their aid and defence , made the least provision for any one advantage to accrue to these kingdoms , should the war wherein we are united and embarked prove successful . and much less has he by agreement and contract obtained for us either any cautionary town , which may prevent our being abandon'd and lurch'd by the dutch and other foreigners ; and left alone to encounter the power , annd suffer the revenge of france : or gained so much as a free port , wherein we might send , and where we may lay up and lodg such stores of all kinds , as would at least serve to supply our own forces , if not those of the confederates , without being kept under a necessity of remitting month after month such vast sums of mony as we have done , and still continue doing , to the robbing and emptying of the kingdom of all its treasure . yea , as if he did not treat us scornfully enough , and sufficiently betray us to the dutch and others , by the neglect he hath shewn both of the honour and profit of these kingdoms , in all the treaties he hath made , and all the alliances he hath contracted since with the connivance of all , and the assistance of many , he usurped the throne of england , he hath not esteemed either parliaments or privy councils worthy to be consulted with before-hand , about the terms , conditions and articles fit to be demanded and insisted upon , with reference to our credit and interest in the compacts and agreements he had made with those that he stiles his allies ; but whom thro this deficiency we have found to be our underminers and supplanters . nay , he disdains to acquaint the two houses of parliament with those treaties , when they humbly address him concerning the doing it : and instead of laying those alliances before them in the plain and ratified draughts , he either shams them off with general , imperfect and blind accounts ; and that done with the unsincerity and regardlesness of truth , natural to a dutch man , of which the whole course of his transactions with , and towards this people , since he became unrighteously possessed of his father in law and uncles crown , is one uninterrupted and continued evidence ; or else he ridicules and bubbles them with false and counterfeit copies ; in which as some things are disguised so others are not expressed , though he hath concerted them formally with his confederates , and especially with the dutch. and i dare affirm , that of all the branches of the state of war in reference to the year 1696. which he hath caused to be delivered into them , there is none of them true , genuine and just . so that from thence the two houses , and in them all the people of england , may have a specimen of his honour and integrity without travelling farther for evidences of them . but if he do treat thus not only those he calls the body of his subjects with treachery in relation to their interest , as well as with carelesness and neglect of them in all their concerns and safety , but the houses of parliament ( who ought to be his grand council ) with superciliousness and contempt , and all this while he is yet unfledged , what will he do when his wings are grown ? for if he do thus strut , as to monopolize all things to his own sole cognizance , and to manage them to the visible prejudice of these kingdoms , and to the apparent benefit of the dutch , while he only stands and is upheld by leading strings , and walks in a go-cart , and cannot manage the war he is engaged in , but as he is aided by parliamentary grants : what tyranny may not the people fear , and what insolency and scorn should not our senates expect to meet with , if he live to arrive at virile strength , and through putting an end to the war , can come to stand and go alone ? for it is only the indispensable need he stands in of the continual aid of the people of england , and the fear he is under of being baffled and routed by the french , which make him now and then appear in the dress and posture of modesty , and to put on a dissembled humility , meekness and compassion , while in reality in respect to ambition , despoticalness and tyranny , he carries ten sultans , twenty moguls , and forty czars in his belly . and could he but once prescribe terms to the monarch of france , he would soon trample upon all the laws of these kingdoms , and tread upon our necks : and instead of the shapes and figure of sometimes an almansor , and sometimes a gusman , that he now puts on and seeks to appear in , he would then manifest himself a caligula , a nero , or according to the title lately bestowed upon him a galienus redivivus , having already furnished himself with more than one verianus . but having said enough upon the head of which i have been discoursing , it is now time to advance to another . in the next place then i shall proceed to a more particular review and representation of their invasions , rapines and depradations committed upon our trade , than those i have hitherto unfolded and laid open . nor will it require any great enlargement , seeing all men do experience and feel it , though some may not understand the several and particular ways and methods in which it hath been done . nor shall i here repeat what i have already both insinuated and detected concerning the decay that is brought upon our trade , and the final destruction that threatens it , as well through the clipping and embasement as through the transportation of our coin to other ends and uses then those of commerce , and in much greater quantities than traffick could have ever required its being carried abroad for . though all the misery and mischief that do by these means befal and overtake us , are all chargeable upon , and to be laid at the door of our dutch king : seeing that of transporting it has been the natural and unavoidable effect of his ascent to the throne , and of the war that thereupon he engaged us in , and especially of those ways which he has designedly chosen and persued in support of it . and then as to the clipping and embasing our mony , none can be reasonably accused either of causing or conniving at it but the prince of orange , who has occasioned and encouraged it by his weak and improvident administration . for both these practices , which do eventually and in the effects of them prove so ruinous to the kingdom , having obtained in no other reigns in any proportion and degree to what they have done in his , as it is commonly stiled , they must consequently be resolved into some neglect , weakness or treachery in his admin●stration , whereof no other reigns were guilty or accusable . nor will it excuse him to have it alledged , that more have been executed for those crimes , since his usurping of the throne , than were in an age before : seeing though some of the little and indigent creatures , whom necessity tempted to it , and which necessity he brought upon them , have been condemned and executed ; yet your goldsmiths and refiners , who both bought the clippings , and who at mighty gain furnished them with broad mony for continuing the crime , have not only escaped prosecutions , which by law they deserved ; but divers of them have been the special favourites and confidents of the government . and to mention but one of many , i will be bold to say the hanging of evans the goldsmith , who infinitely more deserves it , for melting down and carrying abroad our coin to satisfy his covetousness , and make profit by what was our milled mony , than any of the clippers and false minters have done , would have given greater check unto , and have been a more effectual remedy , even of the crimes of these later , than all the convictions and executions for offences of that kind since the revolution , which we have seen but have found no benefit by . but instead of that , he hath been honoured and preferred by our dutch bestower of titles , and disposer of places , to be both a knight and a commissioner of the excise ; though a fellow void of all merit , and destitute of good sense , and whom only knavery , impudence , and the emptying the kingdom of our silver , by carrying it to holland to enrich the dutch , have entitled to his master's favour . and i crave liberty to say en passant , though it may seem alien to the subject , that i have often wondered why our kings and parliaments should fall upon so ineffectual a remedy of those crimes , as the making them capital will continue to prove in a nation , where men are sunk into so much irreligion and atheism ; and which the many villanes attending and wrapt up in the revolution have encreased and strengthned as to dread death less than poverty , and to chuse damnation as well as hanging and quartering rather than want supplies for the feeding and for the maintenance of their lasciviousness and luxury . seeing when our mony was both pure and sterling , and of full weight , as it was generally at the revolution , the bare imposing and exacting of a mulct of five or ten pounds upon every one that should have been found offering either clipt or false mony to another , would have deterred all men from venturing upon it , and obviated both the forementioned crimes , and likewise the woful effects of them . and possibly it would be no ill policy to do in this case as the lacedemonians did in that of theft , which when they thought not fit to prevent and hinder by punishing the thieves , they effectually suppressed it , by rendering those liable to a considerable penalty that should have any thing stolen from them . so may be the inflicting of a mulct upon every one that should take either light or base mony , would soon cause that there would be no offerers of it , by reason there would be none found so unkind and unjust to themselves as to receive it . but to return from this digression ; i do say that the dutch , besides all the injuries they have done us , and the spoils they have committed upon us , with respect to our trade in the forementioned methods which i have been displaying , they have also in divers other ways , and in several instances , either craftily supplanted , or directly invaded , and forceably assaulted us in our commerce and traffick since the late revolution ; which i shall presume now to lay open , as far as the brevity of this discourse will allow , and shall discover how and wherein they have done so . and i shall begin with the advantage they have had of protecting their own trade , and of exposing and leaving ours open to be ruined , by reason of that small and unequal quota and proportion of ships of war , that in respect of our much greater number of ships of that kind they supply and furnish to the forming and constituting the confederate and united fleet of both nations ; which is the more remarkable in that their number of land forces is not much encreased towards the support of the present war , above what it use to be in time of peace . yea , it is hardly so great now as then , if we consider that all the contributions raised in the province of namur , and on the french conquests , go for the ease of their establishment ; and that the vast sums spent in flanders by the whole confederate army become● theirs , and center● in holland . however it bears no proportion with ours , according to the state of the war for the year 1696. which as the earl of renelagh by king william's order gave it into the house of commons , decemb. 3. amounts to 87440 men ; whereas if it were not to defend the provinces of these , stiled our allies , a very few forces would be sufficient for our occasions at home , if it should not be found needless to have any at all : whereas they in the times of the profoundest peace are seldom without fifty thousand men , to which their supernumerary addition now is but inconsiderable , if what i have said be well considered ; and provided that we also observe , that divers of those troops reckoned into their quota are upon english establishment , and paid with our mony. indeed if we had charged our selves with furnishing the whole marine power , both for us and them , and stood thereby excused for affording any land forces to be employed in flanders , or elsewhere , upon any part of the continent , i should not have blamed the conduct of requiring a few men of war from them , yea should not have much complained if they had been acquitted from the yielding any : seeing such a stipulation and agreement between us and them could not have been much to the prejudice either of the kingdom or of trade , farther than as it involved us in an unnecessary and unjust war , meerly to gratify the ambition of our dutch king , and to hinder the return of our legal and rightful sovereign . because otherwise , as it would have been agreeable to our interest , both as we are an island and a trading nation ; so it would not only have proved a means of keeping all our mony at home , and of the having had it to circulate among our selves , but we should thereby had treasure enough to have rigged out a royal navy superior to the marine power of france , and to have equipped and maintained more than a sufficient number of men of war as cruisers and convoys to have protected our trade . but to be first at the vast expence we have been in raising and maintaining so great an army on the continent , meerly for the benefit of others and not our own , and then to equip and set out double the quota that the dutch have towards the c●nstituting the confederate fleet of both nations , was plainly to disable our selves from having that number of cruisers and convoys as is necessary to be kept at sea during the present war , against so potent an enemy as the king of france and his subjects are upon that element . nor was this concerted between our belgick prince , and his beloved dutch , upon any other motives , or to other ends , but that we might be put out of capacity of safe-guarding our coasts , and protecting our trading vessels ; whilst the dutch , through furnishing a small quota to the the general fleet , are left in a condition to employ the rest of their marine and naval strength in securing and protecting their traffick . and the event hath fully answered the design , in that while we , by furnishing so many ships of war to the royal navy , did leave our selves destitute of such a number of ships of war , as might in the quality of cruisers and convoys in all seas as well as in the chanel have covered and defended our trafficking vessels ; and as we have in consequence thereof lost above 4000 trading ships to the empoverishing of the kingdom , as well as of many families that were before the revolution opulent and rich , while the dutch in the mean time , through their furnishing so small a proportion of men of war to the general fleet , and being thereby provided of the larger number of men of war , as well to defend their merchant ships as to guard their coasts , have not s●stained the third , nay nor the fourth part of the loss of vessels and cargoes that we have done , not but that our chanels might have been better guarded , and our trading ships more protected than they have been by those convoys and cruisers that were appointed and ordained by parliament , had not our commissioners of the admiralty been treacherous and slothful , as well as blockish and ignorant in the service , duty and province which they undertook . so that if the parliament ( as i have formerly hinted ) do not make those persons accountable for the losses at sea , which merchants and in and through them the kingdom hath sustained , all thinking men will have reason to believe , that those they have chosen to be their representatives do take pleasure in the●r empoverishment , misery and ruin ; and will be provoked to judge them in a conspiracy with those gentlemen to promote all those desolations and mischiefs : seeing the parliaments over looking the crimes of those commissioners , or their conniving at their conduct , will more than intimate that they are so . and indeed , by the whole management of publick affairs for near these seven years , both in parliament and out of it , those called to sit in the senate , as well as those employed in civil offices , have been doing to the nation , as the daughters of peleus did by the advice of medea to their aged father , whom they hackt in pieces , in hopes that by her magick they should have restored him both to life and youth again . for through the influence of dutch councils , and the administration of a belgick king , and by this wheedle , and under pretence of rescuing us from popery and slavery , of banishing tyranny , securing liberty , and of making us an opulent and glorious nation , they have empoverished us beyond remedy and retrieve ; and have brought us so near to the brink of vassalage and thraldom , that it will require more vertue and courage to prevent it , than we have much ground of hoping to find the generality of this debauched , rebellious and disloyal generation endowed with . and if some of those that have been principally accessory to our misery and ruin be not speedily made examples of parliamentary justice , who knows but upon the late president of making a king accountable for the offences of his ministers , whether the body of the people from wapping to westminster may not assault kensington and whitehall , as well as the admiralty office , if not instead of it ? for as pleb● non judicium , so furiosis nulla voluntas ; as the populace and mob is commonly void both of judgment and equity , so they do not act when provoked under the guidance of reason , but under the agitations of intemperate rage . nor will your dutch ingineers brought lately over ( if we may believe the paper called the post man from december the 10th to december the 12th st. vet . who tells , that by letters from brussels of december the 14th st. n. there were divers ingineers ordered from maestricht to london ) to deter an injured and thereupon an enraged people from attempting more than i will say , and 〈◊〉 call it the doing themselves right , and the nation justice . and having mentioned those outlandish ingineers , i crave leave to recommend it to the parliament to enquire into their business , and what they come hither to be employed about ; seeing there are no french garisons in england to be besieged and bombed . but if it be in order to king william's erecting a citadel for enslaving london and westminster , it is to be hoped that the terrour of bombs and carcasses will not frighten english-men quietly to surrender their liberties and properties , and tamely to put on and wear chains . to all which might be further added the very small quota which they furnish the confederate fleet are not only many times subsisted upon our provisions and stores instead of their own , and supplied with our naval preparations , but in the place of attending constantly upon the flag , as they ought , many of those ships of war are detached from the fleet , and employed as convoys to their trading vessels : which as it may at some time or other prove of fatal consequence to the royal fleet of england , and the whole kingdom , so in the mean time they make their profit by it , through the enlarging and securing their traffick , while ours is narrowed and crippled for want of cruisers and convoys , and while such merchant ships as will venture upon voyages are left exposed to be seised by french privateers . but this being so warmly and judiciously represented by the ingenious author of a letter to a gentleman elected a knight of the shire to serve in the present parliament , i shall not farther enlarge upon it ; especially , seeing admiral russel , who is now a member of the house of commons , is able to give an ample and particular account of it , and who for resenting it as became him , when lately admiral in the mediterranean , has been coldly received by his master since his return . but to advance a step further on the point and head whereon i am discoursing ; can there be a greater invasion upon our trade , or any thing committed more to the diminution and ruin of it , than the dutch assuming the boldness , and king william countenancing them in it , to despise and violate both our act of navigation of the 12 car. 2. and divers other statutes made during his reign ; all which were providently and wisely enacted for the encouragement of the encrease of shipping and navigation , and for the promotion and enlargement of our home manufactures ? for as few can be ignorant , especially of gentlemen and merchants , both of the occasion and design of these several laws ; so the whole nation hath abundantly experienced all along since the making of them , what profit and advantage have thereby accrued , first to trade , and then to the kingdom . ●ut now , by the insolency of the dutch , and the treachery of king william to this nation , all those laws have been slighted and violated by them , and the care of having them observed and put in execution to us been neglected by him ; which both on his part , and theirs , is in direct subserviency to make them powerful in shipping and opulent in wealth , and to render us poor , feeble and weak . and as there is not one branch of all these laws , the transgression of which has not been practised by them , and connived at by their country man on the english throne ; so they are , through his encouragement and protection , grown at last to that impudence , and arose to that defiance of english laws and common justice , that coffee house tables have been furnished with printed and publick advertisements of such and such dutch productions and manufactures that were to be vended at places there named in and about the city of london , notwithstanding of their being expresly prohibited by those laws to be either imported into or sold in this kingdom . but whereas neither of the two houses of parliament , upon the present inspection they are making into the decay of trade , and their calling merchants before them to instruct them therein , can want information from those they examin of the truth of what i have suggested , and in what particulars and branches all those laws are violated by the dutch ▪ and suffered to grow obsolete , and to remain unexecuted by the prince of orange . i shall supercede the saying more on this head , because i cannot enlarge upon it as i ought , and as it deserves , without writing a volume instead of a few sheets of paper . and therefore the next attempt i charge them with is still more hainous , and done infinitely more to our disgrace , being not only an invasion upon our trade , but upon the liberty of our persons . for by an unpresidented and unparalelled in●olency , the like whereof no nation did ever pretend to exercise towards , and over the subjects of this kingdom , they demand and exact a tenth man out of every ship of ours that goes into their ports , for and towards the manning of their fleet ; and to justify themselves in the doing hereof , they pretend to be authorised by king william's order . this they have practised for these two years past , only they are grown more rampant , tyrannous and oppressive this last than they were the former . for whereas in the year 1694. they were contented with one man out of ten , or 15 guilders in lieu thereof , and for his ransom , they have in the year 1695. required and taken a man out of every ship of ours that went into their ports , though the sailors were never so few , or else they have exacted 25 guilders for the excusing and redeeming him from their service . so that if it be but a hoy , which is sailed with a master , one man , and two boys , yet they demand one ; and upon its being replied that the vessel cannot be sailed if one be taken out , they pretend it a condescention and favour to compound at 25 guilders for his being excused , which is fifty shillings of english mony. nor do any ships escape without doing the one or the other , and for which they alledg their having king william's authority . and these things they are so far from concealing , or seeking to extenuate the injustice and criminalness of , by the necessity of their condition , that they glory in it both in their trackschuytes , and in all places of society and concourse , as the badg of their exaltation and triumph over us , and of our subjection to them . the method in which this force and hostility over us is practised is this , namely , before any ship can be cleared at their custom-house the master must go to the lords of the admiralty , and bring from thence a certificate to the custom-house of having given a man out of the vessels crew to their service , or of having compounded at the value i have mentioned for his redemption . surely it will not be unseasonable now to ask , whether we be in terms of hostility with the dutch , or of alliance ? seeing we are not treated by them in this as friends , but as enemies : nay , it will be needful t●at we consult both our understandings and memories , whether england be not tributary to holland , and when and how it came to be so ? for as much as they deal not with us as with a free and independent nation , but as with a province which they have subdued and brought into vassalage . and if we be not slaves , but remain yet a free people , this hostility in them ought to be hostily repelled by us : and in the place of accounting them any longer our confederates , we ought to esteem and take them for our enemies , and every where to assault them accordingly . and for our belgick king to authorise the dutch to do what i have mentioned , is to assume a power over the liberties and persons of the people of england , which no rightful king did ever pretend unto . for our persons and liberties being under the custody of the laws , no king can claim a larger jurisdiction over them than what the laws give him ; unless he will renounce to govern by law , and take upon him to rule despotically . and the prince of orange may with as good right transplant all the people of england to the deserts of arabia , or send them to work in the mines of peru and mexico , as to authorise the dutch to seise upon one man that is either a native subject here , or under the protection of english laws , to navigate either their ships of war , or their vessels of commerce and traffick . nor has he any more right to deprive me of my liberty , save when , where , and in what cases the laws have declared me to have forfeited it , than i have to break into the prince of orange's closet at kensington , and to snatch from thence the testimonials of his reconciliation to the church of rome . but by these little sportful preludiums of the young cub , we may guess what we are to expect from the animal when grown up to the full strength and vigour of a tyger , or a lion. but the next depradation and invasion committed upon our trade is more vilanous , and ought to be more provoking , as well as surprising , than any of the former ; seeing it was neither compassed nor executed by meer cunning and fraud , nor upon pretences of avowed authority derived and received from king william , but which they perpetrated by open force and direct violence . whereof though there may possibly be found divers instances , yet i shall only assign one , but which shall be of that hainous nature , that we need require no more , and ought henceforth to think how to do our selves right , and take our revenge upon them . the hostility and violence which i mean is that committed by the dutch upon the african company of england , in driving them by armed force out of two factories in africa ; the one whereof brought the company forty marks of gold per mensem , and the other not much less , besides other commodities . for the said company having , among other factories which they had erected and quietly held in africa , established one at a place called commenda , and which they stood possessed of , and had furnished with all things necessary for the defence and protection of their servants , and for the management of their trade , both in the sale of what they transported thither from hence , and for the obtaining and securing whatsoever the adjacent coast , and the neighbouring ports on that continent afforded fit to be brought hither ; the dutch having a factory adjoyning thereunto did , about two years ago , instigate and stir up the natives against the english factory , by telling them that the english were a conquered nation , and not able any longer to help and assist , or to trade with them , in that they had subdued the kingdom of england , and made their stadtholder , who was but their servant , king and monarch of it . by which fraudulent means , and language as reproachful of us , as it was false in it self , the natives who are all a kind of unthinking mob , and easily misled , as well through the habitude and dulness of their understandings , as through the little acquaintance and knowledge which they have of the european parts of the world , made an insurrection against the english , and in multitudes assaulted and attacked their factory . but the africans being no better than an undisciplined rout , and not well furnished with the materials and utensils of war , and especially being unprovided with great artillery , were easily repelled and beaten off by those of the english factory ; which the dutch observing , and being sensible that time would both asswage the mutinous passions of the natives , and discover the fraud by which they had hur●ied them into that hasty and intemperate rage against the factory , there having been no● just cause administered by the english , whereby the natives might be provoked to fall upon them ; thereupon the dutch did not only make fresh applications unto , and renew their instigations of the africans to persevere in and persue the design of expelling the english out of the forementioned factory ; but these treacherous hollanders did hostily turn and fire the guns of their own fort against the english factory that stood near unto it , and by armed violence drove them from thence , and forced them to leave and abandon it . and as these are some of the blessed fruits and effects of the revolution , so having by our departure from our loyalty , lost together with our vertue , our honour , and our concerns for the safety and welfare of our country , these encroachments , rapines , and robberies of the dutch , are not only overlookt by most , tamely digested by all , but have a merit and sanctity ascribed to them by some of our sycophant and mercenary clergy , under the notion of the tributes of our gratitude paid to the hollanders as our deliverers from popery and slavery . and it is but reason , that owing our lives , liberties and estates to the friendship and bounty of their assistance , when the gospel and every thing that is valuable in it self and dear to us was at stake , they should at pleasure claim and exercise a jurisdiction over them , and we be contented with a precarious right in all that we are and have . for through the bigottry of most , and the treachery of a great many , it is now arrived at this , that even for a house of peers to take upon them the representing the decays and sufferings of the nation in point of trade , is by your salisbury burnet thought worthy of being branded with the alarming and ignominious name of remonstrating against the government . but i will venture to say , that if speedy remedies be not fallen upon and used by the senate of the kingdom , for the relieving us from our distresses and miseries of that kind , that the forenamed mi●red gentleman will soon find the heats of the nation to rise beyond the remedy of his vinegar-bottle ; how effectual soever he may have found that liquor to have been to check and allay warm and ●ustful insurrections in himself . yea , in vain do both houses of parliament labour to help and relieve us in this matter , while we have a king so linked and united to the dutch , by manifold ties of interest and affection , and who thinks himself no otherwise obliged by the title and authority we have given him over this nation , than to sacrifice us to their safety and prosperity , and to raise them to greatness , power and wealth , upon our poverty , thraldom and ruin : so that the only mean of deliverance and rescue is to dissolve the bonds between him and us , and to return and leave him where we found him in the separate and amorous embraces of his darling and beloved hollanders . all i have further to add in reference to the damage done to the trade of this nation by the dutch , and of the design which king william out of kindness to them has been promoting for the ruin and subversion of our traffick , shall be briefly to take notice of , and to reflect a little upon his erection of a scotch african and east india company , with such immunities and privileges as will prove destructive of the trade of england to those parts . which scotch company , as it is established by a late act of parliament of that kingdom , to which king william gave the enacting fiat and royal sanction ; so he did it without giving his english privy council , or any other of this nation , the least antecedent notice of it , and much more without asking or taking their advice about it , though a matter both of great importance in it self , and of vast consequence to the trade of this kingdom . nor can it be imagined that the said act for erecting of a scotch company was surreptitiously obtained , or precipitately passed , without his knowledg and information of the tenor of it : seeing the instructions were formed and digested here , and signed by him ; which upon being sent down thither , gave occasion and encouragement there to make and enact such a statute at this juncture . and it is highly worthy of remark , that this scotch law , containing so many unusual privileges , and beneficial concessions , as were never granted heretofore by any king of great britain , should be made at a season when the trade of england is so loaded and depressed by late grievous impositions and taxes laid upon it , by several laws since the revolution , in order to the carrying on of the present war , and for the defraying the charges of it . nor is it conceivable , how after so many discouragements given to the english east india company , not only in refusing them an establishment by law , but in delaying for several years to grant them a confirmation of their charter ; and thereby putting them both to vast expenses , through their being so long in soliciting of it , and the leaving them all that while naked and exposed to be undermined and supplanted by interlopers , that this unwonted and exuberant grace should be exercised to the kingdom of scotland , were it not done upon the influence of dutch councils , and in pursuance of measures from holland for the ruining the trade of england . and whosoever considers the little respect , and the less affection which king william hath for the scots nation , and with what disdain and contempt he speaks o● that whole kingdom , and treats those of the first quality of it , will easily believe , that he did not authorise the establishment of the forementioned company out of kindness unto , or concern for the prosperity of that nation ; but that it was done upon the motives , and in pursuance of foreign councils . not that i do envy the scots any favour that is shewed them , upon whatsoever inducements it be done ; or that i blame the parliament of scotland for what they have done in this particular , towards the raising of the genius , and encouraging the industry of their people , to the pursuit of trade ; but what i would say is , that as king william's kindness to the scots in this matter is to the apparent and visible damage of the english , so it is morally certain , that both the first overture of such an establishment sprung from belgick councils , and that the prince of orange's instructions , which led that parliament to such a bill , and the royal assent given thereunto by his commissioner , upon which it is become a law and statute , is all in order to encrease the trade , and raise the grandeur of the dutch , and to depress and lessen the trade of england , and thereby to weaken and impoverish the kingdom . for as the author of a paper called , some considerations upon the late act of the parliament of scotland for constituting an indian company , has with candor and ingenuity told us , pag. 4. that the original of that design of settling a company of commerce for strangers as well as for scotch-men was not from scotland , nor from hence , but altogether from foreign parts ; which , as he there tells us , he had from good hands . so we have reason upon his testimony to receive what he says , being so avowed a patron of the wisdom , justice and equity of the said act. however it will not be amiss to unfold a little more distinctly , what he hath only obscurely and briefly insinuated . in the doing whereof i must crave pardon for revealing a secret committed to me in a private conversation , and the rather because i have always valued my self upon an inviolable fidelity toward all that have trusted me , and upon a tenacious retentiveness and steddy secrecy in reference to such things as have been privately , and under the notion of friendship conveyed to me . but where my discretion has only been confided in , but neither my honour nor my conscience have been engaged , i do judg that i not only may , but that in duty i ought to disclose what hath been , and is contrived and machinated , in order to divide and separate these two kingdoms , and thereby to weaken if not ruin both of them : namely , that the dutch● being afraid that either through the prince of orange's death , or through king james's restauration , these nations may be awakened to consider how they have been first deluded and misled , and then wronged and injured by the hollanders ; and thereupon may be provoked to demand reparation , and grow enraged to persue revenge , they have therefore studied and concerted how to separate the kingdoms of england and scotland the one from the other : and have proceeded so far therein , as in either of the foregoing cases to have allowance for it from willam's dutch minions and confidents , which is equivalent to the having it from himself . and accordingly they have treated with some of the scotch nation about it , whom they have not only gratified with mony to make them pliable , but have given them assurance , that there shall be three or four hundred thousand pound ready , to bribe and gain the chief and most leading men of that kingdom to comply with this design , at what time it may be needful for the dutch to have it put in execution . in pursuance whereof they have started the project of a scotch east india company , which that nation had all the reason in the world to take hold of , and they will be thought not only kind but just to themselves in gaining this grant and concession from the crown , for their coming into the interest of this man at a season when their adhering to their rightful king , as was their duty to have done , would have made this man's title very uncertain and precarious , and would have rendered his abode in , and reign over these kingdoms of a very short duration and continuance . nor will it escape the recommending the wisdom of the scots nation to posterity , that whilst the english , who have lavished away and wasted near 40 millions sterl . upon their dutch king , have not obtained one beneficial national act or law in recompence of all that they have so foolishly and prodigally bestowed for the support of his government ; the scots , by taking the benefit of his foreign inclinations and affections , have gained something that may be useful to them and their off-spring . it were high presumption in me to undertake to declare how far the scots act is directly calculated and adapted to the prejudice of england , seeing that were to invade the province , and to break into the rights of both houses of the parliament of england , who being extreamly sensible of , and having maturely weighed it , have not only the integrity and fortitude to represent it by a solemn address to king william , but who in their profound wisdom are considering both how to obviate the evils which that law threatneth to the traffick of the kingdom , and how to settle the trade of the nation upon such a foot and bottom as may give encouragements to it , and make it revive and flourish . i do know that all which the two houses are to expect from their belgick king in answer to their address is , that he was surprised into the passing of the scotch act , which i hope all men will believe he as truly was , as he pretends to have been into the massacre of glenco , for the perpetration whereof he gave several positive and reiterated orders : for fides belgica , and fides punica , are equivalent ; and the word of a carthagenian senator or general , and that of a dutch prince , are of the same alloy and stamp . but as the scots are a wiser nation , having obtained the passing of such a law , than upon any consideration whatsoever to be prevailed upon to repeal or to part with it , either to gratify king william , or to humour and accommodate this kingdom ; so no man in the present circumstances in which england is , will judge it the interest of this nation to quarrel with scotland , or too much to rally and vex the scots upon this account . not but that there are many ways and means within the circle and under the power of the parliament of england , by which they may not only vent their anger against those english that have subscribed to the scots east india stock , but make scotland it self first uneasy and then enraged . but as this were to spend their resentment and anger where they ought not , seeing all their indignation ought in justice and equity to fall no where but upon kensington and holland ; so it were to make themselves tools in promoting the design of separating these two kingdoms , which the dutch contrived this act for the establishment of the forementioned company as a foundation of , and a path unto . for should they at westminster , as they easily may , make all those english that have put in their shares into the scots stock pay quadruple taxes to the war , which they are upon ways and means to support ; this would but make many wealthy and industrious merchants to forsake england , and retreat to scotland , where they will be heartily welcomed , and effectually protected against all the operation of such a stingy law. or should the parliament of england enjoyn these english that have subscribed to the scots stock to abandon and renounce their membership in that company , this would not only entitle the scots to so much mony as was the quota of thei● first payment , which having already received , they are not so silly as to refund ; but it would also occasion those that have ventured so much in that bottom rather to carry their whole capital after it , than to be both shut out from the benefit of such a proportion of their own estates , and likewise to forfeit so much of their very principal . nor would the parliament of england act with less imprudence , and in greater inconsistency with their own interest , should they suffer themselves to be provoked to turn the payment of all the scots regiments in flanders off from the english establishment , and cast it upon the scots as the equivalent of the customs which they are excused from by the forementioned statute ; but which they would be obliged to pay to the government , were they to trade to africa and the east indies upon the like bottom and terms which the english do . but as this were to enfeeble the confederate army , by robbing it of seventeen thousand as good men as any it is constituted of , or else to necessitate england to hire and pay so many foreigners in their room , which they cannot in that method of acting avoid doing towards the compleating of the eighty seven thousand four hundred and forty men , which the house of commons by their vote of december the 14th have declared necessary for the year 1696. so such a procedure of this kingdom towards scotland would enforce the scots both to call home their troops , and to employ them where england will not find any advantage in giving them provocation as well as occasion to do it . so that in a word , all the anger that boileth in english breasts upon the account of this scots act ought to vent it self upon the dutch who gave the advice , and upon our belgick king who gave it the legislative stamp , and ratified it into an act , by what he calls his royal authority . and to shew that all his little excuses , and particularly what he gave in answer to the address of the two houses when presented to him octob. 17. viz. that he had been ill served in scotland , is all cheat , pure grimace , in that he has not in evidence of his being imposed upon and misled , turned out or laid aside one of those ministers of state whom he would have this credulous nation believe to have deluded him to it . which were it true , as it no wise is , it ought not to vindicate him from being accountable for the wrong he hath therein done to the kingdom of england ; seeing he who drove away king james by a president of his own making , meerly for the offences of that king's ministers , and which ministers he has not only taken into his friendship and confidence , but made some of them the chief superintendants of all his affairs , must not think to sham the world off with pretences that the ministers are only guilty , whilst he is to be looked upon as one as innocent as the child unborn . yea i will presume to add , that whereas k. james was not by any laws of the kingdom responsable for the transgressions of his councillors and off●cers , but his person and royal dignity were in all cases to remain sacred and safe , k. w. is justly and legally arraignable for all the crimes of his ministers , as well as for his own ; and that both by his authorising that unjust and barbarous fact of abdicating his uncle and father in law , and also by virtue of the stipulation , contract and term upon which he accepted the crown . but if nothing else will serve and content the parliament of england , save the making reprisals , and taking revenge upon the scots , for their establishing an east india company with so many ample privileges and immunities , the way of doing it is open and easy , without their committing any thing that the scots can call unjust , or which they themselves may either repent or be ashamed of : namely , to grant unto their own trading company , especially to those of africa and the east indies , such an establishment by law , with ease from custom and impositions , at least with such an abatement and moderation of them as caeteris paribus may be an equivalent to all the privileges and immunities in the scots act , and thereby discourage and cripple , if not stifle and smother their undertaking . and it is a surprise to all thinking disinterested men , that trade being the source and fountain of the wealth , strength and populace of a nation ; and that this kingdom being more adapted for it by its situation , harbours , and the genius of its people , than any other country whatsoever , that yet it should be so far from being encouraged in the way , manner and degrees it ought , that the trade of england is more clogged , loaded , and has greater burthens laid upon it , than that of any other nation . but if this method of counteracting the scots should not be thought convenient , when the kingdom is to be charged with so many and large grants of mony to the government for the upholding and carrying on the present war , there is still another way of obviating all the evils we are apprehensive of from the scots act , and from the old east india company ; yea and not only of defeating the design of the dutch , who were the first and under-hand advisers to it , but of improving it into an occation of strengthening our selves to chastise the hollanders , and to exact reparations from them for all the injuries of one kind and ●●other which they have done us : and that is the bringing these two kingdoms into an union of councils , laws and privileges of all sorts , as they are already united under one monarch , encompassed by the same seas , inhabitants upon one island , and not differing in language farther than in tone and dialect . which as it would be to the mutual safety and prosperity of both nations , so it is not to be questioned but that the scots , in consideration and acknowledgment of the benefit that would accrue to them by an incorporation with england , would chearfully surrender their late act , and be as forward as we can wish to repeal it . nor would it be sound so difficult as some do imagine it , to effect , compass and perfect such an union upon terms that both kingdoms may think equal , could we on each side renounce national piques , and give up little private interests , in order to the obtaining a general common good. i am told that some are so ignorant , and others so impudent , as say , that king william in virtue of that sovereign power which that kingdom hath granted him , may , by his own personal and immediate authority , without the concurrence of a parliament , or the prescription of a law , impose upon trade what duty , customs or taxes he pleaseth ; and this they alledg to stand vested in him as a part of his prerogative , by the gift and concession of an act of parliament made in one of those sessions when launderdale was king charles the second's high commissioner . to which i reply three things : 1. that such a supposition were to put all traders of the kingdom of scotland into the state and condition of slaves , by making their whole property acquirable by the way of traffick to be under the protection of no law , but to be s●isable and disposable at the arbitrary will and despotical pleasure of the king ; which i think that nation which justly boasts it self a free kingdom , as much as any other whatsoever , will not easily acquiesce in , and submit unto from any king : but especially not from one of their own making , who being as the clay in their hands , of which they have made a vessel of honour , they may either break it or mould it again when the humour takes them into a vessel of dishonour . 2. whatsoever prerogative this man , under the notion of being their king , may have as to the laying impositions upon goods and merchandise , where no law doth preclude and bar him from doing it , and where the concession , liberty and right for them to trade to such and such places , and in such and such commodities , proceed and are derived mee●ly from his personal grant and charter , which gives them all their title so to do ; yet it is most absurd to imagine that he can have any such prerogative or power where a publick law hath given them both a right and authority to trade , and an immunity from all impositions whatsoever in reference to such places , and the productions and superfluities thereof ; and it is also tyranny in him to challenge it . for by this means no laws can be a fence about mens estates and properties , nor give them the security which they both promise , and were made and enacted for the ensuring to them . and for king william to claim and exercise such a jurisdiction and authority were to usurp a dispensing power that is both infinitely worse in it self , and more fatal in its consequences , than that for which we so much blamed , and have hostily treated king james : seeing all the dispensing power king james challenged was only in reference to penal laws , and those also relative meerly to religious matters ; as to both which the king has a greater extent and latitude of jurisdiction inherent in him by reason of his sovereign power , than he hath in reference to other laws . but should king william take upon him to dispense with the act we are speaking of , it were to usurp a dispensing power both in reference to beneficial laws , and those made for the protection of our civil rights , properties and estates , which all men who have common sense know to be more out of the verge and reach of kings to supercede and controle , than those are which refer to ecclesiastical officers , and which are likewise of a penal nature . 3. should it be admitted that by that act of lauderdale's parliament an absolute , unlimitted and despotical authority became vested in king charles , and stood conveyed to king james , in relation to this laying taxes and impositions on trade ; yet no power of this kind accrues by this act to king william , in that it was complained of as one of the grievances which were presented to him antecedently to his having crown conferred upon him , and whereof redress only was demanded : but it was stipulated , and made a part of the original contract , betwixt the kingdom of scotland and him , that no such power as lauderdale's act imported should ever be claimed , or exercised over them . and for king william now to pretend to it , were not only to violate his coronation oath , and proclaim himself perjured to all the world ; but it were to discharge that nation from all obligation of fealty to him , and to give them a legal right as well as cause to proceed to the deposing and abdicating him . before i shut up this discourse , which the variety and importance of the matter has already made longer than i at first designed it , though i hope it will not be found tedious , i shall for the sake of many thousands ; as well as my own , humbly applying my self to the senate of the kingdom , to the members of the privy council , and to the gentlemen of both the gowns , for their resolving me two or three questions ; which it is of great concernment with respect to our constitution , our laws , our relig●on , and our consciences to have satisfactorily answered . the first is , that they would tell us what the meaning of a king de facto is , and how such a one differs from a king de jure ? for i find that many both of the lawyers , gentry , as well as of the clergy , who do wholy disbelieve , and in their minds disclaim the prince of orange's right to the sovereignty , do yet allow themselves to swear allegiance to him , and do pay him the duty of subjects , meerly because he is got into possession of the throne and royal title , and de facto hath assumed the exercise of the kingly power . nor am i ignorant that the pedant writers of politicks do speak of a king de facto , as well as of a king de jure ; but so far as i am capable of understanding reason or good sense , no man can be called a king de facto , who is not either antecedently or concomitantly a king also de jure : seei●g he that is stiled a king , but who is not rightfully so , is by all the laws of god and man a robber and an usurper ; but a king he is not , nor can he be . a thief may as well be called a legal proprietor of what he hath stolen from his neighbour , and he that pads upon the road may have as just a claim to the purse he hath forcibly taken from a traveller , though the law makes both the one and the other obnoxious to be hanged , and that very justly too , as he can have either right or pretence to the regal title and power , who attains not to them by the methods , rules and measures , and in the virtue , force and efficacy of the constitution . and as the names of intruder , usurper and robber , and not those of prince , sovereign and king , are which such a one ought only to be called by ; so instead of allegiance due unto him , or of our being under the obligation eithe● of divine or human laws to render unto that person the duties of subjects , we are bound bo●h in law and conscience to raise hue and cry after him , and to persue him , and make him accountable for the crimes which have entitled him to the names of robber of his neighbours crown , and intruder into and usurper of another man's throne . things are stubborn and inflexible , and will not change their natures , because of the complemental soft words that are fastned upon them . theft , robbery and usurpation , will not cease to be the same evil and abominable crimes which god hath denounced curses against , and which men in all ages have annexed punishments unto , notwithstanding the smooth whitehall and kensington language with which we varnish them over . and whereas the word and name king hath been hitherto taken for a fair , honest , and honourable word and name , and held no ways reproachful for a vertuous man to have it ascribed unto him , and to be denominated by it ; i will venture to say that it is one of the worst and most scandalous words in the world , and the most disgraceful and injurious title that a person is capable of having given him ; if it be allowed to express an usurper by , and used of one that has no right to a crown , but meerly the possession of it . but whereas there are some who through want of sense , and others who through ignorance of the law , may take the prince of orange to be a king de jure , and may thereby hope both to save their consciences and their credits , and think to justify themselves from treason and disloyalty in their swearing allegiance to him , and yielding him the fealty due from subjects ; i desire therefore in the second place to ask our senators of wisdom , and our gentlemen of the gowns , how this right to be king accrues to the prince of orange , and from what sources of law and justice the royal stile and authority come to be derived unto and vested in him , and by what tenure he bears the royal name , and exerciseth the sovereign power ? for as there are but three ways in any nation of arriving lawfully at the supream authority , and of coming legitimately and honestly to be a king , namely , either by the right of hereditary succession , or by the right of just and lawful conquest , or by the right of election , where through the known laws , and the fundamental provisions of the constitution , there is upon every vacancy of the throne a privilege vested in the people , or in their representatives , or in some select number of the most honourable and qualified persons , to chuse one to fill it . and as none can have the impudence to say , either that the prince of orange is king of england by the right of hereditary succession , seeing there are divers persons who have an hereditary right of inheriting the crown antecedently to him . or that he attained to be king by a lawful conquest in a just war ; seeing that is not only disclaimed by himself , and repr●bated by the parliament , but because the offering to establish his title upon that foundation , and to justify it by that plea , were to put us into the state of slaves instead of subjects , and to make us enjoy all we are and have by his pleasure and will , and not to have any property in them by our antient laws . so in the third place none who have the least acquaintance with the nature of our constitution , the frame of our government , or the many laws of the land relative to the right and manner of succession in the sovereignty , will dare to pretend that upon a demise of the crown the people , or any certain number of persons whatsoever , stand legally vested with a power of chusing who shall succeed : and the reason is obvious , because our monarch is and has been always an hereditary monarch , and not an elective . wherefore though there have been sometimes interruptions in the rightful succession , and translations of the crown from one family to another , yet save in the cases of direct usurpation , such as oliver cromwel's , it was never attempted on the foot and principle of the peoples having a power resident in them by law to elect their king ; but it was always on the motive and foundation of doubtful and controverted titles . which claim , though in some it was very weak , yet it was always insisted upon ; and what their title wanted in legal goodness , they endeavoured to make out by military power . i might add , that there was no demise here , neither by death nor by resignation , and much less were there any vested with a regal power of abdicating , deposing , and driving away king james . so that upon the whole , the prince of orange can upon ●o foundation whatsoever , nor in any sense received , among men of coming lawfully to a crown , be king of england de jure , and by consequence he must be contented to be held for no other than an usurper , and as such ought all men to account him , who according to the laws of revelation , and of the kingdom , would either approve themselves to god , or have peace in their own minds . but then thirdly , admitting the prince of orange to be king of england , ( whether de jure or de facto i further enquire not ▪ ) i desire to ask the two houses of parliament , as well as our lawyers and divines , of what signification and importance in their judgments and opinions the word king is , that the people may the better know the nature , extent and bounds of their allegiance , that being on their part reciprocal and corrolate to kingship on the sovereigns ? and this question is the more necessary to be resolved , in that the notion and idea of king is much different in the present estimate of the generality of men , as well within the houses of parliament as without them , from what it is represented and found to be in our laws , and from what it has been always heretofore taken and acknowledged to be . that therefore which with reference to my self , as well as to many thousands besides , i would earnestly beg to know , is , whether by king they mean a sovereign prince , whose person ( by virtue of the authority lodged in him , and by reason that the peace and welfare of the whole society depends upon his safety ) is sacred and inviolable ; who cannot legally be resisted , opposed or withstood , and much less be judged , deposed and abdicated by any power on earth , on any pretence whatsoever , and one without whose call and authority all meetings , assemblies and consultations about matters of government and state are treason and rebellion ? or whether by king they do intend only a person that is meerly in the quality of a trustee , entrusted by and accountable to the people as his principals , and who being only vested with a delegated power , may therefore be resisted , arraigned , judged , abdicated , and drove away , if he offend those over whom he is advanced to rule , and act dissonantly from and contrary to the laws , of all which his subjects are to be judges ? for if king be taken in the first sense , to signify one that is unaccusable , irresistable and unabdicable ; than we of this nation neither have , nor lawfully can have , any other king than king james while he liveth , and hath not renounced and disclaimed his right : and by consequence the prince of orange is no other than an usurper . and we out of our own mouths , and by our own sentence , no better than rebels in abdicating the former , and in submitting unto and owning the later . and indeed the principles upon which the salisbury dictator of measures of obedience , dr. burnet ( who out of disloyal malice to us endeavoured to subvert our antient government , and to battle all our laws , by his modern and treasonable politicks ) striveth to justify the abdication in a book he hath lately published , called , reflections on a pamphlet entitled some discourses upon dr. burnet and dr. tillotson , occasioned by the funeral sermon of the former upon the later , plainly shew both how self condemned the author is , and what rebellion he and the nation are , according to the laws of god and men , become guilty by that transaction . for whereas he owns , that illegal acts , and acts of tyranny , and the remote consequences of them , do not justify the resisting of princes ; and that they can be then only lawfully withstood , when their going about to subvert totally the constitution shall be plainly apparent , p. 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37. there is no more needful to be said for the loading of him , and for the branding the nation with the just imputation of the highest and most detestable treason committed in the abdication of the king , and in the choise and exaltation of the prince of orange to his throne . seeing whatsoever illegal acts ( which were not many , nor of any menacing importance to the kingdom ) the king might be misled and hurried into by treacherous councillors ; yet it is so far from being plainly apparent that he designed to subvert the constitution , that the contrary is demonstratively evident ; and that no prince ever bore greater regard to the laws , liberties and prosperity of england than he did . and as his majesties sending an ambassador to rome , his appointing popish bishops , and his claiming a dispensing power in reference to penal laws about religion , are all the instances which that traiterous doctor gives of the king 's being embarqued in such an attempt ; so they are such weak and impertinent proofs of such a design , that it is to banter mankind , to raise a suspition of it upon them , and much more to stile them plain and apparent evidences of it . nor needs there any more to shew that the constitution was in no danger of being totally subverted by those means and overt acts of government , than that neither the noble person that went to rome , nor those that were constituted popish bishops , nor any of them that gave advice for the dispensing power , have been so much as arraigned , and much less capitally punished , as they would and deserved to have been , if those things had been of a direct and immediate tendency to destroy totally the constitution . nor would any man have betrayed at once the weakness and the impudence as to have assigned those acts of administration , and no other , as convictive proofs of an apparent design in king james to subvert totally the constitution ; but this noisy , treacherous and disloyal doctor , who like to him that fired diana's temple to protect himself from oblivion , has been studying to raise himself a monument upon the banishment of his sovereign , the ruin of our antient government , and the involving of these kingdoms in a bloody and destructive war. but then on the other had , if king be taken in the second sense , for one that may be resisted , arraigned , deposed and drove away from his throne and kingdom ; then as the prince of orange hath but a flippery seat of it , and a thorny crown , so no man can be lawfully required to take an oath of allegiance to him , and much less justly punished by double taxes , or otherwise for refusing it : seeing if that be the signification and importance of king , it may be every man's duty to assist in deposing and dethroning him . and upon what i have said of his miscarriages in government , and the designs he is carrying on to the ruin as well as impoverishment of the kingdom , there is nothing remains to be added or adviced , but to your tents o israel , for this man ought no longer to be suffer'd to pretend to reign over us . for as he hath in many instances apparently attempted the total subversion of the constitution , ( which even by our salisbury doctor 's principles of politicks , justifieth the deposing him ) and particularly both in the commanding a whole tribe of men that were under the protection of the laws to be massacred , without any previous tryal or conviction ; and in his taking the earl of bredalbin by meer arbitrary power , not only out of the hands of justice , when he stood impeached by parliament ( which whether he was justly or unjustly makes no change in the nature of what the prince of orange hath therein done ) but in putting him into the administration of the government as a privy councellor : so he hath likewise in effect destroyed the very kingdom , and hath brought us into those circumstances of confusion , misery and want , out of which it is impossible to recover and deliver us , while he is permitted to sit at the helm . and which , if we be so sortish , and so much enemies to our selves and to our posterity as to connive at any longer , it will be out of the reach and power both of our rightful king , and of a well constituted parliament ever to redeem us ; or either to retrieve the nation from final ruin , or to save us from being conquered by any potent neighbour that may have a mind to invade us . nor will i enlarge this discourse any further , save to tell those who out of rebellious enmity to a rightful king , and idolatry of an usurper , may complain of the acrfmony of some expressions which will be found to occur in the foregoing leaves , that all the language i have used is either consecrated by the tongues or pens of your williamite divines , in their pulpit invectives against king james , and the king of france ; or else it is all authorised by the licenced pamphlets , published in way of elog●e upon the present government , and satyr upon the last . and whosoever will waste so much time as to peruse a paper stiled , a dialogue between the king of france and the late king james , occasioned by the death of the queen , will justify me in the reprisals and retaliations i have made . only whereas little is to be met with in these sermons and pamphlets but ridiculous fiction , and impudent slander , as well as dull malice ; there will nothing be found in these sheets but weighed and measured truth , though sometimes a little piquantly expressed . decemb. 20. 1695. errata . page 2 , line 30. before other read of , ibid. l. 38. for sta●e r. state . p. 4. l. ult . for stuff r. strife , p. 5. l. 25. dele same , p. 6. l. 36. for redress r. readers , p. 9. l. 1. r. where we had for a great while been in the quiet and peaceable possession , p. 11. l. 37. r. plead , p. 12. l. 15. dele a before servant , p. 13. l. 8. r. placat's , ibid. l. 20. r. rude , ibid. l. ult . for their r. these , p. 14. l. 8. r. become , ibid. l. 20. for th r. to , p. 15. l. 7. before it r. as , ibid. l. 13. for were r. we , p. 16. l. 3 , 4. r. putting , ibid. l. 6. r. guet , p. 20. l. 21. r. executed , ibid. l. 27. for yet r. yea , p. 22. l. 35. after with r. the , p. 23. l. 8. r. donative , p. 25. l. 38. r. bordacho's , p. 32. l. 33. before mischiefs r. the , p. 33. l. 6. before have r. they , ibid. l. 12. two millions , p. 34. l. 7. after transported put , p. 35. l. 33. for mark r. mask , p. 36. l. 12. r. thither , ibid. l. 19. for so r. for , ibid. l. 20. for more r. were , ibid. l. 33. r. they thus , p. 37. l. ult . dele they , p. 38. l. 8. after unto put , ibid. l. 21. r. become , p. 43. l. 14. r. whereof , p. 47. l. 28. r. villanies , p. 48. l. 28. r. become , ibid. l. 29. r. center , p. 50. l. 25. r. officers , ibid. l. 30. r. the , p. 51. l. 3. r. plebi , ibid. l. 11. dele to , ibid. l. 22. before the r. that , p. 55. l. 32. r. no. the religion of the dutch represented in several letters from a protestant officer in the french army to a pastor and professor of divinity at berne in switserland ; out of the french. religion des hollandois. english stoppa, giovanni battista. 1680 approx. 165 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61701 wing s5769 estc r8262 13730277 ocm 13730277 101606 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61701) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101606) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 852:15) the religion of the dutch represented in several letters from a protestant officer in the french army to a pastor and professor of divinity at berne in switserland ; out of the french. religion des hollandois. english stoppa, giovanni battista. davies, john, 1625-1693. [4], 66 p. printed for samuel heyrick ..., london : 1680. written by giovanni battista stoppa. cf. bm. translated by john davies. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce 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of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng reformed church -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -church history -17th century. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the religion of the dutch . represented in several letters from a protestant officer in the french army , to a pastor and pr●●●●●● of divinity , at berne in swis●erland . out of the french. london , printed for samuel heyrick at grayes-inn gate in holbourn , 1680. the contents of the letters . the first letter discovers by what means , and upon what motives , the reformed religion , according to the calvinistical way , was establish'd in the united provinces . the second and third give an account of all the different religions , that are in those provinces , and their principal opinions . the fourth and fifth prove , that the united provinces cannot be said , to be an estate of the reformed religion . the sixth makes it appear , that , though the dutch were the most reformed christians in the world , yet were it an act of temerarious imprudence in those of the reformed religion , to confederate together , for their relief , in the war between them and the most christian king. and that , of the protestant-cantons , of swisserland , those were highly to be blam'd , which refus'd to raise forces for his most christian majesty ; as was also that of berne , which having granted his most christian majesty a regiment , kept so much stir , to hinder its serving against the dutch. the religion of the dutch . the first letter . reverend sir , though i have alwaies known , and look'd upon you , as a most zealous man in the calvinistical persuasion , yet i should never have imagin'd , that your zeal would have transported you so far , as to induce you , to pronounce an anathema against all those of the reformed religion , who now serve the most christian king in the war , wherein he is engag'd against the dutch. mean time , you know , that you have run into this strange extremity , in the letter you were pleas'd to write from borne , of the 15 th . of the last moneth , which yet came not to my hands till within these two daies . you , at the first dash , tell me , it is a matter you cannot be sufficiently astonished at , that any officer , who makes profession of our religion , whether he be swisse , or french , or of what other countrey soever , should presume to fight against our dear brethren in christ , the dutch , and make it their business to destroy that sanctifi'd republick , which has alwaies been the refuge and sanctuary of those of the reformed religion , and to which all protestants are in the highest manner oblig'd . you , afterwards , make it your most earnest entreaty to us , that , out of the tenderness we ought to have of our salvation , we should quit our employments , and enter our selves into the service of the dutch , so to expiate the sin we have committed in serving against them . you solemnly declare to us , in fine , that , if we do not , upon sight , follow this advice of yours , we are a sort of damn'd wretches , never to be retriev'd out of the deplorabl● condition we are in , and that we ought not to expect any forgiv●ness for our crime , either in this world , or that to come , no more , or less , than if we had sinn'd against the holy ghost . as for your protestant-cantons you highly celebrate the prudence of those among'st them , who hav● deny'd his majesty of france any forces , in his unjust war , as you are pleas'd to call that , wherein he is now involv'd , against the dutch. besides , you highly condemn those , who , having supply'd him with such forces , have not been importunate in the recalling of them , and have not been dissatisfi'd , to see them employ'd , in attacking and maintaining the cities which have been taken from the states-general . i should not have been much startled , if i had receiv'd such a letter from the minister of some country village , or from some person whose abilities rais'd him not above the ordinary rate of men . but i must acknowledge my self surpriz'd , as much as man can be so , to see that you , reverend sir , who are a professor of divinity , and have the reputation of being one of the most experiensed men of swisserland , especially upon the score of politicks , should write me a letter fraught with things very strange and extravagant , and maxim●s absolutely inconsistent with sound sence , and reason , and contrary even to the end you have propos'd to your self , which is , doubtless , the preservation and propagation of our reform'd religion , and of the churches which profess it . i undertake to make a clear justification of the truth of the things which i advance , and to let you see the mistake you lye under , and with what injustice you have so slightly pronounc'd the sentence of condemnation , against all those of the reform'd religion , who serve the most christian king , in the war which he is now concern'd in against the , dutch. to that end , it is my design , to shew you , somewhat at large , of what nature the religion of the dutch is , and what sanctity is to be attributed to their republick ; and thence it will appear , how highly the protestants are concern'd to wish the preservation of it . and when that is done , i shall afterwards prove , that though the hollanders were the most reform'd of all people , in their religion , as well as in their morality ; yet you would not have any reason , to condemn either those private persons of their persuasion , who serve against them ; or yet those of your cantons , who have supply'd the most christian king with forces , upon this occasion . i must acknowledge , that if we consider the dutch confession of faith , and the cathechism they use ; it cannot be denyed , but that they profess the same religion , with that which is received at geneva , and in your protestant-cantons . but in the mean time , this is to be noted , that though they make an external profession of the same religion with yours , yet their conduct and deportment do evidently demonstrate , that they make not any account of it , or that they believe it not at all . to that end , it is requisite , that i make a higher enquiry into things , and go to the very source , and give you a discovery , by what degrees , and by what means , this religion was established in the state , and the different conduct which the states-general have observ'd , in reference thereto . i am of opinion , in the first place , that there is not any necessity of my telling you , that religion was neither the cause , nor the pretence , of the disturbances , revolutions , and seditions of the low-countries ; and that it was not upon that score , that the people of several provinces , after they had carried on the war against their prince , for many years , resolv'd at last to degrade him , and to shake off the yoke of his dominion over them . the great lords of the country , as the prince of orange , the count of egmont , and count horne , were extreamly exasperated , to see , that cardinal de granvelle , a forreigner , and a person of very obscure parentage , had the management of all things , and was the supreme arbitrator of all affairs ; and to think , that they themselves had not any authority in the government . they maintained in the mean time , that the said authority belong'd to them , of right , upon the score of their merit , that of their birth , that of the great estates they were possess'd of , and that of the services they had done the state. the ecclesiastical party were most highly disgusted , upon this account , that their abbeys , their priories and their benefices were to be abolished , for the raising of a revenue for the new bishopricks , which had been erected ; as also for that they had set over them certain persons , who devour'd their annual profits , and who censur'd their conduct , and their manners . to which they added another grievance , that , according to the decisions of the most learned lawyers of the country , it was an impi●ty , to convert the goods of ecclesiastical persons to any other use , than that whereto they had been design'd , by the wills of those , who had made the donations of them . the magistrates of cities and corporations made their complaint , that they had deny'd audience to the states , who had desir'd a free assembly , that there might be a common consultation , about the remedy , most likely to promote the remedying of their grievances ; and that there had been new and insupportable impositions laid upon them , not only without the consent of the estates , but also in spight of their opposition . the ordinary people loudly declar'd , that the king of spain would have abolish'd the ancient form of their government , to the subversion of their lawes and customes , that he might thereby introduce a tyrannical dominion , like that which he made use of , for the government of some kingdomes of spain , that of naples , and the indies . in a word , the grandees , the ecclesiasticks , the magistracy , and the common sort of people , had all a particular occasion of discontent ; but they had also one which was common to them all . above all things they had an extream horror for the inquisition , which had been establish'd amongst them ; out of a fear , that under pretence of religion , some design might be carried on , against the liberties and estates of all . it was for the same reason , that the inhabitants of the kingdom of naples , and of the dutchy of milan , would not endure the establishment of the inquisition amongst them , though neither of those two countries ever had any design , to desert the doctrine and worship of the roman-catholick religion . most part of the inhabitants of the low-countries were , at the beginning , strongly inclin'd to the profession of the ancient religion ; and yet they could not endure , that any man should be put to death , upon the score of any religion whatsoever . and though that cruelty gave them not any occasion of fear for themselves , yet did it however raise in them a compassion for their fellow-citizens . howe're it were , whether out of pity to others , or by way of precaution for themselves , those people , who were extremely jealous of their liberty , and for the conservation of their lawes and customes , which , at best , are but temporal things , contributory to the conveniences of the present life , could yet much less endure to be depriv'd of the spiritual things , which rela●e to the service of god , and eternal salvation . in the year 1566. the greatest lords of the country , and several gentlemen , considerable upon the score of their extraction , of whom most were catholicks , entred into an alliance , for the preservation of their municipal laws , and for the abrogation of the sanguinary edicts which had been made for the establishment of the inquisition . in pursuance of this first treaty of union , was it , that they presented to margaret , then governess of the law-countries , that famous petition , which occasion'd the first insurrections , and which procur'd them the denomination of beggars , which was then given them , and which they could not get off for a long time : after the treaty of gaunt , all the catholick provinces , save only that of luxemburg , enter'd into an alliance with those which were already confederated , for the security of their lawes , their privileges , and their liberty . the alliance of union , and armes , which they had contracted , against the spaniards , was immediately publish'd in brussels , and confirm'd by the solemn oaths of the clergy , the nobility , the gentry , the people , and of the senate it self . in the year 1578. the estates , as well of the roman-catholick religion , as of the reformed persuasion , being assembled at the hague , did unanimously declare , that king philip was devested of the principality of the low-countries . in the year 1579. the estates being assembled at vtrecht , made a new union , from which they took the name of the vnited provinces . and in the 13 th article of that treaty , it is expresly order'd , that every man shall be allow'd the liberty of religion , without any trouble of persecution to any one , upon that occasion . all these treaties of alliance , which the provinces , as well catholick , as protestant , had made together , for their mutual defence against the spaniards , make it evidently appear , that the design of establishing a new religion was neither the ground nor motive thereof . prince william himself , in his declarations and apologies , did alwaies openly protest , as did also the states in theirs , that they had not taken up armes for religion , and that the provinces had not united , in order to the profession of any one particular religion . so far was it from this , that it is certain , all the treaties , as that of gaunt , and the union of vtrecht , all the declarations of the arch-duke matthias , and of the duke of anjou , do loudly establish the free exercise of all religions , and in express terms , forbid the disturbing and persecuting of any man upon that occasion . in the mean time , though they had not , at the beginning , any reflection by way of conscientious motive , for the having of any one publick religion , yet could they not forbear establishing it afterwards , out of a pure interest of state. the inhabitants of the low-countri●● having then ▪ in a manner quite shaken off the yoke of obedience to the magistrates , that juncture of time seem'd wonderfully fit for the establishment of new religions . about thirty or forty years before , men had seen budding out afresh , in germany ▪ the opinions of john hus ; in england , those of wickliff , and in france , those of the waldenses . all these different doctrines were much about the same time spread up and down amongst the belgians . the prince of orange having got out of germany and france , some of the disciples of luther , and calvin , where their religions were already establish'd , order'd them to preach in the low-countries , by the means of those new doctors . but he himself persisted in a publick profession of the roman religion , and was unwilling , in the principality of oran●e , to permit the exercise of our reformed religion , which was otherwise well establish'd in france . but as he had his prospects at a great distance , he either under-hand , or openly , when he thought it most convenient , countenanc●d , or conniv'd at all the assemblies which the people made , for the exercise of all the new religions , which were of no long standing in the world. by this m●ans did he make account to gain the affections of the people , and , at one time or other , to make his advantage of those different r●ligions , for the execution of his great designs . he knew that all those new christians , whom he protected in the exercise of religions , were so many creatures , whom he made sure to his party , by an inviolable bond ; and as many irreconcileable enemies to philip , who was the cruel persecutor of all those upstart professors of religion . in the mean time , prince william , who had all this while conconceal'd his sentiments for religion , took a very convenient opportunity , to lay by the roman-catholick persuasion , which he had till then profess'd , and to embrace that of the protestants . he was in germany , at his brothers , the count of nassaw , and had been forc'd by the intreaties of many of his relations , and some friends , banish●d out of the low-countries , to try an expedition , to endeavour the deliverance of their country from the oppression wherein it was , and to set it at liberty . when therefore he saw , that he stood in need of the assistance of the protestants , for the getting of an army tog●ther , he thought it a fit time to cast off the mask , and to publish , by his m●nifesto , that he had deserted the roman church , to follow a better religion . he had also in his eye this considerable advantage , that by the settlement of a religion different from the roman , he rendred the reconciliation between the provinces and the king of spain , more difficult , or indeed impossible . he had observ'd , that some of the catholick provinces had devia●ed from the alliance of gaunt , and put themselves under the obedience of philip ; and he saw , that the catholicks of the confed●rated provinces would rather have enclin'd him to reassume the yoke of their ancient domination . it was his fear , and with reason , that when the dispute should be only about the privileges , the lawes , and the customs , and in a word , things of a temporal concern , king philip coming to satisfie his subjects , or the subjects to recede from their rights for the obtaining of a peace , it would be no hard matter to see those people reconcil'd to their prince . whereas , on the other side , having dispos'd the confederated provinces , to embrace a new religion , he thereby put an insurmountable obstruction to their reunion with philip. he knew that that prince , who with an implacable fury persecuted all those who had renounc'd the ancient religion , would resolve rather to lose the low-countries , than to grant his subjects the free exercise of a new religion . there had been a report spread about , that presently upon his return into spain , after he had order'd the condemnation of some men eminent for their learn●ng , and women illustrious for their birth , to be burnt ; he would himself be present at so cruel an execution ; and was a spectator of it , as if it had been a delightful show . many persons therefore , amongst the inhabitants of the low-countries , having embrac'd the new religions , the prince of orange engag'd them by the bond of conscience , and by the despair or pardon , to maintain the change he had made , that so they might not relapse under the power of their ancient master . happy was it , for the prosecution of his design , that he had made this advantage of that liberty of conscience , which he had given to all sorts of persons ; but perceiving withal , that that unbounded liberty , without the establishment , and preference , of some one religion , occasion'd a great confusion in the government , he thought it necessary to make choice of one , which should be the pub●ick , and predominant religion , and the religion of state. yet had he not as yet absolutely pitch'd upon what he intended , nor determin'd which religion he ought to embrace ; whether that of the lutherans , that of the calvinists , or that of the anabaptists ; all those three religions not making any acknowledgment of the popes authority , or the jurisdiction of the roman church . but he had afterwards some reasons , which oblig'd him to determine upon the choice of one , as well for his own private concern , as for that of the state. the sect of the anabaptists was the least considerable upon all accounts , and was not much to be fear'd , as well by reason of the divisions wherewith it was shaken , as by reason of its sectators , who , for the most part , were persons of a very obscure condition , and of their sentiments , by which they are not admitted to magistracy , or the use of arms. for which reason , the prince of orange could not make any use of them , as being not proper for his design . he aspir'd to the principal charge of the state ; and that religion permitted not its disciples to exercise any kind of magistracy . he needed the assistance of arms , to maintain and make good the change he had made in the state , and the new form of government which he had establish'd ; and the anabaptists would not have arms used upon any occasion . the lutheran religion was very considerable , by reason of the affection and support of several princes of germany , who had embrac'd it , and highly protected those who made profession thereof . prince william had more inclination for that religion , in which he ha● been instructed from his infancy , and he might very well hope for assistance and protection from the electoral house of saxony , of which he had married a daughter , to his second wife . but on the other side , he hoped for more considerable assistances from the princes who made profession of our reformed way of religion . that which queen elizabeth had establish'd in england , was wholly conformable to ours , as to the doctrine , and differ'd from it , only as to the form of government , and the use of ceremonies . the elector-palatine , who was then the most powerful prince of the empire , did absolutely profess the same religion . the king of navarre , the prince of condé , and the admiral castillon , and a considerable number of the lords and gentlemen , and a numerous people of france , made a publick profession of it . the prince of orange therefore , hoping to engage all those princes , by the interest of one and the same religion , to give him powerful assistances , for the corroboration of the new republick , thought fit to make choice of that religion for himself , and the state. besides , as that religion was more contrary to that of the romish church , than the lutheran , so he thought it more fit for the common-wealth , which he had founded , out of an aversion to the tyrannical domination of spain . the inhabitants of the low-countries having a strong aversion for the spaniards , the prince of orange endeavour'd to persuade them , that there was no likelihood , that a people so corrupted , should have received directions from god , to serve him purely , by the worship of the true religion . he afterwards endeavour'd to insinuate to them , that our reformed religion , which was more different from theirs , was , doubtless the best , and most acceptable to god. there comes into my mind , upon this occasion , what i have read in the history of the indies , that they could not by any means dispose a great number of persons of that country , to be converted to the christian religion , because the spaniards made a profession of it . for , as those poor people had seen them commit such cruelties , as they had never seen any example of before , so they had a horror for their religion , upon a supposition that it inspir'd them with such barbarous sentiments . they could not be mov'd with the hope of celestial felicity , after they had been told , that the spaniards , together with all good christians , would have their abode in that happy place . they saw no charms in the glories of paradice , since they were to be partakers of ●hem with a nation so barbarous ; and they could not believe , that the felicity , which they put them in hopes of , could secure them from the persecution of so inhumane a people . in a word , they could not be induc'd to embrace a religion , which was to conduct them , after their death , to live eternally in the company of a people , which , according to their sentiment , was the most wicked of any upon earth . the duke of alva having exercis'd , in the low-countries , as strange cruelties , as those of his country had done in the indies , the inhabitants of flanders and no less an aversion for the spaniards , then the indians . and as all the rigorous punishments , which had been inflicted upon the people of the low-countries , were imputed to the roman-catholick religion ; so the prince of orange did cunningly make use of that prejudgment , to induce them to embrace a religion , contrary to that of the spaniards , which had made them endure so many calamities . it was in the year 1572. that that religion , which was receiv'd in your protestant-cantons , at geneva , in the palatinate of germany , and in the churches of france , was established in the confederated provinces , for the only publick religion . and yet they put a difference in it , which you will think very considerable , if you consult the sentiments of your first reformers , those of the doctors who were their successors , and the constant practice of your protestant-cantons , and of all the estates of the reform'd religion . for you know , that in all the countries , where those of our religion are the masters , they do not suffer the exercise of any other religion , nor allow , in all their territories , a place of habitation , to those who profess a different one ; whereas the vnited provinces did not only permit the exercise of all sorts of religions , but did also reject as tyrannical , all the laws , whereby there was any prescription made for uniformity of sentiments , upon that occasion , attributing to them the name of inquisition , so odious amongst them . and this liberty of conscience , was , as i have already observ'd , establish'd , not only by the writings of the prince of orange , by the peace of gaunt , by the publick and particular agreement , which was made for religion , under the regency of the arch-duke matthias ; by the union of vtretcht ; and by several treaties which have been made with the cities of the country . if i mistake not , methinks it may be affirmed , that the confederated provinces were of our reformed religion in particular , while the , liberty of conscience was establish'd for all sorts of persons , and the exercise of all religions was publickly permitted ; and it was so till the year 1583. all the regulations which the states-general have made afterwards for religion , and the conduct they have been guided by , in reference to that , are so far from proving them to be of our religion , that they make it evidently appear , that they never were , nor are not at all of it . and this , sir , is what i design to justifie to you in the first letter , which i shall write to you upon this subject . this is long enough ; and if i am weary of writing , you possibly may be more weary of reading what i have written . let us then repose a while . it will not be long e're you hear from me again ; mean time , be assur'd , that i am , reverend sir , your most humble , &c. vtretcht , may 4 th . 1673. the second letter . reverend sir , if you have seriously reflected on what i have written in my first letter , i conceive you will readily make this acknowledgment , that the vnited provinces were not of the reformed religion , as long as there was not any such establish'd by any publick decree ; and that all the sectaries had as much liberty there , as those of the reformed persuasion . i know well enough , that that liberty of conscience , which had been establish'd by so many treaties , and by so many publick acts , was absolutely forbidden , by the regulation which the states-general made in the year 1583. take here , in express terms , what it contains . since there has been a permission granted , by the vnion of utrecht , to amplifie , to abridge , and change , some articles , when ever the welfare and security of the provinces should seem to require it , the states , attentively considering the xiii . article , have unanimously ordain'd , and appointed , that the exercise of any religion shall not be henceforward receiv'd , other then that which is publickly taught in the united provinces , which is the reformed religion . with this proviso however , that if any provinces , members , or cities of the popish religion shall be willing to enter into this alliance , they shall be continu'd in the freedome of their religion , conditionally , that they sign and subscribe the other articles of this alliance . to render this ordinance of no effect , i might tell you , what was alledg'd , as soon as ever it was past , by the catholicks , and all those who were not of our reformed religion . their complaint was , that it had been made , contrary to all manner of justice and reason , contrary to the stipulated faith of all the treaties , which the inhabitants of the same provinces had made , and of those which the provinces had made mutually one with an other . they maintain'd , that , having united themselves together , for the preservation of the laws and privileges of the country , it was a great injustice , to make an establishment of one single religion , to be the publick religion , and to deprive the others of the exercise of theirs , and not to allow them any part in the government of the state. but , above all others , the catholicks thought it very strange , that they , having taken up arms against the spaniards , only for the defence of their liberty , should not be allow'd the free exercise of their ancient religion , as if they had spent all their labour , only to deprive themselves thereof , and to acquire liberty of conscience for others , and to make the reformed religion the most predominant , and to raise that only into the throne . nor did the followers of the other religions , think they had less cause , then the catholicks , to be dissatisfy'd and disgusted , at that ordinance , which took away the exercise and absolute freedom of their religion . they urged , that from the time of their first intertexture of the interest of religion , with that of the state , in the contest which they had with the spaniards , liberty of conscience had been establish'd by so many publick decrees , that they could not be violated , without extremity of injustice . the prince of orange , without concerning himself much at the complaints of the one or the other of the aggrieved parties , did , for his own private interest , and for that of the republick , prosecute his design of making an establishment of our reformed religion , to be the only publick religion , of which all those , who should pretend to any concern in the administration of the government , were oblig'd to make their profession . he had a jealousie of the catholicks , upon the score of his being afraid , that they might employ their credit , to dispose the people to resettle themselves under the domination of the spaniards . nor had he any greater liking to the adherents of the other religions , by reason of their being odious to all the rest of the protestants . as therefore those who profess'd our reformed religion were the best-affected to him , so he thought it convenient , to entrust them with all the authority , for the management of publick affairs . now , reverend sir , be your self pleas'd to judg , whether these provinces deserve to be called of the reformed religion , for this reason , that , out of pure interest of state , and without any justice , they have made an ordinance for the establishment of one single religion , exclusively to all the rest ? but supposing i should grant , that whatever is alledg'd by the catholicks , and the sectaries , against that ordinance , is groundless , and irrational , and that they had the justest reasons in the world to make it ; yet i maintain , that the bare making of it is not a sufficient inducement , for any one to affirm , that this state is of the reformed religion . i cannot forbear acknowledging , that this ordinance does so expressly comprehend the sentiment of all our doctors , that if the vnited provinces had been as careful in the execution of it , as the elector-palatine , your protéstant-cantons , and the city of geneva are , it could not be deny'd , but that their state really and truly is of our reformed religion . but i think , sir , that you do know , and if you do not know it , i shall make it so clearly appear to you , that you shall not in the least doubt of it , that this ordinance has been so far from being put into execution , that they have always practic'd , and still do practice , what is directly contrary to the contents thereof . by this ordinance , there is an express prohibition of allowing any other religion then the reformed , in the provinces ; and yet we there find the publick exercise of many other religions , besides the reformed , not to say of all those who were desirous to have it . and that you may not doubt of it , i shall here give you a short catalogue of the religions in that country , which have an uncontroulable liberty of celebrating their mysteries , and serving god , as they themselves think fit . be pleas'd then to know , that besides those of the reformed religion , there are roman-catholicks , lutherans , brownists , independents , arminians , anabaptists , socinians , arrians , enthusiasts , quakers , borrelists , armenians , muscovites , libertines , and others . and there are in fine some whom we may call seekers , because they are still seeking out for a religion , and do not profess any of those which are already establish'd . i give you no account of the jews , the turks , and the persians , in regard that , as they are not sects o christians , so what i might say of them would signifie nothing to the subject i have in hand . and since i am well satisfy'd , that there are not any turks and persians , but what are in amsterdam , or haply in some other sea-port-towns , there is no consequence deducible thence , for the residence of any such in the other cities of that country . nor shall i say any thing of the armenians and muscovites , who are all of the greek religion . and as i conceive , that there are only some merchants of the one , and of the other of those nations , and that none of the natives of the country do profess their religion ; so i do not think there is any person , that will condemn the liberty which is given them , to serve god , according to the ceremonies and precepts of their religion . and whereas , of all the other religions , and sects , we find a great number of persons , born in that country , who make an open and publick profession thereof , i conceive you will not take it amiss , that i should here in few words , give you an account of the opinions , of all the religions , which are in this country . as to the doctors and professors of our religion , i question not but you know , that they also differ amongst themselves , in many things . voëtius , and des marets have , by their disputes , distracted and dishumour'd all the province of holland , where they have been so violent , one against the other , that if men would believe either the one , or the other , they must , upon pain of damnation , stick to the sentiment of the one , and reject that of his adversary . voëtius did , and still does maintain , that it is sacriledge , to leave the ecclesiastical revenues at the disposal of slothful paunches , which are not any way serviceable to church or state ; that those who are known by the name of lombards , are not to be called , or admitted to the lord's supper , inasmuch as , lending out money at interest , they exercise a profession forbidden by the word of god ; that the sabbath-day is to be very carefully and religiously observ'd ; that we ought not to celebrate any festival-day , no not easter , whitsuntide , or christmas ; that when we speak of the apostles , evangelists , or disciples of jesus christ , we are not to give any one the name of saint , and that we are not to say , saint peter , saint paul , saint john , saint thomas , but to say downright , peter , paul , john , and thomas ; and that all the faithful ought to follow a severe kind of life , to retrench themselves from the greatest part even of the most innocent enjoyments of life , that they may the better work out their salvation with fear and trembling . on the other side , des marets is opposite to voetius , almost in all these things , and hath argu'd against his sentiments , with so much animosity , as if their dispute had been about those points of religion which are most important , and most necessary to salvation . and i think they had not yet ended their dispute , if cocceius had not publish'd some opinions , which were displeasing to both ; upon which they thought fit to agree together , in order to the opposing of them . this cocceius was a professor of the university of leiden , very well skill'd in the hebrew tongue , who read the scripture with a continual attention , and has therein discover'd many things , which were not before known to any one , and hath penetrated into the mystical and profound sence of it . in all the prophecies of the old and new testament , he almost every where finds the reign of christ , and that of anti-christ , which is opposite thereto . he has dispos'd the oeconomy of the old and new testament after a way not known before , and such as had not yet been establish'd by any doctor . he is the first that has discover'd , and taught , the difference there is , between the government of the church before the law , and that under the law , and that after the law. he affirms , that before the law , the promise took place ; during which time of the promise , the church was free . that to the promise , god had added the law , which , having been at first represented in the decalogue , contains only an abridgment of the covenant of grace , and the commandments of faith , repentance , and the gratitude we owe to god ; as it appears by the sence of the preface , and of all the commandements in particular . he adds , that after the worshipping of the golden calf , god , to chastize his people for the idolatry , which they had committed , had given them a law , consisting of ceremonial and carnal commandements , which were not good ; having impos'd upon them a yoke , by the establishment of his ordinances and ceremonies . whence it comes , that the law had been made , in appearance , a covenant of works , promising life to those , who should obey his commandments , and denouncing malediction and death against those , who should transgress them . it is also another persuasion of his , that the commandement concerning the observation of the sabbath-day , was one of those ceremonial and carnal commandements , which have been abrogated by jesus christ . during all the time before jesus christ had paid the father the price of our redemption , he affirms , that all the faithful were sav'd , by the security which jesus christ had given for us ; that the forgiving of sins did not take place , otherwise than by a connivance of grace , in as much as they were only under the promise ; the payment , or satisfaction , having not been yet made by jesus christ . that the law being added , as an obligation , did reproach the people with their sins , and put them into a mindfulness thereof by the sacrifices ; and that it is upon that score that the ancient people were under servitude , and in fear of death , till such time as jesus christ , having , by his blood , paid the ransom of our sins , the obligation , which was in force against them , being cancell'd , we have fully and perfectly obtain'd the pardon of our sins . he is of opinion , in fine , that there is to spring up in the world a reign of jesus christ , which will abolish the reign of antichrist ; and that , when they who shall have corrupted the earth shall be destroy'd , the church shall be in a happy condition in the world ; and when there shall be a restauration of the reign of jesus christ , before the end of the world ; and that after the conversion of the jews , and of all nations , the catholick church shall scatter the rayes of its meridian light and glory , into all parts of the world. he believes her to be the celestial hierusalem , which is describ'd in the revelation , the emblem whereof represents to us the condition of the church , such as she ought to be in her greatest splendour upon earth , and not that which is to triumph in heaven . i thought my self oblig'd to give you an account of the particular sentiments of this divine , because he has a great number of followers ; as also for this reason , that voetius and des marets condemn his opinions as heretical ; nay indeed represent him as a socinian , in many things . they affirm , that he is an innovator , and give him the title of scripturarius ; as if it were a great crime , to be closely addicted to the scripture , and to make it the most important of our studies . there are many other divines , especially such as have studied under the professors , whom i have before named , who obstinately oppose his sentiments , and endeavour to persecute , and to procure the condemnation of all his disciples . it is not requisite that i should give you any account of the roman catholicks , it being notorious to all the world , what their sentiments are . you know also , what the opinions of the lutherans are . the famous confession which they made at ausbourg , in the year 1530 , has made a sufficient discovery of them to all the world. true it is , that most of their doctors have opinions very different from their first confession . they are divided amongst themselves , upon the score of very disconsonant sentiments . but as that diversity is found only in those of them who are in germany , i shall say nothing of it . they who are in this country , keep closely enough to the sentiment of their first doctor . only observe here , in what they differ from those who are in germany , denmark , and sweden . they do not use auricular confession ; th●y have neither images , nor altars , in their churches ; their ministers wear no sacerdotal habits ; they have not the several orders of priests , deacons , arch-deacons , and superintendents , or bishops , as they have in most other parts . the arminians took their denomination from arminius , their first doctor , who was a famous professor in the university of leyden . they would rather be called remonstrants , by reason of the book , which they presented to the states-general , in the year 1611. to which they had given the title of remonstrance , and which comprehended the principal articles of their belief . you know the five remarkable points , upon which they were condemn'd by the synod of dort , held in the year 1618 , in which were present some divines of your cantons , as also out of several countries professing the reformed religion , as england , germany , and other plac●s . after the death of arminius , and in the time of vorstius , and of episcopius , a most eminent doctor amongst them , they adopted many errours of the socinians . nay most of them have deserted the opinion of their first master , upon the point of predestination , and eternal election . arminius had taught , that god had elected the faithful , by the prevision of their faith. and episcopius is of opinion , that god has not elected any one from all eternity , but that he does elect the faithful , in time , when they actually believe . he speaks only in very doubtful and ambiguous terms of the prescience of god , which was the great fortress , in which arminius secur'd himself . these same arminians of the present time believe , that the doctrine of the trinity of persons , in one only essence , is not necessary to salvation ; that there is not any precept in the scripture , by which we are commanded to adore the holy ghost ; nor any example , or indication , by which it appears , that the holy ghost has been ador'd ; that jesus christ is not a god equal to the father ; that faith in jesus christ , by which we are saved , hath not been commanded , nor took any place under the old covenant . most of them do make it their study to avoid that expression of the satisfaction of jesus christ . episcopius , in the mean time affirms , that jesus christ has , by his passion and death , so far satisfy'd god , as to render him propitious to all mankind , and ready , henceforwards , to receive all men into his communion ; provided they , by faith , embrace that propitiation of jesus christ ; so that god being no longer displeas'd , there is no enmity remaining , but what proceeds from men , refusing to entertain the grace of jesus christ . they very earnestly press the toleration of all the opinions of those who profess christian religion ; maintaining , that all christians agree in the most important , and , such as they call , the most essential and fundamental points of religion ; that it has not been hitherto decided , by an infallible judgment , who they are amongst the christians , who have embrac'd the truest and purest religion , and such as is most conformable to the word of god ; that to the effect all may be mutually united , to make up one and the same body or church , and that they ought to love one another as brethren , and not to have any enmity or animosity one against another , upon the score of their dissenting in some points of religion , especially such as are not of the most considerable . that men ought not to force any one to condemn , and renounce his own sentiments , or to approve and follow those of another . they say , that heretofore amongst the jews , the pharisees , the sadduces , and the esseni , of whom the sects were very different , and had most dangerous opinions , were however tolerated by the jews , and all receiv'd into the temple , to present thei● sacrifices and prayers to god , and to perform all the other functions of religion . if arminius were to come into the world again , certainly , he would not own most of those who bear his name , to be his disciples . and yet there are some amongst them , who have not added any thing to his sentiments . but they all agree in this point , that all christians ought to be tolerated ; either that all-together they might make up but one and the same church , or that every one may be allow'd the liberty of his religion . the brownists have many great assemblies in the low-countries . they are a sort of people separated from the english church , and from all the other reformed churches , which they think to be corrupted , not as to the doctrinal points of faith , concurring in that respect , with those of the reformed religion of holland , germany , and other places , but as to the form of government . they equally condemn episcopal government , and that of the presbyterians , by consistories , classes , and synods . they will not joyn with our churches , for this reason , as they say , that they are not assur'd of the conversion , and probity of the members , whereof they consist , because they therein suffer sinners , with whom men ought not to communicate ; and that in the participation of the sacraments , the good contract impurity in the communion of the wicked . they condemn the benediction of the marriages , which are celebrated in churches by the ministers , maintaining , that , being a political contract , the confirmation of it depends on the civil magistrate . they would not have their children to be baptiz'd , who are not members of the church , or are not as careful , as they ought to be , of the children that have been baptiz'd . they reject all forms of prayers ; nay they affirm , that the prayer , which our lord has taught us , ought not to be recited as a prayer , but that it was given us to be the rule and model , by which we ought to frame all those , which we present to god. they reject the use of bells , and churches , especially such as they say had been consecrated to idolatry . the independents are a brood of the brownists . john robinson , an english man , is the father of all those who are in this country . they believe , that every church , or , as they call it , every particular congregation , has in it self , radically , and essentially , whatever is for its conduct and government , and all ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction . that such a church , or congregation , is not subject either to one , or more churches , or to their deputies , or assemblies , or synods , or to any bishop ; or that any one church , or assembly has any power over any other church whatsoever . that every particular church ought to manage its own affairs , without any dependence on any other ; and hence it comes , that such as follow these s●ntiments , have the denomination of independents . and though they do not think there is any necessity of assembling synods , yet they affirm , that if any be assembled , there ought to be a consideration of their resolutions , as of the counsels of wise and prudent men , whereto a certain submission is due ; and not as definitions , and establishments , requiring conformity and obedience . they are willing to acknowledge , that one or more churches may be assistant to another church , as to advice , and admonition ; nay that they may reprove it , if there be any offence ; yet not upon the account of any superiour authority , which has any power of excommunication , but as a sister-church , declaring , that she cannot have any communion with such a church as hath offended , and does not demean her self , according to the rules and commandements of jesus christ . and these are the particular sentiments of the independents , in reference to the government of the church . their very name had render'd them very odious even to the protestants ; but the confession of faith , which their brethren of england publish'd , when they assembled at london , in the year 1651. has made it appear , that they have not otherwise any particular sentiment , as to matter of doctrine , but that in reference to that , they concurre in all things with those of the reformed religion . i have hitherto given you an account of but three or four different religions , or rather persuasions ; but this letter being come to a considerable length , i will adjourn what i have to say of the other sects of this countrey , to the next opportunity i shall have to write to you , remaining , in the mean time , reverend s●r , your most humble , &c. the third letter . reverend sir , i am now , according to my promise , to give you an account of all the different sects , or religions , which are in this country . they , who , in other places are called anabaptists , are known , in these provinces , by the denomination of mennonites , and have deriv'd that name from menno , a man born at a village of friezland , in the year 1496. not that the said menno was the first father of the anabaptists in this country ; but that he , having rejected the enthusiasmes and revelations of the primitive anabaptists , and their opinions concerning the new reign of jesus christ , which they pretended to establish upon earth by force of arms , has broach'd certain new doctrines , which his followers have embrac'd , and persisted in to this day . their tenets are these ; that the new testament only , and not the old , ought to be the rule of our faith. that in speaking of the father , the son , and the holy ghost , there is no necessity of using the terms of persons , or the trinity . that the first productions of the creation , as to mankind , were not created in a state of justice and holiness . that there is no such thing as original sin. that jesus christ did not take flesh of the substance of his mother , mary , but of the essence of the father ; or that the word was changed into man , or that he brought it from heaven , or that it is not known whence he took it . that the union of the divine nature with the humane , in jesus christ , was so made , that the divine nature was render'd visible , subject to suffering , and death . that it is not lawful for christians to swear , to exercise any charge of civil magistracy , or to make use of the sword , not even to punish the wicked , or to oppose force with force , or to engage in a war , upon any account , or occasion . that a man may , in this life , come to that pitch of perfection , as to have an accomplish'd purity , and to be without any defilement of sin. that it is not lawful for the ministers of the word to receive any salary of their churches , for the pains they take . that little children ought not to be baptiz'd . that the souls of men , after their death , rest in an unknown place , till the day of judgment . these mennonites are divided into several sects , upon very slight occasions . of these sects , there are two of a considerable standing , whereof one is that of the ancient mennonites of flanders ; the other , that of the mennonites of friezland . those of flanders exercise ecclesiastical discipline , with extraordinary severity , and excommunicate those of their sects , for very trivial miscarriages . they are of a persuasion , that it is not lawful to eat , or drink , or to have any communication , no , not as to the concerns of a civil life , with those who are excommunicated . they , by that means , make a division between husbands , and their wives ; children , and their parents ; maintaining , that all the obligations of friendship and society are to be cancell'd with those , whom the church has anathematiz'd . those of friezland receive into their communion such as have been rejected by the other sects of the mennonites ; and they exercise so great a relaxation in their discipline , that they entertain all sorts of polluted persons into their society ; and for that reason are they called borboritae , or stereorarii . but as there are , even amongst them , some more scrupulous than others , so they also are parcell'd into divers s●cts , upon very slight , and trivial occasions . i shall only give an account of one , by which a judgment may be made of the rest . there is one sect of them called mamillarii , upon this score , that a young man had taken the freedom to put his hand into a young maids bosome , whom he was then courting , and , within a few dayes , to marry . some amongst them maintain'd , that he ought to be excommunicated ; and others condemning that severity , there happ●n'd a schisme . they , who would not have the young man to be excommunicated , were called mamillarii . there are daily divisions , and separations amongst them ; and assoon as they chance to be ejected out of one society , they find a reception in some other . many amongst the mennonites have embrac'd most of the opinions of the socinians , or rather those of the arrians , concerning the divinity of jesus christ . they generally press that toleration of all sects , which is so earnestly recommended by the arminians . it is their persuasion , that they ought not to expell ▪ out of their assemblies , any man who leads a devout life , and acknowledges , that the holy scripture is the word of god , though the same man does not agree with the others , in many things which are accounted articles of faith. these last are , by the others , called galenists , taking their name form one galenus , a physician of amsterdam , a very eloquent , learned , and well-experienc'd man and one who is charged to be an absolute socinian . the socinians deny the divinity of jesus christ , the existence of the holy ghost , origina sin , the satisfaction of jesus christ , the resurrection of the reprobate , and the reassumption of the same bodies which the faithful had , during their abode in this world. their publi●k ass●mbli●s are forbidden , but they lurk under the names of arminians and anabaptists . they have also their secret assemblies , in which they are very fervent in prayer to god , with groaning and weeping . they make it their comp●a●nt , that they are odious to , and abominated by most christians , upon the score of the doctrine which they profess . they affirm , th●t they have not interest in the maintaining of it , save only the p●rsuasion they have of its truth , and the zeal of appropriating to its only individual , and sovereign god , the father of our lord jesus christ , the glory of his divinity . they are further of opinion , that having been confirm'd in their faith by the reading of the word of god , and by the books which have been written against them , they make it their earnest and humble suit to that great god , that , if they are in any error , he would discover it to them , that they may renounce it , and give his truth the glory . their conversation is holy and without reproach , as far as men can judg by what they see ; and that conversation is absolutely modell'd according to the precepts of jesus christ ; and it externally appears , that since they are not much concern'd for the things of this world , their care is the greater , to perform the works of devotion and charity , and to promote the salvation of their souls . they wholly employ themselves in the reading of the word of god , in which they are so well vers'd , that most of them seem to have it by heart . in the assemblies they make for their exercises of piety , all that are present have the liberty of speaking . one amongst them begins to read a chapter of the scripture ; and when he has read several verses of it , till he has come to a full paragraph , he who reads , and they who hear , do respectively give their sentiments , concerning the sence of the words , which have been read to them . but what is most surprizing , is , that though the greatest part of them be illiterate , and men of no study at all , as being merchants , or tradesmen , yet they all seem to have a particular talent , for the understanding , and exposition of the holy scripture . nay it is reported , that the learned amongst them , who have written commentaries , or annotations , upon the holy scripture , have every where done very well , save only in those places , where their own prejudgments have engag'd them to accommodate the scripture to their own erroneous sence . so that it may be said of them , as i think i have heard it heretofore said , of origen , vbi benè , nemo meliùs , ubi malè , nemo pejùs ; where he had done well , no man could have done better ; and where he had done ill , no man could do worse . having given you this summary account of the socinians , my next work is to give you that of the arrians . those last are very numerous in this country , and many amongst the socinians have embrac'd their opinions . you know what were the sentiments of the arrians , concerning the birth of jesus christ . they believ'd , that the word , the intellect , and the word of god , had had been created before all the creatures ; that god had made use of it , in the old testament , as of an interpreter of a mediator , when he had something to declare , to the patriaerchs and prophets . that that word , had , by a voluntary annihilation , animated the body of jesus christ , as the spirit of man animates his body , the word having taken flesh only , without soul , and without spirit . nay they were also of a persuasion , that all the souls of other men were spirits , subsisting before the bodies , and that they assum'd not the name of souls , till such time as they actually animated their bodies . christopher sandius , a gentleman of poland , son to a councellor of the elector of brandeburgh , was the restaurator of the arrian sect in this country . his habitation , for some years past , has been at amsterdam . among other works , he has written two books which i have seen , whereof one is entituled , the paradoxall interpretations of the four evangelists . the other is , an ecclesiastical history , in which he proves , or pretends to prove ; that all the doctors , commonly called the fathers of the church , who flourish'd from the time of the apostles , to that of arrius , had the same sentiments as he had , concerning the mystery of the trinity . the borrellists had their name from one borrell , the ringleader of their sect , a man very learned , especially in the hebrew , greek , and latine tongues . he was brother to monsieur borrell , ambassador from the states-general , to his most christian majesty . these borrelists do , for the most part , maintain the opinions of the mennonites , though they come not to their assemblies . they have made choice of a most austere kind of life , spending a considerable part of their estates , in alms-giving , and a careful discharge of all the duties incumbent upon a christian . they have an aversion for all churches , as also for the use of the sacrament , publick prayers , and all other external functions of god's service . they maintain , that all the churches which are in the world , and have been ever since the death of the apostles , and their first subsequent successors , have degenerated from the pure doctrine which they had preach'd to the world ; for this reason , that they have suffered the infallible word of god , contain'd in the old and new testament , to be expounded and corrupted , by doctors , who are not infallible , and would have their own confessions , their catechisms , and their liturgies , and their sermons , which are the works of m●n , to pass for what they really are not , to wit , for the pure word of god. they hold also , that men are not to read any thing but the word of god alone , without any additional explication of men . another persuasion they have , is , that if there should be any assembly , wherein men would content themselves with the bare reading of the word of god ( however the persons who might be desirous to be receiv'd into it , may demean themselves ) provided they acknowledg the holy scripture to be the word of god , they ought to be receiv'd into its communion . the enthusiasts , or quakers , who affirm , that what they say , or do , is by divine inspiration , maintain , that the holy scripture ought to be explicated , according to the light of that divine inspiration , without which it is but a dead letter , written to children , and not to perfect and spiritual men ; and that it is not the true , only , and perfect word of god , or the compleat and necessary rule of faith. they maintain , that their own private spirit is the true , internal , and spiritual word of god , the rule and the judg of the scriptures : that men ought to hearken to , and follow that spirit , and not the words of the scripture . that a man has , within himself , and in his own spirit , an infallible teacher , who , if he hearkens to him , will inform him of all he is to believe , or do , in orer to his salvation . that they who hearken to that spirit are united to god , and that such union makes them gods. when they are in their assemblies , they continue a long time in a sitting posture , without speaking , and many times without so much as stirring , for the space of one or two hours ; and there is nothing heard of them , unless it be some sighs and groans , till such time as some one among them , feeling the agitation and stirring of the spirit , rises up , and speaks the things which the spirit commands him to speak . nay many times , the women are sensible of those motions of the spirit , which occasion their speaking , or holding forth , in the congregation of their brethren . in their ordinary discourses , they speak of their ecstasies , and revelations , and will be always sure , to add very severe censures of all other christians . they very vehemently declaim against vices , and with great earnestness press the mortification of the flesh . they challenge all those who are in the assembly , and conjure them to speak , if there be any one that has ought to object against what the spirit has inspir'd them to deliver . and this occasions the frequent disputes and quarrels , which happen amongst them . nay it comes to pass sometimes , that after they have for a good while expected the coming , and inspiration of the spirit , not any one amongst them being sensible of its heat and motion in himself , they depart from the place where they were assembled , without any one's having held forth . as to the libertines , they seem to have each of them his particular sentiment to himself . but most of them are of this persuasion , that there is only one spirit of god , which is universally diffus'd , and lives in all creatures . that the substance and immortality of our souls , is not any thing but that spirit of god. that god himself is not any thing but that spirit . that mens souls die with their bodies . that sin is not any thing . that it is but a simple opinion , which immediately vanishes , provided there be no account made of it . that paradise is but an illusion , a pleasant chimera , which the divines have invented , to engage men , to embrace that which they call virtue . that hell also is but a vain fancy , which the same divines have fram'd , to divert men from that which they call sin ; that is to say , to hinder them from being happy in doing what they please . they affirm , in fine , that religion is only an invention of politicians , to keep the people , by the fear of a divinity , in a subjection to their laws , in order to the better regulation and government of the commonwealth . in short , there are in this country a vast number of persons , as i know there were heretofore in england , who go under the denomination of seekers . it is the acknowledgment of these people , that there is one true religion , which jesus christ has brought us from heaven , and which he has reveal'd to us in his word ; but they maintain withal , that that true religion of jesus christ , which we ought to profess , in order to the attainment of salvation , is not any one of those religions , which are establish'd amongst christians . they have some particular exception to make against every one of those religions , and they condemn them all in general . in a word , they have not pitch'd upon any one determinate religion , as being still concern'd upon the seeking account . they read and meditate the holy scriptures with great attention . they pray to god with a fervent zeal , that he would illuminate them in the knowledg of that religion , which they ought to embrace , in order to the serving of him according to his will , and for the acquest of that everlasting felicity , which he has promis'd his children . i should not think , that i have given you an account of all the religions and persuasions of this country , if i should omit the saying of a word , or two , of an illustrious and learned man , who , as i have be●n assur'd , has a great number of followers , and those , such as keep closely to his sentiments . he is a man , by birth a jew , whose name is spinosa , one that has not abjur'd the religion of the jews ▪ nor embrac'd the christian religion : so that he continues still a most wicked jew , and has not the least tincture of christianity . some years since he put forth a book , entituled , tractatus theologo-politicus , wherein his principal design is , to destroy all religions , and particularly the jewish and the christian , and to introduce atheisme , libertinisme , and the free toleration of all religions . he maintains , that they were all invented , for the advantage and conveniences , which the publick receives thereby , to the end that all persons subject to government may live honestly , and obey their magistrates , and that they may addict themselves to virtue , not out of the hope or expectation of any reward after death , but for the intrinsick excellency of virtue in it self , and for the advantages which accrue to those who follow it , in this life . he do●s not , in that book , make an open discovery of the opinion which he has of the divinity , but he does however so far insinuate it , as that we may guess at his meaning , whereas in his discourses , he boldly affirms , that god is not a being endow'd with intelligence , infinitely-perfect , and blissful , as we imagine him to be ; but that he is not any thing else , but that virtue of nature , which is diffus'd into all the creatures . this spinosa is now living in this country . his residence was , for some time , at the hague , where he was visited by the virtuosi , and all others who pretended to more then ordinary curiosity ; nay by some young ladies of quality , who pride themselves in being more ingenious ▪ then is requisite for their sex. his followers are somewhat cautious in discovering themselves , because his book , before-mention'd , does absolutely subvert the very foundations of all religions , and has been condemn'd by a publick edict of the states-general , and a prohibition put upon the sale of it ; and yet it is publickly sold. amongst all the divines , of whom there is a great number in this country , there has not stood up any one , that has presum'd to write against the opinions which this author advances in the afore-said treatise . and i am the more surpriz'd thereat , for this reason , that the author , making a discovery of his great knowledg of the hebrew tongue , as also of all the ceremonies of the jewish religion , of all the customs of the jews , and of the heathenish philosophy ; the divines of the reformation cannot say , but that the book does well deserve , that they should take the pains to refute it . for if they still continue silent , men cannot forbear affirming , that either they are defective in point of charity , in suffering so pernicious a book to be scatter'd up and down without any answer thereto , or that they approve the sentiments of that author ; or that they have not the courage and abilities to oppose them . and thus , reverend sir , have i given you an acccount of the different sects of christians which are in this country , and which have all , in a manner , the freedom of exercising the religions which they profess . i leave you to make thereupon what reflections you shall think fit . it will be no hard matter for me , to deduce , from this diversity of sects , such convincing reasons , as shall prove what i have before advanced , to wit , that the states-general are not of our reformed religion . in the first place , it cannot be affirmed , that this state is of the reformed religion , upon the score of the number of those who make profession of it . for , though it cannot be precisely known , what number there are of persons professing the calvinistical way of reformation , which is commonly called the reformed religion , in these provinces , yet this is still out of all question , that the number of those who are not of it , is incomparably greater than that of those who do profess it . having thereupon consulted some of the inhabitants , they have assur'd me , that there may be a tripartite division made of the people of these provinces , and that the three parts may be something towards an equality . the one is of the reformed religion ; another , of the roman-catholicks ; and the third , of the sectaries . i should never have thought , that the number of the roman-catholicks had been so great . it is certain , that a considerable part of the inhabitants of great cities , and the greatest part of those of the campaigne , and of the boors of that country , are roman-catholicks ; and there are assuredly at least as many of those of the reformed religion . and if we put together all the sectaries , they also , doubtless , make up a third part of the inhabitants of these provinces . if therefore the domination , and the denomination , ought to be deduc'd from the greatest part , those of the reformed religion being , at most , but a third part of the people of this country , cannot give the whole state the denomination of being of the reformed religion . it cannot therefore be such , upon any other account than this , that our reformed religion has been establish'd , and the others forbidden , by the publick edict before-mentioned . it might indeed be granted , that it deserv'd that name , if that ordinance had been put in execution ; but that having not been executed , the name cannot be justly given it . but that being a matter requiring much discussion , i shall wave it at this time , and make it the subject of my next to you ; and so i shall make no addition to this , save only that of assuring you of my being , reverend sir , your most humble , &c. vtrecht , may 7 th . 1673. the fourth letter . reverend sir , you have observ'd in my first letter , that the states-generall have always given liberty of conscience to all sorts of persons , and allow'd the publick exercise , in a manner , of all religions . you thereby find , that they never executed the ordinance which they made in the year 1583. to wit , that no any religion should be thenceforwards receiv'd , nor the exercise of any other be permitted , then that which was publickly taught in the seven provinces , and which is the reformed religion . it will be no hard matter for me to prove to you thereby , that what external profession soever the vnited provinces have hitherto made of the reformed religion , if we search the business to the bottom , it will appear , that they neither are , nor ever were of it . while the free exercise of all religions was permitted by all the publick decrees , you will certainly acknowledg , that then the states were not yet of our reformed way of religion . for if you make this conclusion , that these provinces were at that time of our religion , because there was a publick profession of our religion made in them , i shall , with the same reason , make this , that they were catholicks , lutherans , and anabaptists , because , at that time , there was a publick profession made in them of all those religions . let us therefore examine , what ordinances these provinces made afterwards , which might give them the name , which they are so desirous to have , of our reformed religion . i have told you heretofore , that it was in the year 1572. that our reformed way of religion , such as it was taught at geneva , in your cantons , and in the palatinate of the rhine , was receiv'd in these provinces , for the only publick religion . but the very ordinance , which establish'd our religion to be the publick religion , did also openly confirm the liberty of conscience of all sorts of religions , with an express prohibition , for the disturbing or molesting of any person whatsoever upon that account . the difference there upon this score , between the states-general , and all the other estates of our reformed religion , was so great , that i cannot imagine you should think the one and the others to be of the same religion . the vnited provinces had ordain'd it by a publick decree , that the free exercise of all rel●gions should be permitted . the elector palatine , the city of geneva , and your cantons did not , in any part of their territories , permit the exercise of any religion , ever so little different from ours . i question not but that you know , the elector-palatine did , at the beginning , follow the confession of auxbourg , which was received in all his dominions ; and that , since that time , having embrac'd our reformed way of religion , and having est●blish'd it in his country , he order'd all the lutherans , who would not make profession thereof , to depart out of it . it is doubtless , no small trouble to the elector of brandenbourg , to see that most of his subj●cts are lutherans , that there are many of them catholicks , and but very few of the calvinistical reformed way of religion . but , as you know , it is not above sixty years since that electoral house began to make profession of our reformed religion , yet so , that he could not oblige his subjects , either his embrace the same , or to quit that which they had profess'd for a long time before . john sigismond , who died in the year 1619. and was grandfather to the elector now reigning , was the first renouncer of the lutherane religion , which he and some of the ancestors had till then prof●ss'd , and first the profession of our reformed way . he publish'd a confession of faith , in the year 1614. in the preface of it , he saies , that it was about eighty years , since joakim , he second , had renounced the ceremonies of the roman church ; but that having retain'd a doctr●ne upon the point of the eucharist , which was not conformable to the truth , and some other things in the temples , which were not allowable , he had apply'd , himself to the correcting of all abuses , in order to a full and perfect reformation . and yet the greatest part of his subjects , having , near fourscore years before , embrac'd the lutherane religion , he was so far from obliging them to quit it , and to embrace the profession of ours , that , in many parts of his territories , nay even at berlin it self , which is the principal city of his residence , he has not the liberty of having the particular exercise of our rel●gion , for any but himself and those of his houshold . no doubt but he wishes that he could follow the example of other estates , who do profess it , in not permitting the exercise of any o●her in all his dominions . there is not any necessity of my telling you , that there never was , either at geneva , or in your cantons , any permission , i do not say of the exercise of our religion , but even of habitation , for those whose profess a religion different from ours . that being so , i assure my self , of your being persuaded , that one and the same religion cannot inspire those who profess it , with sentiments that are contradictory , and with an absolutely opposite conduct and deportment . there may be some in the world , who would say , that interest of state obliged the palatinate , the city of geneva , and your cantons , to proceed one way , and that the same interest of state obliges the vnited prvinces to take a quite different course , in the same case , and upon the same oceasion . but i do not imagine , that you approve that strange maxim of some politicians , who accommodate religion to the interest of state ; and i hope , you will acknowledge , that they , who do so , have not any at all . at the very time that our religion was establish'd by a publick decree , liberty of conscience was also solemnly confirm'd , by the union of vtrecht . nay it is expressly granted , that , as to matter of religion , every seignory or province , should make such regulation as it thought fit , according to its own customes . it is therefore manifest , that the united provinces cannot be said to be of the reformed religion , according to the calvinistical way , but only from that time , and by reason of the regulation which they made in the year 1583. but if , as i think i have evidently made it appear , the states have no other ground than that , from which they may have the demonination of being of the reformed religion , methinks i shall without much ado , make it further appear to you , that they have not any at all . if then the decree they made , by which it was expressly ordained , that there should not be the permission of any religion amongst them , but of ours only , does justly give them the name of a state of that reformed religion , the continual conduct which they have hitherto observ'd , in a constant practice of what is quite contrary to the ordinance , does , if i mistake not , deprive them of the name , which they pretended to , by its establishment . i do not think , sir , that you will undertake to maintain , that for a state to be of our reformed religion , it needs do no more , than make a decree , by which it declares a resolution to profess it , and not to permit in its territories the exercise of any other religion ; when , instead of a sincere accomplishment of what had been resolved by its decree , it is so far from performing of any thing of it , that it acts d●rectly to contrary thereto . i do not imagine you will pretend , that state to be of our religion , by virtue of a decree , which it makes , and never did put in execution . you will tell me , that the states-general are of our religion , because they affirm it , and make a publick profession thereof . and i , on the other side , maintain , that that is not sufficient , for their assuming a name which they do not deserve , since they destroy the external profession they make of it , by a practice quite opposite , and very odious to all those of the religion . if they permitted in their country but one or two religions , whose sentiments were not much different from ours , and that in some of the less principal , and lesser important points , there would be no great cause for men to wonder at it . it might be urged , that prudence and charity oblig'd them , to have some complyance for christians , who , as to the principal part , retain the ground-work of faith , though they have not received such illuminations from god , as might create a belief of all our mysteries . but is there any thing in the world so surprizing , as our finding , that the states give an unlimited liberty to all sorts of religions , insomuch , that in the very province of holland ▪ , there are more discover'd and acknowledg'd sects , than there are in all the other parts of europe , and that there is not any master-heretick , who has a mind to frame a n●w sect , but is there kindly received , to teach and propagate his religion , and to make a publick profession thereof ? some years since , john labadie , the apostate , having been depos'd and excommunicated by the walloon-churches of this country , addressed himself to the heer van beuninghen , desiring to be taken into his protection , van beuninghen makes him this answer , that as long as he was willing to continue in the communion of the walloon-churches , he was oblig'd to submit to their ordinances and discipline ; but that if he would frame a new sect , he should participate of the protection which the states granted to all sorts of religions . i do not question but you know the said person , and are , doubtless , able to judge , that it was not out of any scruple of conscience , that he thought it not convenient , to establish his sect in this countrey . he had amongst his devotes , the illustrious gentlewoman , mrs. mary de schurmans , and other young ladies , of more than ordinary quality ; but being in some fear , that their relations might get them out of his society , which began to be cry'd down , and to appear very scandalous ; he thought it his better way , to settle himself elsewhere , with his sanctified company of both sexes , whom he took along with him . had he thought it convenient , to make his abode in this country , he would have augmented the number of sects , which have their establishment here , and made some additions to the religions , which have a publick liberty in these parts . but though this liberty of conscience , is of so great a latitude as i have told you , yet i am in some suspense , whether you know it to be so comprehensive , as to extend to the countenancing and protecting of those hereticks , whom you would sentence to death , if they were amongst you . this i am satified you know , that , above a hundred years ago , your canton , and the republick of geneva , condemned michael servetus , and scipio gentilis , to be bu●nt alive , for the erroneous opinions they held , concerning the trinity . the principal errours , upon which they were indicted , are much the same , or , at least , are not more dangerous , than those which the socinians maintain , upon the same mystery of christian religion . do you not then wonder at the extraordinary difference there is , between the conduct observ'd by your canton , and the republick of geneva , towards those two ancient hereticks , and that which the states observe , in reference to the socinians , who propagate the same heresies , or others that are equally pernicious ? geneva , and your canton could not endure the one , servetus , and the other , gentilis ; and pass'd their judgment , that they both deserv'd death . the states-general do , without any scruple , suffer a great number of socinians , most of whom are born and brought up amongst them , and never had the least thought of doing them any harm , upon the score of their religion . your canton , and the city of geneva would have thought themselves guilty of a great crime against god , if they had not , by death , taken off these two hereticks , who h●ld such strange errours , against the divinity of jesus christ . but the states-general would think they had committed a great sin against god , if they should put any of the socinians to death , whatever their errours may be . your cantons , and the city of geneva , thought themselves ob●ig'd in conscience , out of their zeal for the glory of god , and christian religion , to take all the courses imaginable , for the smothering of those heresies , which are so destructive to our principal mysteries . the states-general have , on the contrary , done all that lay in their power , to countenance and to improve them . not many years ago , the books of the socinians were very scarce . amongst those which had come forth into the world , as they had been printed in very remote places , and but very few copies had been taken off , so were there not any to be had , but at very dear rates ; nay most of them were not to be had at all . the states-general have out of their special favour and indulgence , and out of an unparallel'd tenderness of conscience , found out a remedy for that inconvenience . to satisfy the socinians , and those who were desirous to become their proselytes , they have permitted the works of four of their principal doctors to be printed , at amsterdam ; to wit , those of socinus , crellius , slichtingius , and wolfogenius . at this very time , there is publickly sold at amsterdam , that library of the socinians , in eight volumes , in folio , which costs but a hundred guilders . not many years since , two hundred pistols would not have purchased one part of those works , which at present may be had altogether for less than ten . true it is , that not long since , there was burnt at amsterdam , a certain book of the socinians ; but it was done , no doubt , upon the very intreaty of william bleau , for whom it had been printed . not many dayes after that publick execution , he publickly expos'd the very same book to sale , and the more to recommend the sale of it , and to enhaunce the price of it , he had got an advertisement put into the title-page , that it was the very same book , which had been , by order of the states , condemn'd to be publickly burnt , by the hand of the common executioner . i question not , but you have had the relation , or haply you your self remember it very well , how that not much above forty years ago , the magistrate of geneva caused nicholas anthony a minister at divonne , in the balliage of gex , to be burnt alive , upon a discovery made , of his being a jew . the twelve articles , which he signed , and upon which an indictment was drawn up against him , make it evidently app●ar , that he did not beli●ve any one of our mysteries of the incarnation , and death of jesus christ , for the salvation of men , and that he expected the coming of jesus christ , as the jews do expect him , for their deliverance , and the establishment of a temporal kingdom upon earth . no doubt but you know , that the jews are very numerous in this country ; that they have an absolute liberty , and their synagogue , in which they make their assemblies for the service of god , and that there never was the least thought of driving them hence , or putting any one of them to death . you know also , better than i do my self , what you did at berne , in reference to some mennonites , who were found in your territories . they gave them the dreadful name of anabaptists , purposely to render them odious , and abominable to all your people . you cast them into prison , and you there kept them a long time , out of the zeal you had for your own religion , and the aversion you had to theirs ; nay , for a certain time , you would not set them at liberty , in order to their departure , with what they had , into some other parts . but at last , you granted them that favour , and it is not unlikely , that you did it upon the intreaty of the magistrate of roterdam , who writ to you a very pressing letter on their behalf . some years before , the canton of schasfhouse , had also banish'd out of their t●rritories , certain ▪ mennonites , and thought they had done them a kindness , in permitting them to take along with them what effects they had , into some other parts . nay , i have been also assured , that not many years since , a certain number of mennonites being , to their misfortune , found in the canton of zeurich , they were taken into custody , and had indictments drawn up against them , on these two capital crimes . there were at that time some comapnies raising , upon some extraordinary occasion which the magistrates had , for the safety of the country . the mennonites would have excused themselves , from being listed in those companies , alledging , that they did not believe a christian could , with a good conscience , bear arms , upon any occasion whatsoever . they preferr'd however , voluntarily to lay down what money should be required of them , for the payment of such person , as might be put in to serve in their stead . they would moreover engage them to oblige themselves by oath , to be faithfull to the state , and to obey their magistrates . they acknowledged , that they were in conscience , oblig'd to that duty , and that they should be very careful in the discharging of it ; they promis'd to do so , and declar'd , that they conceiv'd themselves as deeply engag'd , by their bare word , as if they had confirm'd it with a solemn oath ; but that they could not be induc'd to take any , for this reason , that they believed , that jesus christ had commanded such as profess'd christianity , simply to say , yea , for the affirming of a thing ▪ and nay , for the denying of it , expressly forbidding them to swear , upon any occasion whatsoever . the magistrate of zurich , judging that those two errours were pernicious to the state , pass'd this order against the authors thereof , that within fiftee●●● dayes , they were to depart out of switzerland , and to remove th●●ce all their effects , and concerns , or abjure their doctrine , be ready to take their oaths , and to take up arms , if the magistrate commanded any such thing ; and if any one did not obey this order , that he should be taken , and banish'd , after he had receiv'd a severe chastisment by whipping ; if he were taken a second time , that he should be whipped again , and that after he had been burnt with an hot iron on the shoulder , he should be again sentenc'd to banishment ; but if he were taken the third time , he was to be brought to the magistrate as a rebel , and so to be put to death . but all the cities of this netherlandish country are full of these mennonites , who have their publick assemblies , and an absolute liberty of exercising their religion . nay , there is at amsterdam , that christopher sandius , of whom i have heretofore spoken to you , who makes an open and publick profession of being an arrian , and he has many disciples . if therefore you will seriously examine the thing , i think you will meet with but little encouragement , to maintain , that those governments , which follow so contrary a practice , one to the other , upon a matter of fact so important , reference to religion , can , in the mean time , be of the same religion . i do not imagine , that you will approve or what some affirm , upon this occasion , that in things which are indifferent , two states may demean themselves , the one , this way , and the other , that way , and be both in the mean time of the same religion . things indifferent , as to practicability , are , if i am not mistaken , such as may , or may not be done , or be done after one manner , or after another quite different manner , yet , all without offending god. but i am not easily to be persuaded , that the things we now speak of can be called indifferent . for i pray , tell me , was it not well done by your magistrate , and by that of geneva , when they burnt these two ancient hereticks , and this last jew ? if it was well done , it was not therefore a thing indifferent , and they could not have omitted the doing of it , without offending god. if they did well in their procedure , methinks you cannot deny but that the dutch do very ill , in tolerating and protecting the socinians , who , as to the main , hold the same errours , as those ancient hereticks ; unless you would haply affirm , that there are some things in reference to religion , which may be done after one way in switzerland , and at geneva , and after another way in the low-countries . for , i cannot comprehend , how one and the same religion , can incline some of those , who profess it , to do things directly contrary to those which the others do . moreover , i do not think , that you will be so confident , as to affirm , that it was a thing indifferent , for your magistrate , and for him of geneva , to put those two unforunate hereticks to death . you have too great a respect for your lords , and superiours , to charge them with the odium of so rigorous an execution , if they had not been thereto oblig'd by the precepts of their religion . if the magistrates of the low-countries are of the same religion , as yours , why does it not induce them , to follow the same practice , in reference to the same hereticks , or others , who are yet more dangerous ? in short , i would make this interrogatory to you , reverend sir , what s●nt●ment you have , of those magistrates , who are of opinion , that no man ought to be troubled , or molested upon the score of religion and , that all christians ought to be tolerated , whatever disagreeing sentiments they may have , upon that account ? if ●here were some of them amongst you , i do not beli●ve you would receive them into your communion ; at least , thus far i am assur'd , th●t , according to your own principles , you ought not to receive them . h●w then can you be of a persuasion , that the magistrates of the vnited netherlands are of the reformed religion , properly so called ; when as , if they were at geneva , or in cantons , you cannot admit them to communicate with you ? you know , that monsieur d' huissea● , pastor of the church of saumar , was some years since , depos'd , and excommunicated , by the synod of the province , for the book , which he had publ●sh'd , for the toleration and re-union of christians . though i have read it , yet cannot i call to mind , all the maxims , wh●ch he advances and maintains . mean time this i ●m assured of , that he does not advise a greater toleration of christians , than what the states-general do effectually grant . which is as much as to say , that the magistrates of these countries , have time out of mind , practis'd that which that minister has taught , by the book , which he writ some years since . if it be so , i cannot imagine the minister should be more in fault , than they are ; since he has offended only by his writings , and the magistrates are effectual offenders . they have been the doers of the mischief , and he has been but the teacher of it , and , possibly induc'd thereto , by their example . if you are of opinion , that the said minister was justly , and legally excommunicated ▪ you must certainly be guilty of a strange partiality , if you allow the name of your good brethren in jesus christ , to the magistrates of the low-countries , who ▪ ●or those hundred years past , have committed the evil f●r which that minister hath been excommunicated , though he had not done it , and but ▪ only approv'd the doing of it . if therefore , you cannot own them for brethren , nor admit them to the participation of the communion with you , according to the maxi●s of your own religion and discip●ines , can it enter into your bel●●f , that the external profession which they make of your religion , is sufficient to give him the denomination of being of it , as well as you . but if the magistrates did acquit themselves of the devoir , whereto the reformed religion does particularly oblige magistrates , i should make no difficulty to grant them the privilege of attributing to the state which they govern , the name of the religion which they profess . i believe , you will grant me , that the reformed magistrates , are , after the example of your cantons , oblig'd to obstruct the establishment , and publick exercise of false religions ; and the magistrates themselves of the low-countries cannot be ignorant , of what their own confession of faith , review'd , and approv'd by the synod of dort , prescribes to them , upon this occasion . the xxxvi . article , in which mention is made of magistrates , saies expressly , that it is their duty , to remove idolatry , and the false service of god , to endeavour the destruction of antichrist , and to advance the kingdom of jesus christ . i cannot imagine therefore , that you should endeavour to maintain , that the states-general do conscientiously acquit themselves of what they are olig'd to by their charge of magistracy , after what i have said to you , of the liberty , and indulgence they grant , to so many different sects , which , by their erroneous opinions , subvert the principal mystery of our own religion . if you consult your own sentiments , and those of your collegues , and of all your ministers , and if you follow the practice of all your own churches , you are oblig'd to exclude out of your communion all those magistrates , who give that liberty to all sorts of sects and persuasions . how then can you think , that those magistrates , whom the ordinances of your own churches permit not to communicate with you , can give the name of your religion , to the state which they govern ? nay there are some magistrates at amsterdam , and rotterdam ; two of the principal , and most wealthy cities of holland , who make a publick and open profession , of their being arminians . the sieur adrian patius , who is one of the magistracy of rotterdam , is also an arminian , and his religion hinders not his exercising the charge of ambassadour from the states-general , at the spanish court , where he at present is . i know not whether he be of those of the sect , who do absolutely follow the sentiments of the socinians . but if that person be a socinian , and , in his return from spain , should be in humour to take his way through your cantons ; i know not whether the worst that might happen to him , would be , a denyal of reception into your communion . upon the summing up therefore of all i have said to you , i am apt to think , that you cannot still have the same opinion of the states-general , and continue your calling them a holy and sanctify'd republick . could you represent to your self that strange party-colour'd , chequer-work of religion , which is to be seen in those countries , i should hardly believe , that you could persist any longer , in the good sentiments you have for this state. i am ready to acknowledg , that the protestants are oblig'd to it , for the liberty they have , to live there , without any fear , in the exercise of religion . but are not all sorts of hereticks equally oblig'd to it , for the liberty they have , to live there quietly , in the exercise of their religions ? if this state has been a sanctuary to those of the reformation , all hereticks have also found refuge there , as well as the others . in the general diet held in poland , in the year 1658. it was order'd , by a publick decree , that all the socinians ( who were very numerous in that country , and had their principal seat there ) should be sent away thence , and that , after some time allow'd them for the disposal of their estates , they were to be for ever banish'd thence . the states-general did charitably receive all those amongst them , who took refuge in this country ; and it is particularly since that time , that they have notoriously increas'd , and multiply'd . if this state be the school of the reformed party , it is in like manner the school , the damme , and the nursery of all hereticks . nay , i am in some suspense , whether it may not be justly maintain'd , that christian religion has receiv'd more detriment , than advantage , by the establishment of this state ? and possibly , for the same interest of christian religion , there will be a greater obligation to wish its ruine , then its wellfare . it will be a very hard matter , to persuade you to this , since you are of opinion , that the republick of the vnited provinces is a most-christian state , and one of the most reform'd , even amongst christians . i know not whether you will alwayes persist in this sentiment ; but though you do , i shall not forbear remaining , reverend sir , your most , &c. vtrecht , may 13 th . 1673 the fifth letter . reverend sir , if i am not mistaken , i have , by irrefragable reasons proved , that the states-general cannot be said to be of the reformed religion . but you will say , if they are not of our religion , what religion may they be said to be of ? i must confess they are of the reformed religion , if , to be so , there needs no more , than an external profession of it , no more , than to have ordain'd , by a publick decree , that our religion should be the religion of state , and that all those , w●o would have any concern in the government , should make publick profession thereof , and that there should be publick schools for the teaching of it . if these things make a sufficient title to the reformed religion , this state is doubtless of that relig●on . but if , as i think , i have made it sufficiently appear , this state follows a practice quite contrary to all governments of that religion ; and does , by its conduct , and its own confession of faith , and the publict decree , whereby it establish'd our religion to be the reli●ion of state , destroy that very religion ; let what will be said , i maintain , that this state is not of our religion , but only as to the denomination , and not in effect . if you are pleas'd to remember , reverend sir , what i have hitherto told you all-along , you will find it manifest , that as liberty of conscience was established by the first ordinances which they made in this country ; so it may be said , with reason , that this state consonantly to its own principles , is , and ought to be , of all religions . and if it be of all religions , it may well be said , that it has not any particular religion , nor indeed that it has not any at all . true it is , that there is one of them , which is very common to most of the inhabitants of the country , to wit , that of a●arice , which the scripture calls idolatry . mammon has a vast nu●ber of votaries , in these parts , and , there is no question to be made , of his being better ▪ serv'd here , than the true god is by most christians . if we consider the whole course of life , amongst the dutch , as also the earnestness , and application , wherewith they are addicted to commerce , we cannot forbear acknowledging , that the only design they seem to have , is to grow rich , and heap up money . there comes into my mind , upon this occasion , what i read in an italian relation , of a certain voyage of the dutch ; that being come into the cities of japan , out of which there had been an expulsion of all the christians , and the inhabitants of the country having ask'd them , whether ▪ they were christians ; they confidently answer'd , siamo holandesi , non siamo christiani . we are hollanders , we are not christians . and indeed their deportment since , as well in the indies , as in some other remoto places , makes it evidently appear , that they are extreamly concern'd for the advancement of their commerce , and not any thing at all , for that of religion . all other sorts of christians , as well roman-catholicks , as protestants ( the dutch only excepted , if they may be admitted among the latter ) make the colonies they have , in those remote parts of the world , promotive to the advancement of christian religion , by causing it to be preached to the infidels . this we see practic'd by the catholicks , with so great zeal , by the great number of missionaries , whom they send into the east and west-indies , and into the turkish empire , to preach the gospel , and to convert those people , to the faith of jesus christ . nay this is also done by the english , who send ministers of the gospel , into all parts where they have colonies , and order all the directors of their companies , not to spare any thing , for the advancement of christian religion , and the conversion of infidels . and so indeed , as well the catholicks as the protestants , make use of commerce , as of a means , to adv●nce the religion of jesus christ , and to bring those idolatrous people to his faith. but the dutch , on the contrary , out of a detestable impiety , are absolutely neglectful of all the interests of religion , in the indies , in the levant , and other places , where they have great colonies , that they may do nothing prejudicial to the interests of their commerce . they give express and peremptory orders to the directors of their companies , and the commanders of great places , to hinder the unbelieving inhabitants of those parts , from coming to the knowledg of the mysteries of christian religion , and being converted to the faith of jesus christ . it is their persuasion , that if some amongst those people , were once become christians , they might , by the conversation they should have with other christians , come to the knowledg of that grand mystery of commerce , and deprive them of some part of their trade . they would rather see all those people perish eternally in their igno●●●ce , than to see their eyes open'd , by the illuminations of heaven , and that they should share with them in the advantages of their commerce . is it not a horrid thing , that the consideration of a temporal interest and concern , should stifle all sentiments of piety , charity , and the zeal they ought to have , for the advancement of christian religion , in a sort of people , who would pass for christians , nay , pretend to be of that division of christians who assume the title of reformed ? we need only take an observation of their conduct , in those countries , to make a discovery , that they take not the least care in the world for the settlement of religion there , and that the only concern they have to mind there , is to see their commerce in a stourishing condition . you will be fully satisfi'd of the truth of what i tell you , when you shall have understood some of the remarkable actions , which the dutch have done in the cities of japan , and in some other cities of the east-indies . there were in the territories of the emperor of japan , many portugueze-merchants , and a very great number of persons born in the country , who were christians , and had been converted by the jesuits , and other catholick-emissaries . the dutch , who do all they can , to be alone in those remote places , and to get all other european natives out of them , that all the trade may be at their sole disposal , found a means to make all the roman-catholicks odious to the emperor , that so he might have an occasion to banish them out of his dominions . to that end , they inform'd him , that those catholicks had the pope for their head , to whom they render'd an implicite obedience , so far , as that he did dispense with , and discharge them of that subjection which they ought to their lawful sovereigns . consequently to this , they represented to that prince , that it was dangerous for him , to have in his country so great a number of subjects , who acknowledging elsewhere a sovereign power , superior to his , might , upon the reception of such a command from it , rebell against him . that prince , having , by this malicious information , conceived a very great distrust of all the christians in general , resolv'd upon an absolute extermination of them , and that not any one should ever be suffer'd to live in his territories . all the cruelties , which the ancient tyrants ever inflicted upon christians , are no great mattter , in comp●rison of wh●t that prince exercis●● upon the catholicks , who were found in his dominions . he put all to death with grievous , yet long-lasting torments ▪ nay there were many cut off who were not christians , upon a suspicion of their lying conceal'd amongst them , that so not one might escape his fury . after so bloody and cru●l an execution , he put f●●●h most severe ed●cts , by which he order'd , that there should never any christian b● permitted to enter into his territories . the dutch having crept in there , as i told you before , by a flat denial of their being christians , acknowledg'd afterwards , that they were indeed some of those people , to whom that name was given ; but that , for their parts , they minded only their trade , and never troubled themselves with any thoughts of their religion . they voluntarily made this profer , that they would never speak to the inhabitants of the country , either of god , or of jesus christ , or his religion , nor perform any ex●rcise of it themselves ; and that they would so live , as that it should not be known , that they ever were christians . the emperor of japan finding the dutch so well inclin'd , was of opinion , that he had no cause to be afraid of them , though they were chris\tians , since they promis'd to live at such a rate , as if , in effect , they were not such . he thereupon permitted them to live i● his territories , upon the conditions , which they had propos'd thems●lves . the dutch , who never executed any treaty , when it was more for their advantage to violate it , did very sincerely and religiously observe this with the emperor of japan , because it is destructive to the interests of religion , and highly beneficial to them upon the sc●re of trade . they have ever since liv'd , and still do live , in the dominions of that prince , without the performance of any function of god's service , without having the bible , or any other godly book , or treatise of piety , for the doing of their devotions in private . but i am withal to ●●ll you , reverend sir ▪ that what you read of these transactions of the dutch , in those remote parts of the world , you are not so to look upon , as if that so detestable an agreement made with the emperour , was the private determination of a certain number of dutch merchants , resident in those parts : but you are to consider what they did , as done by the express order of the directors of the company establish'd in that country , who have ratify'd it , and promoted the execution of it . all the dutch , who are return'd into this country since that treaty was made , having publish'd it , all that have any concern for vertue and christianity in these provinces have express'd themselves much astonish'd thereat . the ministry made some stirr about it , and there have been several acts made , in their synods , in order to the making of remonstrances and complaints thereof to the states-general . i cannot precisely tell , what resolution tha states-general have yet taken thereupon ; but i know , that they have not taken any , for the breaking off of so impious and so scandalous a treaty . their deportment , in this very case , may justly create a belief , that they are of the sentiment of that renegado jew , spinosa , of whom i have already given you an account , though he has not any thing of christianity . it is that author's design , in his treatise , called tractatus theologo-politicus , pag. 62. of the latine edition , to prove , that baptisme , the sacrament of the eucharist , prayers , and all the external functions of gods service , which are , and ever have been common to all christians , in case they were appointed by jesus christ , or his apostles , of which he saies that he is not assur'd , were appointed , as he maintains , but only as external signs of the universal church , and not as things any way conducive to beatitude , or having any sanctity in themselves , and that they who live in solitude are not oblig'd to the performance of them ; and that they who have their habitations in remote countries , where the exercise of the christian religion is prohibited , are oblig'd to abstain from those ceremonies , and may yet do well enough , in order to a happy life . to prove the proposition , which he advances , he alledges the example of what the dut●h do in japan . in which country , the christian religion being prohibited , he affirms that the dutch are oblig'd , by the command of the directors of the east-india company , to forbear performing the exercise thereof . from whence it may be deduc'd , that that action , of the dutch , in japan done , and maintain'd by a publick authority must needs be impious and detestable , since this author , who makes an open profession of atheisme , makes , use of it , as an irrefragable reason , to prove , that all the external services of the christian religion , are not at all contributory to , or advancive of satisfaction , and that men may be never the less happy , though they never mind them . but if , without any regard to the sentiment of that atheist , you consider that action in it self ▪ what could you imagine in the world of greater horror , than that some christians , who w●uld pass for such as are of the calvinistical way of reformation , could ever be induc'd , to make an express prohibition , and ●n absolute retrenchment of all exercise of religion , to their people , in a ●ountry , that they may there have a quiet exercise of their trade . and therefore i hope , reverend sir , that , however you may have an over passionate kindness for the dutch , yet you will not have the confidence , to deny their being guilty of the highest impiety , in sacrificing the interests of christian religion , to their commerce and trade , and making no conscience , or being any way concer●'d , to see so many persons live and die , without the exercise of any ▪ religion , as if they were without god , and without hope , only to make an unhappy profit by the loss of their souls . if you have had any account of the dreadful execution which was committed by the same dutch , in the island of amboyna , in the year 1622 : it is impossible , but you must acknowledg , that there is not any consideration of religion able to divert them from the exercising of all sorts of cruelties , when the dispute is about their interest , and profit . there were not twenty english-men in that place , and the dutch had there a very gr●a● colony , and a well fortifi'd castle , with a good garrison in it ▪ they accus'd the english of having a design to take that c●stle , though they had neither arms , nor forces . they are taken into custody , upon that pretended conspiracy ; they are interrogated , not one amongst them confesses any thing , and there could be no discoveries made of their being guilty of it . but it was for the interest of the dutch-company , that they should be so . that they might be ●ender'd such in appearance , they are put to the torture . all ●he several tortures of fire and water were us'd , to make them acknowledg , what the dutch would have them to say . after some resistance of such cruel torments , they were at last or'e-press'd by their violence , and confess'd whatever they desir'd them . but after they had recover'd themselves again , they disown'd all they had said in the midst of their torments ; nay when they were just at the point of execution , they call'd god to attest their innocence , and besought him to make it appear , after the death they were then going to suffer . he who was the commander of that place , and the unjust judg who had condemn'd them , were nothing mov'd at , though fully convin'd of the innocence of those prisoners . but there be●ng a necessity of their dying , for the interest of the dutch-company , nine of the pretended conspirators were executed , and some of them were set at liberty , who , returning into england , brought thither the news of that cruel massacre . now , sir , i would fain know , what you would say of so inhumane and so barbarous an action ? will you still allow those to be good reformed christians , who make no scruple to cut the throats of their brethren , professing the same religion as they do , for a little worldly goods , and for their own private interests ? this tragical story , is so well known all over the world , that there is not any dutch man dares deny it . nay an author of their own nation , one aitzema , in his book , entituled , the lyon-combatant , pag. 211 , 212 , 213 , 214 , 215. printed in the year 1661. gives a very large and particular description of it . and he makes out withal , how false , and unlikely the accusation brought in against the english , was , and confidently affirms , that it was fram'd , upon no other score , than that they might have a pretence to put them to death , seize into their own hands all the effects of the english company , and , by that detestable imposture , render themselves masters of all the trade of the moluccoes , amboyna , and banda . the same last-mention'd author , does , in the same book , page 113. relate another story of a greater cruelty , which the dutch exercis'd upon the english , in the island of banda . he says , that the dutch , in order to their becoming masters of that island , massacred above forty english-men , and that , after they had bound living persons to dead carkasses , they cast them into the sea , and afterwards possess'd themselves of what they had , which amounted to above five and twenty thousand pounds sterling . true it is , that they are somewhat to blame , who still reproach the dutch with those two actions , and particularly with that of amboyna , since they have made a considerable satisfaction for it , in the treaty which was concluded between them and the protectordome of england , in the year 1654. for , the parliament having enter'd into a war against them , which , amongst other p●etences , had that of the execution at amboyna , the dutch gave the english several millions of guilders , not simply to satisfie them for the damages , they had caus'd them to suffer , which could not have amounted to neer so great a sum , though they had taken away all the effects which they had in that island , and depriv'd them of the advantages they might have made by the commerce of thirty years ; but also by way of reparation , for the blood which they had unjustly spilt . and to blot out the remembrance of so barbarous an action . there would be a necessity of compiling a great volume ▪ if it were my design , to make a collection , of all the cruel actions , which the dutch have committed in the indies , and elsewhere , upon the pure interest of commerce . but i am apt to think , that you will gladly spare me that trouble , and will think , no doubt , that i have said enough , and haply too much , upon a sub●ect which is not divertive to you . if then , after a serious reflection upon what i have entertain'd you withal , you find no abatement of the affection , which you had for the dutch ▪ i must acknowledg , that your friendship does , in steadiness , and strength , exceed that of any other person in the world. and this gives some hopes , that you will continue that part of it , which you have promis'd me , as i assure you of my ever remaining , reverend sir , your , &c , the sixth letter . reverend sir , it is no small affliction to me , that i have given you an account of some things , concerning the dutch , which certainly must have rais'd in you some disgust against me . i am therefore , out of a pure fear of feeding or augmenting it , resolv'd to be very careful , in waving to tell you any ●hing henceforward , which may give you any perplexity in reference to them . nay , i am willing to make you satisfaction for all i have already said to you . i acknowledg therefore , to humour you ▪ that the dutch are as good christians , and as much of the true way of reformation , as you imagine them to be , that is to say , the best in the world. though it were so , yet i do not think you have any reason to cry out , arms , arms , as you do , to excite and encourage all that are of the reformed persuasion , in europe , to come in to their relief . you know we●l enough , that his most christian majesty is not engag'd in a war against them , upon the matter of religion but that the reason of his engaging in it , was , to chastize their ingratitutde , to mortifie their violence , and to teach them a new lesson , of paying him the respects they owe him , and to keep within the bounds of modesty , and reason . were it a war upon the score of religion , do you think , that the one or the other branch of the house of austria , that of germany , and that of spain , which are the natural enemies of our religion , and which ever have been the cruel persecutors of those who profess it , would have openly undertaken the defence of the dutch , in this cause , against the interests of the catholick religion , of which , they make it their oftentation , that they are the pro●●ctors , and especially the king of spain , whom , for that reason , the pope has honour'd with the title of catholick king. but to shew you again , how desirous i am to please you , i will acknowledg also , that this is a war of religion . let us see whether it will turn to our advantage , to raise an army , consisting only ▪ of men professing the true reformed religion , and to bring it into the serv●ce of the dutch. let us make a computation of all those who may be for us ; and of all those , who , in this case , might be against us . but i think , it were better , we never meddled with that troublesome discrimination , which would only convince us , of the weakness of our little flock , and discover the great number of enemies , whom we should have to do withal . i am satisfy'd , that a great number of good soldiers might be got out of your canton , and the other protestant cantons . but i humbly conceive , you will not be offended , if i tell you , that if jesus christ himself were upon earth , and had occasion for the assistance of your forces , you would not let him have any , unless he would be sure to see you well paid for them ; and that he should not prevail so far with ▪ you , as that , for his sake , you would abolish the proverb , which you have br●ught into vogue , point d●argent , point de suisse , mo money , no swisse ; or as the english saying has it , 't is money makes the mare to go . and that it thus ▪ happen'd , is well known , when the chimerical ambassador of the dutch had under-hand sollicited your cantons , and had afterwards been admitted into your assembly , conjuring and beseeching you , by the love you ought to have for your dear brethren , not to abandon them in their necessities , and to maintain their cause , which was , that of jesus christ . you know very well , that all he could get of you , in your diet , was , that you had resolved one should be assembled , for their sakes , that you would spare some few rep●sts , observe a fast , and pray for their preservation and prosperity . that if it were a warre upon the score of religion , whatever zeal you might have for ours , the catholick cantons , having no less ●or theirs , we should find more soldiers running out of the catholick cantons , to maintain the party of their religion , than there w●uld be protestants ready , to defend the interests of ours . and as to the quality of the soldiers of swisserland , if a computation may b● made of it , by the success of two wars , one wher●o● you had about 140 years ago ; and the other , about 18 y●●rs since , i am con●ident , you cannot deny , but that the catholick soldiers are much better , than all those of your protestant cantons . nay , the catholicks would have this advantage , that their pay would easily come out of the exchequers of kings and princes , if the dispute were about the defence of their religion . whereas yours , not finding any protestant-prince , who were able to bear the charge of them , should be forc'd to keep in your own country , and content themselves with the making of vows , for the preservation of our religion . nay , i do not think , that all the princes or states of the reformed religion , in europe , would be able , all together , and do their utmost , to keep up an army of ten thousand men , when the safety of our religion lay at stake . i do not speak of the lutherans , because the greatest part amongst them , have such an animosity against us , as loudly to affirm , that they would rather enter into the communion of the catholicks , than into ours . if again , on the other side , you consider , how many kings , sovereign princes , republicks , and states , there are in europe , who all profess the romish religion , you may all imagine , that as we are but a small handful , in comparison of them , so there is not any likelihood , that we should be able to resist them , if they were once engag'd in a war against us . nay , if it were an open and declar'd war , upon the account of religion , you would soon find the emperour and the king of spain deserting the party of the dutch , and siding with that of their own religion . the catholicks have yet another most considerable advantage , which would extreamly corroborat● their party against ours . they have the pope , whom they all acknowledg to be the visible head of the church upon earth , who reunites them all for their common interest , and would , with much more zeal , publish a croisado against us , then ever he did any against the turks . and indeed , he has reason to have a greater animosity against us , than against all the unbelieving people in the world. as he pretends to be the spiritual head of all christians , so he considers those who do not acknowledg him , as revolted subjects , and rebels to his empire ; whereas he looks on the turks and heathens , as strangers , who are out of his jurisdiction , and not within the extent of his superintendency . and as a king is more incens'd against his subjects who have revolted from the obedience they owe him , then against forreign enemies , who are not within the verge of his dominions ; so the pope suffers the jews in his territories ; and would never permit any of the reformed persuasion , to harbour in them . his pontifical dignity will not suffer him , ever to be reconcil'd to those , who directly shock the authority , which he pretends to have over all christians . you may see by this , the great danger , into which those of our religion would be reduc'd , if your zeal could enflame them so far , as to make a party , in favour of the dutch. nay , i leave it to your own judgment , whether it is any fault of yours , if your inconsiderate zeal has not excited the catholicks , to fall upon those of our reformed religion , in those places , where they lye expos'd to their mercy , and that they have not made it their business to exterminate them ? but if your zeal , without knowledg , be injurious to all those of the reformed religion in general , it is also very prejudicial to all your own protestant-cantons , and to your allies in particular ▪ assoon as ever you saw the first breaking out of this war. you your self , reverend sir , in the city of berne , and all your ministers , within the extent of your government , were continually cajoling the people by their seditious sermons , to make an insurrection against those of your magistrates , who had given their judgment , that there should be a regiment of men granted to the most christian king out of your canton . if men would have believ'd you , and all the ministers of your country-villages , it must have been accounted a very horrid crime in you , to suffer your soldiers to be employ'd in a war against your beloved brethren in jesus christ , the dutch. 't was this gave occasion to your magistrate , distracted by your pulpit-bawling and by the clamours of the multitude , whom you had inflam'd into an insurrection , to write unseasonable letters upon letters , to the officers of your regiment , fraught with terrible menaces , if they s●rv'd in this war against the vnited provinces . nay , you thought it not enough to put in a charge against your own canton , upon the account of its having granted forces to his most christian majesty , and his not preventing their being employ'd against the dutch , but you must also panegyrically celebrate the cantons of zurick , and schaffouse , for their refusal to give him any . i cannot comprehend any reason you should have to name schaffouse , which being a poor little canton , has but one half-company in the service , but a hands-breadth of ground within its jurisdiction , and can raise but two companies at the most . and you speak of it , as if that refusal of their forces had been very detrimental to the kings affairs , and much retarded the progress of his conquests . and yet it is certain , in the mean time , that all the best qualify'd persons in the councel of that canton had promis'd to grant the companies which the most christian king required of it . but one factious person amongst them occasion'd the breaking of that resolution , upon this score , that besides his being a man absolutely devoted to the dutch , ever since his reception of a present from them , when he sojourn'd in this country , he was out of hopes of getting the command of a company for one of his own relations , that he might make some advantage thereby . but , as to the canton of zurick , i must acknowledg it to be powerful , and that it might have rais'd several companies of good soldiers . i know also , that its councel consists of persons of very good worth , such as have wit , and honour , vigour , and constancy , if the thing had depended upon them ; and they knew their own interest much better , than to have deny'd his most christian majesty the forces he had required of them . but the mischief of it , as you know , is , that they are not the absolute masters . the sovereign authority lies in the hands of the councel of two hundred , consisting , for the most part , of much heat , and little prospect , of much obstinacy , and little reason . it is no wonder then , that , the ministers , having enflam'd that multitude with the zealous concern of religion , they could not be dispos'd , to grant forces to his most christian majesty , though he should have no design to employ them against the dutch. i must confess further , sir , that i am very much astonish'd , at your undertaking , to make a confident justification of those two cantons , for their having deny'd forces to the most christian king ; as also , that after you had blamed your own , for their having granted a regiment , you should undertake to vindicate all it did afterwards ; either to have it recall'd , or to prevent its being employ'd against the dutch. it will be no hard matter , for me , to make it appear to you , that this conduct of yours ▪ b●sides its being most unjust , may also be very prejudicial , even as to what relates to the interests of religion . you cannot forbear granting your selves to be absolutely unjust , if you deny the demeaning of your selves towards his most christian majesty , as you would have him demean himself towards you . for instance , if it should happen , that you were attack'd by the king of spain , or the emperour , by the duke of savoy , by the catholick-cantons , or by some other prince , of the same religion , you would desire , that his most christian majesty would assist you against them , by vertue of the alliance there is between you and him . if the king should deny you the forces you desired , and alledge , that he could not assist you , being of the reformed religion , against catholick princes , you would complain of it , and affirm , that the most christian king does not observe the al●iance he has made with you . how then do you not see , that the most christian king has just cause of complaining , that you are unwilling to supply him with forces , against the dutch , because they are of the reformed religion ? do you not further observe , that , by your indiscreet zeal , you deprive your selves of all the advantages , which you might expect from the alliance there is between you and the most christian king , by giving him just cause to deny you assistance , if you should come to desire it of him ? if the duke of savoy should enter into a war against you , upon the pretensions he has to the country of vaud , tell me , whether you would be so presumptuous as to desire assistance from the most christian king ? you would not have your forces to serve his most christian majesty against the dutch , b●cause they are of our reformed way of religion , though they are not your allies . by what right can you pretend , that the most christian king should give you forces , to serve you , who are not of his religion , against a catholic prince , who , besides his being in alliance with him , has also the honour of being nearly related to him ? besides , you make but an ill acknowl●dgment , of the favour which the most christian king , did you , not two years since , when he openly undertook your protection , against the bishop of basil , who was going to give you some disturbance . he had establish'd a catholick church , upon some part of your territories , as he pretended that he had a right to do . the pope , the emperour , and the king of spain , had openly taken his part , by reason of the concern of the catholick religion . the most christian king having been inform'd , that he had not any right to establish that church , upon your territories , sent a message to him , that if he did not restore things , to the condition they were in before , and forbear making any alteration , he would openly grant you assistance against him . you know , sir , that the said prelate , standing more in awe of the most christian king's indignation , than relying on the succours of the pope , the emperour , and the king of spain , thought in his best course , to renounce his pretensions , and to give over disturbing you . if the most christian king had done then , what you have done at the present , he would have been far enough from entertaining so much as a thought of protecting you , being of the reformed religion , against a bishop , especially in a cause , wherein the interest of the catholick religion was concern'd . you know also , that the emperour , and the king of spain , who have a particular alliance with the catholick cantons , are oblig'd to assist them , in case they should enter into a warre against you , or against the other protestant cantons . now it is manifest , that , upon such occasions , you cannot hope for any assistance , but from the most christian king. if therefore you would not have your forces to serve his most christian majesty , against the dutch , who are not your allies , meerly upon the score of their professing the same religion , as you do , i do not see , how you can desire the most christian king , to grant you forces , to serve you , who are of the reformed religion , against the catholick cantons , who are of his allies , as well as you . you know further , that the city of geneva is under the protection of france , ever since the time of henry the third , who granted it thereto against philibert-emanuel , duke of savoy . all the successors of that king have continu'd their protection to the same city , against the successors of that ancient duke , who are the troublesome neighbours , and in a manner the only enemies , whom that republick has any cause to fear . you see then , by this proceduce of henry the third , of france , and the kings who succeeded him , that though they were very zealous for their religion , yet they made no scruple , of giving their protection to a protestant-state , against a catholick prince . had your politicks been known in the world , those princes would not have become guilty , of what you think a great crime , that a king should defend a state , professing a religion different from his own , against a prince , who is of the same religion with him . if this maxim comes , once to establish'd , you may very well fear , that the most christian king , having his eves open'd by your illuminations , and following your example , may withdraw his protection from geneva , that so he may avoid the reproach , which may be made to him , of having succour'd a city of the hugu●not-persuasion , against a prince of his own religion . from this you may also take this further measure , that the implicite affection which you have for the dutch , does expose you , as also the protestant-cantons , and your allies , to an evident danger , of not receiving any more assistance from his most christian majesty , against a catholick prince , or state. if it should ever happen , that you were concern'd in such a war , the plausible pretence of zeal for religion , would prove very prejudicial to you , in depriving you of the assistance of the most christian king , who , certainly , is the greatest , or , to say better , the only support and refuge that you can have . your injustice therefore , and your ingratitude , are so much the greater , in as much as you cannot deny , but that france has many times openly given its protection to the protestants , in opposition to the catholicks . you know , that , for a long time , it assisted the dutch , against the king of spain , even before there was any open war between the two crowns . you know also , that france gave an overt protection to the protestant-princes of germany , against the emperour , who had already devested several of them of their dominions , and would , under the pretence of religion , become master of all germany . the late king , lewis xiii . made an alliance with the king of swed●n , against the house of austria , and got that prince to come out of the remoter parts of the north , to oppose the ambitious designs of that house , to raise up the oppressed princes , ●nd to defend the liberty of the empire . after the death of gustavus adolphus , france did again joyn its arms , with those of his successors , and the generals of that great king , in a continuance of its protection to the protestants , and for the re establishing of those princ●s in their territories , who had been dispossess'd of them . but , on the contrary , the house of austria had the greatest part of its allianc●s with the catholicks , against the protestants . 't was upon this , that the adherents of the emperour , and the king of spain , took occasion to publish libels against the most christian king , whom they accus'd of being a protector of hereticks , and fighting for them , against the interests of the catholick religion . and yet all those accusations which were put up against france , upon that score , obstructed not its persisting in the stipulations , it had made to its allies , and continuing its protection to the protestants , against the violence of the emperour , who endeavour'd to oppress them . nay , the king of france is in a manner the only catholick prince , who allows the protestants the exercise of their religion in his dominions ; whereas the king of spain would never tolerate , in his , the exercise of any other religion than the catholick . and the emperour has forc'd all the protestants out of his hereditary countries . and , both the emperour , and the king of spain , think it highly meritorious , in the sight of god , to be the irreconcileable enemies , and implacable persecutors of those whom they call hereticks . in the mean , reverend sir , it appears by your deportment , that , l●t the protestants be never so transcedently oblig'd to his most christian majesty , they should so little mind it , as that the only resentment they have , should have no other object , than the calamities , which the dutch endure by the war , wherein he is now engag'd against them . your compassion is so great for their misery , that you think you have a dispensation , to forget all the kindnesses , which the most christian king hath done to those of the reformed religion , and not so much as to reflect on those he may yet do you , in giving you assistance against your enemies . in a word , your bowels do so yearn for those poor brethren of yours , the dutch , that , provided their preservation be secur'd , you do not much concern your self , what may become of you , and all those of the reformed religion . you are so blindly infatuated , upon this subject , that , provided you demonstrate your good inclinations for the dutch , you seem to be indifferent , that you are thought a bad huguenot , and most wretched politician . the dutch , certainly , are the best politicians in the world , for things relating to religion , which they never made any other use of , then that of accommodating it to the interests of state. nay they have alwaies been so little concern'd , at the danger of those who profess'd the same reformed religion , that they made no scruple at all , of entring into a war for their destruction , upon the pure score of money . of which take this instance . i think you need not be inform'd , reverend sir , how that the dutch sent a certain number of ships , to the most christian king , for the reinforcing of his fleet , by which rochell was then block'd up . that was , indeed , a war , upon the pure score of religion , in which the most christian king was engag'd against his subjects , to get out of their hands the fortify'd places , which they were possess'd of , and would keep , to secure the observance of the edicts , and the exercise of their religion . all the whole party of the reformed-religion , in france , were afraid , that as soon as the king should have taken rochell , he would abrogate the edict of nantes , and absolutely take away the exercise of the calvinisticall religion all the other reformed princes , and states had the same apprehension , insomuch , that publick prayers were made in all parts for the preservation of rochell , as a city , on which depended the safety of all those of the reformed religion , in france . they had the same thoughts in the vnited provinces , and prayers were made to god , in all churches , that he would be graciously plea●d , to preserve rochell , as the impregnable fort of those of the reformed religion . and yet the dutch made no scruple of hiring out ships , for money , to the then most christian king , to promote the destruction of a city , which , according to the apprehensions of all the world , was certainly to have consequent thereto , that of our reformed religion , and of all those who profess'd it in the dominions of france . was there ever seen any example of so detestable an impiety . that a state , which makes a boast of being of the reformation , should have made no conscience , for money , of contributing to the ruine of a great people , who make profession of the same religion ; and that at the very time , when , for the compleating of the impiety , it order'd prayers to be made to god , in the churches , for their preservation ? this puts me in mind of the emperour , charles the fifth , who caus'd publick prayers to be made , all over spain , for the liberty of pope clement the second , whom he himself kept a prisoner at rome , in the castle of saint angelo . but there are yet some particular circumstances in this action of the dutch , which do very much aggravate the horrour , and perfidiousness of it . in the first place then , before the doing of any act of hostility against those of rochell , and before they had made any declaration of being enemies , they endeavour'd , by surprize , to become masters of the port. though what i say seems strange , and at some distance from credibility , yet is there not any thing in the world more true . an illustrious person amongst the dutch , and the author before by me cited , when i gave you an account of the affair of amboyna , i mean aitzema , in the book entituled the lyon combatant , pag. 241. sets down at large this history , of the design which the dutch had , to surprize rochell . take here in express terms what he saies of it . on the fourth of july , in the year 1625. hautyn , admirall of holland , appeared before rochell , with nineteen men of war. the inhabitants of rochell writ to him , as did also the count dela val , to let him know , what astonishment they were in , to see him in the posture of an enemy , as being not able to imagine , that either the states , or the prince of orange , would have entred into a war against the reformed religion . hantyn told those who had brought him the letters , that he could not return them any answer , still he had had some conference with those of the king's councel . the next day he sent them back to rochell , with two of his own people , and told them , that he knew not whether they were come by the order of all the inhabitants , or of some part of them only , and that he was going to send to them , to be assur'd of it ; and that in case they continu'd in their subjection to the king , they were not to fear any harm . in the mean time , those deputies having left him , in order to their going to rochell , he came up , with part of his fleet , very near the city , which gave occasion to two men of rochell , whom he had kept aboard , to tell him , that he did not deal fairly . monsieur de soubize , having perceiv'd , that he was advanc'd with a good number of ships , made him stand off , and one or two days after , he absolutely defeated him , burnt his vice-admiral , and four or five ships , and kill'd him five hundred men ; so that the whole fleet , being in great disorder , got away as far as nantes . and this was the unhappy success , which that perfidious man had , who , under pretence of friendship , would have surpriz'd the city , and so betray'd it to the king. after hauntyn had refitted his fleet , he joyns that of the most christian king , commanded by monsieur de montmorency , who would fight that of the rochellers , assoon as he came in sight of it . but news was brought him , that the dutch admiral would not be concern'd in the action ; for this reason , no doubt , that he was afraid to be beaten once moro . montmorency presses him , and conjures him , not to desert him in so important an occasion . he alledges for his excuse , as we find in gramond , hist , gall. pag. 635 , and 636. that without an express command from the states , he durst not employ their ships , to give a decisive battel to the protestants of france , who were of the same religion with his masters . mons . de montmorency , being extreamly troubled , that the dutch did , by their refusal to fight , defeat him of the fame , which he expected infallibly to acquire , by the victory , was forc'd , after a fruitless application of intreaties , and promises , to make use of an expedient , which ever prevails with the dutch. he , with good palpable money , corrputed their whole fleet , and engag'd the admiral , the commanders , and the soldiers , by oath , to fight against those of rochell . so the most christian king's fleet , being reinforc'd with that of the dutch , de montmorency gave an absolute defeat , to that of the rochellers , commanded by mons . de soubixe : so that the inhabitants of that city could not equip another , and from that very day lost the soveraignty of that sea , which they had kept for some time . whereupon , they having no fleet , and that of the most christian king having the absolute command of the sea , his land-army undertook that memorable work of the digue . the city finding it self depriv'd of all hopes of relief , surrender'd to the king , after the endurance of incredible inconveniences , by famine , during so long a siege . if the dutch had sent in this assistance to his most christian majesty , by vertue of any treaties of allyance , which they had had with him , there would not have been any thing to quarrel at in the said action . but is it not an infamous thing , that , after they had plainly alledg'd their not being empower'd to fight against those of the reformed religion , without an express command from the states , they should nevertheless be lur'd in , by money , to do a thing , which they knew to be contrary to their duty , and might have contributed to the ruine of all those who profess'd the reformed religion in france , if the most christian king had had any such design , as some imputed to him ? and by this , you may judge of the friendship which the dutch have for those of the reformed religion , since they make no scruple , to hire out themselves , and their ships , to be assistant in their extermination . if you can , without passion , examine all i have written to you , concerning the dutch , i am confident , you will not persist any longer , in the good opinion you have hitherto had of them . but i think you will hardly be induc'd to lose it , because you are extremely propossess'd in their favour . mean time , since i look upon you , as a very just and rational person , i hope you will not think it much , to aquaint me with the reasons , which you may have had , for your not being mov'd with those which you have reciev'd from me . shew me , that there is not any ground in all those , by which i have pretended to prove , that the vnited provinces are not of the reformed religion , according to the calvinisticall way of reformation . make it appear to me , that you have done well , in endeavouring to make an insurrection in your canton , about the regiment , which you had rais'd for his most christian majesty , and that all those of the reformed religion ought to unite together , for the relief of the dutch , in the present war , between them and the most christian king. if you can prove all these things to me , i assure you , i shall submit to your reasons . and i shall moreover give my thanks , for your deliverance of me , out of the errour , in which i have hitherto continu'd , and for the illuminations i shall receive from your documents . this i do sincerely promise you , as also , that , howe'ere it may happen , i shall ever be , reverend sir , your most humble , &c. vtrecht , may 19 th . 1673. finis . the second part of the principles of art military, practised in the warres of the united provinces consisting of the severall formes of battels, represented by the illustrious maurice prince of orange of famous memorie, and his highnesse frederick henry prince of orange, that is captaine generall of the army of the high and mighty lords the states generall of the united provinces : together with the order and forme of quartering, encamping, and approaching, in a warre offensive and defensive. principles of the art militarie. part 2 hexham, henry, 1585?-1650? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43483 of text r18347 in the english short title catalog (wing h1654). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 219 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 78 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a43483 wing h1654 estc r18347 12869195 ocm 12869195 94790 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43483) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94790) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 715:2) the second part of the principles of art military, practised in the warres of the united provinces consisting of the severall formes of battels, represented by the illustrious maurice prince of orange of famous memorie, and his highnesse frederick henry prince of orange, that is captaine generall of the army of the high and mighty lords the states generall of the united provinces : together with the order and forme of quartering, encamping, and approaching, in a warre offensive and defensive. principles of the art militarie. part 2 hexham, henry, 1585?-1650? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a43483 of text r18347 in the english short title catalog (wing h1654). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread [16], p. 13-32, 21-24, 37-56 p., 20 leaves of plates (18 folded) : ill., plans. by antony of heusden, printed at delf in holeand : 1642. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng maurice, -prince of orange, 1567-1625. frederick henry, -prince of orange, 1584-1647. united provinces of the netherlands. -staten generaal. military art and science -early works to 1800. netherlands -history, military. a43483 r18347 (wing h1654). civilwar no the second part of the principles of the art military, practised in the warres of the united provinces. consisting of the severall formes of hexham, henry 1642 43101 41 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the second part of the principles of the art military , practised in the warres of the united provinces . consisting of the severall formes of battels , represented by the illustrious mavrice prince of orange of famous memorie . and his highnesse frederick henry prince of orange , that is captaine generall of the army of the high and mighty lords the stales generall of the vnited provinces . together with the order and forme of quartering , encamping , and approching , in a warre offensive and defensive . the second edition newly corrected and amended by captaine henry hexham , quartermaster to the regiment of the honourable colonell gorino . printed at delf in holland , by antony of heusden , anno 1642. cum privilegio . to the trvely honorable , and his noble lord , george goring , baron of hosperpoint , vice-chamberlaine to his sacred maiestie , and one of his majsties . most honorable privie councill . my lord , according to my promisse and weake ability i had composed and finished this second part of the principles of the art militarie , for so much as consernes the duties of the officers of feild , belonging to an armie , and the diverse orders , and formes of embattailling of horse and foote represented in the feild at severall times , and in sundry places by the two famous generals of our age , maurice prince of orang of happie memorie , and frederick henry his highnesse the prince of orang that now is our victorious generall , together with the order of quartering , encamping and approching in a warre offensiue and defensive : this i vndertook with a great deale of labour and charge , and gathered it out of diverse good authours , for the instruction and informing the iudgments of such , as are lovers of this noble art militarie , & having heretofore bin dedicated to my honorable colonell your sonne , having tasted of your lo : bountie both for my atlas majours , and some other of my militarie bookes more then of any noblemans in england to shew & acknowledg a gratefull minde , therefore this second edition comes in most humble wise , to craue your lo : gratious patronage , as one to whome i acknowledg my self much bound vnto , and so praying to the almighty for your health & encrease of honor . i rest your lo : servant ever to commaund henry hexham . an index , of the contents of this second part , & how the boockbinder is to place the cards . of the provost marshall of an armie , pag. 1. of the marshall of a regiment , a quartermaster generall , & a quartermaster of a particular regiment , pag. 2. of a trench-master , an inginier & a clark of the victuals pag. 3. of a carriage-master , and a muster-master pag. 4. of the sarjant maiour to a regiment pag. 5. of a lieutenant colonell , and a colonel pag. 6. of the sariant maiour generall of an army pag. 7. of a sariant maiour of a brigade ▪ or a great corporall of the feild pag. 8. of the generall or master of the ordnance , & of the clark of the munition and matterialls pag. 9. of the lord marshall of the feild pag. 10. of the office and charge of the lord generall of an army pag. 11.12.13 in what order an army ought to march over a campagny , narrow passages , woods , and rivers pag. 14.15.16 . of the quartermaster generall , of a commissary generall , & of a lieutenant generall of the horse pag. 17. of the charge and office of the generall of the horse pag. 18 of the ordering and forming of a devision , or a battaillon of foote or horse pag. 19 of the forme of an armie of 24. thousand foote & six thousand horse ranged in battell ray as the figure demonstrates pag. 20. next followes the seuerall formes of battels of horse and foote , which have bin showne in the low countries since anno 1600. till this last yeare 1642. and are all to be placed alphabettically from a. to x. one after another betweene pages 20. & 21. of the order and forme of encamping of an army pag. 21.22.23.24 . of the quartering of a devision or regiment of foote according to the order of his highnesse the prince of orange pag. 25. note that betweene the pages 26. & 27. the figure of a regiment of foote is to be bound pag. 26.27 . betweene pages 28. & 29. is to be bound in the figure of a regiment of horse 28.29 . betweene pag. 32. & 43. which is false figured , the figure & forme of a campe quartered , that is betweene letter h. & i. pag. 32.33 . of all manner of approches and their profiles pages 33.34.35.36.37.38 . note that this sheete i. should have bin figured 33.34.35 . & 36. note that betweene pages 38. & 39. the figure of approches is to be bound of counter-approches pag. 40. of all sorts of bridges pag. 41.42 of galleries and their appurtenances pag , 43. note that betweene pages 44. & 45. is to be bound the figure of a gallerie . 44.45 . of mines and counter-mines pag. 46.47.48.49 . & 50. of all sorts of palisadoes , barrocadoes , quadrant footnailes & beares pag. 51. of turne pikes pag. 52.53 . of retrenchings of inward cuttings of pag. 54.55 . & 56. hoe de boeck-binder sal de caerten van dit tweede deel binden . 1. tusschen fol : 20 en̄ 21 alle de caerten van slachorders , van letter a. to x. anno 1642. 2. tusschen fol : 26. ende 27. de quartier van een regiment te voet . 3. tusschen fol : 28. en 29. de quartier van een regiment te paert . 4. tusschen fol : 32. en 33. de quartier van een heel legher . 5. tusschen fol : 38. en 39. de caert van approches . 6. tusschen fol : 44. en 45. de caert van een gallerye ende mynen . 7. tusschen fol : 54. en 55. de caert van retrenchementen ende af-snijdinge . the severall dvties of the officers of the feild belonging to an armie . and first of the provost marshall of an army . because in the nature of his office he is to execute all directions and commandements , that he shall receive from the lord generall , or marshall , he shall be injoyned to give his attendance upon the lord marshall . jt is then his office to publish all proclamations , orders and decrees of the generals , and all things else that are to be notifyed to the troupes , as the lord marshall shall command him : he shall see them published in the generals quarter , and before the head of every regiment , being attended upon , by the provosts of every regiment . he shall have the keeping of the prisoners in the army , that is to say , by himself and his men , he shall keep the chiefe prisoners which are to be brought to justice , and shall direct the provosts of everie regiment , how the prisoners in their charge shall be kept . he shall have thus far forth command over all particular provosts of the armie , and they shall give an account to him of all their prisonners , of the quality of their offences and of the informations against them , yea , as often as he shall direct and give up a note aswell of his owne prisoners , as of the rest , once every weeke to the lord marshall . he shall attend every court day at the generals , or the lord marshals , if it be held there , and shall bring his prisoners that are called thither , safely to the court , with such informations and witnesses as are to be brought in against them , and shall after they have bin heard , and proceeded withall , bring them back in safety , and so keep them till he hath attended and known the further will of the generall , or in his absence , of the lord marshall : also he shall be bound to have his executioner , a place of execution , and all things belonging unto it , whensoever , or wheresoever he shall be commanded by the generall or lord marshal , and he shal see the said executions so commanded , to be duly performed . the provost marshall shall have thus far commandement over the victuallers of the army , that he shall assigne them their quarter in every regiment , and shall appoint what victuallers are to attend every regiment . also he shall give order to the particular provosts of every regiment , that they see no victuals sold but at convenient houres , and that the prices of victuals and beere be reasonable , and every kan of beer , sold at that price as he hath marked upon the barrell-head , and as it is appointed him . it is further incident to his office , to have account brought unto him of all prises of cattle , and other victuals that comes into the army , and that the preyes , assoone as they are brought into the quarter , shall be shewed to him , and by him to the generall , or the commissary generall of the victuals , because it may be known whether those preyes be lawfull , and how they ought to be devided . he shall by the particular provosts of every regiment and his men , cause all entrailes of beasts that are killed in or near the quarter , and all other garbidge and filth to be buried without the campe , and to see in all things else , that the quarters be kept sweet from noisome smells , and the places adioyning clean , and that the places for easement be prickt out at such a convenient distance , as he shall in discretion set down , and that he himself , as often as he can conveniently , shall visit the whole quarters , and to that end , he shall cause the provosts of every regiment , and his owne men , to visit the severall parts of the quarters every day . he shall have all his fees , aswell in preyes that are taken , as for the oversight of the victuals and beer , and of all things else , which do properly belong to the provost marshall of an army . of the marshall of a regiment . the masshall of a regiment is to receive and keepe safely all such prisonners , as are committed to his charge by the chiefes , captaines , and officers of the regiment , and if they be called to iustice , shall bring his prisoners to the marshall generall , to be carryed from thence to the councell of warre . jt is also the duty of the marshall of a regiment , to take speciall care that all women , lacqueis , servants , bread , and aqua vita sellers belonging to the regiment , shall march after their owne regiment , and not before , or upon the flancks thereof . it is his office likewise to set such prizes upon beree and victuals , as the lord marshall or the serjant majour generall shall appoint him , which order he shall receive from the provost marshall of the army , and that he sees it be duely executed within the circuit of the regiment , and that the sutlars do not sell their beere and victuals above the set rate , least they should grate upon the souldiers : after the captain of the watch hath gone the first round , he is to see that the sutlars keeps no tipling or drinking , to commit any disorder in the night , but make them put out their candle light and fires : during the time of divine service he is to go the round , and see that there be no tipling or disorders committed in the quarters . the office of a quartermaster generall . first he is to be at all removes , and before the taking up of any quarter , is to attend the generall , or the marshall of the field , to receive his directions , where , and in what place the army is to be quartered , and how the avantguard , the battle , and the reere , shall be distinguished . having received then his directions , and the army drawing neare to the place assigned , he and the quartermasters of every regiment , rides before with a guard of horse and some firelocks , to view and make choise of the ground , where the army is to be quartered , and there ordaines a quarter for the generall , the chiefe officers of the field , and their trains , together with the regiments of every tercia or brigade , and gives out the ground , and houses to the quartermaster of each brigade , and they to the quartermasters of the particular regiments , who drawes out the quarters in that order and forme , as the lord generall hath prescribed , and as the figure thereof following shall demonstrate . jt is also his office to direct the quartermaster of every regiment , that in laying out their quarters , they observe that forme which the generall hath commanded , that is proportion for proportion , and to see that all places of armes , streets , sallies , and all things else , be answerable , and sees that every quarter be made according to that modell . the office of the quartermaster of a regiment . the quartermaster of a regiment in all charges is to attend the quartermaster generall to receive his directions , and takes the place , ground , and houses appointed by him for the quarter and lodging of his regiment , and then drawes out his quarter , for the companies his colonels , and the officers of the field , and for every captaine of his regiment , according to the order of their march and their seignorities in the regiment , distributing and giving to a sariant of every company of the regiment , who are to assist and attend him , the depth , length and breadth , of the quarter with the distances of the alarme place betweene the head of the quarter and the trench , and the true distance betweene devision and division of the regiments , as also when the regiment is to be quartered in villages , and houses , he is also to observe that forme and directions which the quartermaster generall shall give him . the office of a trench-master . because as quarter-master he shall know the ground that is laid out : so he is to exercise the office of the trench-master in the outworkes of the quarter , as he doth of quartermaster within , these two offices having affinity the one with the other , and therefore he must set out distance between the quarter and the trench , or rampier , with the breadth and depth of the ditch , and the height of the trench , be the quarter altogether entrenched or in part , as he shall receive his direction , either from the generall , or the marshall , as also the proportion of all outworks , as flankes , mounts , batteries , and other works that shall be appointed . as it is shown what is the duty of a trench-master in encamping : so in marching he is to give direction for the making of waies or explanadoes for the passing of the troupes , and marching of the ordnance and carriages , according as he shall receive his order , from the generall or marshall , provided that in making wayes for the artillery , he take the quartermaster along with him , assigned by the generall of the ordnance for that purpose and that the carriage master or conductor of the artillery and carriages , go also with him . in all approches he is to take charge of the trenches , and other works made in them , and after he hath received direction from the generall or marshal , he shall give directions to all those that work , and see that the works be made in such sort as they are appointed : in which service both pyonniers , workemen , and commanded men shall obey him . of an inginier . an jnginier ought to be a man very skilfull and experienced in arithmetick , geometry and the mathematicks , and before he begins to breake ground , or runs his lines of approches , he ought to consider well the scituation of the place , and to have regard to the propriety and nature of the place , whither it be high ground , low , plain or hillie . by day he viewes well the ground , that he may the better run his approches by night , in setting out his sticks and markes , that he may place his men , to get speedily into the ground with the more safety , and as he advances to make the corpses of guard , and the batteries upon the most advantagious places , for if he should mistake his ground , and not runne his line and approach well by turning and winding it , and carrying it from the bulwarks , flanks and outworkes of a towne or fort , he may endanger the lives of many men , and therefore it behooves him to be very circumspect and carefull , but of this we will speak more at large , when we come to handle approaches . the office of the commissary generall of the victuals . he is to take charge of all the victuals prepared for the army , aswell by water as by land , and to see either by himself or his ministers the proportion of victuals to be duely distributed to the souldiers , and marriners , as the generall or the admirall shall direct him . all pursers , stewards , and all other , that shall in any ship have charge , and the oversight of the victuals ( as also all under commissers and conductors of victuals by land ) shall upon the discovery of the extraordinary wasting , spoyling , or miscarrying of victuals , presently give notice thereof to the generall , or to the commissary generall of the victuals , that he may presently take order about them . wheresoever the army shall land , march , or lodge , all the victuals found in such places , shall be seized upon by him , and a proportion set out by him for the present use of the troupes , there quartered , and the rest reserved as part of the generall store and magazine of victuals , and to that end , he himselfe shall go , or send an under officer , or the clarke to attend the lord marshall , or quarter master generall , when he goes to view and appoint him his quarter . he shall keep a list of all the bakers , millers , and butchers in the army , and of all others that are used about the provisions of victuals , that he may set them on work , as the occasion , and the service may require . all ovens , and instruments of mils , for grinding , baking , or for preparing , bestowing , carrying , or for the preserving of victuals and provisions , shall be under his charge , and he shall have authority to use and dispose of them for the publick service . jf any prizes of victuals shall be taken at sea or by land , the commissarie generall of the victuals shall take a note and inventary thereof , and appoint some officer of his to take charge over them . jf any preyes be taken by land , he shall likewise keep an inventary of them , and view them himself , and shall make the devision , as the generall shall direct him , or in his absence ; the marshall of the feild . he shall give out no victuals but by speciall order and warrant from the generall , and from time to time , he shall give up unto him a perfect account of the wast , spoyling , or miscarrying of victuals , either in the armie by sea , or by land . the cariage master his office . he is with asmuch authority to order and marshall all the carriages of the army , as the serjeant majour generall is to marshall the troupes . he shall see the carriages of the munition first placed in the best and safest places , next the carriages and traine of the generall , and the chiefe officers of the field , the next by turnes : but because the incumbrances of carriages may often times disorder the whole troupes , he shall receive his directions from the seriant majour generall of the armie , where his charge shall march , though the particular disposing and ordering of the carriages be left to himself . he shall have three severall men , or officers under him called conductors , to attend upon the severall devisions of the carriages , as sometimes upon the baggage of the avantguard , the battle , and the reere : sometimes upon the carriages of the munition and ordnance ; the generals and chiefe officers carriages , so that in the order of the march , they shall be devided into three bodies , and he shall have some smiths , carpenters , and wheel-wrights attending upon every severall division : his best order in marshalling the carriages , will be to observe the same order , as the sariant maiour doth in marshalling the regiments which by the provost marshall of every regiment , he may give notice to all those that goe along with the carriages . his direction being given , he shall oversee the whole order of march for all the carriages , and shall cause the provosts of the severall regiments to keep the same order . the muster masters office . he having received his orders , he shall make a generall muster of the whole army before it be embarqued , or marches , and keep a perfect list of the number of armes , whereof he shall deliver a true list to the generall , that he may know the strength of the army . he is to make reviewes , as often as the generall , or in his absence , the marshall of the feild shall appoint him , and alter his list , as he sees it alter in strength , and to keep notes of the alteration , betwixt every muster , and of the diminishing of the strength of the troupes , that is to say , when men are slain upon service , and what are dead of sicknesse , and what men are run away , or diseharged by pasport . he shall be obeyed and respected in the execution of his office , no colonell or captain shall refuse to shew him their men , whensoever he shall require them , either from the state or the generall . of the three chiefe officers of a regiment , and first of the seriant majour . the sariant maiour of a regiment ought to be a valliant man , an old souldier , and one that is well experienced in the way of his profession : upon all occasions his place gives him accesse to the generall , to the marshall of the field , and to the sariant majour generall of the army , to know , how and in what manner his colonels regiment is to march , whether in one body alone , or else in two devisions ioyned with others . whereupon he gives order how the regiment is to be marshalled and ordered , in what forme the companies are to draw , and when upon any service they are disbanded , how to really them again , as is required . he receives his orders and commands either immediately from the generall , as is said , or from the marshall , or sarjant maiour generall , whether the regiment be to march in the avantguard , battle or reere , he ought to have some knowledge how the countrie lies , through which the army is to march , whether over a spacious campaignie in battail , or through narrow passages , woods , over rivers , or the like , by drawing out of files , as the ground and passage will afford , as also what order and forme the regiment is to keepe , if they should be charged with horse , have ordnance playing upon them , or being troubled with baggage . jn the presence of his colonel and lieutenant colonel , he is to be an assistant to them in seeing all orders and directions executed and performed , and in the absence of them both , to have the same authority and command , as the colonell or lievetenant colonell shall have . in marching or embattailing he shall keepe as neere the middest of the regiment as he can , either in the front , the reere , or upon either flank , so as he may best overlook and observe the order of their march or embattailling . the regiment being drawn up in devisions , he gives to every captain and officer his place , according to his seignority , and withall commands the drum-majour and the other drumms to beat a march , and to move all at an instant , and sees that the souldiers keeps well their rankes and files , and none to disbandie themselves , or straggle . he is to come every morning and evening to the sarjant maiour generall of the army or to the sarjant majour of that brigade or tercia , to receive the word and orders from him , if there be no extraordinary cause to hinder him , and when he hath received the word from the serjant majour generall , or from the serjant maiour of the tercia , his colonell and lieutenant colonell being present in the quarter , he gives them first the word and the orders , and afterward delivers it over to the sariant of every company of the regiment , drawn in a ring , according to the seignority of their captaines , which are to come and attend upon him for the same . as he doth receive directions for marching , embattailling , viewing of ground , and placing of guards , from the sariant maiour generall , or the sariant maiour of that brigade : so he is to deliver them over to the captaines , and officers of that regiment , and to call upon them to whom it appertaines , to see them duely executed . every night he is to visite all the guardes of that regiment , and to keep duely the turnes of their watches , and marches , ( that one captaine or company may not do more duty then an other ) as also in sending out troupes upon service , to the end that both the honor and the labour may be equally devided . it is also his duty to speak for ammunition , as powder , bullets , and match , and for victuals for the regiment if there should be any want , and to see them equally distributed to the companies , according to the proportion given out , and finally to give order and proportion for the number of workemen , or commanded men of the regiment which are to go to worke . of a lieutenant colonell . the next place above a sariant maiour is a lieutenant colonell , which is an honorable charge , when his colonell is present he is to obey him , in seeing all the commands and directions that are delivered by any publick officer , or such as shall be within the authority of a colonell himself , to be duely executed in the absence of his colonell , having as absolute command and authority over the regiment as the colonell hath himselfe , in marching or embattailling if the regiment consists but of one devision , whensoever the colonell is in the head of his regiment , his place is to bring up the reere of the regiment , but if it consists of two devisions , then the colonell leads the first , and the lieutenant colonell the second , but when his colonell shall be in the reere marching from an enemy , his place is then to be in the head of the regiment . jf the regiment consists of two battaillons his devision is to quarter and lodge on the left hand of his colonels , and himself in the reere of his owne companie . of a colonell . the colonell of a regiment hath a very honorable command , and is called in spanish maestro del campo , that is , one of the masters of the feild , and therefore ought to be a man of authority and respect , having absolute command and authority over the captaines and officers of his regiment , and all such are to respect and obey his commands , as fully as they would do the chiefest commanders , and ought to love and honour him , which his valour , wisedome and discretion will acquire him . also he is to see , that all orders , commands and directions , which are delivered him by the publick officers of the army , for guards , marches , quartering , or any thing else , as for matter of iustice , for ordering of the troupes , and furtherance of the service , be duely executed and performed within his owne troupes : further , if he himselfe do find any mutinie , or any discontented humors tending to mutinie , extreme outrage or disorder , or shall be by any of his captaines , officers or souldiers informed of any such thing , he shall forthwith advertise the lord generall or marshall of the feild : and if he find any other fault , negligence , or swarving from the directions or policy of the army set down , he shall straightway acquaint them by whom such direction came , or was to come unto him , or some other superior officer , and shall produce the party so offending with the witnesses and proofes , that order may be given forthwith , and iustice done : and if he faile to give this information of any thing he knows or heares of , he shall be thought deeply faulty , and if any such things passe without his knowledge , he shall be thought of worse government then befits a man of his place and charge . vpon marches the colonell shall be at the end of his troupes , that is , next to the enemy in the head of his regiment going towards an enemy , and in the reere comming off , and is not to go from thence , except it be for the ordering of his troups , or for some extraordinary occasion , as to attend the generall , or the chiefe officers of the field . he is also to see and command the officers of his regiment , that their men be well armed and duely exercised . a colonell being one of the chiefe officers of the feild , ought to be called to take councell and advice with the generall , especially when any peece of service is to be done , or in the day of battell , which concernes his charge , where he may freely speake his opinion , and give his advice touching matters of weight and importance , and though his opinion may be good , yet if the most voices be of the contrary opinion , and that things in the execution thereof fall out ill and contrary to his owne opinion , he ought neverthelesse to give way and yeeld to the plurality of voices , and wholy obeying his generall be readye to execute all his commands , giving thereby to understand that the contrary opinion held by him in the councell of warre , was neither for want of courage nor affection . a colonell also ought to give all respect , love , and obedience to the generall of the army , the lord marshall , and the sariant maiour generall of the field , as having charge from the generall to give out orders , as also to quarter and appoint alarme places , the place of battle , for marching , choosing of guards , and sending out of convoies . moreover the colonell once every weeke , may call together all his captaines to enquire of all offences hapned in his regiment , and examine duely the nature and quality of such offences , and to prepare the cause for a more short and easie heareing in a marshall court , for all colonels are to repair to a court of warre as often as they shall be warned , as an assistant to the lord marshall , and the president of the councill of warre , for all causes that shall be questioned there , belonging to the iustice of the army . finally in quartering , or lodging , if his regiment consists of two devisions , his quarter is in the devision , that is betweene his two battaillons assigned for his regiment , because he may give best and speedy directions to the whole , this shall be showne more particularly , when we come to draw out the quarter for a colonell and his regiment . of the sarjant majour generall of an armie . the office of a sariant maiour generall of an army is a place and charge of a high degree , whose command is full of action , and therefore he ought to be an able , a wise , a grave and able person experienced in the way of his profession . he is to come to the lord generall or lord marshall for his orders and directions for all watches and guards that are to be placed , and upon the charge of a quarter or a remove he is to march with the lord generall or marshall in the avantguard ( after he hath seen the troupes setled in the order of their march ) and to view well the places appointed him by the generall or marshall for the placing of the guards , upon the very first arrivall of the troupes . having received the word , and his orders from the generall , or the marshall , he gives them to the three sariant maiours of the tercias , called also the three corporals of the feild , and they give both the word and orders to the sariant maiours of every particular regiment . he himselfe in the beginning of the night , after the warning peece is gone off , and that all guards are setled , he is to visit them , and gives order to the three sariant maiours or grand corporals of the field , which attend upon the avantguard , the battell , and the reere , at what time they ( or some chiefe officer of the feild ) shall go the grand round , and if he or they finde any thing amisse , or any thing extraordinary discovered , either when he goeth himselfe , or one of the three sariant maiours of the brigades , or any other chiefe office , they are to give him an account of what they find amisse , and he is to advertize the lord generall or marshall therewith . in a day of battell or any kind of skirmish or fight , he is to receive his directions from the lord generall or marshall , and to see them duely executed . also in a day of battell he hath the ordering and disposing of the devisions and battaillons , according to that forme which the generall shall command him , and upon all occasions must be active and stirring up and downe , to spye out all advantages , which might offend an enemy , and wisely to foresee all disadvantages which might bring the troupes into any disorder or confusion . moreover he is to be the chiefe officer with the quartermaster generall which is to be at the randevous for the disposing of the troupes of horse and foote , as also by giving out orders for the providing them with ammunition and victuals . and being arrived first at the randevous , he is to give the lord generall and the marshall of the feild to understand the state of the army , that the lord generall thereupon may give him command and direction , how & in what manner the army is to be ordered , and afterward gives order to the sarjant maiours of the tercias , and they to the sarjant maiours of every regiment for the providing of ammunition victuals and all things necessary for the ordering of the mareh . hee ought to be well acquainted with those passages and wayes throw which the army is to march , and doth commonly march himselfe in the head of the avantgard , having some light horse and fire-locks to attend him , and to send out some troupes to discover the wayes and passages for the discovery and preventing of ambushments , having the captaine of the pyoniers and his men to waite upon him , and the quartermaster generall , for the making and explaining of wayes for the army , that they may not be surprized on a sudden , and drawing neere unto the place of quartering or encamping , he and the quartermaster generall riding afore , do view and choose out such ground and villages as may bee most commodious for the lodging and quartering of the army . to conclude , he is to have absolute command over the three sariant maiours of the brigades , otherwise called the three grand corporalls of the field , who are to be his assistants and his mouth , as he is the mouth of the lord generall , or the marshall , and therefore hath a vigelant eye over all things , and sees that the generalls commands delivered to him be strictly kept and observed . the office of the three sarjant majours of the tercias otherwise called the three corporals of the field . the states army by order from his highnesse the prince of orange is commonly devided vpon a march into three brigades or tercias . in french he is called le mareschal , or le sarjant majour de battaille , and in english one of the great corporalls of the field . a sariant maiour then of a tercia doth receive his order immediately from the lord generall himselfe , or the lord marshall , but most commonly from the sarjant majour generall aboue mentioned , to wit , in what forme the brigade or tercia is to be ordered , and how many regiments of foot and horse are to march under it , and with what ordnance and baggage . he assignes and shewes them the place , where they are to draw out in battallie , and receives order from the sarjant majour generall whether they are to march in the avantgard , the battell , or the reere , so that in marching every one of these three shall attend upon his brigade , and severall devisions , and in the absence of the sariant maiour generall see that the order of marching and embattalliing be duely kept and observed . and every one of these three sariants maiours de brigade are to be at the command of the colonoll generall or he that leads and commands that brigade or tercia , and is to be sent to the lord generall the lord marshall or sariant maiour generall upon any ocasion which belongs to the present service . these three sariant maiours of the tercias are to be lodged as neere the sariant maiour generall as conveniently may be . and these three which attends upon the avantguard the battell and the reere with the sariant maiour shal make choise of ground for the placeing of guards , and assigne them to the sariant maiours of every regiment , they are to goe the round and to visit the guard commonly every night , and at such an houre as the sariant maiour shall appoint them either by day or night . jf any of these three sariant maiours of the field shall find any want of powder munition or victualls , either in the avantgard , battle , or reere , aswell upon a march , as when the troupes are quartered or during a fight . he is presently to advertize the sariant maiour generall with the said wants , and then by his direction shall goe with an officer of every regiment of that tercia to the generall or lieutenant of the ordnance , or to the commissary generall of the amunition or victuals . to conclude , he having received his orders from the lord generall the marshall or the sariant maiour generall gives them to the sariant maiours of the particular regiments but because the word and the orders are to be sent to quarters farr distant one from another , the sariant maiour of every regiment cannot come conveniently to the sariant maiour generall . therefore the sariant maiour of the brigades are to attend every morning and evening upon the sariant maiour generall , of the army to receive their orders and to carry the word to the severall quarters , whether the sariant maiour of the regiments comes to him , and from him receiue the word and orders . of the generall , or master of the ordnance . he hath the charge of all the artillery , armes , munition , ingiens , materials , and jnstruments of work , yea of all things belonging to the ordnance , as beddings , platformes , carriages , and whatsoever else appertaines to the office of the master of the ordnance . vnder the lord generall he hath absolute command over all officers appertaining to that traine , as the lieutenant of the ordnance , the controuler , the clark , the gentlmen of the ordnance , the master-gunners , armorers , munitions , ingeniers , captaines of pyoniers , and mineurs , over all smiths , carpenters , and wheelewrights , as also over all artificers , and attendants upon the traine of the artillerie , munitions and matterials . the general of the ordnance ( after the places for batteries are chosen and assigned him by the generall of the armie ) he is to obserue , command and direct the makeing of bedds and platformes for the ordnance , he is also to give direction for the makeing of waies and explanadoes , for the bringing up of the ordnance to their batteries and to see that the batteries be made cannon-proofe , and the port-holes so that the ordnance may most annoy an enemy . and after he is once commanded by the generall to begin a battery , he is to give order to his inferiour officers to play and beat with the ordnance upon such and such places till the lord generall , giueth direction to the contrary , and as occasion and ground is gained to advance and remove the ordnance to neerer places . also in a day of battell or fight he is to choose the most advantagious places for the planting of ordnance where they may gaule or offend an enemy most , and to have a vigilent eye , that all things be done in good order . all the artillery and carriages belonging to the traine of his office upon a march o● quarter to be in the safest place of the army , and therefore are to take place before all other carriages unlesse some of the ordnance be drawne to march in the avantguard , battell , or reere , or to some other places : where the necessity of the service may require . he is to make lawes and orders for the well governing of the officers of his traine and all officers appertaning to his charge , with which he is to make the generall acquainted , that he from time to time may know the state of the ordnance , and of all things else belonging thereunto , and to take care that the service of the land be not defrauded . of the commis or clark of the munition and materials . the clarke of the munition , and materials , marches under the traine of the generall of the ordnance , he by order from the generall or sariant maiour generall is to give out all munition , as powder match , and bullets , to the regiments , and captaines according to the list or proportion commanded him by the generall , and as he receives his bullet from the sariant maiour generall , which orders being given out the sariants of every company repaires to his quarter and lodging to receive it , and to give him an acquittance under their hands for the receit thereof . likewise he is to take an account what powder , bullets , and match is shott away and spent in the approaches and trenches , and the colonell which commands there gives him a note how much was spent the night and day during his command there , because he is to give up an account to the states and general how many barrills of powder , bullets , and match was spent in the said approches . more over , for entrenching outworks and approches he is to deliver to the quartermaster of every regiment so many materials , to wit , spades , showels , axes , pickaxhes , hatchits , and bills , as there are workemen commanded out of every regiment and company which are to goe to work , which materials the quartermaster of every regiment is to passe his hand for , and to distribute them to the severall companies , and when the work is ended to deliver them up to him againe or to give him a reconing how many were broken or lost upon service that the commis may render an account to the states . of the lord marshall of the feild . the lord marshall of the feild is in command and authority next unto the lord generall , as is ( as it were ) his lievtenant and mouth , and therefore haveing so eminent a place , he ought to be acquainted with all the duties of the officers of the feild : especially with the generalls office it selfe , because there is such an affinity betwixt them , as having absolute power to command the army in the generalls absence , and may oftimes be employed to command the army himselfe , as commonly the marshals of france doe . his office is also to see that iustice be duely administred , and that the lawes , articles , and ordinances of marshall discipline be strictly kept and observed , that all banishments , and proclamations , comming either from the generall , or the councell of warre , be published , and excecuted , and by his authority , to cause malefactours , and offenders , to be punished for an example of others . and seeing that all he doth is for the generell good of the whole army , he ought to be feared , honoured , and respected of all men , and in no wise contradicted , seeing it is his proper charge to take care that the policie and discipline of the army established by the generall , bee exactly kept and maintained under his authority . all quarrels and duels hapning between officer and officer , souldier , and souldier either of horse or of foote , ought to be brought before him , seeing it is his office to right the wronged , and to punish the offender , or by his wisedome and authority to appease and compose them . the lord marshall also when the avantguard is drawn out , and are ranged in battallie while the battell and the reere are dislodging , he sees and commands that both horse and foot march orderly and in their owne place . and with some choise troupes marcheth before the avantguard , and considers the waies and passages , as valleys , rivers , marras , boggs , mountaines , hills , hedges , woods , hollow and narrow waies , throw which the army is to passe , that he may order the march accordingly as also to send out scouts , guides , spies , to discover and get inteligence from an enemy . he marches also in the head of the armie , sometimes with the sariant maiour generall , the quartermaster generall , and the quartermaster of the regiments , as men experienced to view and make choice of the ground wherein the army is to bee lodged and quartered . he obserues also the order of marching , quartering , and fighting , the three chiefe things belonging to an army , and sees and commands that the march , quartering , and fight , bee conformable to that order , which the generall hath prescribed , and the devisions , and troupes being ranged in battallie , he is full of action , and considers the place and soyle of the ground , the advantages of the sunn , winde , and dust , and how the troupes with the most advantage may be brought to encounter an enemy , takeing care that the order commanded by the generall be not changed , and when the troups are engaged in fight , he sees that they be duely seconded , and relieved , and being overlaid or charged , to cause them to retreat orderly for the avoiding of disorder and confusion , having a watchfull eye upon all casualities which may happen , for what the lord generall ordaines , the lord marshall sees performed and executed , to the end , that both their desires may take one and the same effect . for when commanders undertakes a warre , and fights with councell and iudgment , and sees all things also executed with wisedome , discretion , and valour , giving the succes to god , no man can then be blamed . the lord marshall also ought to be acquainted with the generals designe , and whether he is resolved to fight with an enemie or no . to consider whether he is to charg an enemy in the front , in the reere , or on the flankes , to hinder them from quartering , and to send out convoyes for the cutting off , of his victuals and provisions . he ought to consider likewise how an enemy lies encamped , which way he can come to attempt him , whether he is to march , and whither his dessigne tends , what order he keeps , with what troupes he may hinder or annoy an enemy , or being once ingaged in fight , where and how he may best second and relieve his owne men , either with horse or foot , to place and bring up the devisions of muskettiers , where they may most offend and gaule an enemy , and the bodies of pikes may with the most advantage be brought to give a charge , or a shock . also to understand and get intelligence of what force and strength an enemy is , what baggage , carriages , and incumbrances he hath , and from whence his victuals and provisions are to come , to know whether any more forces are to ioyne with him , and how and in what manner he may break their conjunction . he is also to have in a readinesse , an exact mapp of that country through which the army is to march , and a description of all the waies , rivers and passages , through which the army is to passe , having also by him good guides , which are well acquainted with the severall passages of that country and place . the lord marshall likewise , with the sariant maiour generall , ordaines and appoints all places for watches and guards , either of horse or foote , which they assigne to the three sariant maiours of the tercias , and they to the sariant maiours of the regiments , and the places which they are to maintain and make good , also for alarme-places , and the choice of ground to fight a battell in , for the most safety and defence of the army . in the day of battell he must be stirring and full of action to give orders and directions where need most requires ▪ and to 〈◊〉 both officers and souldiers to acquit themselves like men . vpon a march or the army being encamped , he ought to counsell tradesmen and victuallers , which bring provisions to the army , and gives command that they be not wrongd and abused by the souldiers , but that they may sell their commodities peaceably : likewise he gives order by his authority to the provost marshall generall , and to the particular marshalls of every regiment , that they set reasonable rates and prizes upon victuals and beere for the good of the poore souldier . there are divers other points appertaining to the office of the lord marshal of the field which for brevities sake i omit . the office and charge of the lord generall of an army . a generall hath absolute command over the whole armie , and is to know and understand well the severall duties and charges of every inferiour officer under his command , and ought to be a personage of great experience , wisedome and discretion , and capable to discerne and choose the best of different opinions , which may often fall out in the councils of warre . he ought also to be a personage descended of some noble house and family , which will give a lustre unto his command , and a man of undaunted courage and authority , severe and austere in his commaund , and to be greatly feared , honoured , and respected , a man full of resolution and magnanimity in the day of battell , and constant and resolute in desperate cases , happy in his dessignes and enterprises , but above all religious , fearing and invocating god to be propitious and favourable unto him , to blesse his designes , and to pray unto the lord of hoasts to give him knowledge , understanding and policy to govern his armie well , and that he may keepe it in good order , and under good discipline , whereby it may become not onely capable of vanquishing , but also victorious , which depends alone upon the almighty power of the lord of hoasts , and that neither good nor badd successe should make him change or alter his countenance , but upon the hottest services to give out his orders and directions with temperance and moderation , without impatience , choller , cruelty or emulation against those that are under his command , especially those who have gained honour , and deserved well , which he ought rather to advance and reward , which will make him to be honoured , loved , and respected of all men . a generall also ought to be qualified with these excellent vertues , as wisedome , valour experience , providence , constancy , authority , and liberality , and should well ponder and consider the occasion which might move him or engage him into a fight , or to give battell to an enemy , he ought to be sparing and a good manager of the lives of his men , and not rashly and unadvisedly to hazard his troupes , for he may aswell vanquish by policie , in putting on the lyons skinne , and foreseeing all advantages and disadvantages , as by surprising an enemy unawares , as by laying hold upon an advantage , when their troupes are in disorder , when they are dispersed , when they are dishartened , harryed and wearied out , when they are pinched with hunger , thirst and cold , and such like casualityes which may befall them . also by seeking to divert , amuze and devide their armie , while he keepes his owne in peace , concord , and unity , which is one of the chiefest points of warre . to gaine time and advantagious places , to prevent and hinder an enemy from possessing them , and to seeke by all meanes to breake an enemies dessigne , and with all expedition to put his own into execution , and to premeditate and to overweigh with a thousand things , which depends upon the warre , having a vigilant eye upon all occasions , for the art military hath many difficulties attending upon it , and one is not able to expresse the many hazards , straights and plunges which befals this profession . he ought not lightly to hazard his men either in skirmishes , or in a battell , unlesse he be forced to it , and that upon very good grounds and advantages : for having flesht his men in small occasions , it hartens and embouldens his men , and gives them the more incouragement , and assurance of good successe , for they perceiving the valliant , wise , and able carriage and conduct of their leaders and commanders , especially of their generall , this makes them fight bravely , and gives them hope of victory . a generall also ought to take the grave councell and advice of his chiefes and commanders , and ( as is said to make choice of the best , and yet not to make known his owne resolution , for many a brave attempt and enterprise hath been broken for want of secrecy , and if he should reveale it to some intimate friend : yet to do it as sparingly and reservedly as he can , by which meanes he shall gaine knowledge and experience , and in an instant will be ready to lay hold upon such and such occasions as may execute his resolution . and there by make him capable of prevailing . a generall ought to take care , that his armie be not wearied out , and fatigated overmuch , which breedes sicknesses , & causes the weakning thereof , to see & command that the regiments be well armed , & duely exercised in all the seuerall motions of warre , that iustice be readily executed , to be fauourable to good men , and seuere against euill-doers & offendours . it is also the office of a generall to giue charge , that the armie be provided with victuals , amunitions , and other things belonging to the warre . a generall ought to speake diverse languages , for hauing to doe with sundrie nations vnder his command , being able to speake vnto them in their owne language , this giues a great deale of contentment . moreouer , he ought to be learned , a good mathematician , & well seene in the points of fortification , and to haue excellent inginiers about him , that are carefull in running the lines of approches , for the preseruation of the liues of men . it is requisite also , that he should haue good guides , and spies about him , to get him intelligence of the state of an enemie , & ought to spare no mony that way , for the breaking of an enemies dessigne , and for the aduancing of his owne . a braue generall also considers , that the force of an armie consists not in the multitude of men , but in valliant & well experienced souldiers , & officers , which are well instructed , and trained vp in the vse of their armes , & knovves that victorie consists not in many troupes ; but that an enemies army being stronger then his , as hath often hapned by obseruing of good order , & dicipline choosing of aduantages of vvind , sunne , and ground together with the ready obedience of his men , in executing of his commaunds , & by experience in their profession , they become more bould & confident in fight , so that an old beaten souldier , knowes by heart , what his chiefe & generall will require of him . as a generall should be beloued : so likewise he ought to be feared , & of the two among . cammon souldiers , rather to be feared , for the most part of them , vvil be soner restrayned from doing euill for feare of punishment , then for any loue they beare to their generall . to conclude , he ought to be experienced in the beleegring of tovvnes , & forts , to vievv all places of advantages , & vvhere an enemy may most offend him , to forrifie his campe strongly with lines of circumvalation , forts and vvorkes vpon it , to know the site , and situation of a tovvne , hovv , & in what manner those vvithin are able to defend it vvith men and munition , to cause his inginiers to be very circumspect , and carefull how they run their lines , to sap forward to the vveakest part of the tovvne or fort , which he intends to become master of , vvith diverse other things requisite in a brave generall , vvhich for brevities sake i will omit . now followes in vvhat order an army ought to march in over a campaigne , narrow passages , woods , and rivers . having shovvne the severall offices of the officers of the field , it resteth novv to speak something in what order an armie ought to march . the armie then being come to the rendevous , or being to disencampe from any place , the afternoone or evening before the breakeing vp of it , orders is giuē out , that the souldiers shal be provided vvith munition , & so many dayes victuals , as the generall shall command . but an enemy being neere at hand , vvhen the generall vvill conceale thē breakeing up they dravv into armes silently , without sounding of drum , or trumpet . the generall being attended vpon before his lodging , by the sariant majour generall , the quartermaster generall , the captaine of the pionniers and some other officers . the most part of the armie , being dravvne into armes , the generall gives command to the cheife inginier . quartermaster or some other , to throvv dovvne the trench , fill vp the ditch , and to make such gappes in it , that vvhole devisions , & battaillions may march through them . after the trench is cast dovvne , the generall , or the sariant majour generall from him , gives order that the avantguards shall draw forth , and march a good distance without , and there to stand , & make a halt , till the battell , & the reere be also drawne out , in obseruing a con venient distance betweene them . in the interim the ordinance , carriages , waggons & baggage that belongs to the armie , are likewise drawne out , and put into order . and the guides , scouts , and pyonniers sent out before into the countrie , to discouver and to set out centinels of horse vpon all passages , and heigths , while the armie is a marching forwards . the master of the ordinance being present , commaundeth where the ordinance and the traine of carriages belonging to them shall march . and giveth order to the conductours , & inferiour officers , to march forward , as the nature & propriety of the waies wil permit . and if there be any rough waies , which are to be explained , he ordaines the captaine of the pioniers , and his men to make them plaine & even , likewise all the waggons of amunition , & victuals with the baggage , are put in order by the carriage master & conductours of the traine : but the waggons and carrs belonging to the horse , they are ordered by their officers , to march according to the seignority of everie regiment . how the artillerie , and the carriages are to march . the ordinance marches first with all the carriages , and the pyonniers are alwaies by them , having noe other waggons mingled among them , & so march in their order onely with one waggon before them , laden with spades , shovels , axses , hachets , hand biles , and other instruments to make the wayes , & to explaine the ground & ditches , after which is drawne an instrument , which doth make a rut vpon the waye , to show which vvay the canon is to passe . the lesser lighter pecces of ordinance layd vpon their carriages follovves the said instrument , & aftervvard the great peeces dravvne upon block-vvaggons vvhen there is no danger : but expecting to be encountred by an enemie , they dravv them vpon their carriages for feare of loosing time in mounting them , least an enemie might fall suddenly vpon some part of the armie . next after the ordinance follovves the vvaggons vvith instruments , & tooles for carpenters , and smiths , the vvaggons laden vvith bullets , povvder , and match , and after them vvaggons vvith pikes and muskets , all vvhich being passed ; then follovves the vvaggons belonging to the generall of the ordinance & his inferiour officers . and after them all the vvaggons laden vvith munition for the ordinance , & the armie , the vvaggons laden vvith victuals , provisions , & vvaggons for the sick and hurt , and last of all the baggage , belonging to the officers of the vvhole armie . but vvhen necessitie requires , some feild peeces marches before in the head of the armie vvhen an enemie is expected to fall on , vvith vvhich there marches some vvaggons laden vvith povvder , match , and bullets to be vsed vpon any occasion . all the ordinance , carriages , and baggage being thus ordered , and the armie devided into the vantguard , the battell and the reere : the sariant maiours of the foote regiments , and the commissaries of the horse troupes , having order , shevves vvhich vvay they are to leade the troupes , that they may give noc hindrance one to an other , & the generall , or the sariant maiour generall gives command , that the vantguard shall begin to march , and sends out before it guides & light horsemen , to discouver the passages : yet so , that they ride not so farre afore : but that they keepe alvvaies vvithin sight of the vantguard , that vpon the discouverie of an enemie , they may advertize and givi them vvarnin of it in time the vantguard then ( as is sayd ) hath commonly some small peeces of ordinance marching before it , vvhich likevvise may happen before the battell , & in the reere of all vvith a greater number of horse , and foote , as the necessitie may require : so that the three tercias of the armie , are all of thē provided vvith ordinance , vvhere it is thought most needeful and vvhere it is imagined an enemie may give an attempt , either vpon the front , the reere or vpon either of the flankes : for vvhich one can give noe certaine rule , but must defend themselves in that place , vvhere the occasion presenteth it selfe . when a campagnie , heath , or feild is spacious and large , then one may march in full battaile by divisios , & close by one an other in good order , vvhich an enemy perceiving , it may be he dares not offer battell , othervvise every devision , & battaeillion may march by it selfe vvith more ease and liberty , then vvhen they are ioyned close together : yet so that in case of necessity they may easely be dravvne vp together , as likevvise the ordinance , & baggage dravvne to that place , vvhere they may be safest , and best defended by the troupes , if an enemy should giue an attempt vpon them . the vvaggons ought to be dravvne vp , and ranged into eight , or ten rancks close one to an other , that they may march vvithout hindring one an other , and the ordinance may march vpon one of the flankes of the armie , and some feild peeces before if necessity should require , vvithout hindring , or putting the rest of the vvaggons into disorder , vvhich the master of the ordinance , or the carriage master , ought to consider vvell , and take a speciall care of . the chiefe officer vvhich commaundeth the reereguard , gives order that some troups of light horsemen shall march vvith in sight of the vvhole reere , especially , vvhen they are to passe over a heath , or campagnie : but the countrie having mountaines , hils , & vallies in it , then the horse may be commaunded to march sometimes in the vantguard , & sometimes in the reere of all the armie , and keepe such vvatch , and centinels vpon the highest places , that an enemy may not discouver the strength of the armie as it passeth , or in vvhat order it marches . when the armie is to march throug some narrovv passages , the vantguard is commōly strengthened vvith some foote , or ordinance dravvne vp before it , least an enemie migt surprize it , & marches thē by files , & dravves vp as the conditiō of the place vvill permit . in like manner the reereguard in places of daunger , ought to be strengthned , as also the battell to be ranged into such an order , that the ordinance , & baggage , being placed in the middest , may come best to serve , & relieve the other troups , from vvhence they may send harquebussiers ( as occasion serves ) to attend both vpon the vantguard , and che reere , and as the ground vvill best afford . in case that the vvaies and passages be so narrovv , that the ordinance , carriages , & baggage takes vp so much time , that the vantguard cannot be easely seconded by the reereguard , then there may be appointed some troupes of reserve , vvhich may march along vvith the carriages , & baggage , to be disposed of in such a sort , that they may the better relieve those troupes , vvhich should be overcharged by an enemy . vpon such an occasion , one ought to consider and observe vvell , the nature , & conditiō of that passage , throug vvhich the armie is to march , vvhether there be any vvindings and turnings in it , or other intrieate vvaies , as through vvoods , hils , and vallies , vvhere an enemy may best lay his ambuscadoes : therefore vpon every such turning , or crosse vvay , a troupe of horse , & some foote ought to be placed vpon it , to guard there , till the ordinance , carriages , & baggage be past & out of daunger . how one is to march through a wood . but in passing through a forrest , a great vvood , or a grove , there ought to be placed good store of horse vpon the vvaies that goes into it , & vvhere the armie is to passe , to round & guard it vvel , a svvel on the one side , as on the other . and if there be any plaine or open places in it , the horse are to overspread it , and to dravv there vp in battell for the seeuring of the passage , till the ordinance & baggage be al past , and that the foote , and horse follovv , vvhich are appointed as a reserve to bring vp the reere . the armie then having passed through a vvood , & come againe into a plaine campagnie , or feild , some horse are to guard the vvay that comes out of the vvood , till the horse troupes are dravvn vp in those fields , and are possessed of the heigths thereof . how , and in what manner an armie is to passe over a river . when an armie is to march through a countrie , vvherein there are rivers , & brookes ▪ the states armie carries continually along vvith thē some ten or twelue boates having plancks ▪ sparrs , beames , anckors ▪ & cables laden in them , and vpon those block-waggons that are dravvne with some tē , or twelve couple of horse , vvhich comming to a river , they presently take them dovvne , casts out their anckors ▪ & laies them over the river , as broad as it is , & as many as they have vse of ioyning them together , laying the beames , plancks , sparrs , & boards vpon them , & so in an instant , claps over a bridge , over vvhich the armie ordinance , & carriages may passe vvithout daunger sometimes also for expedition sake they lay over bundles of floate , or slag bridges bound vp in canvass , as also they make a bridge with barrels & hogsheads , in laying sparrs & planckes vpon them , being clasped & fastned hard together : so that foote & horse , and some small feild peeces may march over them . a bridge then ( having good inginiers , carpenters , and vvorkemen ) is presently made over a river , or a brook , for the securing vvhereof , there are certaine peeces of ordnance , dravvne vp , and planted by the river side , to play vpon an ennemie , if they should force the passage over it , and likevvise dravve vp some harquebussiers , lighthorsemen , firelocks , and muskettiers , to give fire vpon an enemie , vvhile the bridg is a making . as soone as the bridg is layd over , some firelocks , halfepikes , & horse marches first over it , to maintaine and make good the other side of the river , till all the armie & carriages be come over , & takes also along vvith them foure or fiue small peeces of ordnance , to scoure the passage , a vvaggon laden vvith povvder , and amunition , and some pionniers to make the vvaies , hedges , & ditches , plaines , & expecting an enemie at hand commonly cast vp a trench , or a vvorke on both sides of the bridge , having some 500 souldiers to guard it , till the armie & al the carriages and baggage be passed ouer it . novv if an enemie should seeke to oppose , & 〈◊〉 your passage over it , the ordinance horse , and firelookes above mentioned , are 〈◊〉 ●●rposely vpon the riversside , to free the passage , and to cleare the coast . having showne the duties of the officers of the feild , touching the infanterie or foote , before j shew the severall forming & makeing of battels . it is necessary that i briefly speak some thing of the officers of the feild , which commaunds the cavallrie or horse troupes , which are these , namely . of the quartermaster generall . the quartermaster generall of the horse , hath the particular quartermasters of every troupe as his assistants to ease him , and to helpe him to discharge his place , either when the troupes are lodged in howses , or formally quartered in the feild , from him they receiue their orders , and billets for their troupes , chaulking the name of their captaines vpon the doores of every howse , where the troupe is to lodge . the further duties required in a quartermaster generall , are described in this second part , in speaking of the quartermaster generall of the foote . of the commissarie generall . the commissarie generalls place ought to be given to a souldier of great experience , who hath bin bred vp in the warres , being a man of valour wisedome & discretion : in a cōmissarie generall is required also vigelencie , dexterity and an ability to compose quarrels , and punish disorders which maye arise betweene officer , & officer , souldier , and souldier , what he cannot doe by faire meanes , he hath power & authority sufficent to punish them . jt is also his dutie to give out orders , to appoint guards vpon avenues and passages , to keepe a list of all guards , convoyes , & other actions , to receiue orders from the generall , or the lord marshall of the feild , to give it first to the generall of the horse , and afterward to the quartermasters of the troupes , that they maye giue them to their captaines and superiour officers : also to range , & embattaille the horse in that forme , and order , which his generall , or lieutenant generall shall finde good , in whose absence he commaundeth the horse . of the lieutenant generall . the charge of a lieutenant generall of the horse is of great authority , & reputation , and therefore he ought to be a man of great experience , valour , and wisedome , carefull , & diligent for the well ordering of the troupes , because he commonly marches , with them , & lodged among them . he must haue knowledge of the waies , & passages through countries , and choose the best waye , least meeting with an ennemie , lying in ambuscado , vpon a march , he maye giue him a blowe . therefore , he must alwaies haue his minde buyssied vpon the motions of his ennemie , discovering from what part they maye annoye him , be it either foote , or horse ; in how many howers they can march vnto him , by what passages they maye assault him , to send out scouts & spies to giue him true intelligence , that he maye be provided for them , against some suddaine attempt . to giue encouragement to officers and souldiers in the day of battell , to carrye themselves brauely , to charge home , and to finde out all advantages , to breake and route their ennemie . he ought not onely to carry himselfe lovingly to the souldiers in hearing them willingly : and assisting them in their necessities , but also to punish offenders seuerely , which will make him to be both feared , loved , and respected . of the generall . the generall of the horse is one of the principall chiefs of an armie , who ought to be a souldier of great experience , and valour , & for the most part a personage discended of a noble familly . yea a man of a high spirit & commaund , for vnder his charge are the sinewes of the principall forces of an armie , from whose magnanimity , valour , & wi●edome procedes many times good successe , when occasions are offred , which are for the most part executed by the horse , especially in the day of battell , who charging in good order vpon an advantage , maye happely rout an ennemie , and get the victorie , wheras contrarie wise , by the disorders of the horse , it maye breed great confusion and losse of men . the generall of the horse ought to take perticular notice , not onely of the captaines and officers , but also of every gentleman and souldier that carries themselves bravely in the face of their ennemie , and to honour and respect them in publick , which will encourage others to do the like , & when occasion presente itselfe , to advance them to military charges . contrariewise to punish delinquents . and such as doe not their endeavour , in doing whereof , he shall be honored , loued , feared , and respected of all men : last of all , by his high commaund , he giues commaund for the due exercising of his troupes , and helps in them their necessities . to conclude , the proportion , or grosse of the states horse , answerable to their foote , consists in eighty troupes of horse namely curassiers , carrabins and harquebusiers , two companies of curassiers and two companies of harquebusiers being ioyned together , according to his highnesse order make a battaillon or a devision : these also being formed & ordered into ten regiments , maye be drawne as the foote are into three brigades or tercias , making the avantgard the battle and the reere , as yow see them ranged in the first figure , by observing their true distances . what a goodly show it is , to see these 80 troupes of horse drawne into three brigades , the generall commanding in the head of the avantgard , the commissarie generall in the battell & the lieutenant generall in the reere , being brauely mounted , well armed with their skarfes , and 160. trumpetters sounding tantara in honour of their prince , and countrie i leaue it to the report of those , which have seene it . also of what excellent use , & service horse maye be off in the day of battell , for the breaking of foote , as also vpon execution , for the cutting off of convoyes , gayning of passages , and the beating in of an ennemie salying out of a towne beseiged . i will leaue to the testimonie of historie , and here wil i shutt vp this second part . finis . first . of the ordering and forming of a devision , or a battalion , and then the forme of an army of thirty thousand horse , and foote raunged in battell . the ordering of a regiment , according to his highnesse the prince of orange his cōmād , hath bin showne already in the first part of this book , namely , that cōpanies being made into even files , & ten deepe , foure or fiue comapnies , ioyned together make a division , to wit , the pikes are drawne first into one bodie , and then the muskettiers into an other , standing in their true distance of three foote in file & ranke , and 18 foote distance betweene the pikes & the muskettiers , this is the first order . the second is , whē the muskettiers are equally devided , as neere as may be , and drawne vp on the right , and left flankes of the pikes , there to giue fire by rankes , or to march away , as these two first figures marked with number 1 and 2 doe shew . now the fittest number of men to make a devision of , is accounted to be 500. pikes , & musketteires , that is , 25 files of pikes , and 25 files of musketteires , or more , or lesse of the one or of the other , as they fall out . this number being so embattailed makes an agile bodie , & the best to be brought to fight , and two of them being ioyned neere one an other , can best second , and releiue each other , better thē your great phalanges , which are unweeldy bodies , the experience whereof was seene in the battell of nieuport : for being once broken , & routed , they can hardly be reallyed againe , and cannot bring so many men to fight , as the lesser bodies doe . many of these devisions being drawne together make a tercia , or one of the third parts of an armie , and three of them the whole . for all the officers and souldiers of an army , are devided into three parts called brigadoes , or tercias , each of them having a severall name , to witt , the vantguard , the battell , & the reereguard . now that tercia , which is to march first , is called the vantguard , that which marches in the midst the battaille , and that which comes vp last the reere . everie one of them vpon a march every day takeing their turnes interchangeably : for the second day of the march , the battaile becomes the vantguard , and the reere the second day hath the battaile , and the third day the tercia which had the reere the first day is the vantguard . moreover , each tercia may likewise be subdivided into a vantguard a battaille & a reere , to the end each of them with the more convenience may be orderly brought to fight , and by that cheife which commaunds them . therefore , the battaill one of the tercias of the army , being placed in the midst , that of the vantguard , may be drawne on the right , and the reere on the left flanke of the battaille . now the number of the devisions , which each of these tercias haue , are ordered , and devided after this manner , two devisions before , two in the midst , and two behind , standing aboue , as you may see in some of the figures of the battells following , having six or 7 devisions placed in everie tercia . the seventh being vneven , is placed as a reserve behind the reere , to second the others in time of neede . the first devisions of the tercias standing in a right line , are to give the first charge , according to the order of their march . the second devisions standing likewise in a right line , makes likewise the second troupes and the third part of the battaile . now these devisions are also ordered and ioyned , that if the first should be overcharged and come to give ground then the second are to come vp , and to releiue the first , yet in such a distance , as they may not hinder one an other in marching by them , but finde place to come vp betwixt the first . the third devisions are to be placed directly behind the second , in a distance twise as as the second is from the first , that if it should happen ▪ that the first division should stand behind the second , that then the third might have roome enough , to put it self into good order . the horse troupes are commonly ordered , the one halfe on the right , the other halfe on the left flanke of the divisions , and battaillons of foote , as the first figure of an armie demonstrates . and sometimes there may be battaillions of horse interlaced , and placed betwixt the intervals , and distances of the foote , as the ground and necessity may require . for , if an enemies horse should be ranged betweene his battaillions of foote , it is needefull then , that the other side should observe the fame forme likewise , and have horse to encounter horse , least they should breake in vpon the foote divisions , & so by this meanes they may with the more convenience second , and relieve one an other , otherwise the foote being overlayd with an enemies horse , having not horse at hand , to charge and second them , might be easely routed and overthrowne , and though and enemie have not placed horse betweene their battaillions of foote , yet it may easely be done , according to the discretion , and foresight of the generall . all which shal be clearly demonstrated to the eye by figure first in beginning with an army of six thousand horse , & 24 , thowsand foote embattailed into three tercias , with their severall divisions , and afterward i will show the grounds and platformes of the battaile of nieuport in flanders , fought ( anno 1609 ) betweene prince maurice of famous memorie , & albert arch duke of austria , and then proceede on to represent vnto you the formes of battailes shown by the prince of orange abouesaid , & his highnesse brother the prince of orange that now is till anno 1635 , which may give some satisfaction to those , which are desirous to follow the profession of a souldier . the demonstration of the figures following , marked with great a. and b. the two first figures , marked with the figure 1 and 1 are two divisions of 25 files of pikes a peece , and ten rankes deepe , ranged in battaille . the second two figures noted 2. and 2. are two divisions of muskettiers , consisting also of 25 files a peece , and 10 rankes deepe as abovesaid . now if you are desirous to alter this forme , and divide your muskettiers into two parts , then you may draw vp 13 files on the right flanke , and 12 files on the left flanke of the pikes , and giving them their true in tervals and distances for the muskettiers to fall away , then there are two divisions made of a regiment , and they stand as is shewed vnderneath , marked with the figure 3. the figure b represents the forme of an armie embattailed , consisting of 24 regiments of foote , each regiment making two divisions of 100 men , and 20 divisions of horse , curassiers , and harquebusiers , each division consisting of 300 horse , makeing six thousand horse in all ranged into three tercias , with the true number of feete , and distances betweene them , as the figures showes . note also , where the gentle reader sees a p marked within the division , that signifies pikes , and the division underneath are muskettiers marked with the letter m. to conclude , the horse are noted in french with c for cavallerie , and in english with h for horse . the figures that are coloured are distinguished thus . the pikes with a yellow , the muskettiers with a green , and the horse with a red colour . the order and forme of qvartering and encamping of an army . havings howne the figures of generall formes , and orders of embattailling , ranged in the wat 's of the vnited provinces , vnder the command of his excellency maurice prince of orange of famous memorie , and his highnesse frederick henrie prince of orange , our captaine generall that nowis : i will proceede on and shew how , and in what manner an armie ought to be encamped , with the sevetall divisions of their quarters , beginning fitst with a company of foote , and horse , then with a regiment , and afterward an armie entrenched , and last of all come to handle approches , and all things depending therevpon , for the beseiging and takeing in of a towne or fortresse : which for the most part , i have translated out of mr. adam fritach , an excellent mathematician , in his booke printed . anno 1635. the first chapter . of three sorts of campes or leagers . there are three kindes of campes , the first is called in latine castra temporaura , that is , a campe which staies not long in a place , but removes and changes euery day : the second castra strataria a settled campe , which environeth a towne , or a fortresse with intent to take it in , and the third is called castra sustentoria , a campe lying vpon a passage , or river to stop and hinder the incursions of an enemie from getting into a countrie . the campe which dislodgeth euery moment is called castra temporanea . this campe is also called a flying leager , hiving no certaine place of abode , but at every motion , is continually to attend an enemie vpon every remove , and this armie is to encampe , when the enemies armie encampeth , and therefore is called a flying campe , because it is to hinder the enemies progresse . a campe having a trench cast vp about it , or beset with turne pikes and palissadoes . now for a campe , which is ready to remove vpon an instant , we vnderstand that , which takes vp a quarter onely for one night , which forme requires a great deale of wisedome , and circumspection , especially when it is to march , or quarter not farre from an enemies countrie . therefore , it is very necessarie , that the generall sends out before , a good number of horse , to view , and informe themselves of the nature , and condition of that place , where the armie is to quarter that night , for the accommodation where of , they ought to chuse , as neere as possibly may be , a place situated in a plaine feld , to which the armie being come ( and that in good time by day , the quarters shall be made neere vnto the a dioyning villages ) if there be any and the horse lodged about them , in places of danger most suspected . a campe may be encompassed with a trench 4 foot high , and 3 foote broad for their more safety against an enemie , which otherwise might give an attempt vpon some part of the armie . the moorish grounds , where is enemie is not feared , that may be beset with turne pikes , or with palissadoes , which may be taken vp againe , when the campe removes . after the thenches are in defēce , the souldiers begins to make their huts of forks , lathes , withes and straw , or for a night onely with sticks and boughes , or such things as they can get , the carriages and waggons laden with amunition , materials , and victuals are to be lodged in the middest of the campe , with a small trench cast vp round about them ; but some peeces of ordinance are to be planted vpon those avenues and passages , where an enemie may best give on vpon the campe when the watches , and the centinels are disposed of , the rest of the armie goes to take their rest , the next morning at the breake of the day and at drummes beating the armie dislodges , and every one makes ready for to march away , while the trench is a casting downe , lest an enemy , which followes the armie might lodge in the same quarter . but if the armie is not to march through an enemies countrie , and that one is assured they cannot come neere vnto the campe so soone it is not necessarie to environ the campe with trenches , but the souldiers are either quatered in houses ▪ or feilds next adioyning to them , in disposing of guards , and centinels in every place needfull , and this order of march observed everie day , till the armie is come vnto that place , which is resolved to be beseiged ; where then a formall , and a setled quarter called castra strataria is made . castra strataria and the proprieties thereof . the propriety of this campe may be observed well out of the instructions of veget in the 22 chapter of his fust booke , as also in the castrametation of hygnius gromaticus , according to these observations following . first , that the quarter be made in safe place , that is , where there are no hils and heights , which may commaund and serve as an advantage to an enemie , when he resolves to relieve the towne , or fort beseiged , or to assault the campe ; for being lodged and fortifying himself vpon them , he may easilie overlooke the campe , and then it is subiect to be played vpon by an enemies ordinance . that it be made ( if it be possible ) neere vnto some brooke or river , which may commodiously serve , aswell , for the watering of horse , and cattell , as also for the souldiers , and by which , with shipping , or boats one may bring vp munition with provisions , and victuals to the campe , by the helpe of a running river , or the winde for the saving of excessive charges , when one is driven to bring them vp to the armie by convoyes , and waggons , which oftentimes causeth a dearth in the armie : for commonly victulars , and sutlars raises the price of their victuals , and commodities , according to the lengh of the way , if they be constrayned to bring them vp by waggon hire . besides , it is a great advantage for a quarter , to lie by a river side , because sometimes the water may be carryed round about the campe , which will make it stronger , then if it were lodged in a plaine feild , and fortifyed with some small forts , and redoubts ; so that all that charge is saved in makeing of workes , if the campe may commodiously be enclosed about with water . i say nothing of the great stinke , caused by dead horse , and beasts , as also by butchers and their shambles , which like wise is avoyded by the helpe of water , neither are men so subiect to sicknesse , and pestilence , which takes away many times a greater number of people , and weakens an armie more , then if it were assaulted by an enemie . for , the prevention of which inconvenience , the carrions , panchescand garbidges of beasts are cast into it , and carryed away with the streame , and the butchers quartered in the most remote parr of the campe . one must also have a speciall care , that there bee no thick-bussches , and woods about it , where an enemie may lie in ambuscado , or fortifie themselves without any hindrance , which would keepe a campe in continuall feare , of being assaulted by an enemie out of a wood . to make choise then of the sittest places , to encampe and quarter in , those are held the most commodious , which are situated in a plaine feild , seing an enemie may be discovered a far of , having then time to draw into armes , to oppose them , and that the canon may play vpon them , in case an enemie would attempt to assault the campe by force . as many sicknesses are engendred by stanch , end the putrifaction of the aire : so likewise many are caused by moorish grounds , marras , and bogs , in regard of the damps , and fogs , which riseth out of the waters , as also poysonable vapours , arising out of marshie grounds , where vpon the souldiers hutts are built . therefore one ought to be well informed , before a quarter or a campe be made for an armie , whether those grounds bee covered or overflowhe with water , which may often happen in autume , or winter , which were a great annoyance , and hurt to the campe , if it were driven to stay there all winter , and that one knew not the condition of the place . againe , it may serve for some vse to helpe the beseiged , or those which come to relieve the towne , when they may turne the water by some places into the campe , or can cut some dikes or seabanques , or keepe vp the water by banks , and sluces , to make it overflow the campagnie , which will bring a greater dammago to the campe , then fire would doe , therefore one ought to consider , and ponder well all these things , and to thinke vpon some remedie to prevent these inconveniences . one ought also to make choise of such a place , which yeelds good store of gràsse , and hay for cattell , and straw for the accōmodation of the souldiers ; because the want of fourrage for horse , will constraine them to fetch it farre by convoyes , which is dangerous for the souldiers , when an enemie lies vpon the snap for them , and their horses in those places , where they are driven to fetch their fourrage , which one is forced to doe with great convoyes , and excessive expenses . also there must be care taken , that there bee no want of wood for fyring , and building of souldiers buts , as also straw serving for the same vse . a campe ought not to quartered too neere the towne beseiged , lest the enemie may reach it , and doe great annoyance to it with his canon , neither ought it to be quartered too farre of , but that one quarter may with expedition relieve one another , as also those which worke in the approches , if the beseiged should sallie out vpon them , therefore the furthest , and the nearest distance for the better safety of the campe , is to lie without canon shot . the circumference , measure , greatnesse , and largnesse of a campe , ought to be answerable to the greatnesse or littlenesse , of it : for one must not take a place too little for a great armie , neither a place too great for a small armie : for the one will not be able to defend the campe , because of the smalnesse of it , and the other not able , and sufficient to defend a great place . finally , it is a point of great consequence for a campe , to have all the avenues , and passages that comes to it well guarded , so that an enemie cannot lodge neare it , to hinder the provisions and victuals which comes to it , for want where of many times an armie is forced to rise . a campe then being endowed with all these proprieties , no question but it is well settled . but seing that such places are seldome found , which answers to all these proprieties described above , one must accommodate themselves , according to the propriety of the place , and repaire that by art , which is wanting by nature . if there being any hils , or heigths in it , you must quarter , and lodge vpon them , when the nature of the place will afford it , or if there be any other commodious place neere vnto the quarter , it ought to be taken in , and environned with a trench , and a redoubt made in it , and ordinance planted vpon it . but this height being situated vpon a passage , or place of importance ▪ a fort is made vpon it in taking away , as much as possible may be all advantage from an enemie . the seige of the bosch may give vs an exsample herein , where was a height situated vpon the way , as you go to vliemen , and towards the longstrate , vpon the top of which hill , a fouresquare fort was made with foure demy-bulwarkes , and besides a crowne-worke before it , and before that as a surplus , there was made a horne-worke , all which workes were neverthelesse environned with the line of circumvalation , which encompassed the whole armie : for the enemie could hardly assault the campe on this side , because the hill lay so , that it commanded all the grounds about it . when there is no river , then all necessaries , and provisions must be brought to the campe by waggons , wherevpon care must be taken , that the waggonmen and sutlars set not too high a price vpon their provisions , and victuals , which might cause a dearth and scarcity in the army . for the avoyding of stincks and noisome smels , the dead carions of horses , and other beasts ought to be carryed and buryed farre off without the camp and quarters , to which order also the butchers are subiect , for the carrying away of the panches , and entrailes of the cattell which they kill , and to bury them in pits without the campe . the woods , thickers , and groves , which stand not farre from the campe , ought to be taken in within the trench , when it may conveniently be done with asmall charge , which wood and timber may serve for firing , and other good vses . but when they lie too farre of , and cannot have all within the compasse of the line of circumvalation , which may be dammageable to the campe , then they are cut downe , and burnt , lest an enemie might lay any ambuscadoes in them . also , having a water , or a river , which may be stopped by the beseiged : so that in time , it might overflow the campe , one ought to take a singular care by hindring it , and casting vp of some bank to stop , and carry it about the campe , to discharge it self elswhere , wich necessity , and experience will teach one . all these things then being maturely considered , and overweighed , after one is well informed of the nature , and condition of the soile , lying about the towne , or fortresse , which is to be beseiged , and being come within two or three durch miles of that place , the quartermaster generall before the armie rides out with some 80 , 100 , or a greater number of horse , as necessity may require , to view the towne , or fortresse to be beseiged and considers well the soile and grounds that lies about it , and draws a draught and platforme of them , that he may the better distribute , and give out the severall quarters . all quarters are not alike over all , and of one and the same forme , but one must accommodate himself many times , according to the site of the place ; for sometimes one must content himself with one quarter alone , and otherwhiles the campe may be devided into two , three , foure , or many quarters . the forme is also diverse , seing one must governe themselves according to the situasion of the place , the largnesse must be answerable to the number of the regiments , which are to be quartered , and which shal be handled in the next chapter . the second chapter . oe the devision of hvts for officiers , souldiers , and sutlers . together , with the true measure and distances of them , according to his highnesse the prince of orange his new order for a regiment , and for the quartering of the captaines in the reere , for the preventing of fire , and disorders , before wee come to the division of the ground , appointed for the quartering of a regiment of foote , it will be necessarie to discribe first , how much ground , commonly a companie of 120 , or of a 150 and of 200 heades must haue , which may serue then as a generall rule in the distribution of the quartering of severall regiments , containing diverse colours , and companies vnder them . first for a colours of 120 foote , there is ordayned three hundred foote deepe . but the bredth must be according to the number of the heades in a company , which are some more some lesse : for a company of 100 , or 120 heads must take vp 24 foote inbredth , that is , two rowes of huts , and a street betwixt them , a companie of 150 must haue 40 foote in bredth , to wit , three rowes of huts and two streetes , and a collonels companie of 200 heades , requires 56 foote in breedth , that is foure rowes of huts , and three streetes , besides the back streetes , which are betweene companie and campany . as for example , the quartermaster hath giuen him a paralellogramma of ground , which is 300 foote deepe , and 24 foote broade for a companie of 120 heades , which he devides thus , from the lieutenants and ensignes huts downeward to the sariants huts in the reere , of the sariants hutt , and the boughs of the captaines hutt : next the captaine hath allowed him 40 foote in depth and some 20 foote btoad ( because a passage for the souldiers must not be stopt vp ) for him to build in , then betweene the reere of the captaines , and the sutlars hutts , there is a large streete of 40 foote made for the passage of men and waggons , and for feare of fyre . and last of all , there is 20 foote allowed for the depth of the sutlars huts , to wit , ten foote for the forepart of his hutt for eating and drinking in , and 10 foote for his kitchin , and this is the distribution for a companie , which must take vp ( according to the princes new order ) three hundred foote in depth . the bredth of a quarter , is according to the number of the heades of a company . in the depth of 180 foote for the two rowes of huts aboue menrioned , there may be made in each row , twentie or two and twentie hutts with a distance of two or three foote betweene every cabin , for the avoyding eues-droppings and a little trench to receiue the water made betwixt thim . the doores of the lieutenants , and ensignes cabbins commonly opens towards the front , and the armes , and the alarme place , but the sariants towardes the reere . the souldiers doores open opposite one to an other , that vpon any occasion they may presently draw out into armes , all which parts shal be discribed in the figure for a regiment ( of ten companies ) following . his highnesse the prince of orange his new order , and forme for quartering of a regiment of ten companies of foote , to wit , the colonels being 200 , the lieutenant colonels 150 , and the captaines 120 heads . the demonstration . a is the colonels hall , gallerie , and pavillion . b are two hutts for his servants , c the kitchin . d two hutts for the butlar , a cellar and a pantrie . e the stable . f a place for his waggons . g the captaines hutte . h the quartermasters . i the preachers hutt . k the chirurgians hut . l the lieutenants hutts . m the ensignes hutts . n the crutch for the musketts . p the crutch for the pikes . q the alarme placc , which is 200 foot between the head of the quarter and the trench . r the provost-marshals hutt and prison . s the sariants huts . t the backstreetes betweene each companie . v is 20 foote between the front and the furthest side of the pikes . the bredth of the whole quarter for these 10 companies , is 436 foote . the coronells division , 84 foote . the forme of qvartering of a regiment of horse , consisting of five troupes , according to the prince of orange his new order , the captaines being quartered in the reere . the third chapter . for everie cornet of horse , there is ordayned ( as the foote are ) a depth of 300 foote , the bredth is not alwais a like , but must be given according to the greatnesse , and smalnesse of the number of heads , serving vnder the said cornet . a cornet then containinge hundred horsemen , must have a place of 300 foot deep , and 70 foote broad , wherein they are to lodge , and content themselves . the captaines hutt of the troupe , with his boughes is 70 foote broad , and 40 foote deep , being a part of the 300 foot abovesaid . betweene the reere of the rowes of the horsemens huts , and the captaines , there is a street of 20 foote , and the two rowes of the horsemens huts ( as the foot is ) is 180 foot deepe , to wit , from the lieutenants , and cornets , huts in the front , to the quartermasters and corporels in the reere , wich makes in all two hundred foote deepe , and 70 foote broad , the room for the huts in each row is ten foote , after which there is a small streete of 5 foote , in which the huts have their doores , and commings out . for the horse there is a space left of ten foote broad , seing that the cornet consists of no more then of 100 horse , so that there are placed 50 horse in one row , and 50 in another , and every horse is allowed 4 foote in bredth , and 10 foote in depth , which is the space also appointed for his master . betweene the captaines hut , and the sutlars , there is also a streete of 40 foote for the same reason , as wee have discribed in the quartering of foote , after which there is a place for the sutlars huts , which is answerable to the breadth of the cornet 70 foot , and for the depth of his fore hutt 10 foote , and for his kitchin 10 foote more allowed him , so that the true dimension for the quartering of a troupe of 100 horse , is 300 foote deep , and 70 foote broad . but a greater cernet consisting of 140 heads , ( or it may be 150 ) then they have given them a row of huts more , so that they must have in al three rowes , of which the last standing alone , is separated from the second by a streete of 10 foot , which reacheth from the hutts of the second row , and the horse are set behind this new row , after which ( as before ) there is a depth of 10 foote for a horse , and a small streete of 5 foote , and for the huts of the horsemen likewise 10 foot , whence followeth , that the breadth for a cornet of horse of 140 heads takes vp 105 foote , for the two rowes takeing vp 70 foot , if you adde therevnto the two streets , the one of 10 , and the other of 5 foote , with the distance left , for the horse , and the horsemen , makeing 20 foot , it is in all 35 foote , vpon shall then have the breadth of 105 foot for a cornet of 140 heads , and the depth of 300 foot as before . note that every horse hath his head standing towards his masters hut , that vpon any occasion his master may goe directly to his horse , without going about his hut . the space being deepe enough for the huts , they neede not build them closse one to another , but leave a little distance of a foote and a halfe , or two foote at the most betweene the hutts : but betweene every fifth and sixth hutt , there is an open space left of some 6 or 8 foote , for the horsemen to draw out of , if necessity should require . the hutts which the horsemen build , are built in the same manner as the foote are , saving that they take vp more roome , for the depth of the hutts for the foote , is but 8 foote , and the horsemen must haue ten . the two first hutts in the head of the quarter is appointed for the lieutenants , & the cornets , and the two last in the reere are ordayned for the quartermasters , and the corporals . before the horse , ( between the hutts and the streets ) there are mangers made for the horse with boords , or plancks fastned and nailed together , which stand vpon posts driven into the ground , and have s●iles covered over them , from the one side to the other , and because many horse are of such a nature and condition , that they will not stand together , there are posts tyed between them , that they may not strike , and hurt one another . now if there be any likelihood , that it may prove a settled camp , or leager , then they may also build huts for their horse , to keep them from cold and sun . th●se huts are covered with straw , as the horsemens are , but are open before and behinde , ( because every horseman may have an eye to his horse ) so that they are but onely covered over head on both sides , which coverings are also made oftentimes with such sayles , as tents are commonly made of . but the horse being come to such a place , are commonly lodged and quartered first in villages , houses , and barnes , if there be any thereabouts , at leastwise till they have built them huts for themselves , and their horse . but finding no houses , stables , and barnes , or such like accommodations for them , then they will be constrained to let their horses stand uncovered , till they have built their owne cabins , which being done , then they may make their horses . the ichnographie of a quarter for a whole regiment of horse , harquebusiers and curassiers , consisting of five cornets , each of a hundred heads , shall be demonstrated in the figure following . the demonstration . adrs , is the colonels , sarjant majours , and captaines huts , being 70 foot broad , and 40 foot deepe . li , and cor , are the lieutenants and cornets huts in the front of the quarter . qu , and c , are the quartermasters , and corporals huts in the reere of the two rowes . r a , c g , a street of 20 foot , between the quartermasters , corporals , and captaines huts . a b , and g i , is the depth of 180 foote , for two rowes of huts , from the lieutenants , and cornets huts in the front , to the quartermasters and corporals in the reere . a k , b c , p g , and h i , is the breadth of ten foote for the two rowes of huts . k b , c d , o p , q h , is the streets between the huts , and the stables for the horse , being 5 foote . m n , e f , is the great street of 20 foot , for the whole troupe to draw out in . from b to t , is a large street of 40 foot , for feare of fire , between the reere of the captaines hat , and the front of the suttlers . c n , is the suttlers huts , that is , 10 foot for the forepart , and 10 foot for the afterpart for their kitchins . note , that a colonell of horse is allowed no more ground , then a captaine of a troup is , onely this preheminencie he hath , to be quartered in the midst , and if his troupe bee stronger , then a private captaine is , then ( as is abovesaid ) he is allowed him more ground , and another row of hutts , and thus much for the quartering of a regiment of horse . of particular quarters . besides , the quarters aboue mentioned , there are also particular quarters in a campe , which ought to come into consideration , to wit , the generals , the generall of the ordinance , the quarter for the canon , carriages , and waggons , as also some other quarters , which shall be discribed as falloweth . the generall hath a square place of ground giuen him , which as a regiment is 300 foote deepe , and 600 foote broade , and his tents and pivillions sett vp , and disposed of as the generall , and his tent-master shall thinke fitting . also there is given to the generall of the ordinance , a depth of 300 foote , and a bredth of 480 foote for him , and his traine of ordinance , officers , and handie crafts men to quarter in , hauing a little trench cast round about it . in which ground also , is built a foure square redoubt with haire cloth ouer it , to laye in powder , and fireworkes , for feare of fyring , and to keepe them from wetnesse , and rayne seing they are not so combustible and will not take fire so soone , as straw , or sailes will . there is also a place ordayned of 300 foote in bredth , and depth for some chiefe officers of the feild , which are not lodged within the regiments . the waggons also have a certaine place given them , that they may give noe hindrance to the campe . the depth is also commonly 300 foote , but the bredth must be answerable to the nomber of waggons . the market place , where marchands , victulars , tradsmen , butchers , and bakers are lodged have a depth also of 300 foote given them , and is some 400 foote broad , in the midst whereof there is an open place left for the market place , and the sides are divided into rowes of hutts and streetes . they make ordinarily eight rowes of hutts , whereof foure are sett upon the one , and foure vpon the other side , every hutt being ten foote broade , and betweene every two rowes of hutts , there is a streete left some 20 foote broade . the first two rowes of hutts next to the market plaee , are appointed for mercers wollen and linnen drapers , and some other choise wares . the tavernes , and ordinaries takes up the second , the third are for handicrafts men , and fourth for butchers , and bakers . there is likewise a vacant place left for the lodging of voluntiers and strangers , which hath noe certaine measure , but must fall out , sometimes more and sometimes lesse as occasion serves , and this is the description of a quarter , or campe , both in generall and particular , as neere as may . the ichnographie of a campe . the fovrth chapter . the quartermaster generall makes first a scale , which will serue for a sheete of paper , fitting it according to the proportion , as the said paper will beare , either greater or lesser , and then makes a draught vpon it . according to the measure of his scale , he drawes out vpon this , some parallell lines of 300 foote deepe , which shewes the depth of every quarter , with some other parallell lines of some 50 , 80 , or 90 foote , as the ground will afford , and the divisions betweene regiment and regiment . afterwards he marketh upon a paper , euery one of the said quarters , and regiments a part , according to the proportion of the same scale , as one hath drawne the lines aboue said , and then cut it of so that they haue all one depth of 300 foote , and the bredth according to the list of the number of the companies of every regiment , and how many foote every regiment and quarter will take up . it were better to take a peece of past board paper & then make & cut out also vpon the said paper , the depth the bredth , and the name of the regiment the colonell and person to whome the quarter belongs ; doing the like in all the other quarters . these littles papers being so cut and ordered , one may put and lay them again upon the paper with the parallell lines abouesaid , euen till they he laid according to your desire , and let them be as they are fitted . one must nevertheless have a care , that the generals quarters be in the middest , and that there bee a convenient space without his quarter , aswell before , as on both sides , as the figure following will showe marked with the letter a , where the generall is lodged in the midst of the campe , and the bredth of his quarter , according to this scale is 1250 foote , and the depth as is said 300. the quarters are separated one from an other by streetes , and divisions some lesse some more , as the ground will give it , as somewils 500 , otherwhils 80 , 92 , or 100 foote betweene quarter and quarter , as you may see in the figure following . finally the quartermaster generall takes first the bredth and depth of the whole quarter , and campe , and draws it out ( as io taught ) upon a paper . the bredth here takes up 3000 foote and the depth 2000. the draught of the campe being drawne upon a paper , and the whole quarter designed , it will be easie then to lay them out in the field . how one must marke and lay out the quarters in a field . to this end , the quartermaster generall hath a chaine divided into rhyn-landish foote & rodds at 12 foot the rodd , & an instrument vsed in fortification , or at least a wodden crosse with foure right angles , and a good number of beackons with banroles vpon them , called quarter beackons , whereof the statues are painted , and are some nine , or ten foote long , and sets vp one of these angles of every quarter ▪ being come into the field , in which he is resolued to encampe the army , first he layes out the circuit of the generall quarter , with foure exteriour lines in such sort , that every corner of the quartes makes a right angle . after one hath measured out the foure lines abouesaid , he sets vp foure quarter beacons , and then begins to lay out every quarter a part , according to the proportion , which he hath marked in this paper : but to the end one may not err , he puts upon the little cut paper the number of every quarter , with which also the beacons are marked , by which meanes the same quarter is bounded in the field , and the number is painted , or cut upon the beacons . it will not be amisse , to have alwayes foure of them of one number , which may easely be known by the beacons , in case they were all of one coulour . all which is demonstrated in the figure of a campe where the beacons are set up , and noted with the figures 1 , 2 , 3 , & 4. the duty of a quartermaster of a regiment . after all this is done , and every particular quarter drawne out in the feild , euery quartermaster distributes the ground to the companies of his regiment , according to the iehnographie of the figure of 10 companies showne before for a regiment ; in laying out of his quarter , he vseth a line of 300 foote long and every eight foote is marked for the depth , and bredth of the huts and streets , sticking downe into the ground at euery eighth foote a bough , or stick , aswell in the front as in the reere of the quarter , giving also to the colonell his ground in the midst of his regiment . but first the quattermasters ptikes out the ground before and behinde for the captaines , & gives there the bredth of the streete between the sarjants in the reere of the souldiers huts , and their owne as likewise the depth , betweene the captaines boughs the sutlars huts , marking out first the foure angles of his quarter , by setting into the ground his quarter staues and flaggs of his colonels colours . the duty of a sarjant . the quarter being so laid out , then the sarjant of euery companie kilspits it , and divides and makes the partition of the huts to the gentlemen and souldiers , which they prick out by line and small boughs , or sticks stock into the ground , and so divides the rowes of huts and the streets among them , euery hut having some 4 or 5 foote in bredth , and for vniformity sake 8 foote deepe , and thus the ground for a whole regiment of what number so ever the companies be , is marked and drawne out in a feild , as the figure of a regiment for 10 companies before mentioned demonstrates . the other quarters to wit , for horse , officiers , ordinance , and carriages are marked by number and letter in the campe following . the alarme place . there is left round about the circuit of the whole quarter , a parallell on all sides some 200 , or 250 foote betweene the front of the quarter and the trench , called an alarme place , for the souldiers to draw out into armes , into parade , or when any alarme or commotion happens , the campe or quarter being environned with a trench , and a parapet of six foote high , six foote deepe and three foote in the bottome , and the ditch 8 foote broade . the souldiers of euery companie are commonly commanded to make this trench , parapet , and ditch before their quarter , or where it may fall on t , because it serues for their own defence , which the souldiers are to doe , for their owne safty , without giuing them any mony for it . there is assigned by the quartermasters to euery regiment , how much ground they must cast vp , according to the commission and strength of euery company , which proportionally is equally divided among the companies , that one companie do no more work then an other . in doing of which , the captaine and officers of a companie are to ouersee it , that the trench be done well and with expedition . now the whole circūference of the quarter , being measured out by line , and kilspitted , there is a generall calculation made , how many regiments there are in the campe , and how many companies each regiment hath , that one may know how many hundred companies there are in the army . and then by the rule of 3 ( knowing the line and circumference ) and the number of companies , say , the number of all the regiments , and compagnies which are to make upe the line of circumvallation , amounts to so many feete , or rodes , how much ground then must a regiment of ten companies haue that containes so many men . this calculation being made , the companies of euery regiment draw out so many men , after the quartermaster hath furnished them with materials , which is quickly done , seing the men are relieved , and many hands ( as the proverbe is ) makes light worke , and will make hast , that they may haue time to build their own huts and cabins to keepe them vnder covert . the quarters being thus fortified , and the line of circumvallation made a double ditch for horses and strong redoubts , horne-works , crowne-works , batteries , half-moones and spurs upon the commanding places of most danger ( as yout shall see in the ichnographies of the lines of circumvallation before the siege of the bosch , mastrick and breda which shall be shown ( god willing ) in my third part of this booke , all these things then being done , after the demonstration of this campe , we come next to handle approches . the demonstration of the severall quarters in this campe . a is his excellenties quarter , which is 300 foote in depth and 125 in bredth . b is the lords the states quarter being 300 foote in depth and 342 in bredth . c the generall of the ordinance and magazin 300 foote in depth and 800 in bredth . d the quarter of the carriages and waggons . e the quarter for marchants , tradsman and victulars . f mons. chastillon quarter being 14 companies making 28 rowes of huts 300 deepe and 500 foote broade . g mons. bythunes being 13 comp. making 28 rowes 300 foote deepe and 500 in bredth . h the freeses being 5 comp. making 15 rowes 300 foote deepe and 235 foote broad . i sir horace veres regiment being 14 english comp. making 31 rowes 300 foote deepe and 548 broad . k mons. cicils reg. being 7 comp. making 15 rowes 300 foote deepe and 292 broad . l colonel ogles reg. being 8 comp. making 16 rowes 300 foote deepe and 308 broad . m mons. fulchs being 6 comp. 18 rowes 300 foote deep , and 300 broade . n my lord of bach-louch being 6 comp. 12 rowes 300 foote deepe and 244 broade . o colonel egmont his reg. being 6 comp. 12 rowes 300 foote deep 244 broad . p 7 comp. wallons commanded by count iohn ernest 14 rowes 300 foote deepe and 276 broad ▪ q count ernest lord marshall 10 comp. 25 rowos 300 foote deep and 450 foote broade . r 6 comp. of hollanders 12 rowes 300 foote deep and 242 broad . t prince henry generrll of the horse 4 cornets 300 foote deep and 476 broad . v capt. qwicht 3 cornets 300 foote deepe and 250 broad . w mons . market lieut. generall 4 cornets 300 foote deep and 349 broad . x mons . ryhoven 4 cornets 300 foote doep and 340 broad . y mens . bacx 4 cornets 300 foote deep and 340 broad . z mons. wagheman 3 cornets 300 foote deepe and 253 broad . aa mons . quaet 3 cornets 333 foote deep and 350 broad . bb mons . la sale 4 cornets 330 foote deep and 340 broad . cc mons . stakenbrouck 4 cornets 300 foote deepe and 340 broad . dd the drost sallant 4 cornets 300 foote deep and 340 broad . ee peter pany commanding the princes guard of horse 1 corn . 300 foote deep and 100 broad . of all manner of approches , and their profiles , with the definition what approches are . the fifth chapter . the approch by which one approcheth safest towards a towne , or a fortresse besieged , are certaine hollow ditches ; called trenches digged into the earth , whereby one may approch neare vnto a towne , or a fortresse covertly , without any great harme , if the lines be carryed well , and kept from the sight of an enemy . in approching one ought to consider well ; 1. the situation of the towne or fort to be besieged . 2. the propriety and forme of the approach . 3. the beginning and distance of them , and fourthly their profile . 1. for the site of the place , one ought to consider well the propriety , and nature thereof , whether the ground bee high , low , hilly , or plaine . in plaine and even ground , one may finde foure kinds of earth , to wit , 1. a clayie & a solid earth , 2. sandie , 3. a spongie and rotten earth , & 4. moorish and a marchie ground which may bee covered & lie vnder water , hauing no firme foundation to work vpon . secondly , hilly places whether they have a solid foundation , 3. sandie , and 4. stonie . also one must take into consideration the forrests , woods , wayes , ditches , hills , and such like things , as may lye round about it , or go towards it . of foure wanner of approches . first , if one can not make choise of such ground as they desire , then one must take it as it fals out , whence there follows diuerse manner of approches ; for if it be good ground , then they run their lines directly from the left hand to the right , & from the right hand to the left , continuing it alternatively till you come to your distance desired , the half of which trench is digged into the earth , & the other halfe cast vp with a parapet raised vpon it , which serves as a blinde to keep your men from the sight of an enemy , and thus you continue your approch by windings and turnings , till you come to the counterscharfe , and moate of the towne besieged , and this kinde of approach you vse in good and firme earth . the second kinde of approach is that , which is made in a sandie ground , which you may run in the same manner with windings , and turnings as you did the first , saving that your parapet will not hold with sand , and therefore , because sand is not so good to work vpon , and will not lie so firme as other earth doth , but will cost more labour , and require more time then solid earth , therefore one must approch neerer and neerer by setting vp of gabions . the third way hath another difference , then those two aboue mentioned , for sometimes one may finde good earth , and sandie mingled together , yea , and somewhiles a marras on both sides , in so much that one shall haue but a narrow way , through which one is to carry his approch , and as in the former you cannot run your lines from the left hand to the right , or from the right hand to the left , so in this you are driven to run a line directly vpon the towne or fortresse besieged . now this manner of approach carried in a right line , is not so laboursome & chargeable as the others before-named , which are run with oblique lines : but the greatest labour is , such an approach must be made deeper , then the former , & do require a double trench & parapet , whereas the others haue but a single one , and ever and anon there must be blinds sett vp because this kinde is more dangerous , and in this approch the one half of the earth is sett vp with a parapet on the one side , and the other half on the other side . the approch which is made through moorish , and marchie grounds overflowne , is almost impossible , by reason of the inconstancie of the water , which riseth , and falleth according to the season , and which causeth many inconveniences : for when one expects dry season , the weather may alter and proue rainie and stormie , which may not onely hinder the approch begun , but also fill the trenches with water , therefore in such cases , one must accommodate themselves , according to the weather , and vse the wisedome , & experience of jngeniers herein , for the preuenting of these inconveniences . as the half of an ordinarie approch , is digged into the ground , so the other half is cast vpon ground : this kinde being made over water and marras , having no firme foundation , the foundation of them is layd by filling vp the water with bundles of boughs , brush , faggots , & such like things , hauing earth cast vpon them , to settle them , & make them lie fast , & the earth being brought vpon wheelebarrowes from some other place , a parapet is raised , and blinds sett vp , that the workemen , & souldiers may work and be in more safety , which guards it . the fourth difference of approch , is also made by earth brought from some other places , having fagots , brush , bavins , and planches layd vpon it , with parapets and blinds sett vp . fifthly , having want of good earth , and finding great store of sand , then the parapet must be made with gabions , and cannon baskets filled with earth . the sixth & last manner taketh its originall from the former , & is made with redoubts in ioyning the one to the other . and if your meete with a stonie place , then you must help your self with gabions , & fetch your earth from some other place , as you did in marchie grounds . these are all the severall kindes of approches , that we have mentioned here in this chapter , which one cannot make without difference and judgement , because the one is more laborious , and dangerous then the other , as we have taught . but to the end all inconveniences may be avoided , one must first informe himself well the nature of the place , through which one is resolved to run an approch , & take a speciall care , that no errour and faults be committed through ignorance , which may loose time expence and labour , and may crosse the happy successie of an armie , for it were an absurd thing , of one should make that approchin a moorish ground , which is to bee made in a plaine place , where there is good earth , where one hath elbow room , and space enough to run oblique lines , or whē one would make them above the ground , when there is earth enough to be digged out of the ground and cast vp . besides , one ought to consider well , the distance of the first breaking of ground , between it and the towne or fortresse to be approched to , that one begins not roo neere , nor too farre off , for the beginning of the approches being too farre from the fortresse , one looses both time and paines , when one begins to breake ground from a place which is in safety . on the other side , to begin an approch within the sight of an ennemie , one cannot so well defēde himself from musket shott , because the muskettiers may take a surer marke , then when they shoot at randum , and it will be hort for the workmen , before they can gett into the ground , besides the workemen cannot be so well seconded , and relieved without great danger , especially if the besieged sallies out , and gives them hort alarmes , so that they must be presently , relived , or else they will be driven to quit the approches and to retire , if they be not seconded betimes . the distances betweene the beginning of an approch , and a fortresse . hence one may clearely vnderstand , the distance of the approch to the towne or fortresse besieged , and the place where one begins to breake ground first , ought to be as farre , as a musket can well carry from the outworks of the fortresse , which may be about some 90 , 80 , 70 , or 60 rod at 12 foote the rodd , or as the nature of the place wil afoard it . the beginning of an approch . or first breaking of ground . when one would begin an approch , there must be choise made of 200 , 300 , 400 , or 500 lusty souldiers , which are vsed to work , now besides the ordinairies armes , which they carrie , they take downe alōg with them into the approches spades , shovells , pickaxses , and others materials necessary for work , and are set in order by the ingenier in that place , where the approch begins , & to the end they may begin with the more safety , they have diverse guards of foote , and horse standing up and down , here and there to defend them , if the besieged should sally out vpon the workemen , and because they may make a good beginning , first they cast vp a redoubt or two , from whence the trench & approch is run , which are environned with a parapet , & a good ditch , & the sides of the redouts made some eigt rods square , as you may see in the profile of trenches . indeed , sometimes as occasion may serve , they make demy bulwarkes , or it may bee whole bulwarkes , for which one takes a profilie answerable to the greatnesse , for when they are litle one makes vse onely of the profile of ordinarie trenches , and when they are great thier profile must be likewise correspondent vnto them . these workes and redouts serve for a retreat to the workemen , if an enemy should make a great sallie vpon them : for being retreated into the said redouts , they may resist an enemie , and stopp them , till they are seconded , so that such redouts are very necessary . for if the workemen had not a place to retreate into , they would beforced to betake thēselves to their heeles , and to abandon and loose their worke . but the inginiers which are employed therein , ought to vse all the skill , industrie , and experience they have to run their lines in such a sort , that those which are in the trenches and approches may not be discovered and seen by an ennemy . in a word , they may runne their approches with the more safety , and as much expedition as possbile bee towards the place , or part of the fortresse , which de generall desires to become master off . there are two principall parts in a town or fortress , one of which must be battered , if one is resolved to take it in , and that is , either a curtaine , or a bulwarke . what part of a fortresse ought to be approched to . it is not good to approch to a curtaine , which is defended by the two next bulwarkes , and their flankes , when you are to expect an enemies canon continually on both sides of you , especially , when you would give an assault vpon it ; for afterward it may easely be cut off . besides that the moate is broader before the curtaine , thē in other places whence it followeth manifestly , that there is no advantage in approching vpon such a place . but a bulwarke is the safest , & best to be approched to and taken in : my reasons are these first the moate is not so broad and large , as it is before the curtaine , & a bulwarke hath but a single defence , coming from the bulwark opposite to it , which may be better beaten vpō by batteries then the curtaine can . moreover , a bulwarke hath but a little defence of it self , because on may be forced to retire from it , & to make new workes , & cuttings of behinde that part which is quitted . and because there is no so much space , as is within the curtaine , the fortification there of is more painefull , and more incommodious , & therefore it is better to approach to wards bulwarkes , then curtaines , which is found by practize , and daily experience . there are other works belonging to a town , or fortresse , as ( crown-works , hoorn-works , tenailles , ravelings , halfe-moones , and others . the manner of carrying of approches wil be cleare and easie enough , when wee come to shew an approch by figure vpon a towne or fortresse which is to be taken in . after one hath naturely resolved , whether he will run an approch vpon a curtaine , or a bulwarke . the ingenier being presēt at the breaking of the ground , is to shew & informe the workemen well , how they are to run their line , and as necessity requires , being of diverse lengths , but most commōly some 20 , or 40 rod long , or sometimes shorter or longer and broken and turned as often as is necessary . the line then being laid out , & marked they divide and place the workemen in order , that they may not hinder one another . now they give to every man the length of foure or fiue foote , and every one maketh as much hast as possible may bee , to gett into the ground , for the avoyding of the danger wherevnto he is exposed , while he stands vpon the open feild , therefore the earth , which he diggeth he casteth it vp before him , and with all expedition maketh a hole like a graue : it is needlesse that at the first breaking , the ditch should be any broader or deeper then three foot , for the earth being cast vp three foote aboue the ground , and the ditch likewise three foote deepe , a man then hath covert enough . the workemen then being got into the ground , they enlarge and deepen the approches as necessity requires , but those which are fardest of from the towne , they need not be soo deepe at the beginning , as when they come neerer to the fortresse . the bredth of the approches ought to be some 10 or 12 foote broad , as may be found necessarie : yea , sometimee one is constrayned to make them larger , least they might be to narrow , in regard waggons may be driuen through them , with materialls necessarie for the gallerie , as also canon which must be drawne downe , and mounted vpon the batteries . but by how much larger the approches are made , by so much ought the parapet of the trench to be heightned , that the enemie may not discover the souldiers that are in them . especially one ought to heighten those points , and windings , where the line turnes , otherwise it may proue very hurtfull and dangerous . while the souldiers are busied in makeing of the line , others are employed in makeing of a batterie , to hinder the enemie from sallying out . when the night is past , there are fresh workemen sent downe to relieve the first , and to enlarge , heighten and repaire that nights worke , vnlesse some of them are willing to connue their worke , and these commanded men , are to have ten stiuers a peece , which the quartermaster of every regiment , who delivers the matterials doth solicite for , and payes them . after the first nights worke ( or it may be the same ) there are corps de guard made , to putt a good number of souldiers into , where they keepe their maine guard , which are made sometimes within the lines , with which the corps de guard ought to be parallels , or else vpon the point where the line turnes , and sometimes without the approches , to which the corps of guard are ioyned to them by a line of communication : so that they lie three or 4 rod from them . it is not alwaies needfull that these redoubts be made square , but one may make them long-wise , or else with 5 angles , and after diverse other manners , as the ground will best afford . most commonly one workes by night , that they may receiue the lesse harme , and that the day following the worke may be repaired . when one line is finished as abouesaid , and that it must be run no further that way , the inginier turnes the line another way , ( bearing it from the towne or fortresse ) and placeth the workemen in order as abouesaid , in continuing so by windings , and turnings . till he hath gott something neere vnto the fortresse beseiged , and makeing good the line continuly with corps de guards and batteries . but the neerer they approach vnto the fortresse , the more subject they are to danger , so that their pay is encreased every day , as the approach is advanced , seing they hazard their liues for it , they haue a halfe rixdaller a night , sometimes a whole rixdaller other-whiles a rixdaller and a halfe , yea sometimes ten rixdallers for an howers worke , if it be very dangerous . finally when you are approched with your trench so farre , that you are continually in the sight of an enemy , & where you cannot get any more ground , but with great danger , they make vse then with an other manner of digging , or an approach called commonly a sapp , which is made in this mannet following . when a resolution is taken , to approach vnto a curtaine , or a bulwarke , you run a right line upon that place , which you intend to assault : as for example , suppose it were upon the demiface of a bulwark , in such sort , that it lies without the flancking blowes of the fortresse . a man then kneeling upon his knees , digs to get into the ground , and casts up the earth before him on both sides , with a short spade , towards that part of the fortresse , till he hath digged three foote into the ground , and that he is covered with the earth , casting alwaies the earth like a moald before him towards the towne , and on that side , where the most danger lies , he ought to cast up the earth so high that it may be able to shelter those , which comes to repaire and make the sapp larger . after the first man which makes the sapp is got into the ground and covered with earth , he advanceth forward and continues the sap , till he hath got some six foot , and then follows another sapper presently , who repaires and enlargeth the ditch to the bredth of six foot , while the other advances forward three foote further in bredth and got so deep , that he is alwaies covered with the earth , which he casts up before him , and the other follows him continually enlarging the dich from three foot to six . after him comes a third man , which finishes the whole sapp , and gives it the conuenient height , depth , and bredth answerable to the first approch . but one must have a singular care , that the approches and sapps bee not digged so deepe , as that water may rise in them , but that they may alwaies remain dry upon firme ground , which the condition of the ditch wil shew it : for when the water within is very deep , and the declinatiō high enough , one may make the approches as deepe as the ditch , when the water that is in it , is distant from the plain earth . touching the manner of working , an agreement is made with certaine worke-men , because a greater number of worke-men cannot worke in so narrow a passage , they take on five or six worke-men , and give them 4 , 5 , 6 , yea , sometimes more as six-dallers apeece , as they can agree with them , and as the danger is little , or great . in this manner of work , being come so neer for the safeguard of the muskettiers , which are to give fire , there are musket baskets set up vpon the top of the parapet of the approches , closse one to another filled with sand or earth , between which the muskettiers puts out the noses of their muskets , to give fire upon the besieged . and because the approches , the neerer you come to the fortresse are made much deeper then at the first breaking of ground , there are one or two foote bankes made for the souldiers to mount up upon , and to discharge their muskets or firelocks . as for example , the figure following numbred 153 , is the part of a towne or fortresse upon which wee are to run our approches , and that upon firme and good ground . the first example . for as much as the fortresse is environed with a corridor or a counterscharfe , one must not take the distance from the great rampart , but from the counterscharfe , and begin the approches some 90 rods distance from the corridor , because one may with the more safety put the spade into the earth . therefore one beginneth the first line of approch from the letter a , and runs it to the letter b , being some 30 rods long or thereabouts . the beginning of the line is fortified with a redoubt marked with the letter c , into which the workemen ( if the besieged should fall out ) may make their retreate , and into which also the guards for the workmen may retire . the first line turneth at b , taking its beginning neere unto the corps de guard d , and runs to e , being some 30 rods in length , where an other redoubt is made marked with the letter f , to hold a guard in it , and because it might be dangerous to run this line any further , it turneth from f to g , and from g to h ▪ where another corps de guard is made . for the neerer you approch unto the fortresse , the more the approches must be strengthened with guards and batteries . besides the approches there ought to be made deeper , and higher , because you come neerer the enemies , canon , and his musket shott , which may shoot the surer upon you , here then you begin to set up musket baskets , and make foot-bankes to your approches , that the souldiers may gett up to them when they are commanded to give fire . when one is approched so neere by meanes of these turnings and traverses that the remainder may be run with a long traverse , then one begins to sapp from h to i , from which also one may make another line to approch unto the other side of the same bulwarke , or also the other bulwarke , as the line from i to k , shews . behinde these lines the muskettiers gets up allwaies to discover , and shoot at those that would peepe into them . there are likewise two redoubts made on both sides for guards , as the letters n and o , do show . in the interim a sapp is begun , that runneth towards the bulwark , which one is resolved to mine in , and which is made in the same manner , as we have described above , when you sapt into the counterscharfe , and that you are come to the brinke of the moate , then you are to fill and damme it up , and to make a gallerie , and blinds which wee will treate of when wee come to speak of a gallerie . while you are busied about making your approches , diverse batteries are made here and there , which serve partly to spoile the ramparts and partly to dismount and hinder the enemies canon from playing upon you , and to keepe the besieged in awe , that the workmen may worke with the more safety , as you see by these fixe batteries noted in the figure 153 , and thus much for approches upon good ground . wee have divided the approches , which run in a right line into three sorts : the first is in a narrow way ▪ an earth which may be spitted out somewhat deepe , and yet neverthelesse without turnings and traverses : the other is when you cannot digge into the earth , but there is , or you shall have water presently , as hapneth in low and moorish grounds . the second example . when you are to approch unto a fortresse in a right line , and that the nature of the way through which you are to carrie your approches , is of such a condition , that you cannot digg into the earth with spades , then you must do as is showne in the figure 154 , where they are covered with earth both on sides , & are made a little deeper then ordinary approches . now seeing the danger is greater in this kind , then in the first , and that a right line causeth you to be continually in the sight of an ennemy , you must prevent , and avoid that danger by making of blindes , which are either made of bundles of rise , or brush ▪ or with thick oaken planckes foure or five ynches thick , and as in this figure you may see , for what use they serve . the third example . there where one cannot digg , as in marras and moorish places , a foundation must be made with sinkers , that is bundles of boughs bound fast together , upon which ( as is said ) earth is cast . vpon this foundation one makes traverses and blinds with gabions as you may see in the figure 155. these gabions are also filled with earth and made so strong , that they are canon proofe , one may sett up also a double row of gabions , which sometimes have earth cast about them . the bredth of such approches is from 4 to 8 rod , as the place is narrow or broad ▪ and as necessity and danger requires , but the ordinarie bredth is no more but four or five rod . one must have also a care , that one traverse endeth there where another beginneth , to witt , there where an alley is left . the like manner of approches were made at the seige of the bosch on count ernest his side , to which as being a new found-worke , it got a new name , and was called the greate gallerie . this manner of approch may be used also in a stonie ground , where one cannot digg the earth because of stones . the fourth example . againe you meete sometimes with a foundatiō , which one cannot passe through dryshod , and cannot get deepe enough into the earth , but one is forced to approch in that manner as is represented in the figure 156 in taking the neerest way , which may be to approch unto the fortresse , and the approches is made of that earth , which is digged about it , in stead of setting up of gabions , and as in the former approaches the traverses , and blinds were made of gabions , so here they are made with whole redoubts : in the midst whereof there is a gape or a sallie , made in such sort , that the one redoubt is joyned to the other ▪ the greatenesse of every redoubt , being some six or eight foote in length ▪ and as much in bredth . such traverses are oftentimes made so strong , that they are able to resist a canon-bullett when they have earth enough , for sometimes they are made sixe foote , but the heigth of them is not alwayes alike , seeing they must bee made higher there , where most danger is . the gates are made in such sort with a falling plancke , that they may bee drawne up , and shut , and are of that height , and bredth , that a waggon may come through them . it is a thing impossible to describe all the manner of approches , because they are so mixed and of such great diversity . neither is the ordinary way of approches alwayes a like , because the one are made deeper , and larger then an other : but commonly they are from 8 to 14 foote broad , and three or 4 foote deep in the earth , or thereabouts : the basis of the earth layd upon it , in stead of a parapet , ought to be betweene seven and eight foote . wee have propounded as an example for them two profiles , marked with the numbers 157 , and 158 , whereof the greatnesse , & measure of them , is noted with letters and numbers in this table following : the demonstration .   figvre .     the profile of the figure marked .   157 158 the inferiour bredth of the approch . ab 9 12 the depth of the approches . fb , ea 3 4 the talud or slooping exteriour . fd , 1 ½ 2 the talud inferiour of the approches . ce , 1 / ● 1 the bredth of the approches above the earth . cd , 11 15 the basis of the parapet above the earth . lc , 8 10 the talud exteriour of the parapet . kl , 1 1 / ● 2 the talud interiour of the parapet . gc , ½ 1 the height exteriour and interiour of the parapet . ik , gh 3 4 the top of the parapet . hi , 6 7 we have expresly omitted the foot-banks , because they are not made in the beginning of the approches , which ought to bee made in the approches after diverses maners sometimes this way , and sometimes many as occasion may serve . of counter-approches . the sixth chapter . the beseigers having approached neere unto a towne or a fort , it behoves then the beseiged to look well about them , and not to be idle , but stirring , and to doe their uttermost endeavour to hinder , and offend their enemy . the defence which is made against these approches is rightly called counter approches . this defence also is made after diverse manners , first when the beseiged are a great number , so that oftentimes they are able to fall out , and make sallies , which they ought to do as often as may be , notwithstanding that they loose men , which of necessity must happen , because the beseigers are much more stronger then the beseiged , and have farre more forces , then those which are within the fortresse . for by this meanes the enemie will be hindred , and his approaches slowly advanced , being many times beaten back , and constrayned to retyre into his workes , during which alarme , they cannot advance forward their workes , neither can they begin them againe , till the beseiged are retreated . they ought to have a singular care , when one makes a sally , that their men be not exposed to slaughter , but must be commanded to fall on with discretion , advantage , and profit , to the end that the towne or fort beseiged be not bereft of their men by foole-hardinesse , rashnesse , and imprudencie . for a fortresse which wants men , may bee compared to an empty purse which hath no money in it . it lies much upon the endevour of the horse , which are in fortresses , for making of sallies , and which ought to fall out oftner then the foote , because they can fall on and retreate with more speede , and though some be lost , yet the hurt will not be so great , as the losse of foote , which must be husbanded , and spared as much as posible may be , to repulse the assault of an enemy . the second manner of defence is made by canon , which must play continually from all places upon the workemen and approches , to doe them as much harme as possible may be , whence it comes to passe , that the workemen are amazed and frighted , when they see many of their fellow workemen fall and slaine miserably by the canon , which will abate their courage , and make them worke more faintly : in such sort , that an enemy is driven to leave of their worke , till such time as the offensive side have made batteries , against the beseiged . but when it is not feisible , they must be constrayned at last to breake up , and quit the seige , otherwise if they continue , it wil be exceeding chargeable to them , because no men will undertake the work , but such as wil be soundly payed for it . for every man hazards his life , when ordinance and musketteirs play continually upon him , and a man will not venter his life for nothing , but will sell it at as deare a rate as he can : besides in so doing , it prolongs the time for an enemy , so that a fortresse may sometimes be relieved , or when winter , or bad weather comes on , they may be forced to abandon the siege . the third manner is by makeing of all sorts of outworkes , and in takeing up the ground , whereunto an enemie approches , which may be made during the siege , and while an enemie approaches , as by makeing of ravelings , halfe-moones , horne-workes , tenailles , and traverses : for all these workes may be made , while an enemie advances his approaches towards a towne or fortresse , but it were better they had bin made before the towne was beseiged , for the gaining of time , and saving of charges , which might be employed in other works . the fourth maner is when the beseiged make counter approches , whereby they may resist an enemy that he may not get into the outworkes and counterscharfe with his approches , where to hinder him , they must cast up some traverses , and other lines running them from their outworks , as it were to meet the enemies works , and so make them get ground ( as it were by peece-meale ) till they come to the fortresse : but neverthelesse one must observe well , that they must be carryed and made so , that they may alwaies flank upon the beseigers works , and approches , and that the approchers may do them as little harme as may be , alwaies making them so , that they lie open towards the towne or fort beseiged . from whence they are to be defended , and must be so carried , that they may give no advantage to an enemy , when he takes them in , and see that they may be flanked from the town and fort both with canon and musket . at the last seige of bergen op zoom , there were many such counter approches made , wherewith the beseiged gauled the enemy shrewdly , insomuch that he was not able ( notwithstanding the losse of abundance of men ) to get a foot of ground of them , having chests in the counter-approches which played continually with muskettiers and firelocks upon the enemy , and casting fireworks among them , taking up also the ground and advantagious places before the enemy could approach unto them , which did disharten them much , for assoon as prince maurice of happy memory , came to rosendale with his army to relieve the towne , marquis spinola seeing no hopes of getting it , after the losse of twelve thousand men , was driven to rise without it , and quit the seige . of all sorts of bridges , especially , your flagg , or bulrush bridges . the seventh chapter . upon an expedition of warre , when of necessity an army is to passe over a river , or a brook , there are commonly carryed boates , or sloopes upon waggons , as hath been taught before , having beames , or boards , all necessaries laid in the boates to be used , first they take downe the beames and posts , and then the plancks , and boards , which is done in a trice , when all things lie in order , sometimes they carry onely boats , and sometimes onely plancks . to make then a bridge over a river , first these boats ( as many as you shall have use off to lay over the river ) are launced into the water , which are bound together with ropes , and fastened with cables and ankors in the bottome over , which sparres and beames are laid , and then plancks and bords layd orderly upon them , for men to march over . there are likewise such kind of bridges made with great boates in fortresses lying upon a river side , when an enemy is feared , and where one dares not make any other bridge for it is drawn up every night like a draw-bridge , that if an enemy had any enterprise upon that place , he might not passe over it . there are made likewise bridges over the moates of the outworkes of a fortresse : but an enemy being approached neere unto the fortresse having made batteries to beate them down , these bridges are broken down in the outworkes , and sally bridges made , to which they cannot do much harme , for the making of which , one takes some barrels , or hoggs-heads bound about with iron , and pitched , unto which rings of iron are made fast for to put posts into them , by which meanes these barrels are ioyned together , and lockt one to another , upon which there are laid planckes for men to passe over and repasse , and if one would take them up in the night , they do it in such a manner , that they are soon sundred one from another . an enemy cannot so easily spoile such a bridge , because it lies even with the water , and if one part of it should be shot a peeces , one may presenly help it againe , with other barrels and posts . there is an other kind of bridge , over which one may give an assault , whereof some of them are borne upon waggons , and others upon boats , and are made after the manner of draw-bridges , saving that they are lighter , and are drawn upon the waggons , or boates upon which they are laid , but when one is to use them , then they must take them downe . read the treasury of the mechanick secrets of augustine de ramely : the artillery of diego vffano , and the theater of the instruments of henry leysing , which treate of these things at large . but of all bridges none are found more necessary and usefull then those that are made of flaggs and bulrushes . for all others require great charges , especially when some ingenier takes some old invention from an ancient author , and gives it out for a new one : for it is reason such a one should be recompenced , because of his invention , and afterward becomes a directour for the making of it , as though no other could be made , but that which he hath invented , and so by this meanes makes his benefit of it , and his count and reckoning according to his desire , by making a bridge at such a high rate and charge , that makes his masters purse light , and his owne heavy . but if you looke narrowly upon it , you shall find it to be an old invention , as one cast off , and serves for no use . the like doth happen here , for when you consider well many new invented bridges , made with great skill and industry , yet neverthelesse they serve for little or no use . but your bridges made with flaggs , or bulrushes , are nothing so chargeable , and yet neverthelesse of great use : we will shew here in few words , how they are , and in what manner to be made . the matter whereof they are made , are called in dutch biesen , in french a ionc , in latine iuncus , and in english a bulrush . this rush groweth in rivers , waters , brookes , some foure , five or six ▪ foot high , and is commonly found in brook pits marras , and wet places , especially by rivers sides , whereof also many times houses are tharcht . the nature of this bulrush is to float above the water , and are used ( being bound up in a bundle ) when boyes learnes first to swimme , putting them under their arme-pits . this bridge above mentioned is made with this rush after this manner following , when they are ripe and growne to their length , then they must be plucked up , and well dried , and when you would make such a bridge , you must bind up these bullrushes in round bundles , or foure square , whereof the sides must be some ten inches broad , and about foure or five foot long . now having got good store of them , one makes a hurdle of them , enterlaced with small wit hs , 5 ▪ foot broad , and 7. or 8. foot long : vpon this hurdle one layes and binds in order the bundles , one after an other , and afterward one takes two long stakes , a little greater then a pike , which is fastened to the hurdle , drawing and binding these bundles fast one to another , which are likewise bound with canvas , at the end of the hurdles one fastens at both ends two or three rings made with wit hs , to joyne and fasten the joynctures of this bridge together . these kind of bridges are of excellent use in seiges ▪ chiefely in places where one is resolved to take in a worke upon a suddain enterprise , and would not be at the charge of making a gallery . when one is resolved to take in such a work , those which are appointed to force it , being well armed as is requisite , being come to the brink of the moate by the meanes of the approches , which are brought thether , they send out before some venterous souldiers , which carrying this bridge launces it into the water , and joynes the peeces together withall expedition ( and while the musketteirs gives fire as fast as ever they can ) till they have laid it over the bredth of the moat , and fastened it on the other side , which being done , the souldiers goes over it , and strives to enter by all meanes to take in the work , as they are commanded . but if there be any mine made ready , they stay the putting over of the bridge , and the falling on , till the mine be sprung , for feare of breaking the bridge , and that it might spring backward . when the beseiged are resolved to make a sally , they may likewise make use of these kind of bridges , all other commodities and utilities , necessity the mother of such like inventions will shew you . now for the better understanding of all things touching these bridges above described , we have represented them in the figure 159. where you shall see how they are made fast , on that side which is to come into the water . but they are to weak , where you are to put over a broad moat , such as are before townes and royall forts , over which one must passe , before they can come to the wall , for these serve onely for some suddaine peece of service , and therefore it is needfull to make use of some other invention called a gallery , which is of excellent use though chargeable , and which we will handle in the next chapter following . of galleries . the seventh chapter . vegecius in the 16. chapter of his fourth book , describeth a certain kind of work , which the ancients called vinea , and saith it was a work made of plancks ioyned together , some eight foot high , seven foot broad , and sixteen foot long , the roofe or toppe whereof was covered with boards , and hurdles interlaced together , and the sides with boughes , in such wise that it could not be spoyled with stones , over which also was laid thick oxen hydes , newly killed , or coverlids of hair cloth , to keepe them from firing , ( whence it hapneth , that we make use of such coverings in our moderne warres , for to hinder the force and violence of gun-powder , because they are not so easily spoyled by fire ( as hath bin said above ) and these workes being in a readinesse , one makes use of them to their advantage . when they have made good store of them , then they joyne and fasten them together , and the beseigers being blinded and covered under them , begin their approches to the wal● and sapp under the foundation of them to make them fall . there is no work which resembles more rightly this invention of the ancients , then our moderne galleries : the preparation , the use , the height , the breadth , are almost all alike , and do agree so together in all things , that we must needs confesse our gallery is no new invention , but was in use among the ancients , and which of late yeares hath bin renewed again . for if one considers neerly their structure , the vinea of the ancients was made with timber and plancks , and our galleries for the most part are made with postes and plancks joyned together : that had also posts to rest upon for its foundation , and this hath also great posts to beare up the weight of the whole work : the sides of the ancients vinea was fortified against the force of the balists , because they were laid with hurdles and boughs , wreathed together , but our galleries are covered with plancks , and earth cast upon them , so that they cannot be spoyled by canon : the vineas were kept from firing by the helpe of oxehides wherewith they were covered , and the sides of our galleries have earth cast about them , that fire-works may do them no harme . these vineas served to come to the wall , to sapp it , but our galleries are brought to the basis and barme of a rampart , to make a mine in a bulwarke , and so to blow it up . the hight and breadth of the one and the other do not differ much , but it seemes the length is differing , though in effect it differs not much ; for the vinea the joynts of them being fastned one to another were reasonable long , but our galleries are set up with plancks and posts and as it were makes but one peece joyned together . whence it appeareth , that our gallery is not wholy a new invention , but hath been in use of old , though in some things it is altered and changed . we will now take it in hand , and shew after what manner it must be made ▪ with all the appurtenances thereunto belonging . when an aproach then is brought so far , where a sap is to begin not far from the town or fortresse beseiged , and that one is sapped to the counterscharfe , then one sees how a gallery may be put over the moate . for the effecting whereof , one must make provision of many things necessary thereunto , and first of all get good store of longbrush and bundles of boughs , to fill up the moate , with a great number of plancks and posts ioyned and made together like a gallowes , all of them having one height and bredth , which are so framed and made by the carpenters before they are brought down into the aproaches , tha one may either take them asunder , or pin them together without any great labour , for being brought thither , where they are to be used : jt is easily done by marking the joynts and peeces with one and the same number which they may fit , and joyne together without any great difficulty . such a gallowes hath five peeces , to wit , two posts which stand upright , one croswise over them , which ioynes the other two together , and two props or supporters of timber to bear the crosse post up , the two posts are set upright being 8 or 9 foot long , and are cut halfe a foote in the upper end of them , for the crosse beame , or post to rest upon the other two posts , and to ioyne them together , and a foot and a halfe at the lower end is sharpned and set fast into the ground , so that it remaines seven foot high for the top of the gallery . yo shall see the forme of it set out in the 160 figure following , whereof the length of them from a b to c d are each of them 9. foot long , and the bredth 6. or 7. inches , the halfe of this breadth at the uppermost end of these two posts is cut the length of halfe a foot , to lay the crosse beame upon them , which ought to be cut in the like manner , having the length of ten foot , or thereabouts , for the longer this crosse post is , the broader will the gallery be , and the better for the souldiers to march five or fixe in front , when they are to give an assault upon the breach , the greatnesse is answerable to the two others , being marked with a c. now forasmuch as these posts are made in such a manner with joynts that they may soone be joined together or severed , they cannot be so firme as those which are joined and pinned fast together by force , without being afterwards taken asunder , especially , because of the great weight which they are to beare , therefore there are props made to support the crosse post , as you may see by e.f. and g.h. marked in the 160. figure , all which being done , and all the peeces joined and pinned fast together as is fitting , every peece is marked , and holes bored through them to fasten them together in a little time , when there is occasion to have them set up . of the bords and planks for a gallery . after this you must provide in a readinesse good store of fir boards and plancks , which must be as long as the two posts , or rather four or five inches longer , so that if the distance between post and post be 5 foote broad , then these plancks must be five foote , and a halfe long : for the odd half foot is divided into two equall parts , taking up three inches on either side of the two posts , into which holes are bored , to naile the plancks and the posts fast together . the ordinary space between the posts joyned together is commonly 4. or 5. ( but seldome ) six foot in bredth , which oftentimes is changed according to the condition of the place , and as the danger is great or little . the thicknesse of the plancks is without any certain measure , because it is needlesse to make them all of one thicknesse , for it may so fall out , that somtimes you must use a thick planck , and some whiles a thinner is fitter to stop a hole withall , as occasion may serve . now for the joyning and fastening of your posts together , you must provide good store of oaken pins , and bore all the holes with a borer , to the end the holes may not cleave , now all these pins ought to be of one bignesse . also in galleries there are used nailes some greater and longer , as you shall have use for , some of them are 4. or 5. inches long for to naile the plancks with , which covers the sides : some other 6. or 7. inches long , which nailes the props into the posts , you must have good store of them of all sises for to use them , when necessity shall require . your ordinary wheel-barrowes and shovels are here of exellent use , but you must have shovels that have longer hafts then ordinary , to cast the earth a good way into the moate , which cannot be so well done with short hafts . jn this place one ought to make use of thick plank-blinds , which we have mentioned in the chapter of gabions and blinds , which serve for a very good use in galleries , as we shall show you hereafter . a gallerie raised without , being covered with earth , is represented unto you in the 161 figure . after you have sapt through the counterscharfe , and that you are come to the edge or brinke of the moate , and resolve to lay a gallerie over it , you must first of all provide good store of these bundles of long brush before mentioned , brought downe in waggons , and abundance of wheele-barrowes , to fetch earth into the gallerie , to cast these things into the moat , and to fill it up , even to that place , where you intend to make a mine , and in so doing , you shall by degrees fill up the moate , and make a good foundation for your gallerie to rest and stand upon . but because any cannot cast and lay these bush-faggots in order , as one would , you shall meet with some venturous souldier or another , who for money will adventure in the night to goe out at the mouth of the gallerie into the moate , to lay them in order . and to the end they may not be seen by the enemy , one must observe well to make the perpendicular of the face of the bulwarke , which will be the shortest way to come unto it . the moate then being filled with these long bundles , and fagots of brush abovesaid , so that one may cast earth upon them brought from the next sap , the work-men fetches good store of earth in wheel-barrowes upon plancks laid in the gallerie , and brings it to the mouth of the gallerie , casts it upon a heape and then two or three workemen which are apointed to worke in the mouth of the gallerie , casts it into the moate to settle the fagotts . this earth cast up in the forme of a heape , serves to cover and make a blinde for the work-men onely before , but not on the sides ▪ and therefore they must be constrayned to make blinds on that side which is most dangerous , til the posts be set up , yea oftentimes they must make blinds on both sides of the gallerie , if an enemy flanks it from two places . after this one begins to set up one of the posts ▪ ioyned and pinned together as hath been taught , and as you may see in the 160 figure . and sets some men continually to fetch earth in their wheele-barrowes , others from the top of the heape casts the earth with their tong-shovels into the moate , and gets more ground to set up the other past , for haveing got a matter of five foot or there-abouts , they sett up the other past ioyned together as is said , after they have set forward the blinds for to cover the sides of it : which two posts being set up , then they naile the plancks fast to both sides of the gallerie , and they set onely the others upon it without fastning them by covering the side onely with earth , which may be beaten downe by the enemie , till it is able to resist a canon bullett , and then casts earth above the gallerie , about a foote or a foote and a halfe high , which must be spread , and laid even , to the end , fireworks may not lie upon it , and spoile the gallerie by fyring of it . it happens sometimes , that one side of the gallerie is out of the enemies sight , and cannot be beaten downe with their canon ▪ in such sort that one needs not cover it with earth and then that time and charge is saved , unlesse it lies so , that an enemie can sett fire on it with pitch ropes and other fire workes , or spoyle it with his canon , which lies in his outworkes , which being so , then of necessity , you must cover that side , till it is able to resist the enemies canon . and because it would be very darke if the whole gallerie were covered with earth , and so very incommodious for the workmen , therefore to helpe that on the safest side , there are little windowes or holes made of a foote high , and a foot and a halfe long , betweene every three or foure postes ioyned together , to give light into the gallerie . this work is continually aduanced and the heape raised by the workemen , which cast the earth into the moate in a great quantity before them , haveing alwaies a singular care , that the heape from whence they cast their earth growes not too low , least the workemen be discovered . afterward they sett up the third posts ioyned together in the same manner as hath been said , and make fast the boards , and planks to them , this labour must be continued till the gallerie is advanced even to the very soote and barme of the rampard . all which is shown in the 162 figure where a gallerie is made & covered , as also to show that one of the posts ioyned and sett up , which must be nailed to the other with planks , and the heape of earth behinde , which the man stands and works is also here pourtrayed out . when the gallerie is brought over almost to the very foote of the rampart , then one may come to it with more safety , for then the heape is taken away , and a blinde made of thick oaken plankes to begin a mine into the bulwarke . at the lower end of these posts abovesaid , as you may see from b to d , there is an other post besides of the same greatenesse , which cannot be seene , therefore wee have purposely omitted it , but will remember to speake of it , when we handle the makeing of the posts and palisadoes . the eighth chapter . of mines . as a gallery is an ancient invention , so likewise mines , which we make at this day have been heretofore in use amongst the ancients also : and this is the last thing wherewith the besieged are troubled . a mine then according to the definition of vegetius , is a cave by which one makes secret goings under the eearth , to come by night unawares to a fortresse , or by which one diggeth into the foundation , and bowels of a wall , or of a bulwark , underpropping the earth with posts of wood , and laying under it dry wood , for when they would make a hole in the wall , they set fire on this wood , which being burnt with the props , the wall fell down , and the besiegers being in a reddinesse attending the fall of the wall , ran presently up by that breach , to assault the fortresse ; which is understood also of our moderne mines which we make in by blowing up the powder that is laid in them , whence it appeareth clearly , that this is also an ancient invention , being a little changed , and amended at this day . this mineing ( or digging under the earth ) is called in latine cuniculus , of which name ancient writers , as iulius caesar , livius , and curtius make often mention of in the description of this stratagem , it signifieth a moole from whence the name is taken , because the mines made under rampards and bulwarks , resembles the holes and passages which mooles makes under the earth . there are others which derive this name from the latine word cuneus , because the mines are made in the fashion of a wedge , which is thick at the beginning , and diminisheth little by little , even as the mines which make a rupture in those places where they are made , may be compared to a wedge , which cleaveth a piece of timber in sunder . mines were of old called cuniculary . he that is desirous to know more thereof , let him read vegetius and vitruve , who have written of military inventions among the ancients . we will here describe in a few words , how our moderne mines are made at this day . the last meanes for the forcing of an enemy besieged , to make him yeeld , is this making of a cave or mine under the earth , which is begun and finished ( as is said ) after you have brought your gallery over to the barme , or foot of a rampard or bulwark . but before it is begun , you must have all things necessary , and in a reddinesse , for the effecting of this work , first of all ye must have spades , shovels , pickaxes , and all kinde of masons tooles , with all things requisite to pierce and break the wall , wherewith the rampart is made . afterward , one prepares props to support , and beare up the mine from falling or sinking , being two , or two inches and a halfe thick , the length of them being not alike , because the entrance into the mine is made higher then towards the end of it . one is furnished also with firre planks , for to line the mine vvithin , as above , that it may not sink and fall down , for it must be set with planks on all sides , as vvell as the foundation , especially if the earth be moulding and vvettish . but before you begin to make your mine , it vvill be necessary that you knovv the condition of the place , that is , whether the bulwark be hollow and vaulted , or whether the foundation be laid with branchages , logs , or borne up with piles : and whither water may not spoile your mine , if you should mine too low . in case that the rampard or the bulwark into which you intend to mine , were laid with logs , or supported upon great piles , which happens ordinarily in moorish and rotten places , upon which you must build your bulworks , and rampards ; or when one can get no other earth but sand : you must trie and get out all these piles with cables or ropes by winding them out with an instrument ordained for this purpose . now you must pierce and pull out these loggs by such wayes and meanes as is known unto miners , for the makeing of a way and a chamber to lay your gunpowder in . when you are assured that you cannot digge no deeper , but that shall come to water , then you must raise your mine a little higher , to the end the powder may lie drie in it . the miners then beginning to break into the wall , do carry their mine so close , and secret as possible may be , that the besieged may not heare any noise , or gather any notise , where the mine is made , and how it runs : for if they doe , without all question , they will make a counter-mine to discover and spoile your mine begun , so that you shall be driven to begin a new one in another place , as hath happened many times . the heighth , and the bredth of the mine must be made in such a manner , as you may onely lay in the barrels of powder , for it ought to be no higher , nor no broader , because your intentiō is , but onely to chamber your powder in it , and therefore it must needs be so high as a man , and no higher , but that a man may onely work in that upon his kneés , and that he stoops lower , when he goes to lay the powder into its chamber . the heighth then must be but 4 , or 4 foot and a half high at the most , and the bredth but 3 and a half . or foure foot , according to vvhich measures , the props and the planks are framed , vvherevvith you are to underprop the mine . when you begin to mine into a rampard or bulwark , you take out the earth , and carry it away in a vessell , or a pall of leather , which is light , in handing it one to another , till it be brought out of the hole , or entrance out of the mine , and laid in the gallerie , to the end the enemy may not see it , and gesse where abouts your mine is . the master-miner , which hath the conducting of the mine , ought to be a man of great experience , how he ought to carry it , lest he be mistaken , and so make it in a place , where he ought not to make it . therefore he must have knowledge of a compasse , and how the needle stands , that he may carry his mine aright . he ought also to have skill in geometry , to the end he may know of what heighth he must carry his mine , according to the proportion of the rampart . the nearer he comes unto the place where he is to make his chamber , the narrower ought the way of the mine to be , in such sort , that it must be no broader or higher at the entrance into the chamber , but that a barrell of powder may scarcely passe through the way for the straighter and the narrower the passage is into the chamber , the easier the mine is stopt . the place where the chamber is , ought to be so made , that the powder doth not break neither the one , nor the other side ▪ but that it may blow the earth upward . neverthelesse sometimes the miners are commanded , to make their mine so , as it may blow the earth into the fortresse , or else without which may be done , if they make that side , which is to be blown up , not so thick as the other : for the nature of powder is such , that it maketh the greatest operation alwaies towards the weakest place , and though it blows it up ordinarily : yet commonly it searcheth most often the place , where it may break out soonest in to the ayre , which appeareth both in your canon and muskets . the bignesse of the chamber is divers , for it must be made according to the greatnesse and proportion of the wall or rampard : neverthelesse one must observe , that it be made as narrow as possible may be , and yet must have room enough to lay the barrels of powder into it : the ordinary heighth is some six or seven foot , and the bredth foure or five foot . when the chamber is ready , then you lay in your barrels , the number whereof cannot be so precisely discribed . for one rampard is greater then an other , in so much , that a greater quantity of powder is requisite more for one place then an other . the common opinion is , that a barrel of powder will blow up a rod , or twelue foot of earth . the barrels are laid in such order , that in the twinckling of an eye , they take fire all at one time , which causeth a greater operation then if one barrell should be blowne up one after another . after that your powder is chambred , the with all expedition you must stop the entrance into the chamber , with thick and strong planckes , and stopp it hard , and ramme it in with good earth , and leaue a little hole or traine , to lay some powder in it , which traine is carried to the very end of the mine , and stops up the passage of it with firkins of earth , that the aire may neither come in or out . for the stronger the mine is stopt , it will take the greater effect . all things then being in a readinesse , it is left so till one is commaunded to give fire to it . in the 163 figure is represented unto you a myne marked , a b c d e , is the way upon the bulwark , e is the entrance into the chamber , f g h and i , is the chamber it self , wherein the powder is laid . here a question might be moued , whether mines ought to be carried with right lines , or crooked ? the answer is , that mines , which are carried in a right line are sooner made , but because they take not so good effect , the other are to be preferred before them , which are made with oblique lines . for the windings and the turnings of them , adds strength unto them , that the powder hath not so much force to break the stopping . now suppose that it should break the stopping d : e : the rest therefore is not broken , because the force of the powder is kept in by the earth marked d , and driven back to blow upwards , or finding no vent to turne back againe , where it vvas laid . but in a right line vvhen the povvder breakes the stopping , the effect thereof is hindred and deminished , for it is certaine , that the stopping , which is made nevvly is not so firme as the old setled earth , vvhich hath lain a long time in it . of covnter-mines the ninth chapter . where there is an offensiue warre , there is also a defensiue , as appeareth by mines : for the beseiged having discouvered them , vvhich one hath prepared for them , and that there is no hope left , but vvaiting for the springing of an enemies myne in their rampard , and to giue them an assault , then they are to stand upon their defence , and beginn to make mines also , vvhich they eyther doe to offend an enemy , or to defend themselues by them . therefore vvee must understand here , three kinds of mines to vvit , the vvorkes vvhich are made to finde out an enemies mine , 2 : the countermines , vvhich are made to spoyle an enemies mine , & 3 the cutting off of a bulvvarke or a rampard vvithin , of the tvvo former , vvee will treate in this chapter . for the first kind of countermines , vvee understand those vvorkes , and mines , vvhich are made to discover , and find out an enemies mine , and to kill the miners in it . after one hath found it out , as also for the casting dovvn of the same vvork , and the taking avvay of the povvder chambred , the enemy vvill finde himself deceived , vvhen he thinks to spring his mine , attending the operation thereof in vaine , because the povvder is stolne out of it . for to finde out an enemies mine , there are tvvo manner of vvayes , the one vvhich vvas used by the ancients , and the other practised at this day . vitruvius in the said chapter of his tenth book , describeth the maner of the ancients , and saith that the cite of apolonia , being besieged , and the besiegers having made some mines under the earth to assault the citizens , on a sudden vvithin the vvalls ; the citizens being advertised thereof , vvere extreamly affrighted thereat , and began to faint and lose their courage : because they knevv no remedy to prevent it , and could by no means finde out the place vvhere the mines vvere made . but trypho alexandrin , vvhich lived in that age , the architector of this city , caused to be made along under the vvalls a great many ditches , and vvithall some mines under the vvalls continuing them beyond the enemies , as farre as one could throvv a stone . he caused to be hanged in these ditches vessels of copper , under th●se places , vvhere the enemy vvrought , vvhich made a noise , by reason of the moving of the earth , vvhereupon he found out the enemies mines , and filled cauldrons of brasse full of boyling water , and melted pitch , to povvre it dovvn through those holes upon the heads of his enemies mines . he cast dovvn also mens dung , vvhich vvas mixed vvith hot sand and gravell , vvhich he did by night into the enemies mines , into vvhich he had made divers holes , and by this meanes slevv a great many of them . herodotus in his melpomina makes mention of a tinker , vvhich dvvelt in the city of barca , besieged by the persians , vvho discovered the enemies mines by the meanes of a buckler of brasse , vvhich he hung in divers places against the vvall , and so found out at last the place under vvhich the enemy mined . but at this day to finde out an enemies mine , they use to make counter-ditches , as hath been said , and before a mine is begun ▪ it is necessary to be informed , after the manner of the ancients of the place , vvhich may be undermined by an enemy . but mines are searched out after divers other vvayes . some are of the opinion , that round about the vvalls , and bulvvarks of a tovvn or a fortresse , ( to vvit , vvhen the fortificatiō is first begun ) one should make hiddē caves , and passages under the earth , by vvhich one might discover , and finde out an enemies mine . but this me thinks is not good , because the vvalls and bulvvarks are made thereby slender & vveake , and these caves & being made vvith posts , and planks , vaults in tract of time are subject to rot , and & the mines afterward falling dovvn , all that labour is lost . also it is dangerous to make vauts in rampards , and bulwarks , seeing it is to be feared , that such a work is not durable , sith it must bear up so great and ponderous a vveight , besides it vvill cost excessive expences . and though these counter-mines should be thus made and ordained : yet it is not certaine , but that an enemy in myning may meet iust with one of these mines , and so take his way and advantage , either over or under it , and so leatt this counter-mine alone . a second opinion is this , & some findes it good , that one should hang trees , and other bushes in them , which are found often in the rampards of the cimbri , which being stirred with the least motion , gives a sound , whereby one may finde out the place where the mine is . but this is a thing uncertain , because the least gale of wind , will easily shake these bushes , and branches of trees . and if they do so this must be done in a still and a calme vveather , vvhen there is no vvinde stirring . and therefore i ansvvere , one ought to search out an enemies mine at all times , for it vvere an absurd thing , for one to stay from finding an enemies mine out & till a calme time comes , vvho vvill advance ( as much as possible may be ) his vvork , vvithout staying for still or faire vveather . therefore this vvay serves but for little use . a third and a better vvay , and which is the ordinary way , is to set a drum in the place suspected , vvith some dice , pease , or beanes vpon the head of it , vvhich upon any stirring , will leap upon the drum , when it stands over the place vvhere one vvorks . neverthelesse you must not let it stand in one place onely , but remove it novv and then from one place to another , yea so often , till you are assured of the place , vvhich is shaken by the work vvhich is made under it . some make use of a bason of litany filled vvith water , and imagines , that the mine is there , vvhere the water moveth , but that is uncertaine as that of the cimbri is , spoken of before , but that of a drum is held to be the best and surest way . notvvithstanding one may make good use of basons , vvhen they are set upon a rampard , as a drum with peas or other things . for by such a meanes one may knovv the place , vvhich is undermined . the use of basons vvithout all question , took its originall from the invention of a kettle , vvhereof vvee haue spoken even novv . a fourth opinion besides these vvhich is in use also ; is a great long iron borer , to bore into the earth , wherevvith those which searched the earth , bores a hole with it into the rampard , & laying his eare to the hole to listen well if he can heare any noize , vvhich is practised in suspected places . many other inventions are invented by necessity the mother of practise . to resist then the mines of an enemie , one makes use of this practise following . after you haue curiously searched out the enemies mines , and that you are assured of the place under vvhich they are hid then you may find them out vvithout all question , & nothing remaynes then , but to make a counter-mine against them , vvhich is made in the same manner as vve haue discribed in the former chapter , treating of mines , to wit , by under-propping the earth vvith posts and laying planks betvveene them , that the earth may not tumble dovvn . now because one is not assured to meed iust vvith the enemies myne vvhich may be made either too high , or too low , therefore you must make many , till by one of them you haue found it out , & are come to the chamber to take avvay the powder . when an enemies myne is carryed so secret , and hidden , that one cannot finde it out , then the besieged must of necessity resolue to quit that part of the rampard or bulwarke under which they suspect there is a mine , and so cut it of invvardly . but for their advantage they make ready also their countermine made in that place , & chambers their povvder attending the effect of the enemies mine , and vvhen he springs his mine , then they retire themselues into their nevv vvorke cut off , and the enemy being lodged in that peece of the bulvvarke or rampart , vvhich they haue quitted , then they blovv up their countermine , and slay all those , vvhich they find in it . the like also is done in outvvorkes , and counterskarfes , vvhen one is driven to quitt them , and that one cannot keepe them any longer . of palisadoes , pales , tvrne-pikes ▪ barricadoes , qvadrant-tanternailes : and beares . the tenth chapter . wee haue often made mention of palisadoes and the use of them , especially vvhen they are struck into the ground about dry moates , for then they serue , in stead of vvater against the sudden assault of an enemie , so that not onely the moates before great vvalls , and rampards , ought to be set with them , but also all outvvorkes must be fortified vvith them . they are likevvise of excellent use in the field , vvhen trenches are set round vvith them , and struck in round about forts , and vvorkes , vvhich lie in the most dangerous places . they are of no lesse use also in fortresses , especially vvhen the beseiged are constrayned to make cuttings off vvithin a tovvne , or fort : moreover they are good to be struck in upon the topp of breaches , vvhereof vve vvill treat in the next chapter . these palisadoes then are made in this manner follovving , one makes choise of good and strong sparrs being some 3 or 4 ynches in diameter , but of severall lengths , according to the place into vvhich they are to be struck , vvhereof some of them may be 5 , 6 , or 7 foote long . novv the lovver end of them must be sharpened and pointed , and the upper end flatt , that they may be driven into the ground vvith a mallet or a beetle : one bores also a hole some 3 or 4 ynches under the head of the palisadoe , & an other some three ynches under the first hole , and a third hole on the side through the middest of the tvvo others , in such sort , that the nailes , vvhich are driven through it , resemble as it vvere the corners . in some also they use to driue in tvvo nailes , so that they are not struck in a right angle , but rises a little tovvards the head of the palisadoe . the length of these nailes , must be some eight or tvvelue ynches , and so bigg , that they cannot be easely bowed or broken , and the head vvhich is driven into the palisadoe is some-vvhat greater , then that vvhich sticks out , vvhich ought to be very sharpe . when you are to use these sparrs , vvhereof you must haue good store , you take first of the shortest size , being but fiue foot long , and strick in a long ranke of them , as you shall finde necessarie . they are driven into the ground the depth of a foot and a half , or sometimes more , according as the earth is conditioned , and thus you shall make your first ranke : then you shall driue in an other ranke of palisadoes , being six foote long , vvhich are set behind the first ranke , to the end they may run in a right line vvith the first , but must be struck in a little sidelings , to the end , that their nailes may fill all places necessarie , and the heads of these palisadoes , ought to stand about halfe a foote higher , then the others : in the same manner you driue in the third ranke , vvhich must be half a foot higher then the second , and thus you may doe , if you vvill driue in a fourth ranke , yea as many as it pleases you . these palisadoes are represented unto you in the 164 figure . for the palisadoes , vvhich are used against assaults there are two sorts of them . the first is that sort of palisadoes vvhich are sett upon the parapets of forts , outworks , and redoubts , for to hinder an enemy that they may not so soone assault or scale a place : these ought to be 3 or 4 ynches in diameter , and some 6 or 7 foote long , vvhereof the half past is driven into the parepett , and the other half stands upright . for the other sort , those great headed piles or pales , clasped together vvith chaines , and plates of yron , vvhich stād alwaies upon rāpards and bulvvarkes covered vvith a little roof against the time of necessity , vvhen as an enemy seekes to assault a fortresse . for by this meanes he is repulsed , vvhen he vvould scale a rampard , because these palisadoes , or logs being cast dovvne a vvall , annoyes greatly the beseigers , in regard of their vveight , vvhich they are not able to resist , though they be armed with head peeces . of palisadoes , pales , vriz-rvyters , cavalliers de frize , called in english turne-piks . the tenth chapter . wee haue observed in our declaration of originall names vvhence , the cavalleries de frize tooke their name : to witt , at the siege of groeninghen in frizeland , vvhere they served for great use , by stopping and hindring the enemies horse , when they came to relieue the tovvn , and then got this name of vrize ruyters in dutch , cavalliers de frize in french , and frize horses or turne-pikes in english , and besides the stopping of a suddaine charge of horse , they are of excellent use , to be clapt on the topp of a breach , or some vveake place of a trench , or a vvall , and good store of them ought to be carryed along vvith an army on vvaggons , to be sett up in some avenus , or passages , to stop and hinder the sudden attempt of an enemy , vvhen one hath no time to cast up a trench . in fortresses they are also of greater use then chaines or barres , vvhich crosseth the streets , for a man may skip over a chaine , and a good horse will leap over it : but being beset and crossed vvith turne-pikes , neither foot nor horse are able to passe over them , seeing they have staves and sharp points through them on all sides . they may be set up also in the streets of suburbs and other places instead of barres , and vvhere some broad places are to be kept , in joyning many of them together , vvhich is done ordinarily in the expeditions of warres . they are made in this manner following , you take a tree of firme wood , vvhich will not cleave , vvhere of the diameter is five or sixe inches , and some 10 , or 14 foot long , vvhich is made vvith six corners , so that it hath six sides , and in the midst of these sides , one bores three or foure inches one from another cros-wise , and thē puts through these holes round javelings , vvhereof the diameter is an inch and a half , or at the most two inches , the lengt of them is sixe or size foot , and so made , that they are all of one length , which are made of a strong and a firme piece of timber , which will not easily bend , nor will be weakned by raine , these are thrust through these holes , so that they are of a just length on both sides , and have as many javelings on the one side , as on the other : so that the turnepike is alike over all , and falleth alvvaies after one fashion , as it lies , and as one vvould have it . both the ends of these javelings are headed , and sharp pointed vvith yron , and the ends of the tree are plated about vvith rings of iron , that the tree of the turnepike may not cleave and in the middest of both ends there are rings and clasps made to tye tvvo or three of these turne-pikes together with chaines , if occasion should serve , all vvhich is represented in the 165 figure . where there are some banks near unto a fortresse or water , vvhere shipping may passe to and again , or vvhere a water may be vvaded through , there are made pales or barricadoes , represented in the 166 figure , which are made vvith sparres of strong vvood , squared out , being some 4 or 5 inches big and some nine or ten foot long , vvhich are set between 2 great posts , about 5 or 6 inches one from another , as ye may see in thee 166 figure . the fouresquare tanternailes is a very necessary thing for defence , having alvvaies one of the points standing upvvard . for they have foure points as sharp as a naile , whereof three stands upon the ground , and the fourth hovvsoever it lies , standing bolt upright . they are of divers greatnesse , for those vvhich are commonly used in this country , are lesser then those which are cast into a moate . the point whereof 3 or 4 , or 5 inches long . a fortresse ought to have good store of them for to cast them into a moate , into a falsebray , or upon a breach , because they prick and hurt shrodly the souldiers feet which strives to enter . they are represented to you in the 167 figure . your dodanes or beares made of stone or brick are set upon a banke by a river side , to keep the water from overflowing , ( or running out of a moat . the dutches cals it a beare , because it represents the shape of a beare , but the french terme it des d'asnes , and of one word corrupted dodanes , that is , an asses backe ▪ because it hath some resemblance of an asses back , upon which disobedient souldiers , who committed some notable offence must ride upon some houres one after another , which we call in english a woodden horse , and hath the fashion of an asses-backe . master symon stephens , prince maurice his old mathematician , in his new booke of fortification , and sluces , makes mention of some great faults committed in the making of these beares , because the foundation , which should sustaine and beare up this ponde●ous work , ought to be exceeding strong , and foundly laid , for otherwise the expence , and the labour which it costs wil be cast away in vaine . for the preventing whereof , he gives good councill to sinke into the bottome of the moate , piles or mast trees bound fast together and of one and the same bignes and length , which wil make a strong and a firm foundatiō , wherupon afterward you may build your beare . it must be made a good deale higher , then the water , when the tides , or the rivers are swolne up to the very bankes , and it must be made so thick , that it may be able to resist the force and violence of the water , and the stones and bricks so laid and plaistred together , that the water cannot eate or soake through it· and because these beares in moates might serve as a way to straddle over and get into the towne or fortresse by , at both ends there is two palissadoes set the one upon the banke , and the other one either side next the moate , as you may see in the 166. figure before which also is struck into the ground , many other small palissadoes of 4 or 5 foot length before mentioned . but the top of the beare is made with a sharpe edge , and in the midst of it a little round turrit to hinder , and keepe backe those that would clime over it : sometimes there are made two round turrets when it is made over a broad water or moate , the figure 168. will shew you the pouretrature of such a beare . of retrenchings , or inward cuttings off , and how one must resist an assavlt . the eleventh chapter . interiour . the art of fortification is not onely of perfect fortresses , provided with all kinde of outward-workes , but also hath besides an other use , seing that it teacheth also how one ough to prepare and furnish a towne or fortresse with new workes , when the others are ruinated . this part of fortification is called in french un retrenchement interieur , in latine recessus , and in english an inward cutting off : because such workes are made to no other end , but to make a retreate into , when the others are lost . for , when one cannot maintain , and defend a whole worke , or a part thereof , because an enemie striveth with all his power to become master of it one must then resolve , when he is driven out of one work , how he may retire into another , and defend himselfe againe , against the assault of an enemy , because it would be very hurtfull to defend one selfe , when he lies open to an enemy . this inward cuttings off is of two sorts , the one in outworkes , the other in a fortresse it selfe . besides , it is in generall or particular . wee wil first handle the cuttings off , which are made in outward works , which are the first , which an enemy seekes to take in , and afterwards the cuttings off , which must bee made in a towne or fortresse it selfe . touching a generall cutting off , it is only used in crown-works , horn-works , or tenailles . the same is also of two sorts ▪ regular , and irregular . a generall cutting off is , when a worke is made in all things like unto that , which is cut off , in such sort , that a crown-worke is made within a crown-work , a horn-work within a horn-worke , and a tanaille within a tanaille . irregular cuttings off of outward works , is that which is that which keeps not the form of the worke , which is cutt off within , yet neuerthelesse shutteth up the worke with a continued parapet . a perticular cutting off is , when a worke is made out of broken workes , or severed one from an other , in such wise that there is made one , two , or three reuelings , in stead of a horn-worke , or two demy bulwarkes . you must observe well , touching every kind of cutting off here set downe , that they may have a good defence , and if it be possible , that they may also be defended from some other places , and that they lie open to that side which lookes into the towne or fortresse besieged . a generall cutting off in crown-works is done as followeth , one fals backward some 20 or 24 foote , yea more or lesse , according as the condition of the place is , and as necessity requires , and one maks the work within it , like unto the other which is cut off . and though his work being cut off , is lesser then the other , yet it will give an enemy enough to doe when he shall attempt the taking of it in . your crown-workes are made commonly after the proportion of a small fort royall , where the proportion of the polygones are of 5550 or 45 rodd , when you resolve to cut off a worke a little more inward , it will become narrower in a regard of the great work , yet will be great enough to defend it selfe the generall cuttings of crown-works , will cost no great labour , which may easily be showne , in regarde it is very common . an example thereof you may see in the 169 figure : the cutting off being made , one is forced to make a ditch , between the worke quitted and the cutting off , which ought neverthelesse to be done , because one takes the earth out of the ditch , to make up the cutting off withall : one must observe also that this cutting off must be made , as strong as possible may be . the cuttings off are maide only , while an enemy is approaching towards you , but also when towns and forts are first fortified . your general cuttings off in tenailles doth not differ from that which is made in horn-works , saveing that one make a tenaile , in stead of a horn-worke . the particular cuttings off of horn-works is after so many wayes , that one cannot shew here all the kinds of them . a cutting off is represented unto you in the 171 figure , where a horn-worke is cut off , and two revelings made in the sides of it , which are defended by a third , which are behinde the others : & though they have a sufficient defence of themselves , yet the defence of the other reveling is added to them over & above , and is defended from the tenaille , which is after it . besides this , there is another kinde of cutting of a horn-worke showne in the 172 figure . in imitating these cuttings off one may make many others , as necessity may permit , and as an enemy attempts upon you , all which is impossible to marke out here . a generall cutting off a great wall or rampard is used very seldome , because the besiegers and the besieged will at last grow weary thereof , neverthelesse , this hapned in the seige of ostend , which lasted three yeares , three months and odd dayes : for assoone as the enemy had got into the wall by sapping and springing of mines , they presenly had an other cutting off ready to entertaine them : in so much that dureing this seige , there were many counter-approches against approches , counter mines against the enemies mines , so that the enemy could not get for a long time sarcely an inch of ground upon our men , for there were above forty mines sprung on both sides & when the earth fel out , men fought for that and turned up the earth against them , for these generall and royall cuttings off , lasted , till the enemie had got more then halfe the towne , before they gate over the whole . and though such a seige , and such a great cuttings off , happens but seldome , yet you shall see an example thereof in the figure 173 , where is showne how one ought to quit a whole part of a towne , or fortresse , vvith the curtaine and bulvvarks , and hovv one by a cutting of a bullvvarke , or a curtaine is more usual , vvhereof vve savv an example at the seige of the bosch in the vucher bulvvarks as also the last year at the seige of breda vvhere both the ginnekeis and haghish hornvvorks , vvith both these bulvvarks , vvere most dangerously cut off novv to represent unto you some cuttings off , vvhich you may see in the 173 figure marked vvith a , b , and c. the letter c shovvs you hovv one ought to quit a vvhole bulvvark , and hovv you ought to make your capital line after a bulvvark is cut off . likevvise other kinds of cuttings off of bulvvarks , are represented unto you in the figure 174 , 175 , 176 , 177 , and 178 , after vvhich manner , you may make many others and change , and order them , as an enemie comes neere you , and as the commodiousnesse of the place shall require . it happens also sometimes that curtaines are cut of invvardly , vven as an enemy may assault them vvith advantage , becaus of their length . you may then cut them of as is shovvn in 172 figure , vvhen you have time enough to cut them of royally . but if time vvil not permitt you to make a royall fortification , then you must make use of traverses . it is impossible to cut of a false-bray , because of the little space , vvhich is in it . notvvthstanding one may cast up some traverses in it , especially on that side , vvhich the enemy seeks to take in , and tovvards vvhich part he vvould advance his gallery , to the end you may not give too much to an enemy , but keep and maintaine the place as much as possible may be . for the besieged may lay hold on the same advantage , as their enemy doth , vvhen he is once got into the false-bray , and though vvhen he is in that they may cover the roof of it vvith planks one may neverthelesse set fire on it , and disaccommodate the enemy on all sides . as for other vvorks as revelings and halfmoons , you may see hovv they are cut of after the same manner , as the bullvvarks are , if the vvorke vvhich is to be cut of be great enough and have place enough in it to be cut off . but forasmuch as all this here showne , concerneth principally the defence , which ought to bee considered in ordinary fortresses , so one must have a speciall care to the materials whereof these workes are made : for in making of them , you must choose the best earth that is to be got , which will make your workes the stronger . in outworkes you may alwayes take in the earth , which is digged out of the moate· but because that sandy earth , or earth mingled with sand , is not so good , it is lyned with rise , or brush , which is layd betwixt and upon it . in great bulwarks , where there is not earth enough , and besides that is sandy , it must bee laid with rowes of brush , driving them in with stakes , and sparrs of houses shot down with canon . but when the ground is so sandy , that you cannot work it alone , then you must lay dung , and straw , and other things betwixt it to make it hold together , and you must wet the earth as many times as is needful . you may fortifie your parapets with gabions , when you cannot make them otherwise , and likewise you may set great musket baskets upon the top of the parapet , that it may be covered the better . in outworks one may make use of the ordinary profile , when you have time enough to make cuttings off , or you may make them long before hand . but the works which are made in great hast , have no certaine rule : howsoever , you must make them as strong as possible may be , and as meanes , and time will give you leave . touching the cuttings off of bulwarks and curtains , one can give likewise no certain rule , only this you must ever have a care , that all inward works and cuttings off , lie open toward the town or fortres with this proviso also , that they be not made so high , but that the great works may over-look and command them : for if the rampard of the cutting off be lower , then the high rampard of the town , then the enemies canon can do it no great harm , because they are defended from the great rampard . againe , the enemy cannot discover the place and the forme of the cutting off , according to which one may governe themselves otherwise . it is certain also , that one cannot beate an enemy from a high place , which is neer at hand because he is blinded and covered with the wall or rampard . all these things being finished , when one is assured , that an enemy is ready to spring his mine , which cannot be found out , one must then strengthen , & double the guards in every place , & bring your canon to those places , where they may most gaul and flanck the enemy . one ought to have an eye , aswell on other places , as only upon the breach , which is made by the springing of the mine . for an enemy hopeing that he may have drawn , the most of the forces in a town or fortresse to defend the breach , may attempt some other place of the fortresse , which is not thought upon & so become master of such a place , which is not provided with a sufficient defence . after that the breach is made , the besieged must expect to be presently assaulted , which they must maintaine and make good as long as possibly they can , by defending the breach couragiously , in doing whereof , they must throw downe from the top of it , abundance of these sqare tanter-nailes spoken of in the chapter before , for to annoy and prick the enemy , when he seeks to mount up and to enter it . vpon the top of the breach also , if they have time they may cast up a brest-worke , as sir francis vere did in ostend , or set up some turn-pikes , to hinder the enemy for entring , and to strike in some palissadoes upon the top of it , having clubs , flails , stones : and ashes , to offend them . it is necessary , when the enemy strives to enter it , that the souldiers fight couragiously , & that the officers should encourage them with their presence to carry themselvs like brave men , that being a place to gaine honour in , by giveing them also premisses of reward , and when they grow weary , to see that they be seconded with fresh men , which stand in readinesse behinde the rampard , to relieve them . when they are not able to maintaine and defend the breach any longer , then they must retire into the cutting off , and take a new courage , and a heart of grace , in fighting behinde a new rampard in makeing resistance as long as ever they are able , and thus much for the second part . two divisions of 25 files of pikes standing in their order in ranke & file making 500 men . ordre de bataille de 24000 d'infanterie , et 6000 de cavaillerie , ordonné en trois brigades , duquel le front de a. b. a 5054 pieds . ordre de bataille en flandres vers nieuport , dressée l'an 1600. le 2e . iuillet . par le prince d'orange maurice . ordre de bataille de l'archeduc albert en flanders vers nieuport le 2e iuillet l'an 1600. ordre de bataille d'infanterie , ordonné par le feu prince d'orange maurice , de tres boute memoire l'an 160● . premiere forme de l'ordre de bataille devant rees , le 23e . septembre 1605. ordre de bataille de 37 compaignies de cavaillerie devant rees , le 23. septemb. 1614. premiere forme d'ordre de bataille devant iuliers dressée l'an 1610. e marchant depuis vorstenberg . seconde forme de lordre de bataille dressée depuis vorstenberg vers iuliers le 22e aoeust 1620 a forme of horse embattailed before gulick anno 1610. ordre de bataille de cavaillerie devant iuliers l'an mille six cent et dix an other forme of embattailing horse shoune before rees by his exce 1621 ordre de bataille de cavaillerie devant rees , ordonné par son excce . en octob 1621. ordre d'infanterie en bataille devant rees l'an 1614 duquel le front est : long 2200 pieds , et la bauteur 740 pieds . autre ordre d'infanterie en bataille devant rees l'an 1614 duquel le front est long 2750. pieds , et la bauteur 1160. pieds . premiere ordre d'infanterie en bataille devant doormick l'an 1621. seconde ordre de bataille de cavaillerie , et infanterie , ordonné par son excce . devant doornick le ●e . de septemb. infanterie en bataille . autre ordre d'infanterie en bataille . ordre d'infanterie en bataille pres nimmege . 1624. ordre de bataille ordonné par le prince henry à walwic . ordre-de-bataille de toute l'armeé , ordonné par son altezze , devant le sort de voren le 4e . de iuin 1642. the forme of the battle , which his highnesse showed before breda anno 1634. the front is 8495. foote . the forme of battle showne by his highnesse at maersen the 10e . of iune 1635 : the front is 5050 foote . quartier d'un 〈◊〉 d'infanterie de dix compaignies , selon l'ordre de son altezze : le front à 434 pieds . quartier d'un regiment de cavaillerie de 5. compaignies selon l'ordre de son altezze le front à 430 pieds . figure d'une armée en campaigne ; avec ques sa cavaillerie et infanterie , selon l'ordre du feu prince d'orange . a relation of the french kings late expedition into the spanish-netherlands in the years 1667 and 1668 with an introduction discoursing his title thereunto, and an account of the peace between the two crowns, made the second of may, 1668 / englished by g.h., gent. campagne royale. english dalicourt, p. 1669 approx. 188 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 111 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35913 wing d135 estc r5204 12138385 ocm 12138385 54819 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35913) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54819) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 91:2) a relation of the french kings late expedition into the spanish-netherlands in the years 1667 and 1668 with an introduction discoursing his title thereunto, and an account of the peace between the two crowns, made the second of may, 1668 / englished by g.h., gent. campagne royale. english dalicourt, p. g. h., gent. [32], 188 p. printed for john starkey ..., london : 1669. translation of: la campagne royale / p. dalicourt. reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng louis -xiv, -king of france, 1638-1715. devolution, war of, 1667-1668. netherlands -history -1648-1714. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2008-07 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a relation of the french kings late expedition into the spanish-netherlands , in the years 1667 , and 1668. with an introduction discoursing his title thereunto : and an account of the peace between the two crowns , made the second of may 1668. englished by g. h. gent. london , printed for john starkey at the miter in fleetstreet near temple bar. 1669. the introduction , containing a display of the grounds , upon which the french king layeth claim to a great part of the spanish netherlands . that the best title of the french queen to the dutchy of brabant , and its annexes , the seignory of malmes , antwerp , vpper gelderland , namur , limburg , and the places united on the other side the meuse , hainault , artois , cambray , the county of burgundy , and the dutchy of luxembourg , consisted in the sword of the king her husband , scarce seems a doubt to any but the french themselves . and with what success the cause hath been pleaded by that weapon , during the campagne of 1667. the ensuing narrative , written by one that was present at most of the considerable actions thereof , giveth a particular and yet no immodest account . so that perhaps it is not much necessary to preface this relation with a display of the grounds and reasons of the war , whose progress it exhibits ; accordingly the author thought fit not to meddle therewith , conceiving , i suppose , that the justice of his soveraigns armes was sufficiently evidenc'd to all the subjects by the manifesto , and other writings which his majesty had publish'd immediately before his forces enter'd flanders . nevertheless , in regard that 't is likely many , into whose hands this piece may fall , have not so fully understood the reasons , whereby the french king hath endeavor'd to justifie , to forreign princes and states , his late proceedings in the netherlands , nor those contrary ones , whereby the spaniards endeavour to maintain their own possessions , and invalidate the french pretensions , i shall adventure to present the reader with an abstract of either parties allegations . the french queens title stands thus : philip the fourth , king of spain , married elizabeth , daughter to henry the fourth , and sister to lewis the thirteenth , kings of france , in the year 1615. on the same day whereon the last mentioned prince espoused anne of austria , infanta of spain . the portions of either side were satisfied by way of exchange , being the sum of 500000. crowns of gold. elizabeth some years after dies , leaving behind her a son nam'd don balthasar , and a daughter nam'd donna maria theresa : afterwards king philip marries another wife , by whom he hath issue male , don carlo , who by the death of his half-brother , don balthasar , became heir apparent to the catholick crown . in the year 1659. a treaty of peace was concluded between the two crowns , and together therewith a marriage between lewis the fourteenth , now king of france , and the above-mention'd lady maria theresa , for whose portion the king , her father , obliged himself to pay 500000. crowns of gold , and pretended salick law debars females from succession to the french crown ; as also to the end that the two crowns being too great and puissant to be united into one kingdom , all occasions of such a conjunction might be avoided , it was covenanted ( amongst other things ) that neither the infanta , nor her children and descendants , in what degree soever , should ever succeed in the kingdoms , signiories , or dominions , which do or shall belong to his catholick majesty , as well within as without the kingdom of spain , notwithstanding any law or custom , which by this agreement ( which is to continue in the full force and vigour of a law for ever ) their majesties did abolish . this renunciation the infanta confirmed in these very terms by her oath in the presence of the kings themselves , the princes of the blood , and the chief nobility of both kingdoms . this peace remained inviolated about six years , ( in which time the king of spain , for the preservation thereof , yielded to the king of france the precedence , which had occasion'd a fray between the train of the ambassadours of the two crowns there at london . ) but upon the death of philip of spain , which happened toward the latter end of the year 1665. and had been lookt for the year before by his good neighbour , ( who from the latter end of 1664. had laid up great magazines of corn at amiens , and other places on the way towards flanders ) discourses began to be spread abroad through france , of a title which the queen and her son the dauphin , had to certain provinces of the netherlands . nevertheless , his french majesty thought not fit to make discovery of his designs , till he saw what would be the issue of the war , which in great measure , by his practices , was broken out between the king of great brittain , and the states of the vnited provinces , whose quarrel , upon a pretended league made two years before , he espoused . in the mean time he set forth a considerable navy at sea , ( which yet never engaged in any action against the english ) and likewise made great levies , and warlike preparations at land , without manifesting how he intended to imploy the same . at length , about the middle of may , when his neighbours , the english and united provinces , being weary of the war , had set on foot a treaty of peace at breda , wherein himself was also included , he thought it a fit opportunity to publish a manifesto of his claim to part of the spanish netherlands , which he likewise sent to several princes of christendom , and shortly after seconded , by falling into those countries with a powerful army ; the performances whereof are recorded in the following narrative . in the said manifesto it is set forth , 1. that by the customary law of brabant , the children by the first marriage go away with the whole inheritance of their father , the children of the same father , by a second marriage , being excluded ; which law is called jus devolutionis , or the right of devolution ; and consequently , that the infanta ( now queen of france ) being the sole surviving issue of philip the fourth , by his first marriage , is heir of all those countries wherein the said law doth obtain , and so excludeth her brother of the half-blood by a second marriage . 2. that by the laws of spain she is likewise heir to her mother of all her marriage-portion , and the jewels left behind her at her death , amounting with interest to the sum of 1100000. crowns of gold. 3. that the renunciation made by the infanta at her marriage is void and null : first , because that a renunciation is only of an estate in expectancy , not of an estate already fallen , as these countries are pretended to have been upon the death of the spanish queen : secondly , because a renunciation supposes a portion actually paid ; but the infanta never received any ; and that if the 500000. crowns of gold , promised in the contract of marriage , had been actually paid , it had still been no portion , in regard 1100000. were due to her . to all which some other specious reasons are added , which would take up too much room in this short introduction . on the other side , the spaniards answer , that , even setting aside the renunciation , the daughter can pretend no title to succeed in the countries in question , so long as there is an heir-male living : 1. because the right of devolution hath nothing to do with the succession of soveraign●●s ( as being meerly a municipal law for private estates ) which descend in these countries in the same manner as they do in all other parts of christendom , wherein the male by the second marriage succeeds before the female by the first ; and for that there are some express laws , made by several princes of these countries , which declare , that women shall then only be admitted to the succession of them , masculis non extantibus , when there are no heirs-males living . 2. because no example can be produc'd in any age of such an irregular succession in brabant , &c. that a woman hath been preferr'd before a man , in the same degree , in the publick government : but on the contrary , there are not wanting examples , where the right of devolution hath been neglected , in the succession of the same dutchy . 3. they alledge , that renunciations are valid , though no portion be paid , because the end of them is the preservation of the grandeur of families . and 4. that by the contract of marriage the infanta was in lieu of all pretences whatsoever , to rest satisfi'd with 500000. crowns of gold ; the non-payment whereof doth not invalidate the renunciation , because the equity of law corrects such severity , and allows another day ; as also because the law saith , that filia non per numerationem dotis , sed per conventionem excluditur . 5. and lastly , that by the edict of charles the fifth , confirm'd by the estates of brabant , and the other provinces of the netherlands , these countries are declared inseparable from the crown of spain . to all which , perhaps it will not seem superfluous , to add here a letter or two of the french kings , concerning this affair , and likewise the queen of spains answer to him ; together with one of the marquis de castel rodrigo , then governour of the spanish provinces . the french king's letter to the states general of the united provinces . most dear friends , allies , and confederates , we dispatch this currier expresly to the count d' estrades , our extraordinary ambassadour with you , to order him to let you know from us , as being our good and true friends and allies , the resolution , which after a long and manifest denial of all justice , our honour , and our interest , hath forced us to take , for maintenance of the rights of the q●een , our dearest wife , and our dearest son the dauphin ; to this end we command our said ambassadour , to communicate to you a writing , which we caused to be composed and publisht , to inform all christendom of the evidence of our reasons , with a copy of the letter , which we writ this day to our dearest sister the queen of spain . in the former piece you will see the undisputable grounds of our proceedings , and that without desiring the breach of peace , or pretending to , or desiring the estates of another ; all our thoughts only aim at the delivery of our selves from oppression by the force of our armes , or by a reasonable accommodation ; to which we shall be alwayes ready to hearken . thus leaving the rest to be delivered to you by our said ambassadour , we pray god to have you in his holy protection and keeping , most dear great friends , allies , and confederates . your good friend , ally , and confederate , lewis . the french kings letter to the queen of spain , bearing date , may 8 , 1667. most high , illustrious and mighty princess , our most dear and loving sister , the sincere inclination we have alwayes had , for the procuring and maintaining of peace , which was sufficiently testified to the world , by the treaties of westphalia and the pyrenaeans , induced us about the close of the year 1665. by an obliging prevention ( though it was not so taken at madrid ) to find out some way of providing , that nothing might be able to alter the good vnderstanding and amity between us and your majesty , and our crowns , which was so happily establisht by our august marriage . this was the late queen our mothers intention , when she desired the marquis de fuentes to write to your majesty in her name , that having sufficiently informed her self of the right of the queen , our dearest wife , to several estates in the netherlands , and finding the grounds to be solid , just and undeniable , she earnestly conjured your majesty , by the tender affection you bear to her , that she would also inform her self of these rights , and take particular cognisance thereof , to the end , that viewing the justice of them , as she her self had done , the equity thereof might induce you to do us reason , by a good accommodation , which might take away all occasions of misunderstanding between our monarchies ; that she sufficiently knew our intentions , so as to be able to answer for us ; that we should be very moderate in the condition of the said accommodation ; and that finding her self drawing towards her end , next to her salvation she desired nothing more in the world , nor with so much zeal , as the satisfaction of having a union and amity firmly settled between our two houses , which this difference might soon disturb . all these particulars cannot but be remembred by your majesty , and the councels of spain cannot also forget the quality of the answers , which they obliged your majesty to make , so little conformable to the piety and vtility of the queen mothers instances , and so contrary , without doubt , to the inclination your majesty hath for the conservation of the publick peace . this answer was , that your majesty could not in any manner , nor upon any consideration whatsoever , enter into the discussion of this affair , nor agree or treat upon those rights , which you knew had no foundation : and presently after your majesty sent order to the governour of flanders , to cause the oath of fidelity to be administred to all the estates and people of the country , which till then had been neglected , since the decease of the late king our father-in-law . this absolute refusal of doing us justice , and this last resolution of binding those people by oath to your majesty , which are truly our subjects , in right of the queen our wife , having reduced us to the unpleasing and undispensable necessity , either to be wanting in that which we owe to our honour , to our self , to the queen , and to the dauphin our son ; or to endeavour by the force of our armes to obtain that reason which hath been denied us : we have chosen the latter , as that which both justice and honour obliges us to : and by an express currier , which we dispatch to the arch-bishop of ambrun our ambassadour , we order him to let your majesty know our resolution which we have taken , to march in person towards the end of this moneth , at the head of our army , to endeavour to put our selves into possession of that which belongs to us in the low-countries , in right of the queen , or of something equivalent ; and at the same time to present to your majesty a writing , which we have ordered to be composed , containing the grounds of our right , and plainly destroying the frivolous objections of those contrary writings , which the governour of flanders hath publisht to the world . in the mean time we promise our selves so much from your equity , that as soon as you shall have seen and examined the said writing , you will much blame the counsel which was given you , to deny us that justice , which you will find so clear and well-founded , and willingly embrace the wayes that we have insinuated to you , and do still offer them , to decide the differences between us by a friendly accommodation ; assuring your majesty , in encouragement to it , of two things ; one , that we shall be content with very moderate conditions , regard being had to the quality and importance of our rights ; the other , that if the success of our armes be as prosperous as their cause is just , we have no intention to thrust them forwards beyond that which belongs to us , or something equivalent to it , wheresoever we can light on it . and as to all the rest of the estates of our dearest and most beloved brother the king of spain , the chief foundation supposed that we receive that justice which is due to us , we shall be alwayes ready to defend them against all aggressors , for the conservation of them to him and his posterity , which we wish may be numerous , and without end ; as also very religiously to observe the peace , as we assured the marquis de la fuentes , when he took his leave of us , not thinking that the peace is broken by us by our entring into the low-countries , though with the sword in our hand , since we march only to put our selves in possession of that which is usurped upon us : thus referring you further to our ambassadour . we pray god to preserve you , most high , &c. the surprise of the spaniards at this letter , and the manifesto presented at the same time with it ( being extreamly contradictory to the french kings other declarations ) was so great , that when the french ambassadour residing in that court , had presented the same to the queen regent , the people became immediately inrag'd against the french , to that height , that her majesty , fearing lest some violence might be done by them to the ambassadours person , found it necessary to appoint some guards to attend him for his security . and to the letter it self she returned this following answer , bearing date may 21. 1667. the queen of spains answer to the foregoing letter . the arch-bishop of ambrun , your majesties ambassadour in this court , hath delivered me your letter , bearing date the eight instant , accompanied with a book and a memorial together , with a large representation and recital of the motives alledged by your majesty , for the motion of your forces , upon a pretended right to some provinces in the low-countries . whilst we apply our selves to the answer of yours , in all the particulars required , i thought it not fit to defer the giving an answer to your letter , although i am very much surprised with the unexpected news of such a design . and although your majesty is pleased to insinuate , that the most christian queen , my good sister ( whom god hath taken to his glory ) had communicated these pretensions to the marquis de la fuente , and that i cannot but remember , that he informed me of it by his letter ; yet in truth i alwayes lookt upon that discourse as a thing only of private familiarity and confidence , since it passed not in the form of an ambassadour , nor as a minister from your majesty , nor yet in your majesties name . and i have been the rather confirmed in the truth of this opinion , since having given the said marquis a very succinct answer , to all that could be said upon the point , nothing was further said in that matter : so that the silence which hath been kept since the marquis had his answer , could not leave any other impression on me , but that your court being informed of the just rights of the king my son , and sufficiently satisfied of the sincerity of my proceedings , all further pursuit of those pretensions had been wholly laid aside . it being further to be considered , that this insinuation which has been made is quite contrary to those formalities , which the articles of peace made in the pyrenaeans requires , before it can be lawful to proceed to a rupture ; it being also certain upon the ninetieth article , that if the renunciation it self had not been made , it ought not to have been pursued by the way of armes , but by that of sweetness and justice . and since your majesty doth now declare your willingness to enter into an amicable treaty , i am also willing to conform my self to it ; and am content that the rights be seasonably examin'd , that justice may take its place by the way and means most proper for that purpose : to which end some persons ought to be nominated , and a place agreed on convenient for such a treaty . and as 't is necessary that both parties do in the mean time abstain from all further proceedings by the way of armes , i hope your majesty will condescend to it : which if denyed , i shall be forced , as i am obliged in conscience , and as a guardian royal to the king my son , to make use of the same wayes and meanes to defend the justice of his cause . although nothing could be more fair and reasonable , then the proposal contained in this letter , of referring the controversie to be discuss'd by amicable means ; yet the french king return'd his reply to it , not by the ordinary way , but by that of flanders , and the noise of his canon ; in which rough language he likewise answer'd that excellent letter sent to him by the marquis de castel rodrigo , to desire an arbitration , which here follows to conclude this introduction . the marquis de castel rodrigo's letter to the king of france . the information we have received from all parts so confidently assuring us , that the great preparations your majesty is now making , are intended against these counties , that it is now no longer made a doubt ; and there appearing to the world no just reason , why your majesty should violate a peace , in which the crown of spain was content to sit down with so much prejudice , leaving the advantages to your majesty ; its principal aim being only to restore peace to christendom , and put an end to a war which had involved the poor and innocent subjects of each party in so much misery and ruine : and being desirous to prevent a relapse into a greater , in which all europe will have a share , should the rupture be founded rather upon will then reason : i have thought it an incumbency both upon my place and duty , to represent to your majesty , the scandal that will be given to all the world , when they shall see your majesty engag'd against a brother of only six years of age , and against a regency subordinated to the laws of a testator , without any form of justice , or observance of the rule , of first demanding satisfaction . and if your majesty hath any pretension of dissatisfaction , reason and justice require , your majesty should first declare and justifie them , not only in particular to the parties interessed , but also to the neighbouring princes , to the countries in dispute , and to your majesties own subjects ; since by the law of nature , nothing can be exacted or forcibly taken from ones own subject or slave , much less from one that is wholly innocent , where the government is ty'd up by a regency , to the prejudice of the subjects of both parties , and of the roman empire ; by vertue of whose laws , and without whose knowledge , so noble a member , as the circle of burgundy , cannot be taken away . this proceeding violates the treaty of munster , by which ( as also by our peace which was since concluded ) it was capitulated , that in case of a rupture , the parties concern'd should have ten moneths notice of it ; and infringeth the peace of our neighbours , whose concernments will oblige them to interest themselves in a common danger . besides this ▪ your majesty was pleased to tell the marquis de la fuente , at his audience of conge , that he was a witness , with what earnestness you intended to preserve the good correspondency and peace between both crowns ; and that he should in your majesties name assure the queen , my mistress , that you would continue it in the same manner , and with the same good will , giving likewise your ambassadour at madrid the same charge . i leave it , sir , to the consideration of your majesty , how remote it will be from the justice , christianity and generosity of your majesty , to attempt an invasion without any of those formalities and interpositions which all christian princes have alwayes observed ; that so your majesty , as the most christian , may not introduce an example , which as it is contrary to all former ones , so it may prove prejudicial to your self and your posterity . i do not desire your majesty to prejudice your own rights ( if any such you have ) but only that you would declare them , if you pursue them ; nor that you should suspend the use of force , if satisfaction be denyed you ; but that before you begin your march , or any hostility , which may render an accommodation impossible , you would prevent the mischiefs that may ensue upon it to all christendom , by giving place to a negotiation . i am firmly perswaded , that the queen , my mistress , will give your majesty all reasonable satisfaction , and that she will not refuse to reason the cause wherein both parties are interessed , to the cognisance , mediation , and even the decision of any of those that may be concerned in the mischief● the rupture will occasion : obliging my self ( as soon as i know the cause and pretensions of your majesty ) to give account of it to the queen , my mistress , who , i doubt not ( to let the world see her good intention , and the justice of her proceedings ) will not refuse to refer her self to the judgment , not of one or two only , but of the whole world , and in particular of all the princes of the roman empire , of the crown of england , ( supposing that your majesty is very near a peace with it ) and of the vnited provinces , our neighbours , to the end that their joynt plenipotentiaries may see the reasons , and justifie those that have reason on their side , before any advance be made by the force of armes , considering there is nothing that so far presseth you , nor any danger in suspension , that should be preferred before the common interest ; by which each party may justifie to the world the events which may happen . this representation , sir , and request , which my zeal alone to your majesty hath put me upon , seems to me most just , as desiring that christendom , our neighbours , and common subjects , may avoid all new calamities , and especially those mischiefs , which may prove far greater then those that are already past , before an end can be put to these wars , wherein we are going to engage our selves . and i hope , sir , that your majesty will please to admit it as such , and that almighty god will put it into your majesties heart , to resolve upon an expedient as just as it is fair and advantageous to all , by letting reason take place , and having a just regard to the tender age of the king my master , giving our neighbours the satisfaction of being judge of the differences between us ; whereby al● those mischiefs may be prevented , which a different procedure or further violence will occasion . god preserve the sacred person of your most christian majesty , as i desire . brussels , may 14. 1667. a relation of the french kings late expedition into flanders , anno dom. 1667 , and 1668. the flame of a new war being begun to be kindled between the two crowns in the year 1667. and finding my self without imployment in the new-raised army , i thought i could not fit my self with a more honourable , and more profitable way of bestowing my time during the campagne of this year , then to set down in writing the passages thereof ; to the end i might not be reduced , as i have often been during the space of seventeen or eighteen years spent in his majesties troops , to ransack my memory in vain for such things as i had a mind to remember . i take not upon my self to make an exact description of the state of affairs at that time ; my design being to compose a journal , and not a history . neither do i think fit to display the queens title to the netherlands , since the righteousness thereof hath been authentically enough made out by the manifesto published by his majesty concerning the same . it shall be sufficient for me to relate in a plain manner , and without all affected ornament of style , what i saw my self , and what i received by information from others . the peace which was treating at breda , between england , france , and holland , was at the point of conclusion , when the king who had suffered eighteen or twenty months to pass since the death of philip the fourth king of spain , thereby to allow time to the queen dowager to give him satisfaction in a fair way in reference to his pretentions to several provinces of the low countries , as he had given her to understand as well by sundry letters , as by frequent instances of his ambassador in the spanish court ; astonisht all his neighbours and surprised most part of his own subjects , by giving order in the months of march and april , that almost all the forces design'd by his majesty to serve in this expedition , should advance to the frontiers of champaigne and picardy , under pretence of making great musters , as he had accustom'd to do for some years past ; wherein all the regiments and companies both of horse and foot were used to encampe as exactly and regularly as if they had been in open war , and in the midst of his enemies . after the review which his majesty made of his guards at s. germains , towards the end of the month of april , it began to be divulged that his majesty would in good earnest take the field , if the counsel of spain did not speedily yeild to the king a good part of those thing which he had demanded of them . soon after generall officers were nominated , and care was taken for disposing great sums of money for the artillery and provisions . the commanders of regiments had notice given them to advertise all persons under their command to see to their equipages ; and in a word , all such orders were given out as are usual in the commencing of a war. whilst these things were in preparation , the manifesto , setting forth the queens right and title to those countries , was published ; and about the beginning of may printed copies thereof were sent throughout all europe , e●pecially into spain , and to brussels . which being a sufficient and competent declaration of war , the king fitted himself to go and expect an answer to it at the head of his army . accordingly his majesty together with the queen departed from s. germains on the sixteenth day of the same moneth , attended with such a small number of those of his court as were in readiness to accompany him ; most of the great lords and courtiers staying behind to prepare their equipages of war. but that those who intended to follow might have time to overtake him , his majesty spent four dayes on the way before he arriv'd at amiens , where he arriv'd on the twentieth day of the same moneth of may. at the same time the general officers set forward in order to the drawing of the troops together in several places ; some at la fere , others at s. quintin , guise , mezieres , peronne , dourlens and hesdin : so that the forces were extended from the river meuse to the coast of calais ; though in distinct bodies , yet so as that they might joyn together in five or six dayes , according as it should seem expedient . marshall d' aumont , governour of paris , was design'd to command a body of between seven and eight thousand men , on the coast of dunkirk ; and he had under him for his lieutenant generals , the count du passage , and the duke of roanez , formerly styl'd count de la fu●illade ; for the marshalls of his camp the counts de ●orge and s. lieu. his infantry consisted of the regiments of navarre , normandie , plessis-praslin , harcourt , sourches , and the queen's regiment ; his cavalry , commanded by monsieur la cardonniere comissary general , was divided into three brigades , at the head of which were the marquis de rouvray , the marquis de gelis , and calvo . the marquis de crequy , newly recall'd to court , from which he had been absent for six years , was sent with between three and four thousand men to the frontrie of luxembourg , and the parts about alsatia ; and with him monsieur desperce for marshall of that camp. he had but two regiments of foot with him , viz. the regiment of piedmont , and s. vallier , besides 1000 dragoons . his cavalry was likewise divided into three brigades , under the command of the marquisses d'joyeuse de la feüillee , and de montaurel , who were all under the obedience of monsieur de rochepere . at the same time the duke of noailles was sent to perpignan , whereof he was governour , to the end he might take care of roussillon , whilst the main brunt of the war should be in flanders . this duke had but few forces , because there was but little to enterprise ; onely some regiments of cavalry were assigned to him , and monsieur foucaut , for his lieutennant general . 't was easily judg'd that the king had some great design when it was understood that before his departure from s. germain's he appointed a counsell to remain with the queen , consisting of the chanceller of france , and the marshall d'estree , with two secretaries of state , monsieur vrilliere , and monsieur guenegaud . after which having declared her majestie regent of the kingdome during his absence , he sent for the parliament and other soveraign courts to signifie to them his pleasure , that they should acknowledge her for such whilst his majesty should be absent . the prince of conde remain'd at his house of chantilly , partly for that he was indispos'd in his health , and partly for that , as it was seen afterwards , the king reserv'd him for other imployments when the war should be begun ; his majesty declaring , that during the whole course of of this campagne he would not make use of the counsell of any but that of mounsieur de turenne , marshal general of the camp , who by this meanes beheld himself at a higher step of glory then ever he had ascended to before . as for the ministers of state , of whom his majesty serv'd himself , namely monsieur le tellier , monsieur de lionne , secretaries of state , and monsieur colbert , they departed not from paris , till six dayes after his majesty , and then they went directly to la fere , there to remain in expectation of further orders . the marquis de louvois , secretary of state , had set forth from paris two dayes before the king , namely on the fourteenth of may , in order to give notice to all the world of his majesties march , and the design he had to let the queen see what troups he had about peronne , where their majesties arrived the 26 of may. but before we proceed any further , it seems to me not impertinent to give account what forces were in being when the king began first to think of this enterprise . all the infantry of france were divided into 1200 companies , each of them consisting of fifty men ; but several young gentlemen of quality having since taken the command of regiments upon them , they are now much more , they having for greater ostentation of their commands many of them inlarged their troops , and at their own expence raised several companies much more numerous then was required . moreover , the king had two regiments of his guards , one of french , the other of swiss , besides twenty companies of new raised swiss , all which foot amounted upon the muster role to 70000 men , besides 1000 dragoones . the horse consssted of 200 troops , each of them of fifty men , which made up likewise by the roles 10000 horse , his court and equipage were 3000 horse , if we reckon the guards de corps , his musquitires on horse-back his gens d' armes , and his light horse belonging to his person , the most ready and best disciplin'd that without doubt have been seen at any time . having furnisht his garrisons out of these , and divided the rest into several bodies , according to the different places he design'd to imploy them , as i have related before , the army royal was judg'd to consist of about 24 or 25000 foot , and 9 or 10000 horse , of which you shall have the particulars . the foot was divided into four brigades , the first and strongest was that of the guards , compos'd of twenty-eight companies of the french guards , and nineteen of the swiss , and four & twenty companies of the kings regiment commanded by the marquis d' anjau who altogether made eleven battalions : viz. the french guards four , the swiss four , and the other regiment three . the second brigade was that of picardy , of which was the regiment called by that name commanded by the counte de la mark , the regiment of saux commanded by the count de saux de lesdiguiers , the lyonnois regiment commanded by the marquis de villeroy , the regiment de turenne commanded by the marquis de sillery ; all which regiments made up two battalions a piece . the third was the brigade of champagne , composed of the regiment of champagne commanded by the marquis d' ambre , and of the regiments of castelnau , louvigny , and orleans , the first commanded by the marquis de castelnau , the second by the marquis de louvigny , the third by the marquis de beaufort , and each of these regiments made up two battalions likewise . in the fourth baigade was the regiments of auvergne commanded by the duke de chevreuse , the royal regiment commanded by pierrefit , the regiment of roussillon or catalonia commanded by caramagne , and the regiment of alsatia commanded by the counte de nassau , which in all made up but seven battalions , roussillon making but on the light horse commanded by the duke coaslin , their camp master general , was divided into twelve brigades ; but because it would be tedious to reckon up the several regiments they were compos'd of , i shall content my self only to insert the names of the several brigadies they served under , which were the barron of montelar , of fourneaux , beauveze , the marquis de resnel , bissy , and montauban , the chevallier de fourilles , the comte de choiseul , artagnan , the comte de roye , the marquis de rochefort and de villequier . there were expected also some troops from the duke of lorraine , which consisted of four regiments of about 1500 horse , and two of foot of about 900 or 1000 men. their canon they brought from la fere and amiens , i mean their great peices , for at the beginning of the moneth the king had given order to the commanders of the several brigades , that every battalion should carry a peice of 4 or 5 pound ball along with it , and money was given out accordingly to buy horses and other things , necessaries for their train . s. hillary lieutenant of the ordinance , was the person commanded all the equipage designed for this army , and colbert master of the request was comissary . and this is the account of our strength by land . as to our forces at sea , i have been told we had twelve or thirteen gallies in the mediterranean sea , and that the duke de beaufort , our admiral , was upon the coast of brittain and rochell with about 25 or 30 men of war. the king being arrived at amiens the 20 of may he depa●●ed from thence the 25 , having taken his eave of the queen who instead of being present , as was supposed , at the rendevouze at perrone , returnd by montdidier to compiegne , and and the same day being the twenty fifth with all the horse his majesty encampt near d' encre , and the next day at mont s. quintin , not far from peronne , where he met most of his army , especially his foot , who were drawn up thereabouts , from thence he marcht and incampt at goüy near catelet , from thence to briatte , not far from chasteau cambressy , from thence to villerpol near quesnoy , after that to peronneval near to binch , a small town in hainault unfortified , and which in the time of the wars follows alwayes the master of the field : here it was thought expedient to leave some forces for our convenience whilst the army lay at charleroy , where his majesty design'd to go at his coming from amiens ; at the length he came and encamp't at pieton , a village situate upon a brook of the same name , which after some meanders and circumflexions falls about a league from the town into the sambre . this river and brook where they meet doe make an angle on the side of their descent , which being sufficiently elevated above the waters , there was formerly a little villa called charnoy . this place having appeared of great advantage to castle rodrigoe , governour of the low countries for the king of spain , in respect the sambre was not furnisht with any forts from landrey ( which is not far from its fountaine ) to namur where it falls into the meuse , he had resolv'd the year before with the counsel of the provinces , to raise a strong fort there , which might oppose it self to the excursions of such garrisons as the king of france had betwixt the sambre and the meuse , that is to say , avernes , phillippville and marienburg , towns that were delivered up to us upon the peace on the pyreneans ; and the designe was pursued with that diligence and expence , that the place was almost defensible , when they had the first newes of the kings resolution to come in person with a great army to demand such places as he pretended belonged ●n justice to the queen . this place which was called by castle rodrigo , charleroy , was fortified with seven bastions , lined with a sort of stone that was very strong and large , that they had brought from the country of leige . the most part of these bastions and the courtines were raised to the very top , and the outworks also were in so good a condition , there was scarce a better to be seen in flanders . in the men time castel rodrigo understanding that the king was coming towards him in good earnest , and fearing that his works being new and made the most part in the winter , were not able to make any long defence if they should be set upon and besides , having not force enough to make good othe places he thought of as much importance , he resolved to quit it , and having drawn away his canon , and all the ammunition he had sent thither , before he blew it up , and demolisht the body of it as well perhaps as ever was any before ; but the out-works they left intire , and they appeared so well to his majesty when he came thither , that he resolved to repair all , upon an opinion that this place not being above six leagues from namur , and about ●s many from monts , and perhaps some 12 or 13 from brussels , might be of great consequence for the design he had upon brabant , and the remainder of hainault . but there were other reasons also made the king take up this resolution , for he being come of a sudden out of france , and the spring being very backward by reason the winter proved so ●ong , he found but very little ●orrage ; besides , they were so ill provided with horses for their train of artillery , that all they could rap and rend were scarce sufficient to draw eight or ten peices of whole canon with necessary ammunition for them & their foot. nor was their accommodation for victualls in a much better condition , most of their baggage being in a very ill posture to follow the army which was falling into their country : it may be also he might have some inclination to attend , and see what effect his manifesto , might have upon the spirits of the people , the war not being yet so far gon , but that if they had given any assurance of satisfaction he could have hearkned to their conditions , and have saved those provinces from all the calamities and devastations hath been since brought upon them by his army : but whatsoever was the reason , we spent there fifteen dayes in reparing the ruines , as well as we could , the whole army working all the while with all diligence imaginable . the war being thus begun , and no enemy appearing in the field , there was not much hostility committed , the king keeping his army in as strict a discipline as if they had been in his own dominions . however they did not forbear the prosecuting the war from the time it marcht from about chasteau de cambresy , and pilois camp-master to the horse , was commanded out with 500 horse to fall into the country for intelligence , and to discover if there were any preparation making against them . the most part of the persons of quality offered themselves as voluntiers in this expedition ; but the king would permit but some few , of which the most considerable were the duke d' enguien , the counte de s. paul , and the duke de boüillon ; but their design proved to little purpose , for after they had been abroad four or five dayes they returned to the camp without opportunity of doing any thing . during the stay of the army at charleroy , the queen , as i have said , returned to compiegne ; but she came back as far as avesne to enjoy the presence of the king who was there , and to take the advantage of that little time he would spare from the care he would needs take to see the place accommodated himself . the day she was to arrive the king went out with a good body of horse , some two or three leagues to meet her ; and during the four or five days they were together , monsieur , who remained in the camp , gave out all necessary orders . some there are that will say , that that which carried the king into this part of the country , was not only the designe upon charleroy , which he knew was demolisht before he set out : but having a long time maintained a correspondence in namur and luxembourg , he had hastned his march to encourage that enterprise : but i am not so well informed of the intrigues of government to know the certainty ; this i only know , they were favourers of the house of austria that spred the report to make the conduct of the king the more odious to the people . in short they put charleroy into such a condition of defence , that they left all the great guns they had in the camp there , and put the regiment of la ferte in garrison , and other companies drawn out of several battalions , which they formed into another called the dauphins regiment , and gave the command of it to phisica , somtimes lieutenant colonel in the regiment of turenne : the government of the fort was bestowed upon montal , with order to continue the fortifications without intermission . they left also 300 horse about charleroy for their farther security , after which marcht the king up into the country , to make his advantage of the consternation his great army had brought upon the provinces . on the 15th of june he discamp't and marching towards brussels he took up his quarters about nivelle ; whither having at the entreaty of the inhabitants sent two of his guards to secure them , they were notwithstanding contrary to all honour and equity carried prisoners to brussels , where they lay above two moneths . from nivelle the army marcht a little above mons towards braine-le-comte , and after some days march they came to at h , a little town situate almost at the head of the river dendre without any fortification , but so capable of it that the king resolved to leave a garrison there , and made des landes ( who had formerly served the prince of condy ) the governour . out of divers regiments there were some companies drawn out , in all about 400 foot and 100 horse , which were left on purpose to infest and alarm the towns thereabouts , and particularly brussels , which was but eight leagues distant , there being no considerable rivulets betwixt them . all this progress was made without any other impediment then from the badness of the wayes , the enemy not daring to shew themselves any where ; only a party of their cravatts , earnest upon plunder , fell upon our bagage . but rommecour , lieutenant of the company of the gardes de corps , being by accident with a party of horse near enchoit upon a design , which was the place where this business began , he charged them so home he constrained them to leave their prize , though they had slain some of our men , not without loss certainly to themselves . this i am sureof , the comte de s. geran , who served then as aide de camp , and the marquis de bellefont , were both very much wounded . the army staid not so long there as it had done at charleroy , they left the garrison only some pallisadoes to begin their fortifications withall ; and the king discampt and marcht to the siedge of tournay , a place of great importance , but very ill provided with souldiers , and the inhabitants , who were very numerous , bearing no great animosity to the french , under whose dominion they had lived long , for it is scarce an age since they submitted themselves to the house of austria . besides the king perceived the taking of this town would be a considerable acquest in respect of its situation upon the river sceld , betwixt conde and oudenarde , and might especially perplex that part of flanders is called the wallonne country ( of which that is a member ) as also hainault and brabant . on the 20th of june they began their march ; but before that he gave order to comte de lillebonne ( a prince of the house of lorrain , who commanded the troopes the duke of lorraine had sent to the king , and who being not as yet joyned to the army was quartered about arras ) that he should immediately joyne himself with artagnan , who was thereabouts also , and that passing the bridge at avendin , he should march away immediately and block up tournay on that side next lille , which was executed accordingly , and the bridges for communication being finished , the king past the river next day with most of his army , and took his quarters up at the town of foryenne , having left on the other side of the water the marquis humieres , and the comte de duras , with such troops as were thought necessary for the beleaguering the town on that side next to hainault and brabant ; and without giving further time to the beseiged to recollect themselves it was resolved they should that very night begin their approaches . the place being surveyed ; we began our approaches on the side of certaine windmils , which are plac't upon a little eminence not far from the banke of the river as you go into the town . the first battalion of the french guards that d' ortie commanded , first captain of that squadron , began their works toward the right , and the regiments of picardy and cast●lnau on the left : but these last having misspent their time at the beginning of the night , their approaches went on but slow ; however they advanced as they pleased themselves ; the opposition and firing of the enemy being very small , there was scarce any need of shelter at all ; there were not many souldiers kill'd , nor but few wounded . this day monsieur being in the trenches found the king there , who came likewise to give them a visit , an action not ordinary amongst princes , and of which history affords but few examples . it would be tedious to insert the names of all the voluntiers that were then in our trenches . the presence of the king who exposed himself in all places of danger ( insomuch that whilst out of a desire to see all that past , he went about surveying the works , he had one of his pages wounded behind him with a canon-shot , and some few horses kill'd ) was a great incouragement to the whole court , and put them all forward to do something remarkable on this first occasion ; amongst the voluntires that more particularly signalis'd themselves , was the comte of s. paul , who in a sally the besieged made , beat them up to the very counterscarp , & there for a good while disputed with one of his enemies at the push of pike ; and in this sally s. sandoux , a captaine in the regiment of guards was sore wounded . the next day the first battalion , of the swiss guards commanded by molondin their collonel , releived the french guards , their generall the comte of soissons being ill , and not able to come as yet to the army . about midnight they beat a parly , and a cessatiou being presently granted they yeilded up the town , and that before one great gun was shot against it ; nor indeed had we as yet one peice for battery , though we were in an hourly expectation of a great convoy from arras of 1500 or 1600 waggons of all sort of provision & ammunition , and eight peices of whole canon that the army had great need of . the town being surrendred the governour retires into the castle with his garrison , which is strong , and divided from the town by the sceld . it is reported to have been built by the english , whilst it was in their possession , after they had taken it from the french. the works are antient indeed , but not bad ; but as they stood then , they were in no very good condition , nor was it defended any better then the town , for they had much to doe to keep it one day afterwards , and marcht out the 26th about 300 ill foot and 100 good horse , in three troops , without canon or any other good termes , and were conducted to brussels by pruines , an in feriour officer of the guards , with about 25 or 30 of his souldiers : amongst all the wounded of quality in this siege there was only tracy captain of the guardes that was shot with a musquit in the cheek . in the mean time the marshall d' aumont was not idle , for being entered into flanders by the new ditch betwixt s. omer and aire , he had advanc't almost as far as bergue , where having understood there were no formed troops in the place , he thought it necessary to make any formal siege ; but drawing alltogether by 9 in the morning he made all his foot advance , and fell on in two several places . these two stormes were commanded , one by the comte d' passage , and the other by the duke of roanez , both lieutenant generals ; the latter of which , not troubling himself to throw up any works , fell immediatly on , and made himself master of the half-moon and counterscarpe : at first they had some resistance , the citizens having taken armes with some of the country that were come in for refuge ; but before night they parly'd , and at the same time surrendred upon honourable termes . there were some brave men slain there , notwithstanding , for s. lieu , marshall d' campe , in this army much esteemed for his courage , and long experience in the war , was kill'd by two shots of a musquet ; and five or six officers in the queens regiment , and the regiment of navarre , were slain or wounded , with about 200 souldiers in all , but most of the duke of roanez side , for of passage's here were but few . bergue being taken the army advanced towards furnes to give the garrison of dunkerque more elbow-roome , where the resistance was much one as at bergue . the second day after our trenches were opened the place was surrendered , and we became masters of it the third or fourth time . the marshall de aumont , not satisfied with this , was marching with his army to dixmude , when he received express order from the king to come away immediately to armentiers , which place is situate upon the lis , and in the time of marshall gassion , had gained great reputation , it was fortified by him in the winter 1645 , but was so demolisht by the spaniard since , that in may , whilst the king was at peronne , artagnan was sent thither with some troops , and entering as he pleased he took the governour prisoner in his own lodgings without any noise or allarme . the design the king had in calling the marshal d' aumont thither , was apparently to secure the passage of victuals to our great army , whilst it lay before tournay , for they were the same troops that conducted the great convoy i mentioned before . tournay being delivered , the king and his whole court were lodged in the town ; he gave renoüart , captain of the regiment of guards , the government , leaving him four companies of that regiment , and three of the swiss guards , with three troops of horse of the regiment of s. sierge , but lodged them all in the castle to prevent any incommodity the in habitants might receive in the town , and to shew his new subjects how easie his dominion would be . the 28th of the same moneth having given exact orders for the conservation of the place , he marcht away with his army towards gaunt , and as every body thought , with design to fall upon oudenarde , or courtray . they which desired oudenarde should be besieged alledged the town was situate upon the sceld , some seven leagues from tournay , and would extend our conquests quite down the river as far as gaunt ; and that though the town being commanded by a very high mountain on that side towards alost , could not be very strong , yet by placing a good garrison there it might make a good post , and be very usefull in interrupting the commerce betwixt brussels and gaunt , the two principal towns in the low countries . others were for attempting of courtray , a town upon the lis , and of great importance ever since gassion raised a cittadel there , and by it held in subjection as well the wallonne , part of flanders , as the flemming : and this opinion appeared the most reasonable , seeing all the prisoners taken agreed in their report , that there were but 200 souldiers in the town , and that the principal inhabitants had already resolved to deliver up the town , and attended only his majesties appearance with his army to surrender it into his hands . but both these opinions were disappointed in the event , for the army which was then incampt at helchin , some three leagues from courtray , four from oudenarde , and four or five from lille , on a sudden on the 30th of that moneth marcht cleer back again ; the king having the day before commanded out the count de duras , with two brigades of horse , and the comte de lillebonne , with all the lorrainers , in order to a design upon doüay , and these troops being advanced , to strengthen it , al the army followed with great marches , so as on the second of july the town was besieged on all sides . the king at first would take up his quarters at barbieres , a village upon the scarpe neer the road betwixt doüay , and arras , but this town being too far off , and it being believed the town would require circumvallation , he removed and lodged himself in la mottes quarters nearer the town , and more capable of being fortified . whilst they were ordering the camp , the king , having din'd at a villedge of esquierchin , perceived as he was getting a horseback some of the enemy drawing out of the town , and advanc't to a little chappel some 7 or 800 paces without their counterscarpe , which gave him a great desire of seeing them nearer hand , he commanded out presently a small party of the colonels regiment that was then by , to charge them , and take some prisoners if they could : mazel master of the horse to the vicompte de turenne , with some others , putting themselves in with this party , and having ordered two squadrons of the guards to relieve them , they advanc't , and without so much as stopping at their vollies they advanced to their turne-pike , behind which the enemy being retired , our forces were open to all their shot , both canon and musquet . notwithstanding which there were not above two or three wounded , amongst whom lestang , an ensigne of the guards of turenne was one , and another named s. rut. some persons of quallity stole away from the king also to be present at this action , and amongst the first of them was the comte de soissons , and the comte de avergne . it is no great matter to guess the reasons that brought his majesty before doüay : for this town being of very great consequence in those parts , being situate upon the scarpe some five leagues below arras , and capable of receiving great numbers of men , and the yeilding great supply of provision for the army , we could not take in any thing of more importance , or that could contribute more to the keeping of tournay , which without the communication of this town , was not easily to be kept . besides he had advice the town was but ill man'd , and not like to hold out long and that the scarpe fort , which is a fort consisting of five bastions , built in that marsh , which makes the river and gives it its name , about a cannon shot below the town , was also very ill provided : and upon these reasons the king resolved to attaque them both at one time , as well to astonish them within , as to take away all hopes of relieving them without ; which would have been very easie another time , in respect the place was of that extent it would require a vast line of circumvallation , and without that it was impossible ; to attempt either the town without the fort , or the fort without the town , at least to block them up so as to prevent their reliefs ; but in spight of the strength or feebleness of the enemy , the vigilance of the king and his captains overcame all difficulties ; for on the third at night our trenches were opened by fourteen companies of the regiments of guards , where marshall grammont their colonel was present , as sick as he was , as he had been before at tournay : the guards began their works as they had design'd to attaque the ravelin before the gate towards the village of esquierchin , and the regiments of picardy ; and the kings on the other side began theirs towards the half moon that looks towards quinchy . there happened nothing singular in these attaques , saving that the trenches being very large and deep they raised a battery the same night of ten peices of canon betwixt the works , which was in condition to play by four a clock in the morning . le renché a captain was wounded here , but very slightly , and scarce one man lost . the fourth at night the french guards were relieved by the swiss guards , that is to say , by seven companies of them , and the count of soissons , ( generall of all the swiss in the french service ) at the head of them : they entered the trenches about seven at night , exposed to all the canon of the town , which was a great number , and perhaps as well planted as ever any were . the king visiting the trenches approved very much what they had done ; but he had much more reason to commend them the next day , when he understood , that the 400 paces of ground remaining betwixt the head of their trenches and the ditch of the counterscarp was secured by the works they had thrown up that night , and that all the trenches were in a good condition by six a clock in the morning . nor was this all , the marquis d' humieres , lieutenant general , that da● having proposed to the comte de soissons , to attempt the ditch , to sound it , and throw in some faggots , in order to their advancing the next night . the swisses animated by the example of their general , who was present all the while , would shew no weariness for what was past , but having begun a mine by eight in the morning , they peirc't their ditch by noon ; though they had neither plancks , nor blinds , nor any thing necessary in such an enterprise . there were two officers that commanded in the trenches , one was aspremont , a captain in the regiment of guards , who mannaged all the works , and exprest himself in that a man of more then ordinary understanding : the other was s. fere , a captain of horse , who had put himself then amongst the voluntiers that accompanied the marquis de humieres . these two officers , desiring to signallize themselves by some action extraordinary , proposed to the commanders in the trench to swim over the ditch , and lodge themselves on the other side , as well to render the structure of the bridge the more easie , as to make it the more formidable when it should be done , and by the boldness of the enterprise to frighten the enemy perhaps from the point of their work ; their proposal was applauded , though contrary to the rules of so great a siege : and having chosen a certain number of souldeirs that could swim , they stript themselves upon the spott , and s. fere with seven swisses only , without other arms then their pickaxes and shovells , swam over the ditch , and placing themselves on the other side , they fell to their work to shelter themselves as well as they could ; but s. fere having the curiosity to stand right up and peep over their blind , received a shot from a musquet in his body , and dyed within a quarter of a● houre . aspremont in the mean time was with some of his voluntiers and swisses in the ditch labouring to fill it up as much as possible : and of the seven that swam over , one of them only was killed , the other six made their work defensible ; and the bridge being by five in the morning so finisht that they might pass over dry , they sent over from the other side a sergeant with twelve souldiers well arm'd to make good what their six comrades had thrown up . all this affaire , both in the night and day , cost about 40 souldiers , and two officers slain or wounded ; but amongst the voluntiers there were several persons of quality ill handled ; the marquis de noisy maupeou was wounded that night by a musquet shot in his head , of which he recovered , though it was judg'd mortall at the first : the comte du broutay , sometimes camp-master to the regiment of navarre , received a shot under the arm-pit , and died a few days after . the marquis de termes was wounded in the thigh , the comte de combourg on his foot , monmont in the shoulder , and a little before the trench was raised the comte de blin , received a shot with a facileon bullet on the top of his arme which brake the bone so as it was believed he would dye of it , as he did in the conclusion . there was several others wounded with their canon , but the prince d' espinoy , who was shot in the arme , and brissac a lieutenant in the guards , are all i can remember . as to the approaches of the regiments , picardy was relieved by the regiment of auvergne ; but not being there i can give no further relation then that vauban , captain in the regiment of picardy , that commanded in that work , received a musquet shot in his face . for the same reason i shall pass by what was done on the comte de duras his side , having heard no more , then that being encampt with his forces on the other side of the town towards cambray and valecienne , and desirous that his forces also should have their share in the honour , he beg'd of the king that he might make his effort on his side also ; whither having drawn up the regiment du saut on the fourth at night , and having found no great resistance , with no great difficulty he lodged himself the same night on the counterscarp : insomuch as the enemies seeing themselves overlaid on every side , and perswaded otherwise by the reasons of the comte de gramont , whom the king had sent to summon them , they demanded a parly , and obtained a cessation of arms that very fifth at night , at least on the guards side ; for on the side the regiments of lyonnois and louvigny were on , who were apparently ignorant of the truce , they past the two ditches , and lodged themselves upon the half-moon , which proved to no great purpose , the hostages being given before . all the rest of the night was spent in making their termes , which were , that all the souldiers consisting of about 300 foot , pittifull fellowes , and ill provided , with three troops of horse of about 120. should march out with their armes and baggage , but no canon ; which was performed the seventh , of the same month , and they conducted to valencienne . the scarp fort was attempted distinctly by the count de lillebonne , and some other troops commanded by le bret , marshal de camp , to whom the king had given the charge of that affaire . they opened their trenches , on the fourth at night , by the regiment of champagne , which having began its approaches along the marsh , carried them on within twenty paces of their counterscarp , without the loss almost of one man. the next day this regiment was relieved by the regiment of castelnau , who observing the small resistance that was made , past over the ditch before the counterscarp , and in two several places lodged themselves at the very foot of the pallisadoes of their false-bray , and forc't the enemy to leave their main guards and in short all their out guards ; insomuch as they beat a parley , and their articles being made , they marcht-out with their arms and colours , but not canon , and were conducted to valencienne ; so that doway , which never durst , for the space of five and twenty years after the gaining several battels , be attempted , was taken in three dayes , and its fort , which was believed impregnable by reason of the water and ●l●●es with which they could drowned all about both the fort and the town : the king made aspremont governour , who had been so instrumental in the 〈…〉 taking it : and gave him eight companies of the french guards , and six of swisses , commanded by sury , captain of that body , but no horse , in respect that all his family , & the most part of the equipage of the court were then at a distance , whilst the king who was then departing for compiegne began his journey . but the reason why the king left the army at that time , is not yet come to my ears ; all that i can say is that there were several marcht off with him that never thought it necessary to come back . all this while the marshal d' aumonts army was at armentieres , where to prevent idleness , they had began to repair the old works . but judging the small garrison left there would be in no great security , the marshall removed from thence , and brought his troops nearer lille , encamping about hautbourdin , some two leagues from the town , to the end he might block up that garrison that made its constant excursions either upon our convoy , or to the very gates of tournay . but for the father incommodity of this great town they put fire to all the windmills that were near it , which amounted to near 50 or 60 , which could not be performed without some ●kirmishes , & without outting off some particular persons by their canon . about this time it was ●he foot regiment of normandy ▪ and the queens regiment having met in the night without discovering one another , they charged , and , as was reported in the kings quarters , could not be got off till 30 or 40 men were slain in the place . the 9th of this moneth the marshal general of the camp remaining sole master as it were , he rose from before doway , and encampt about two leagues from that place , near an abby of nuns called flines , just upon the road to lille ; and on the their side the army advanc't to cautice , about half a league distance from orchies , where their design was to attend the returne of the king. during the 15 dayes the army ●emained incamped , there was no great matter past ; the enemy having no great party of horse in the field , they con●ented themselves to sally now ●nd then out of the town in ●mall bodies , to incommode us in our forraging and convoys , from which they seldome returned without some prize : lamezan , somtimes ensign of the gens d' armes belonging to the king , with three or four voluntiers and their equipage , going from arras to dourlens , fell unluckily into their hands : lamezan was kill'd there , and another voluntier called bretoncelles was wounded , and the young villarceaux taken in a waggon in which he lay sick . but this party were near doing a greater exploit ; for the duke d' euguien , the comte de armagnac , the duke de bouillon , and other persons of quallity returning into france with the king , and hearing at court the army was lying down before courtray , and that their several regiments were drawn out upon that design , that is to say , the duke de enguin's regiment , with the brigade of bissy , of which that was a part , and the duke of bouillons , with the brigade belonging to the comte de roy ; they resolved upon any termes to return into flanders , and accordingly taking the road to arras , without any other convoy then their own servants , and some officers of the army that would need accompany them , they were in great danger within two or three leagues of dourlens of being taken by some troops that seemed to come from arras . and had it not been for de roche , a captain in the prince of condy's guards , who went out to discover them , supposing them at first sight a convoy sent for the duke of d' enguien from arras , but finding them enemies he suffered himself to be taken to preserve the rest , which if he had not done , they had doubtless run the same fortune . i forget to mention how the king before his departure had resolved the marshal de aumonts army , that had done nothing these two sieges , should be imployed upon some place or other of importance , to which end he sent him four regiments of foot out of the main army , viz. the regiment of champagne , the royal regiment , and the regiments of orleans and roussillon , and three brigades of horse , all under the command of the marquis de paguilin , marshal de camp , who carried eight great peices of canon along with him , the marshall d' aumont having none before . a while after we understood that on the 12th of that moneth the marshal had raised his camp , and was gone from pont-à-tresin , near lille , with peguilin , recrutes towards courtray , where they were well informed the garrison was very weak . at this time also the marshal turenne drew out five brigades of horse under the command of the marquis de bellefons , lieutenant general , and sent them for sureness sake to the reinforcement of the siege ; they tooke their post at harlebec , a town upon the lis , about a league below courtray : they left about doüay also two brigades of horse , and the alsatia regiment of foot , to attend the king in case the enemy should draw into a body , and constrain our army to march to the relief of the besiegers : but they had already put in what force they were able : the barron of limbec , with 300 horse having conducted some foot in the 13th of that moneth , which was the day before our troops were set down before it . but as he was making his retreat the marquis of bellefons having got newes of his march , pursues and overtakes him in a town , as he was refreshing some four or five leagues off : it fell out very luckily for the enemy , for the town had barriers , and could not easily be entred , whereby they having opportunity to get to horse , and some of them having got to a bridge , we must of necessity pass into the town ; they repelled the formost of our troops , and after a short dispute retired towards gaunt , without any considerable loss . courtray being besieged in this manner the 14th , and the trenches opened the 15th at night without making any lines , the regiment of campagne , had the honour of the first attaque , as being the antientest regiment in the army , having been six moneths longer standing then the regiment of navarre ; but these troops , and the other on the other side , meeting no no great resistance from the town , they took the out-works the first night , and the next day the townsmen treated and yeilded . the souldiers retreated into the cittadel , where on the 17th they were besieged also ; on which day we threw up two works , one in the plain on the side the town lyes , and the other on the other side . but notwithstanding this cittadel was in a good condition ▪ and indifferently well provided with men , it defended it self not much longer then the town , for the next day it surrendred , and 400 or 500 men that were in it , were sent down the river to gaunt , according to the articles , in boats. about this time the king was returned from campiegne , and the queen with him , whom his majesty had a desire should have a sight of his conquests : and to let her understand , that as he had undertaken her interest , so he was able to do her reason by by force of arms , when the untractableness of the spaniard , could not be brought to it otherways . perhaps also he would have his new subjects see a princess of the house of austria , who coming in person to demand her rights , become one with his majesty now by her marriage , might take away their regret at the changing the government , and leave them without just reason of complaint . she was brought at first to doway , where she was received with all possible acclamations ; which made him desirous she should see tournay also , as well to prevent any exception that town might take , for having been less considered then doway , as also to demonstrate to all the world , that he was absolute master of the field ; neither the queen , nor any of her train , having received the least allarme , nor heard one gun goe off in all their march . and although they past in the sight of lille , and very near the isle of s. amont , which was certainly the enemies , they sent away the court harbingers on the 25th to take up lodgings for the king and queen the next day at tournay ; but the way being long , from one place to the other , and very incommodious for an army to pass , especially with so great a train , all the court came that night to the camp at cautice , some two leagues higher then the road they should have come : what past that night being no matter of war , is not to be expected in this journall , nor to be written by a person so little acquainted with the affairs of the court. i shall only say this , that all they that had houses in the kings quarters , made tender of them to the ladies : the king and the queen making choise of no other then the lodgings belonging to the vicomte turenne . the next morning by 10 of the clock , they arrived at tournay , where the people gave all the expressions of joy imaginable : two days they past there without any thoughts , but of their divertisment , after which the queen returned to doüay , in her way to arras , where she was to attend the kings coming back , who was then advancing further against his enemies , with design of inlarging his conquests . he conducted her two leagues himself , and having taken his leave , and returning to the camp with rochefort's brigade only , and some voluntiers , he discerned a great dust , and hearing of guns go off , he sent out , and understood it was a great body of the enemy fallen upon the guards on that side next to lille , with a design to beat them off . there was a squadron of the kings gens-d'armes upon the guard that day , commanded by the prince de soubize , captain lieutenant to that company ; he had one of his out-guards almost surprized by the enemy , who counterfeiting themselves lorrainers , came on crying out vive turenne , and at the first dash kill'd three or four of the guards , but the rest having discovered the cheat , engag'd them very stoutly , though they were much inferiour in number . the enemy was reinforc't with four other troops , which advanc't a full trot towards the squadron of the guards , and they having taken the alarme were marching towards the relief of their own , insomuch that there was only a hollow way betwixt the enemy and us . when the voluntiers that were about the king came in , and his majesty also with his troops being at hand , and making a great dust , they perceived it , and ran immediatly without order , or resistance , and were pursued in the very sight of lille . the duke d' enguin was one of the first that followed them , and made it appear at this , as well as at all other times , that courage was no less natural to him , then to the prince of condy , his father ; they were so close pursued that of 200 horse commanded by maciet , a man of great reputation amongst them , he had much adoe to bring half off , the rest being kill'd or taken . the next day being the 28th of july , the army rose from about tournay ; and passing the sceld , about half a league above , they encampt at herines , and the next day at luperken , a village not far from oudenard . this town which the sceld runs thorow was already blockt up on one side by the comte de lillebonne , and his lorrainers ; and on the other , by the forces commanded by bellefons and peguilin , who had not as yet rejoyned themselves with the body of the army , since they were drawn out from courtray ; they would that night have opened their trenches on both sides , but they did it only on bellefons side ; for the lorrain foot , though they were further advanc't , were judged not numerous enough , nor well enough arm'd to venture upon a place that set so good a countenance upon the business , and appeared outwardly so well fortified , for within it was no great matter . they let them alone therefore till their next day , and for that night imployed no other then the regiments of campagne , and castelnau , who having opened the trenches by the fauxbourg that goes towards courtray , they carried the counterscarp at first , and fell a filling the ditch , leaving a half moon on their left , that the enemy had deserted . the day after , about ten a clock , the king planted good store of cannon , upon an eminence about a musquet shot from the town , that commanded all the outworks on that side that is towards brabant , which battery , with some of the field-peices , they carry at the head of their battalions , firing continually ; all day long the enemy durst not shew themselves , but apprehending they should be stormed and carried by force the next night , they beat a parley about four in the afternoon , and yeilded upon conditions , that all the souldiers should become prisoners of war : there was in the town about four or five hundred foot , but no horse . this conquest cost very few men , and we took in less then four and twenty hours a place that strada makes a great noise of in his history of the low countries , and magnifies the duke of parma exceedingly for having conquered it in two moneths . there was but one officer wounded in the regiments that fell on , & but very few souldiers ; there was also on the kings side , one voluntier wounded , and that with a faulcon shot in the calf of his legg , and two other shots with a musquet , as he was advancing too near the suburbs to survey their works , he was called royecourt , and had had considerable employments in the war of piedmont and italy , in the time of the regency of madam royal the dutchess of savoy . this town being taken , though attach't by the by , the army marcht the next day being the 12th of august towards alost ; the count of duras was drawn out that night with five brigades of horse , and 1500 musquetiers , to possess himself of some post betwixt brussels and dendremond , so as to be able to give alarme and jealousie to both : as he past by he summons alost , and had it surrendred after some few volleyes , there being in the town not above thirty horse left , rather for intelligence of our motion , then defence . in this party there marcht so great a number of voluntiers , they made up some distinct troops , and would needs undertake some enterprize by themselves ; the design was to march up betwixt brussels , and viluord , and to surprise , if they could , one of the passage boats that goes daily up and down that cutt betwixt the two towns : but whether it was that the design was ill laid down at first , or whether amongst such a collected medly of people , there was not that obedience or discipline that was requisit , & they had not the success was expected . from other places also there were several parties commanded out ; and so strangely had the desire of engaging their enemies seised upon their spirits , that one of the troops commanded by chazeron , lieutenant of the the guards de corps , fell foul upon another of our troops , and by a generous refractoriness refusing to tell who they were for , fell on , and found not they were friends till royer dubreüil captain of the colonels regiment was slain . the 13th the army encamp't at hochstrate , a village betwixt alost and dendremond , from whence truel , a person of great understanding in those affairs , was dispatcht to discover the situation of dendremond , and to informe whether it might not be blockt up by a line , or whether the waters which they kept with their sluces being let loose would not make a great inundation . truel reports they might lodge themselves well enough , and on the fourteenth the king gave order the wherries that went along to the artillary , should march to make a bridge over the sceld , and made all the other boats he found in alost to be carried down the dendre , to make another over that . the next day being the fifteenth the bridge over the sceld was finish't , at a villedge called apels , some half a league above dendremond , on that side the way lyes from gaunt ; but having imployed all their twenty wherries about that bridge , and finding no more to make another on the other side towards anwerp , where the sceld was much broader and the tide came up higher , they were constrained to leave them that way free for supplyes . in the mean time the marquis of bellifons advanc't with five brigades of horse , and four regiments of foot marcht over the bridge that was made , to possess the other side of the river , who finding an inclosed country , they might easily block it up close , and put themselves into a condition to prevent any succours going in by land on that side . the king took up his quarters at the town of apels aforesaid , which was very near the bridge , and lay with the forces he had with him all the space betwixt the sceld , and the bridge he had now made over the dendre . the count of duras with his squadron , and the count of lillebonne , with his lorrainers , took up all the ground betwixt the dendre and the sceld , on that side next brussels and viluorde ; their posts being thus taken , every body concluded , they would fall on , but there were severall considerations altered their resolutions . those who were for the siege pretended the place was weak , the fortifications decayed , and in an ill condition , that there was not above eight or nine hundred men in the town , and those shatter'd and insufficient to resist such an army as ours , especially as it was then animated by the presence of the king ; that the waters they made such a noise with , might be easily diverted by cutting the banks of the sceld , which dam'd up the waters of the dendre , and were made on purpose to carry that river nearer the town , which otherwise would naturally have fallen into the sceld , about a musquet shot above that place . and indeed , truel had already made two cuts in this bank , and had begun a third , with confidence ( according to the opinion of the watermen of alost , and dendremond , that were in our camp ) in four or five dayes time , to have turn'd the river so as they might in two several places have fallen upon the town , and have easily carried it , by reason of the weakness of the defence that was to be made . those who were for the r●ising of the siege alledged on the other side that that draining or diverting the river was impossible , by reason the sluces in the town were intire , and the cutting the banks of the sceld would but increase the inundation , by letting in the waters of the sea , which in that place was twice in four and twenty hours above six foot high ; in so much as they should never be able to make any works but what would be wet , if not overflown twice every day . besides the sceld being open below the town , and we having besides the bridge we had made , neither staccads , nor trees , nor chaines , nor any thing to hinder them , the enemy might when he pleased break the bridge ; for it was obvious that with the least favourable wind , and the assistance of the tide , they might come from anwerp in four hours with many vessels as they thought fit , and beating down what we had raised to resist , put what supplyes they thought necessary into the town ; and moreover , the town had been reinforc't with men and all other necessaries for a long defence , louvigny , a person of great esteem in the low countries , having had opportunity to put himself in with what troops he had pleased : and lastly , that if all things could be managed as was proposed , they had no more to doe then to encamp thesmelves at nienove , and in four dayes they would be able to starve our army , bread being already grown scarce in spight of all the care the commissaries could take that were imployed by order from the intendant ●olbert . this advise was asserted by so many , and their arguments appeared so probable , the king resolves to quit that leaguer that was like to be difficult , for another , no less honourable , nor perhaps of less consequence . during the two dayes we were before this town there was scarce any thing considerable past : the enemy shot many great guns amongst us , but with little execution ; i beleive there was not above 12 or 15 men slain , of which the most eminent was one mr. villars , a voluntier under the marquis de la valliere lieutenant of the dolphins light horse . there was also a little rancontre , betwixt the horse on the other side of the sceld , before the bridge was finisht , for the king having sent 50 of his guards over in one of the wherries design'd for the bridge , under the command of lansson , one of the lieutenants of the four companies , the cavaliers putting their horses ( unsadled ) thorow the water made them swim to the other side , where as soon as they had sadled them again , they mounted , & marcht along a dike ( all covered with trees ) towards dendremond : in a streight way they encountred about 150 of the enemy , whom at first dash they beat back to their reserves , who advancing put a stop to our carrier , and sent our forlorne back with the same speed ; but lansson coming on , charges them again , however the enemy received it so well there was but few either kill'd or taken : we lost also some few cavalliers , and had some of our voluntiers wounded , and amongst the rest , the marquis of courcelles , lieutenant of the artillery , and the same mazel i have mentioned before : after which the night approaching they parted , and the bridge being finisht , the next morning we heard no more of them . two dayes after the marquis de bellefons having past his troops over the same bridge again , brake it down , and the army discamp't from before the town . some there were that reported that several of our army , and in particular of those under the command of the marquis de bellefons , being stragled for plunder into the country of the vàes , came short home ; for expecting to pass at the bridge , and finding it broke down , they could not get over , and that above 2000 of them fell into the enemies hands ; but this was otherwise , for it was certain there was not two hundred lost there in all . the army being thus risen from dendremond , the marquis of humieres , with four brigades of horse , had orders to go and invest lille , that they had been a long time bartering for ; the marshall d' aumont ever since and before the siege of courtray , having never lain above two or three leagues from it , ready to attaque them whenever the enemy should draw away their troops . this was a business of no small importance ; it was well known there was a very strong garrison in it , especially of horse , all prisoners agreeing there was above 1200 of them , and 3000 foot : but whether it was that the vicomte of turrenne advised him to 't , or that his majesty was weary of conquest with ease , all could not hinder him but that in four dayes march the whole army took up their quarters before the town . at his arrival the king quartered at the village of esguermes , but the next day , by reason the cannon from the town incommoded his lodging , he removed to the village of laos upon the river deulle , with his troops , taking up all betwixt laos as far as helesme , where the marquis of humieres had taken up his . next the lorrainers , took their quarters towards the river of marque ; and next them the marquis of bellefons with his troops lay from the lorrainers to the river deulle , towards the abby of marquet : and last of all the count of duras took his post on the other side of the river , whose camp reacht to the village of lambersart , and coming ●ack to the river again made a compleat ring of the circumval●ation . things being thus disposed , the eleventh at night , about nine a clock all the army stood to their armes , & every troop having his tools ready they advanc't 800 paces towards the town , where to secure their camp against the sallyes of the enemy out of the town ( which is one of the biggest in the low countries , and without comparison most populous of any in subjection to the king of spain , for they were reported to be 20000 men bearing arms in the town , besides the garrison ) they began to entrench : but this was not finisht the first night , but within two nights after was so compleat they planted thirteen small field-peices upon them , to secure the line , and restrain the besieged from sallying , which they had no mind to at all ; for without any interruption to our work they contented themselves with firing their great guns into our camp , and especially into the kings quarters , where they saw most people . the siege then being of great importance , on which side soever it is considered , the king to put himself into a condition of compassing his designes , and to furnish himself with all manner of provisions , before he opened his trenches , commands in all the country about to assist in his line . severall convoys are sent to arras , bethune , tournay , and doway , for canon , powder , bullets and match ; in short , all things were ordered to be had that were necessary in so great a siege . about this time it was the king understood the queens discomposure for his absence , and the indisposition of the dauphin . however he concealed the trouble he had for that as well as other misfortunes he had received at the beginning of this siege ; there it was he heard the prince of ligne had fallen upon 300 horse of the garrisons of charleroy , and phillippeville , had routed them and taken the marquis of vaubrun-nogent , who commanded the party prisoner , with most of his officers , besides what were left upon the place : there it was he had notice that the garrison of cambray , & valencien to give him some diversion had been abroad , & had plundred and burnt riblemont marle , & other considerable houses about capelle ; and that then marsin was marching to ipre ▪ to give him interruption both in his camp and towards the sea in both which places he was no● provided over well . here it wa● also he was advertised that th● enemy appeared about oudenard and it was to be feared they might recover that place with as much ease as we had taken it ▪ for which reason beauveze was commanded out with a party of horse to discover , who found it nothing , and gave the king notice the enemy had drawn together at alost , but were retired to dendremond with out leaving any garrison there . besides all these , the king was troubled after four or five dayes with an exceeding pain in his teeth which could by no means be lessened whilst he continued at his lodging at bioüvac , where he lay every night exposed to all the mists and fogs , that were constantly occasioned by the extraordinary heat of that season . notwithstanding all which perplexities he must of necessity attend the conservation of what he had gained , which nothing but so brave a person as he could have done : to that end he gave all orders himself daily , and ( without any other regulation of the controversie betwixt the marshal general of the camp , and the other marshals of france , touching priority of command ) he sends away the marshal d' aumont with the residue of his forces to encamp about tournay : his army was then but small , he having drawn out two regiments of foot to the leaguer at lille , that is to say , the regiment of du plessis , and a regiment of harcourt ; in exchange of which he only sent them the regiment of alsatia , which the campagne had exceedingly weakned , most of the germans ( of which it consisted ) being either sick or run from their colours , as most of the new regiments that come from that nation into the french service do ; besides the comte de lorges , marshal to that army of de aumonts , had drawn out a thousand horse for the visiting of lille , and was not returned ; the king having commanded his troops for the securing of the river lis , as also varneton , comene , and menene , least by that way the enemy should attempt to put relief into the town , insomuch as the marshall had not above four or five hundred horse left with him . there were four companies of the french guards , and three swiss companies in the garrison drawn out of tournay , so as the charge of that town lay upon his foot ; besides that he was to have an eye upon at h , to secure the passes over the sceld , and the scarp , as also mortaigne , s. amand , and marchienne , whither he was was fain to send several of his army : in short , it lay almost wholly upon him to defend all that was at any distance , and to look to the security of the campagnia ; the marquis of crequy not being yet come up with his troops out of luxemburg , where he had been imployed all this while . but to returne to the siege of lille ; the king commanded that all the while betwixt the tenth and the eighteenth , should be spent in fortifying their leaguer , both against the town , and without , and in furnishing the camp with all provisions , both of victuals , and ammunition , they should have need of . the marquis of louvoy , a person of great activity , had the care of all , and in particular , of the artillery , in which he took great pains that nothing might be wanting ; for in this siege the king was resolved to use all his force , as if his reputation all over europe had been at stake this bout ; all that he had done hitherto having been an effect rather of the terror of his armes , then any real experiment of his strength . moreover , in all armies ( but especially where there be many courtiers , as there was alwayes about his majesty ) there wants not such as will never approve any councels , of which they have no part themselves , and who constantly decry all enterprises that appear doubtfull , as this of lille did , to the end that if it miscarried , the greatness of their judgments might appear , or at least they might for a while lessen the reputation of him that had the charge . and of this sort there are many , who by the mischief they doe that way , redouble the care that is necessary to the accomplishment . the king all this while spared no pains , no watchings , no expence , no not so much as his own person , considering nothing on this occasion but his own courage , and what might contribute to the augmentation of his glory . one of these nights which the king past at biouac , or most commonly at the quarters of the light horse belonging to the dauphin , where to repose himself he would goe somtimes into the tent of the marquis de valliere , there happened a fire in his lodging , which burnt it almost quite down , though by thy care of those that were there , the loss was not considerable . the vicompte turenne on his side was on horseback night and day , and forgot nothing he had learn't by his long experience , as considering well that whatever should befall must contribute either to his honour or diminution . all things disposed to the best advantage according to the shortness of the time , the eightteenth at night the trenches were opened , and they fell on o● that side that was next the village of helesme . in this approach the opinions of aspremont ( who this campania was chief ingineer ) and vauban , a person of great understanding in matters of leaguer , over-rul'd : others there were would have the attaque made at the porte de malades , because all the prisoners that were taken , and all the people that came out daily , reported that the weakest place , and that there was but three foot water in the ditch : others were for storming on the suburbs side , because there was but one work , and newly made , and not yet in a condition to be defended , and that being briskly attaqu't they should come immediatly to the counterscarp of the town , without any further trouble then at the first ; moreover , they alledged that place was nearest the kings quarters , and under the shelter of his guns , whereby they might draw up their releifs with more convenience without , reckoning the advantages of timber , and other materials for a siege , which they should gain in that part of the town . but all these reasons gave place to other , nor without reason , seeing it was but fit they should in some measure accommodate to the judgment of those that were to have so great a share in the action : besides , on that side next helesme , there were but two bastions , and they a great distance from one another , and defensible only by their cannon , because there were three half moons upon the same line , to secure the length of their curtain , in the midst of which there was a gate in an old tower , but so weak their flankers could give but little defence . this place therefore being chosen for the storme on , tuesday night they opened their trenches in two places , about two or three hundred paces from one another ; the french guards took the right as was usual , not but that they might have chose their post as they saw their advantage , but judging their sallyes less to be feared on that side having a marsh , and a river on that hand , and that the enemy not being able to come at them without great difficulty they might with more expedition advance ; they took the right , as i have said , and began their approaches along the paved way by the church of the priory of fere. that night they advanc't extraordinarily ; but their trenches were so bad and so narrow by the mistake of those that set them out , ( or because it is almost impossible it should be otherwise in so great leaguers , the front whereof is of so great extent ) that there was scarce any part secure . the regiments of picardy , and orleance , made their approaches on the left hand , but they advanc't not so far as the guards ; yet their works were very well done , sustaind with redoubts , and other works , and all with the loss of very few men . wednesday , the 19th the enemy made a sally , but by the consequence it appeared only for a tast , and to discover how we lay , for the better pointing their artillery , rather then for any thing else ; for their horse not being above sixty , and their foot not many more , they never durst venture above 100 paces from their counterscarp ; and scarce had they shown themselves there , but they were beaten back by the horse that attended our trenches , and by the foot of the guards , who advanc't immediately against them : in their sally , castelan , major of that body , was bruised in the upper part of his thigh . to make good our attaques , five squadrons every night releived one another , at the tayle of our works , under the command of a brigadier , besides which they plac't three more at a little more distance behind the line of circumvallation , against any present alarme . moreover , the greatest part of the voluntiers imbracing the occasion , got themselves together the first day of the siege and resolved to form themselves into squadrons , of which one was every night to be with the other horse in the trenches to doe the same service with the regulated troops ; and to that end had chosen themselves commanders , who were the chevalier de rohan , folleville , the marquis of grignan , and the comte de maré : for there was nothing so much apprehended as their sallies ( had they had the courage to have made them ) and that because of the number of the horse were in the town , which were known certai●●y to be seven or eight hundred , and good horse too , besides that they had foot enough by reason of the inhabitants . but these apprehensions lasted but a short time , and in process of the siege we understood that the count de bro●ay , the governour , finding he had men enough in his regiments to defend a place of that latitude and extent as lille was , dismounted part of his horse , leaving the other part scarce able to keep guards both without and within : for although he was well beloved in the town , and past amongst them and the sould●ers for a brave person and experienc't , yet he neglected not to have an eye over the townsmen , who being always used to a quiet and secure life , and to have no other care then to increase their estates , were amazed to see their houses come thundring down with our granadoes , and fireworks , and the bullets that came over their works : they were troubled likewise , as was reported , at the daily contributions , towards the new levies , and at their payments towards the works and reparations that were but necessary for their defence of the place ; they began to deliberate also , whether if their forces that were incamp't out of the town were set upon , they had best venture out to their relief ; and this perhaps may be one of the reasons why the order establisht amongst the voluntieres was but of two dayes continuance , unless you would rather think that so many french gentlemen differing both in humour and quality , were not likely to remain long in a mind , or to bring themselves to obey one another . at first it was not certainly known whether they had any of the army troops , or not ; however it was considently believed they had not above six companies of spaniards consisting of about 250 men , and almost as many italians , one regiment of walloons called the regiment of rache ; and about 400 english and irish ; besides which they had almost 2000 curlius , for so they call the militia they had raised in that castelleny : but that which is truth is , they shot hard at our first approaching , and so , as in twenty sieges and above that i have been at i never in my whole life saw such fire ; which made us at first believe the townsmen also were in armes , because according to our conjecture the souldiers were not enough to defend the town in that manner . the 19th at night fourteen companies of the french guards commanded by dortie , were relieved by eight companies of the swiss guards with the count de soissons their general : that night they advanc't not much , for the guards had left their works in so ill a condition , the vicomte turenne had given orders they should by no meanes go on above 100 or 120 paces , and commanded the pioners should be imployed in nothing but repairing the works had been so ill made the night before ; both by inlarging them , and making them deeper , to such a proportion , that they might advance under covert ; which was executed as was desired , they working hard all night to make new where their old works were irremediable , insomuch as the next morning those that came to veiw the trenches knew them not when they saw them , they were already so exact . this night very few men were lost , because we advanc't not very far . the next morning the enemy made a shew again of sallying , some thirty or forty of their horse coming out some 50 paces from their works , the voluntiers that were then with our horse prest on immediately towards them , there being several persons of quality amongst them , whose exploits did daily distinguish them , as amongst others the comte of s. paul , the prince of marsillac ; lansson , that was then upon the guard with his guards de corps , and by accident was next them , advanced with forty horse , as a reserve to the voluntiers , who marcht up to their very pallisadoes , under whose shelter the enemy retited at first ; and there it was the chevalier de fourbin , major of the guards de corps , was wounded in the throat with a musquet , two of the guards were killed also , and one taken prisoner , having ingaged himself too far . we took one of the enemies too , but he could tell us no news , but that the townsmen certainly took up arms , and had listed themselves for the common defence . the 20th at night the swisses were relieved by fourteen companies of the guards of france , who were commanded by magalloti , and this night also they made no great progress , being imployed in making a line of communication with the trenches of picardy , which they had not begun before ; and in this there was never an officer hurt but remond an ensign . at the other attaque , i have said there was the regiment of picardy , and orleance , who had opened their trenches too , and were relieved by the regiments of champagne and plessis parslin , who with the loss of very few men , made very good works , and i think there was not on officer hurt , but the chevalier du plessis ( master de camp of the regiment of his own name ) and two captains of the regiment of champagne . the third day these two regiments were releived by those of auvergne and roussillon , who proceeded very well also with the loss of scarce a man , and never an officer wounded but the duke of cheureuse , and he but slightly in the nose . the fourth in the morning our batteries began to play , that is to say , twenty-four peices of cannon , of which some carried thirty three pound balls , and others twenty-four ; but the place they battered being of great extent , and the enemy having more great guns planted against us , then we against them , in spight of all the noise and thunder we made with ours , they forbore not incommodating us much , and especially our trenches and batteries with six peices they had plac't upon a bastion a good distance on the right hand of the breach , and towards which there was not one of ours . insomuch as during this siege , this battery did us much mischief , and being planted at the foot of a windmill on the bastion , they called every shot that came the millers shot : however , the fourth at night it was attempted to raise a new battery of four guns , upon the right hand of the approaches of the guards , to remove those peices from the bastion that disturbed us . but this work being very near the counterscarp , and many of the pioners slain , t is possible they did not exactly pursue their directions , and therefore in the morning at break of day they found the work not being well pointed would doe but little service against the bastion , from whence the miller play'd his pranks ; besides it was not altogether near enough , however they finisht it so that on the fifteenth at night they planted four guns to batter the half moon on the right hand , in case we had stormed that , as some people advised , but others were for falling on only on that in the midst , which covered the gate of fere , alledging it was too much to storm three places at one time ; in the mean time the works went on , and the seven companies of swiss , that relieved the fourteen french companies , advanc't very near the counterscatp , so as it was conceived they were not above 80 paces off it . this day monsieur was in the trenches of the guards battery , where the swisses were then with the count de soissons : he viewed their works to the very utmost post , having done the same at the other battery , that day the regiments of saux and harcourt were there , where notwithstanding all they could say to the contrary he exposed himself much more then persons of his greatness ought in reason to doe . the other trench was relieved by the regiments of castelnau , and turenne , who though they met with several half-moons which the enemy had made at the angles of the counterscarpe , were not discouraged from proceeding considerably that night . amongst the swiss they lost several men ; their major called demer , whilst he was giving directions , was shot with a musquet in the legg , to no small inconvenience to the party , he being an old officer , a brave man , and exceedingly experienc't in all things of war ; there was never another officer hurt , but of the common souldiers there were about sixty slain . i know not what the regiments in the left hand trenches lost , and therefore i shall say nothing of them . this day the enemy made a show also of a sally , their horse appearing along their counterscarp betwixt our battery and the port de malades ; but the king being with his guards near the contrevallation , with a regiment that bore his own name , commanded by the prince d' marsillac , marches himself directly against them , & stopt their journey , they contenting themselves with the firing all the cannon and musquets they had , upon all that appeared in the plaine . the fifth at night the trenches were relieved those of the guards , by the regiments of lions and of louvigny ; and those of picardy , by the regiments of saux and harcourt ; these regiments advanc't still , having but few offices hurt , and not many souldiers . the sixth the kings regiment relieved the regiments in the guards trenches , but they could proceed but little , because they came at a way that was paved , and as it were fortified with the ruines of houses , which made the work very difficult , however they found when it was day they were not far from the counterscarp , because they had several officers wounded , and many souldiers kill'd . on the left hand the kings regiment and the lorrainers entered the trenches , which they carried on within twelve or fifteen paces of the counterscarp , without any considerable loss ; amongst people of note there was only the chevalier de signac slain ▪ a young gentleman , and a voluntier , who would needs assist every night in carrying on the works , exposing himself always as much as was possible in these sorts of imployments . i do not always observe the names of the general officers that commanded in the trenches ; it is sufficient to tell you there were in the kings army four liuetenant generals , that is to say the marquis de bellefons ▪ the marquis de humieres , the comte de duras , and pradelle ; and four marshalls of the camp , the marquis of vivonne , the marquis of peguilin , podwits , and le bret ; of which , two , viz. one lieutenant general , and one marshall de camp , were daily in the trenches , and gave orders for the security of the camp , which when they had done they gave constantly their account to the king , or the marshall generall , and then betook themselves to such places as had most need of them . there was every day also one of the aides of the kings camp that went to the trenches to overlook what was done , & continued there as long as the troops he came with all ; there were six of them 〈◊〉 all , who relieved one another by turnes , that is to say , the comte de lude , the marquis de soyecourt , the comte de chamilly , the marquis de villars , biscarras , and the baron de la garde ; of which number the marquis de soyecourt falling sick at that time , the marquis d'arcy-martel was by the king deputed in his place . the marshall de aumonts troops being disperst in several places during the siege of of lille , the count de lorges , marshall of his camp , was drawn out to assist against lille , from whence he was commanded to the lis , to secure the passage there ; but the necessity they had of having more horse in the line , made him be countermanded ; and that day the regiments of saux and harcourt were in the trenches he was there and received a shot in the lower part of his reines , and was the only general officer was wounded ; for that touch that le bret received ( who was a marshal de camp likewise ) was but inconsiderable . whilst things in the camp were at this pass , there came intelligence from all parts that the enemy was drawing together out of all his garrisons , to form a body , and put some relief into the place ; which occasioned a message to the marquis de crequy to march away with his horse and dragoons only , so as to be in the camp the 23d of august , in the morning ; being ordered for the more expedition to leave his foot behind , with his baggage , powder and ammunition , to come along after him , under the command of espence who was marshal de camp to his army : the king thought good to keep only some of his regiments of horse , and 500 of his dragoons , & send him away with the rest to comene , a passage upon the lis , where they were most fearfull the enemy would encamp ; for that being but three leagues from our camp , they might give great disturbance to the quarters of duras , bellefons , and the lorraines , whose troops were weakest , for otherwise coming from a greater distance they did not apprehend they could come near our lines , but we should hear of them . besides this we had intelligence of their march every day ; from at h we had news they were coming that way , and it was probable might attempt that place ( wherein there were very few forces ) though it were but to restore the courage of the people , who believed themselves utterly abandoned , seeing no effort made , either for their protection or defence . from courtray we had advice the enemy were passing to gaunt , and so to take the road to burges , towards the sea , where our garrisons were but small , and our towns in an ill condition , inasmuch as there was good reason of suspecting some enterprise or other was in hand ; especially they imbarking cannon upon the canal at gaunt , to be sent to burges . but all these alarms , and the murmurings of several persons about the king , could not alter the vicomte de turenne's pace in the siege , who opposed all their counsels that advised to deal a little more roundly with the besieged ; but all that he prest with vehemence to the regiments when they went into the trenches , was , that they should work well , and securely , not regarding how little they advanc't ; so that on the seventh day they had fifteen or twenty paces to the counterscarp left , which not agreeing with the impatience of the fr●nch , several persons took the liberty to decry him for making so great a business of this town , and saying , that if they had handled this , as they had done tournay and doway , it had been ours before then , the garrison being no stronger then in those places , seeing all the resistance they could make was only with the musquet , and that principally by vollies , and those most commonly without aime : 't is true , the cannon they had within was well disposed , but it was only against our batteries , where we had twenty-eight peices of great cannon to silence the enemies , if those that were to mannage them would ply them hard : that in respect of those five or six peices upon their bastion on the right , where as i have said our batteries could not play , it was an easie matter to make them unserviceable by planting five or six of ours upon a little rising before the lorraine quarters that was open to the back of that bastion , and from whence they might easily dismount their guns : but all the design these people had , was but to lessen the marshal general , whom they asperst with protracting the war , for no other end , but to continue his own greatness and authority . and through most quarters of the army , this was the only discourse , which was intended only to hasten the siege . but the french guards , and the regiment of picardy , having retaken their turn upon the 7th at night , it was imagined they might fall upon the counterscarp that night ; and accordingly the marquis de humieres disposing in the evening all his troops into convenient places , about a eleven a clock shot off three peices from our batteries , which was the signal to fall on in two several places , the guards on the right , and the picards on the left , which they performed very readily , and with a commanded party ran immediately to their pallisadoes : at first they made good resistance , and most of them that were drawn out having put themselves out of their reach , it was necessary the bodies should advance , which they did , with the success they desired , for the enemy seeing himself attaqu't in several places , began to lessen his fire ; and their pallisadoes being broken by our cannon in many places , they left their works free for our troops and voluntiers to get in , which they did , and immediately beat them from their works , and lodged themselves as largely and as conveniently as they could desire : there were some of our voluntiers , with the marquis rambures at the head of them , that charged to the very halfmoon , before the gate , but not being above seven or eight , and the rest of the officers and souldiers busie in securing the quarters they had got , they were not relieved ; and the marquis , his nephew , and three or four of that small party having been wounded they were forc't to retire , and the enemy remained master of the half-moon he had almost abandoned : the besieged also gave fire to a mine that was under the point of the counterscarp , at the place where the guards storm'd , but without any other effect then removing so much earth and rubbish as was necessary for the accommodation of our lodging . at this storm cavois , and the chevalier d' assigny , both lieutenants of the guards , were slain , with four or five sergeants , and about 100 common souldiers kill'd and wounded . on the picards side there were two captains , previgny-rambouillet , and villedieu slain , of the souldiers i know not the number . there were some voluntiers wounded also in these attaques , amongst the rest the count of s. paul , in the arme , and the chevalier of lorrain in the legg , but both slightly . the next day being thursday the twenty-fourth , the swisses relieved the french guards at ten in the morning : the officers and souldiers that had been in the storm , not being able to doe more by reason of the ill weather it was , the swisses carried on their trenches along the pallisades about eight paces for their enlargement , from the left to the angle of returne ; where they made a double about six or seven fathoms , and at the same time began two mines under their parapet , with design to have attempted their half-moon , as soon as they had finished them : one of them being compleat about two hours after midnight , aspremont , that managed them , was of opinion they should not spring it , because he was mistaken seven or eight fathom , and the hollow of the mine inclined a little too much to the right hand to be exactly under the corner of the half-moon ; insomuch as they spent the rest of the night in perfecting the other ; where many voluntiers had put themselves for occasion of shewing their courage , and most of them to accompany the count de soisson , who was alwayes at the head of the work ; yet he lodged twice in the trenches for their once , being alwayes on the guards with the swisses , who mounted at this work twice in six hours as well as the french guards . when it was day they wrought no further : nevertheless the marquis being come the next morning to see what they had done over night , and having confer'd with pradelle lieutenant general that day , and with the comte de soissons , the two last resolved to carry on their approaches to the parapet before they were relieved , that so they might facilitate the attempting the half-moon to the french guards , who were to come to their relief ; which was immediatly undertaken , and very happily performed : for though it was done in the open day , and in spight of all their works , there was but one souldier kill'd , and but two wounded , so as by noon it was capable of receiving five and twenty or thirty men . at the same time the french guards relieved the trenches , and the swiss put them in possession of this post , which seemed to be defensible enough ; but the enemy having considered of what importance it was , they powred down souldiers into the ditch of the half-moon , which was almost dry , and made it inaccessible by a double pallisadoe on each side of the ditch , plac't upon a kind of freez , with the points upwards on those on the outside to keep us from going down into the ditch , and the other planted on the top of the parapet . an invention i had never seen before , and well enough contrived , to make our descent difficult , under which the enemy lay secure , throwing their granadoes into our trenches , and making a noise as if they were upon the point of sallying ; and being protected by their shot from the courlin , and the traversers they had towards the half-moon on the right hand , they terrified those that were at the head of the trenches . godonit , a lieutenant , commanded to that quarter , was slain by a granado ; briconnet that came in his place , was kill'd there also ; and derville , a lieutenant that succeeded both in his turn , was shot in three places , and carried off ; after him s. marcell , and s. seine , two under-lieutenants were both wounded ; magalotti , that commanded the battallion of the guards received a shot from a musquet in his side ; bonvizi , a captain had another in his mouth , which carried away some of his teeth ; biscarras had one in his arme , and montgimont , major of the regiment of guards , had a wound he died of a short time after : there were besides some sergeants , and a considerable number of souldiers slain ; and the work being cleared the enemy with their halbards overturned all , and did what they could to stop the mouth of the mine up till night . that which hapned in the trenches being told the king , who from the difficulties of the siege began to be impatient , to bring it to an issue , and the rather because the raines had incommoded them much , and marcin was arrived at ipre with 11 or 12000 men , with a design to fall upon some of our quarters , as he should have opportunity . he commanded two companies of musquetiers into the trench again , that night , with resolution to fall upon the half-moon on so many sides as might assuredly render him master thereof : which succeeded accordingly ; the musquetiers falling on at the same time , on the right and left hand of the point of the half-moon , and the french guards on the front , the besieged were not able to sustain them , but after some resistance , retired into the town in confusion , leaving all their arms , and some dead in the place , and seven or eight prisoners : after this the musquetiers commanded the bastines , and the chevalier de noailles , marshall de logis , began to lodge ; after them came others of the regiment of guards , who with the chevalier cauvesson , and captain camisson , were drawn out thence , and made a good post , which they kept till the next day about ten or eleven a clock , when the swisses came to relieve them . the enemy seeing the half-moon on the left hand was lost also , they beat a parly , and desired to capitulate . this last half-moon was stormed by the regiments of auvergne , and roussillon , and by 200 commanded men out of the kings regiment , of whom all the officers almost were wounded , and some of the other regiments also ; there were some sergeants kill'd , and souldiers a good number ; there was at the other storm some seven or eight of the kings musquetiers , kill'd , and fifteen or twenty wounded , but of officers there was only colbert , captain of the second company , that received a shot , and that but slight too . there were several voluntiers hurt , and amongst the rest , the marquis of bourbonne lost an eye : the guards also lost some souldiers , but they had never an officer kill'd , but arcis catinat , a captain who was shot in the knee with a musquet bullet , and died in a few dayes after . in short , cessation of arms concluded , the news was carried with all speed to the king , about saturday noon , and certainly it was as acceptable as could have come ; for the foot began to be weary of the service , and of the ill weather , which for the five or six last nights had been very bad ; however the trenches were reinforc't with more exactness then before , because we understood very well the enemy was at ipre , and it was of highest reputation to his majesties honour that they should put in no relief , now it was so near a surrender . upon this consideration he left his quarters at loos , and removed to the marquis of humieres at helesme , whither ▪ he brought all his guards de corps , and two battallions of french foot and swisses , that being the convenientest place to give relief to all quarters , but especially the lorrainers , where they had no other foot , then the two lorrain regiments , in whom they had no great confidence , as well for their number , as that they were ill armed . besides , the king was there at the foot as it were of the trenches , and had intelligence every moment , and his presence made all things be executed with more care and expedition . the enemy having demanded parley , they sent out the marquis of richebourg with their propositions , who was received by the marquis de bellefons that day , lieutenant general , and conveyed to the king , of whom he at first desired two or three dayes time , in expectation of relief , engaging if they came not , to surrender upon reasonable conditions ; but these proposals not answering the impatience the king was in of perfecting his conquest , he sent him back immediatly , and commanded the marquis of bellefons to renew the batteries , and ply their guns as fast as they could . but some of them that attended richebourg back , having told him his propositions were unreasonable in the condition the town stood then , all their out-works being taken , and the rampart that remained being hardly defensible ; that it would bring the safety of the town , and the prudence of the governour in question , who had mannaged his affairs so honourably hitherto , if by delaying for a few hours , they should incense his majesty , and make his own condition worse , and expose the people to the hazard of being plundred , and all the calamities of a sack. moreover , that he had been overseen not to bring some of the chief citizens along with him ( who were a considerable body ) to have a care of their interest in the capitulation . now whether he was by these arguments effectually perswaded , or whether he had order from the governour , to abate of his former demands , he condescended to propose that some small time might be allowed him to return and confer with the several interests . in short , after some going to and fro , which continued till eight a clock at night , all things were agreed . the governour and the citizens having joyntly sent out their hostages , the regiment of castelnau , which was then in the trenches on the left side , was about eleven that night put into possession of one of the gates of the town , and about eight or nine in the morning the garrison marcht out with armes and baggage , their horse consisted of six companies of the regiment of maciet , of four of erbais , of three of gavelans , two of richebourg , and some others i know not whose , the whole number might be about 7 or 800. the infantry consisted of 300 natural spaniards , or thereabouts , drawn out of several terces , and near as many from naples , but not so good souldiers , about as many english , and some 150 irish , proper men , and who had the appearance of old souldiers . there was also besides these a part of the regiment of rache , which were reported to be but six companies , but they made up above 600 men , which made it be believed that they being composed of walloons as they were , the most part of the curlins of the town and their new levies had put themselves into those companies , because there was not found one person of that kind , though we were informed during the siege that there was 1500 of them within : and this with the governours company consisting of 30 men , was the whole number of their foot , and all these by an inferior officer with twenty of the guards only conducted to the ipre the count de broüay not being perswaded to go any-where else , because it was rumour'd in the army they would attempt this place again . whilst in this manner the garrison marcht out , and the champagne brigade , and two other of horse , viz. that of bissy , and that of resnel entered the town , the king gave order that the army should march to see if by any means he could ingage the enemy . it is remarkable , that from the time the king understood they parlied in the town , all his trouble was to find out a way to give the enemy battel , whilst they were together . having , to that end had conference with the marshal turenne , he made the marquis of crequy , with his horse and dragoons to march that very night , being saturday ; he gave order also to the comte de lillebonne with his lorrainers , that he should follow the marquis as fast as was possible : insomuch as these troops having refresh't a little at menene , were the next day encamp't beyond harlebec ; and having from thence past the lis , at deinse , were advanc't as far as the canal betwixt bruges and gaunt . the king having only past through lille as it werre , and stay'd the time of singing a te deum , marcht himself on sunday after dinner ; but it being late he could march that night not above three quarters of a league , which was near the abby of marquette . the next day being monday , the 29th , he marcht very early in the morning , with a design to encamp also at harlebec , where the two brigades of horse belonging to choiseul and fourilles were drawn out under the marquis de bellefons to march towards gaunt , and to follow the steps of the marquis de crequy , and the lorrainers . the next day the army past the lis at deinse , where the king took up his quarter , his troops encamping upon the way , whereby they might upon all occasions relieve the marquis of crequy , if there should be any necessity ; and the same night he sent away podwits , marshall de camp , with the two horse brigades of ar●agnan an montauban to joyn with the marquis de bellefons ; but they hearing the marquis had already past the canal near the village called vinderhout , some three quarters of a league from gaunt , at a bridge the inhabitants had made for the convenience of their commerce , they followed the same way , and found them encampt in two villages about a league and a half on the other side of the bridge . the marquis of crequy being alwayes about half a league before to interpose and stop them in case the enemies design were to return to gaunt , as the king , and the marshall general conceived they would , in which they found afterwards , they were not much deceived : for , marcin , who was at ipre , having no news on sunday noon that lille did capitulate , and considering there were no forces left in gaunt , brussels , nor generally in all brabant nor hinault , he saw plainly all diligence was to be used to retire with his troops to the relief of those places that might be in great necessity for want of them , so as he discampt within an hour after he had received the news , marching directly for bruges , and from thence for gaunt , but with his horse only , because he judged the foot would not be able to follow so fast , which obliged him to send them down the river from ipre to dixmude by water . marcin being with the greatest diligence he could marcht to bruges , understood there by the people of the country , that the marquis of crequy had past the canal , and that he was got into a country very inconvenient for horse , where he would have much a doe to get off should he advance against him . upon this he immediately sounds to horse , & putting himself at the head of about 40. divisions , he marcht along the way to gaunt , without any delay , to the place where he heard our troops were ; in which expedition he spent most part of that night , but coming near them , and having taken some prisoners , he found the marquis was not alone , that bellefo●s was not far off , 〈◊〉 at last that the king had past 〈…〉 at deinse , all his troops 〈…〉 along continually on that 〈…〉 know not well how wel 〈…〉 this news was to him ; but 〈…〉 rtain a party of his of a 〈…〉 100 came up to the marquis his out guards about two a clock after midnight , and only giving them an allarme retired . the marquis of crequy , who had kept those guards on horse-back all night , commanded out a cornet with 25 horse , which was the guard aforesaid , to follow them immediatly , & either bring him some prisoners , or be taken himself ; which was performed happily enough , for within an hour he returned with some cavaliers prisoners , which eased the marquis of the disquiet he was in , by informing him who they were had given him the allarme ; and accordingly , at the same instant he gave order to all his troops to march , keeping before him only that regiment that had the guard , which was that day the kings regiment , commanded by the comte de torigny matignon , and which was the first of the marquis de rouvrays brigade . he had scarce past a league or such a matter in this order , but he overtook three of the enemies troops ; who made a head , and took up all the ground they could possible in that place : our forelorns charged immediately , but having to doe with those that were drawn , and stood firme in a good place , which is great advantage in an inclosed country , they could move them but little ; and there could have been nothing but skirmishing at a distance , had not the marquis dismounted 100 of his dragoons commanded by ranqueil , who being drawn upon the right and left hand of the way , and giving their volleys at a convenient distance , the enemy was so startled , that the marquis , with the marquis peguilin , who was sent to him with some troops from the marshal d' aumont , the comte de torigny , the marquis du rouvray , with ten or twelve officers besides that were next them , having charged that troop that had possest it self of the way , they break it , so that all they that made head at first , took to their heels and fled in spight of all their officers could do , and were pursued by our horse above a league , where some of them made a stand , but 't was but for a short time , for they were routed again , and pursued above two leagues more , and not one person fac't about unless some officers , who pay'd dear for their valour . there were many kill'd , many of the most considerable wounded and taken prisoners , amongst the rest , the chevalier vielleneuve commissary general of their horse , the prince of salme , the young rhingrave , vaudemont , and other officers , i know not their names ; there were also two pair of kettle-drums , and three or four colours taken , with many horse , and about 3 or 400 men , insomuch as the enemy was chased into the territories of holland . we lost there some persons of condition , amongst the rest the marquis of crequy's master of the horse , gassay matignon , and some others were wounded , and the marquis of crequy and peguilin had both of them their horses shot under them . on the other side , the marquis of bellefons , who , as we said , following four brigades of horse , considering with himself that he was in the rear of all , and that following their steps that were before , he should never see the enemy , not being able to pass either of one hand or other , by reason of the hedges and inclosures on each side , and conceiving moreover in the confusion they were then in , the enemy must needs retire to bruges , he leaves the troops of crequy and the lorrainers to pursue that way , and facing about with his own , he marches about two leagues to the right hand , without meeting with any thing , when turning again a little to the left he had not marcht long but he fel upon the heels of marcin , who was marching away with 3000 horse ; after he had seen the van of his troops disordered , he le●t the way open for such as did run , and in good order retrea●s towards bruges , having left his cravates , and the holstein regiments ( which he had great confidence in , being most old souldiers , and the collonel a dane , who not finding his conditions so good under the emperour , had made a better bargain with the king of spain ) to bring off the rear . bellefons van coming up to the rear guard , they charged them immediately with the queens company , and mousieurs ; the first under villiers command , the other under valseme , who were at the head of the brigade of choiseul , whose forelorne being well received , they durst not pass a little bridge the enemy had before them ; but the gross of our troop comming up , this holstein regiment , though it received the charge very well , and rally'd often , was at last constrain'd to give ground and run , but not with that confusion as they did on crequy's side : there was 150 prisoners , and amongst them some considerable officers , as don antonio de cordove lieutenant general of their horse , besides kettle-drums and colours . on our side also there were some slain , and particularly of the two companies of the queen and monsieur , who had been in the van all the while : and some officers wounded , as la salle , cornet to monsieurs light horse . it was not long they were ingaged before the news arrived at the camp , of which pradelle advertising his majesty , though it was not five a clock in the morning , his majesty ( who was then at deinse ) was on horse-back before most of his party understood the occasion . and in full gallop taking his way that lead to the canal , his troops had some trouble to keep pace ; when he came near the bridge he put himself at the head of rocehforts brigade , and having taken up for a while to give time for his train to come up , he made an alt , attending some news from the vicomte turenne , who having already past with the regiments of monclar and desfourneaux , was advanc't as far as the village where the lorrainers lay to be always in readiness for the relief of those should have most need of them . monsieur , and almost all the persons of quality of the court , were in this party , and several voluntiers with them . but because the passage was strait and dangerous by reason of an old channel , over which there was a bridge of stone , the vicomte turenne would not suffer his troops to pass till he had first had certain news of the marquis de crequy : so as they continued there till two in the afternoon , before they learnt by the prisoners that were carried by , that the enemy was routed , & our troops returning to their camp , which occasioned them all to repair to his majesty , who was then at the canal , who after consultation with the marshall general resolved to stay where he was , till he had news of the marquis de bellefons also , for whom he was in great trouble , he not coming in till night . resolution was then taken to encamp near gaunt , and the king commands 3000 foot from the guards brigad from denise , having with him no infantry at all , but some select parties drawn out of the queens regiments and de sourches , which the marquis of crequy had with him to dispose here and there as he saw occasion . in the mean time there were some proposed to his majesty to summon gaunt , alledging that the town being great , and having only a garrison of 200 men in the castle , and seeing the troops that were comming to their releif broken and repelled , they might in probability enter into a new treaty under the protection of france , which was reported to have been already proposed by some of the principal inhabitants , adding moreover that we were to make use of our time , & not neglect such opportunities which hapned but seldome , and that there could be no inconvenience at all in the attempt ; but the king gave no ear to those propositions , but made answer that he was not in a condition to do it at that time ; notwithstanding this expedient was found out , the comte of chamilly , as of himself , should desire to speak with some of his acquaintance in the town , it being impossible but he had gained some in the time of his residence there with the prince of condy , and under this pretence give them notice of his majesties intention , and sound them what effect the taking of lille , and the routing of marcin had had upon their spirits : but this trade lasted not long , for the governour would not suffer chamilly to come into the town , nor speak with any particular person ; so as he went as he came , and they thought no more of the conquest of gaunt . the next morning , which was the last of august the , king returned with his army to deinse , from whence he went to lille , the first of september , leaving the camp with the marshall general , with whom he was agreed what course they should steer . it was reported a resolution was taken to attempt no more that year , but to put their troops into their winter quarters the latter end of october , and as many as they could in the places newly conquered , that they might have some refreshments , after the tediousness of the campania , which began earlier then ordinary , and was more troublesome , by reason their great marches had put them into an ill condition , most of them after a seven years peace having been unaccustomed to the incommodities of war. the vicomte turenne remained at deinse , and the king went from lille to arras , where the queen attended him ; from arras both their majesties went on to peronne , and from thence arrived the sixt of september at s. germans . after which the marshall geral having news about the ninth or tenth of the same month that the enemy was returned to alost , and fortifying apace , he marcht immediatly , and in three days coming before the town , they within refusing to open the gates , he stormed them the same day he arrived , without any intrenchments at all : the french guards , and the regiment of picardy , with some select men , fell on on two or three several places , but found more resistance then they expected : they lost several out of picardy , which had thirteen or fourteen officers wounded , and many souldiers slain ; of the guards there was one ensign kill'd , and some souldiers , and bartillac a lieutenant was with a musquet-shot shot into the body . however the next morning the enemy surrendred ; and marcht out with their armes according to articles , and presently after we fell a demolishing the works , which though at that time could be of no advantage to us , would have very much incommoded us had the enemy had time to have maintained them ; the army continued here some time , and from thence went and encampt at likerque , where there was a castle made some show of holding out , but not long : here the army rested some time , that is , as long as they found any forrage ; and afterwards they changed their quarters and marcht to gamerage between at h and brussels , that they might at once keep what they had got , and eat up the enemies country . at length the time being come for drawing into winter quarters , every officer general that was designed to any command went to the quarter appointed him . the marquis de bellefons should have commanded lille , orchies , doway , courtray , and armentieres ; but whether that imployment pleased him not , or whether he had other designes on foot , he came to the court himself , and begged of his majesty he might be permitted to serve him in some other place : insomuch as the marquis d' humieres had his command , and he the marquis of humieres's , which was charleroy , and all the country between the sambre and the meuse . the count of duras had under him all the troops in tournay , oudenarde , and at h : the comte de passage was dispatcht towards the sea side with his troops for securing bruges , and furnes . the government of bergue was given to casaux , and that of furnes , to the baron de le garde ; courtray was given to pertuis captain of the guards to monsieur turenne : genlis had armentieres ; le brett , doway , and rochefort and oudenarde , who had been governour there before in the former wars . they put men also into orchies , s. amand , and such other places as he believed might facilitate their contribution . the marquis of crequy , with the most part of the forces he had commanded this campagnia , was sent back into luxembourg , and he had with him for officers podwits and de espence : the count de vivonne stayed at lille , with the marquis of hunieres . in short , all the officers general , which had served in this campania , except pradelle and the marquis of peguilin , had commands during the winter . many people admire that the king broke the course of his conquest so suddenly , seeing he was absolute master of the field , and that after defeat of marcin , the terrour was so great all over the low countries , he seemed to have no more to do then to take his choise which town was the next he would take in ; but it ought to be considered , that the ●ear being far gone , and the ●oot much lessened , it was no easie matter to undertake great enterprises , for as much as those places that remained to be taken were very strong and well provided with all things necessary for a long siege ; or else of so small importance , they were not worth the paines of thinking of them . besides , the great towns we had taken , as lille , tournay , doway , and courtray , were very hard to be kept ; and leaving sufficient garrisons there , we had not men enough to attempt any thing against cambray , valenciennes , or monts , or any other strong town in the country . wherefore the safest councel was followed , which was to keep what we had got , till we should see what party would side with the house of austria , and its allies : and perchance also his majesty would not take away all hopes of an accommodation from the people , all his neighbours having interposed , and principally the english , swede , and hollander , who offered upon a cessation of arms to see his majesty should have reason done . the pope also had put in , and sent a nuntio on purpose to cologne , where all the deputies of the princes of europe were to meet , in oder to find out some expedient for a peace . here ends the narrative of the french writers . vnto which for the readers satisfaction i shall subjoyn the proceedings of the french in franche comte the beginning of the next years campagne , and those few occurrences in the netherlands , between the french and spaniards , which hapned between the end of the campagne , and the conclusion of the peace . the french army being retired into their winter quarters , prisoners were exc●ang'd on both sides , and the first action of their new dominion , was to oblige the towns lately conquer'd to contribute towards their maintenance : the tax was so high that 50000 livres were imposed upon lille alone ; which place , and divers other french garrisons , became shortly after much infested with sicknesses , to which great numbers of the conquerours themselves were forced to yield without quarter . now although the tearms on which the towns abovesaid had resigned themselves into the french hands , were fair and easie enough , yet such is the humour of that nation , that they are by all the world observed to govern their good fortune with little moderation , as accordingly they did at lille , insomuch that soon after there hapned a great tumult in ▪ this city by a quarrel arising between the citizens and souldiers ; which came to that hight , that one of the captains of the guard , and about twenty souldiers , were killed . this accident occasioned an additional supply of three thousand souldiers more to be added to that garrison , besides the kings regiment of guards , formerly designed to take up their quarter there . and for terrour to the city for the future , ten or a dozen of the citizens were hanged , as the principall causes of this fray , and the whole city disarmed . the french king , though retired to paris ( where , and at versailles , he made most magnificent entertainments for his whole court , as triumphs for his conquests ) yet had his eye still towards the low countries , and accordingly designed an army of twenty thousand men to be sent into alsatia as soon as the next season should open the campagne , under the command of the prince of condy ; intending also to send another of fifteen thousand into catalonia , of which his brother the duke of orleance was designed general . but the diet of ratisbone refusing to undertake the protection of the low-countries , as part of the roman empire , in a warlike manner , till milder courses should be tried , agreed to endeavour to procure a treaty between the two crowns ; and accordingly several of the electors sent agents to the courts of both kings . a suspension of arms was proposed by the king of france , but not accepted , by the governour of the spanish-netherlands , who about the middle of winter had a successor designed him ; and by particular commission from the queen of spain he was constituted sole plenipotentiary for negotiating a peace , whereof the pope was likewise nominated by her to be sole mediator , and the place aix la chappelle . some moneths passed before it was believed that these overtures would come to any thing ; during which the french king imployed all possible diligence in making preparations to invade franche comte with an army under the prince of condy , and leaving paris , put himself upon the way to go thither in person , where he arrived about the beginning of february : on the first of which moneth , the prince of condy with his army invested the city of besanzon , sending a summons for its surrender , from whence he was answered that they were ready to receive his majesty as into an imperial city . but it being replied , that their city ceased to be so by the treaty of munster ; and offers being made to them , that upon the giving up their city , they should not have their priviledges in the least infringed , they thought fit to surrender without any resistance . in the mean time the duke of luxemburg , with a regiment of orleance , and a body of horse commanded by the monsieur de bligny , with some few other musquetiers appeared before salines , immedialy entering the suburbs , where some opposition was made , the defend●nts s●tting fire to some houses , and discharging in several great and small shot , killing onely one french souldier , and wounding about eight of the light-horsemen ; but finding little encouragement to make a long defence , they presently surrendred both town and castle . the same fortune also ran besterans , with with the castle of rochfort , and some other small forts . the government of bisanzan , was soon after conferred on the marquis de villers , and a swiss garrison placed therein ; and that of sali●s on monesiur de maupean . on the eleventh of the same month the prince of condy came with his army before dole , which had been reinforced a little before with an army of 3 or 4000 forces of the militia of the country ; and about two dayes after the king in person arrived at the leaguer from dijon ; upon whose coming , two of the half-moons belonging to the town , fell down of themselves and one of their bastions cleft ; which somewhat disheartened the defendants , who nevertheless , refused to returne an answer to the summons sent to them ; whereupon his majesty ordered a battery of thirty guns to be raised against the town . the artillery having made a considerable breach in the works on the west side of the town , order was given to assault the counterscarpe , on the 25th of february at eight in the evening in three places , viz. by the guards commanded by the duke de roquelour ; by the regiments of s. vallier , and de la ferte , commanded by the count de guadagne , and the lions regiment commanded by the count de chamilly , who after a stout resistance made themselves masters that night of the outworks , lodging themselves upon the counterscarpe , and gaining some half-moons , in one of which the marquis de villeroy , particularly shewed eminent proofs of his valour , himself siezing one of his enemies ensignes . in this attaque were slain the marquis de fourilles , captain of the guards , with the lieutenant colonel of the regiment of villeroy , and some other inferiour officers ; the count de s. mesme , the sieur bonvise , and some others hurt . the next day his majesty sent the marquis de grammont , to invite them again to a surrender , and he so effectually prevailed upon them , by representing to them th● small probability they had of making a long defence , the great dangers they might run by their further opposition , and the assurance his majesty gave them for the preservation of their priviledges upon their surrender , that they presently agreed upon tearms , and his majesty entered the town the next day , causing te deum to be sung for their happy success , and confirming the government upon the count de guadagne . the next day , the army appeared before gray , and within two dayes began to open their trenches ; but by the mediation of the marquis de yennes , formerly governour of franche comte for the spaniard , the city was soon prevailed upon to open the gates . his majesty conferred the government of this place upon the sieur de bissy , camp-master and commander of a brigade of horse . about the same time joux , a considerable place of strength upon the borders of swisserland , surrendred to a part of the french army at the first summons , and the command thereof was given to the sieur de chamarante , one of his majesties bed-chamber ; so likewise did the fort of s. anne . thi county being thus almost intirely reduced in the short space of one month , the king in favour of the prince of condy , united the same to the dutchy of burgundy ) the princes government ) and granted two reversions thereof , one to the duke d' enguyen his son , and the other to the duke de bourbon his grandson . he likewise made the marquis d' yennes lieutenant general of his forces there , allowing him the same pension which formerly he received from spain , and giving the command of a regiment of horse to the count de s. amour his nephew , for his good service in winning the said marquis to a compliance , whereby the nimble conquest of this county was much facilitated . this settlement being constituted there , the french forces drew off towards luxembourg , and the king returned to paris in the latter end of february . during the winter , the french and spanish forces in flanders , made several excursion in parties with various success ; nothing considerable being atchieved by the former , but the reduction of the castles of winnedale and ligny . the king of great brittain , and the states of the united netherlands having entered into a league for an efficacious mediation of peace between the two crowns now in war , and obtained from the most christian king a promise he would lay down his arms on a condition the spaniards would either quit to him all those places already taken by him in the last years expedition ; or else transfer to him the remainder of their right to the dutchy of luxembourg ( or to the county of burgundy ) together with cambray , cambresis , doway , ayre , s. omers , bergue , s. wynox , fuernes and link , with their dependances ; ( in which case the french wer● to restore to the spaniards all the places already taken ) in which league it was further agreed between the king of england and those states , to employ force to bring the two crowns to accept of these termes , if either of them should refuse the same ; the french king accepted of the same , and in order to an accommodation accordingly proposed a cessation of all acts of hostility during the months of march , april , and may following ; to which also the marquis de castle rodrigo consented , and nominated the baron of bergeyck to be sent with sufficient powers and instructions to aix la chappelle to assist at the treaty of peace there . notwithstanding the cessation , the french forbore not to make all possible preparations for war ; and monsieur de bellefons and duras pretending want of notice of the cessation , ( which they would not take from any besides their general ) invested guena , and in a few dayes constrained the same to be surrendered . but the french king thought not fit to hold a place , which had been taken during the truce ; and therefore , even before the treaty , gave order for the delivering of it back into the hands of the spaniards : but withall he declared that he would take the field in the beginning of april , and unless the peace were perfectly concluded by the 25th of may next ensuing , it should be free for him to pursue his conquests ; yet obliging himself , in case of peace by that time to restore back to the spaniards all such places as he should make himself master of by his armes . monsieur colbert was employed by his french majesty to aix la chappel for negotiating the peace , and the heer van beverning by the united provinces , as sir william temple , resident at brussels for his majesty of great brittain was likewise ordered thither for the same effect : signieur aug. franciotti plenipotentiary for the pope , and three plenipotentiaries more from the three ecclesiasticall electors of germany . in the mean time the french king gives command for the demolishing of the fortifications of most of the considerable towns which he had taken in franche comte , and also for the building of a citadel at besanzon . the former was accordingly executed ; but in regard the peace began now to be hopefull , it was thought fit to forbare the latter . after many doubts concerning the issue of this treaty , at last the plenipotentiaries signed an agreement on the second of may , which being ratified by the french king and the queen regent of spain , was proclaimed at brussels on the 30th of the same moneth , and shortly after sworn to by both kings . the substance of this conclusion was , ( 1. ) that the most christian king should keep and effectually enjoy all places , forts , &c. that he had taken or fortified by armes during the last years campagne , viz. the fortresses of charleroy , the towns of binch and atthe , the the places of doway , the fort of scarpe being comprised , tournay , oudenard , lille , armentieres , courtray , bergues , and fuernes , and all their baliwicks , castlewicks , appurtenances and dependances , by what name soever called , as far as ever they extend ; the catholick king for himself and his successors renouncing and disclaiming the same for ever . ( 2. ) that immediately after the publication of the peace , the french king should withdraw his forces from the garrisons of all places , towns , castles and forts of the county of burgundy , commonly called la franche comte , and restore the same to the catholick king. ( 3. ) that the treaty of of the pyreneans stand good and valid , without any prejudice by this present treaty . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35913-e1500 tournay surrendred . bergue taken by marshall d' aumont . furnes taken . daway taken . the scarp fort taken . courtray taken . oudenarde taken . alost taken ▪ a true discourse historicall, of the succeeding gouernours in the netherlands, and the ciuill warres there begun in the yeere 1565 with the memorable seruices of our honourable english generals, captaines and souldiers, especially vnder sir iohn norice knight, there performed from the yeere 1577. vntill the yeere 1589. and afterwards in portugale, france, britaine and ireland, vntill the yeere 1598. translated and collected by t.c. esquire, and ric. ro. out of the reuerend e.m. of antwerp. his fifteene bookes historicæ belgicæ; and other collections added: altogether manifesting all martiall actions meete for euery good subiect to reade, for defence of prince and countrey. historia belgica nostri potissimum temporis. english meteren, emmanuel van, 1535-1612. 1602 approx. 361 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 84 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a68465 stc 17846 estc s105716 99841442 99841442 6025 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a68465) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 6025) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 559:9, 996:10) a true discourse historicall, of the succeeding gouernours in the netherlands, and the ciuill warres there begun in the yeere 1565 with the memorable seruices of our honourable english generals, captaines and souldiers, especially vnder sir iohn norice knight, there performed from the yeere 1577. vntill the yeere 1589. and afterwards in portugale, france, britaine and ireland, vntill the yeere 1598. translated and collected by t.c. esquire, and ric. ro. out of the reuerend e.m. of antwerp. his fifteene bookes historicæ belgicæ; and other collections added: altogether manifesting all martiall actions meete for euery good subiect to reade, for defence of prince and countrey. historia belgica nostri potissimum temporis. english meteren, emmanuel van, 1535-1612. churchyard, thomas, 1520?-1604. robinson, richard, citizen of london. [12], 154, [2] p. imprinted [by felix kingston] for matthew lownes, and are to be sold at his shop vnder s. dunstons church in the west, at london : 1602. e.m. = emmanuel van meteren; t.c. = thomas churchyard; ric. ro. = richard robinson. a translation of: historia belgica nostri potissimum temporis. printer's name from stc. the last leaf is blank. dedication signed "t.c.". variant 1: dedication signed "thomas churchyard". variant 2: title page has "t. churchyard". identified as stc 17846a on umi microfilm reel 559. reproductions of the originals in the folger shakespeare library and harvard university. library. appears at reel 559 (folger shakespeare library copy) and at reel 996 (harvard university. library copy). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or 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then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1566-1648 -early works to 1800. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-08 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a trve discovrse historicall , of the svcceeding governovrs in the netherlands , and the ciuill warres there begun in the yeere 1565. with the memorable seruices of our honourable english generals , captaines and souldiers , especially vnder sir iohn norice knight , there performed from the yeere 1577. vntill the yeere 1589. and afterwards in portugale , france , britaine and ireland , vntill the yeere 1598. translated and collected by t. c. esqvire , and ric. ro. ovt of the reuerend e. m. of antwerp . his fifteene bookes historiae belgicae ; and other collections added ▪ altogether manifesting all martiall actions meete for euery good subiect to reade , for defence of prince and countrey . at london imprinted for matthew lownes , and are to be sold at his shop vnder s. dunstons church in the west . 1602. to the right noble and right honorable , sir edvvard seymovr , knight , baron beauchamp , erle of hartford , and lord lieutenant generall for the queenes most excellent maiestie in the counties of somerset and wiltshire : thomas churchyard esquire , wisheth long life , happie health , with increase of honour temporall , and the fruition of heauenly beatitude in christ iesus eternall . in calling to minde ( right honourable ) the manifold fauours of your most noble father , shewed me in the raigne of the rare imp of grace king edward the sixt , and weighing i serued vnder him , at the battel of muscleborough , your father then lord lieuetenant generall of the english armie : i found my selfe for sundrie causes much bound to all his most noble house and familie . and so a long season watching opportunitie to doe some acceptable seruice to his noble children , i could not happen on any matter ( touching my pen ) worthie acceptation . then reading of a booke in latine , written by a graue writer , called emanuell meteranus : who wrote fifteene bookes de historia belgica . i found so great profunditie in the man and matter , chieflie because hee exactlie ( without adulation ) wrote of martiall affaires , and exployts done by mightie gouernours and valiant souldiers : that not onlie attained honour in the field ( some of them honourablie borne ) but also wanne euerlasting fame by their prowesse and seruice . a while considering the consequence and worth thereof , i thought god would be offended , my countrie dishonored , and worthie men should be in time to come forgotten and discouraged : whereon i took in hand to reuiue dead men and their actions ( for fames sake which all men shoote at ) that time past and time present should be so remembred , as time to come , and all ages should admire on , and meruaile at the most manlie enterprises ( make sir frauncis vere and the true captaines of ostend an example ) that couragious souldiers dare aduenture , take in hand , and accomplish . i being pricked on with their incredible valour , diuine vertue of mind , & manly resolution ( considering mine own professiō long that way ) i took it as an iniurie done to all souldiers : if i a poore plaine writer should not as much honor them with my pen , as they haue honored god & prince with their sword : so in my great age i clapped on a youthfull corage ( imagining i saw all the worthines of men ) and stoutly stept into the translation of meteranus workes of historia belgica : but often falling sick , and like to passe from world , i called vnto me one richard robinson ( a man more debased by many then he merits of any , so good parts are there in the man ) one whom i might commanud and keepe a long while for this purpose , and who tooke great paines ( i being sicke ) in the translation , and in writing the other collections of this booke : but my studie , knowledge , experience , and eye witnes for all or most actions in this book , perfected euerie point and peece of matter pertaining to the truth of al here in this volume printed : my selfe beholding herein a world for a great personage to patronage , bethought me of your honorable lordship . so aduisedly & somewhat fearefully to presume , i haue humbly presented my paines to the wel liking of your honor : accepting my good wil & boldnes as far as my honest regard leads me . i protest neither matter of state , nor vaine inuentions drew my muse to this hard attēpt and presumption : but the loue and laudation of lordlie minded souldiers , loyall subiects , vnconquered courages , and aspiring mindes , that dare fight with fortune , flie in the face of all forraine enimies , and daunt the pride of all false harted people of the whole world whatsoever . so for the commendation of an infinite number of lyonlike champions , this work was compiled , printed , & presented : hoping it shal purchase fauour of your lordship , and of all noble minded personages , that prefer euerie excellent exercise aboue al slouthfull dronish idlenes . your good lordships in all at commandment , thomas chvrchyard . strenvo , forti , splendido , generoso , atque illustri d. d. iohanni noriceo , equiti aurato , & anglorum militum in inferiori germania colonello generali , & in absentia illustriss . comitis leycestriae supremi gubernatoris ibidem praefecto fidelissimo , & vigilantissimo , viro ex veteri prosapia oriundo , & summa quadam integritate , iustitia , prudentia , temperantia , & rei bellicae gloria , in eaque ( quod minimè in multis reperiri est ) faelici ac fortunato , admodum insigni atque conspicuo : in quo sunt omnes imperatoriae virtutes , nempe , labor in negotijs , fortitudo in periculis , industria in agendo , celeritas in conficiendo , & consilium in prouidendo . petrvs bizarvs , cum nihil aliud in praesentiarum habeat , in quo suam ( erga ipsius illustrem dominationem ) obseruantiam & summissi animi promptitudinem testetur , hoc breue carmen dedicauit . vt primum genitrix hanc te produxit in aurā , lactauit tenero casta minerua sinu ; mox solido victu pauit , mensaque deorum . atque instillauit iussa verenda iouis . addidit & pectus sapiens plenumque decoro , facundum eloquium , consiliumque graue : mars verò vt vidit , quanta sapientia & arte formasset pallas , qui sibi alumnus erat , in natum accepit , diua rogitata , & amorem indidit armorum , ac bella subire dedit . et simul ostendit , quo pacto castra locanda , quidque etiam prosit , vel nocuisse queat . bellica quid ratio , seu disciplina requirat , sedulus vt perstet miles in officio . quinam acies media & cornu dextrum atque sinistrum instrui & aptari , legitimè deceat : vtque acie instructa procedere longius ausit , incensisque animis totus in armaruat ; quo tormenta loco disponi & quid faciendum , vt polyorcetes quis queat esse breui . quando itidem fabij exemplo cunctandum & inani spepugnae facta , continuisse iuuat . infectis donec rebus in peste prematur . vel fame dissoluit castra domumque redit . num dolus an metus potior sit , quidue petiri successu efficiat , commodiori via . quando equite aut pedite est vtendum , quidue moretur , euentum ; induciae an pax sit habenda magis , num pugnare die , nocturnoue tempore , quidque multos an paucos praestat habere bonos . quidue agat interea miles dum cessat ab hoste ne se desidiae dedat , inersque siet , denique faelici postquam fera praelia dextra egeris , & volitas clara per ora virûm : parcere num victis deceat , vel perdere prorsus : quidque horum illustret , nobilitetque prius . haec tibi mars plene ostendit , docuitque vt alumnum , palladis vt fueras ante in amore pari . et quoniam in bello multum sibi vendicat ipsa , fortvna hanc flexit , quo tibi adesse velit ; annuit , haec siquidem fausto tibi numine & olim , praesenti ac prompta se fore dixit ope . ergò vt caepisti pergas dvx inclyte bellum , quod nunc prae manibus prouehere atque sequi , donec ad optatum finem perduxeris : aqua cum sit causa deo grata & amica bonis . idem . ad eundem . fortunae donum est , generis quod clara propago te illustrem efficiat , nobilitetque domum , quod verò proprijs meritis virtuteque adeptus , longe praecellit , splendidiusque nitet : namque tua in bello generosa & fortia facta , fermè orbis totus nouit , ad astra vehens . haec te perpetua decorabit gloria , laude , et tibi post obitum vita perennis erit : tu , interea pylii transcendas nestoris annos et placidos habeas ac sine nube dies ; vt patriae , atque orbi praesis victricibus armis et cum pax fuerit , consilio atque fide . in illustrissimi eiusdem d. effigiem depictam . magnanimi effictam quicunque conspicis arte noricei , effigiem , nobile cernis opus : sed si animum videas , quem picta ostendit imago , dices nil toto magis in orbe micat . omne insigne huic vni fata simul dedere , dii superi , vnde hominum constat tutela , hunc tegite & vestris accumulate bonis : vt victor referat multos ex hoste triumphos , semperque aeterna gloria illustris viuat . petrus bizarus belga . a table of the principall contents in this booke . the translatours collection of the succeeding gouernours in the netherlands , and the originall causes of the ciuill warres there 1565. page 1. the originall warres there vnder the dutchesse of parma . page 4. captaine churchyards seruice . page 5. the ciuill warres there vnder the duke of alua. pag. 15. the warres there vnder don lewis requisensius . pag. 20. the warres there vnder don iohn de austria . p. 24. the warres there vnder alexander prince of parma against the arch-duke mathias for the states . p. 30. maister henrie knowles seruice . p. 46.47 . sir iohn norice knight , his first comming into the netherlands 1577. p. 27. his proceedings there vntill 1588. p. 102. the warres there vnder francis duke of aniow for the states , against alexander prince of parma . p. 43. captaine edward stranges seruice . p. 45. the warres there vnder parma against the prince of orange . p. 54. fiue seuerall messengers sent to murther the prince of orange . p. 55. his death and funerall . p. 59. his title and epitaph . p. 65. the warres there vnder the prince of parma and the states . p. 67. the warres there vnder the prince of parma & the erle of leycester . p. 74. captaine thomas louel , captaine charles blunt , now l. mountioy , captaine thomas vauiser , now sir thomas vauiser . p. 74. captaine iohn pryses seruice . p. 79. sir phil. sidneyes seruice there , his death & funerall . p. 88. the erle of essex his seruice at zutphen . p. 89. the lord willoughbie his seruices there . p. 88.103.104 . sir thomas cicil now lord burley . p. 84. sir henrie norice . p. 88.89 . sir william russels seruice there . p. 95. in ireland . p. 145. the wars there vnder the prince of parma against count maurice . p. 103. the death of parma where the belgick historie endeth . p. 111. the seruice of sir thomas morgan p. 18.19.32.41.47.106 . the seruice of sir roger williams . p. 38.42.97.98 . his seruice in the portugale voyage . p. 113. the voyage to portugale . p. 112. sir edward norice his seruice there . 113.116 . a iournall of sir iohn norices seruice in fraunce . 1591. p. 119. his memorable seruice at brest in britaine 1594. p. 134. a briefe discourse of his seruice in ireland against the arch-rebell tyrone 1595. p. 144. sir thomas baskeruil , sir francis vere , and colonell huntley . p. 98. sir william pelham . p. 101. sir thomas knowles . p. 74.138 . finis tabulae . the translators collection of the succeeding gouernours in the netherlands , and originall causes of the warres there . before i come to the consequent , i must begin with the antecedent ; before i frame the vpper building , i must fixe a foundation : so before i come to the causes of the ciuill warres in the netherlands , i must by due course of the dutch and latin historie ( which i fellow ) set downe the succeeding gouernours in those countries , by foure circumstances , briefly gathered out of my authors first booke histor . belgic . as he largely by substance deliuereth for former causes of later consequents . the first circumstance is this : the deriuation of the gouernment of those countries , by processe of time for many yéeres vnder foure dukes of burgundy , and as many archdukes of austrich : of which , that philip was the later archduke , who ( being sonne of maximilian , before archduke of austrich , and emperour of germany , and sonne in law to ferdinando king of spaine , leauing behind him his two sonnes , charles the elder , and ferdinando the younger , with foure daughters suruiuing ) deceased out of this mortall life in the yeere of our lord. 1505. the second circumstance is this : that the said charles ( as elder brother archduke of austrich and king of spaine ) sailing by sea thence into the netherlands anno 1517. taking possession of those countries for his owne behoofe , within two yéeres after ( that is to say anno 1519. on the 28. of iuly ) was elected at frankford in germanie , both king of romanes and emperour of germanie , by the name of charles the 5. emperour : and so continuing in magnificent and memorable honour and renowne many yeeres gouerned those countries : yet , not without some seueritie , as it is said : much like the eagle , which ( seeming naturally to affect her young ones ) will yet nourish them with great austeritie . although euen in his time ( for the religion of the gospell ) the ciuill broyles beginning in germanie , he sought by his great wisedome and grauitie to appease the same : yet happily liued he after this in great honour and felicitie : for he liued and saw his foresaid younger brother ferdinando chosen caesar at colen anno 1530. and on the fift of ianuary 1531. crowned king of the romanes , who became an earnest fauourer and furtherer of the gospell . he liued also and saw the felicitie of his lawfull begotten sonne philip , both duke of burgundy , archduke of austrich and king of spaine anno 1542. but he liued not to see the life and death of his base begotten sonne don iohn de austria , who died ( as afterwards shall appeare in this historie ) anno 1578. to be short , he liued yet to see his said sonne philip married with mary quéene of england on the 19. of iuly 1554. and in the next yéere following 1555. he gaue this his said sonne philip full possession and principalitie ouer the said countries of the netherlands , which hee had himselfe so gouerned ( not without some seueritie ) 38. yeeres . finally , omitting larger discourses of this charles the 5. emperour , ( of his so many notable and memorable expeditions in in his life time performed ) let these few words suffice ; that he made nine into germanie , seuen into spaine , seuen into italy , tenne into the netherlands , foure into france , and two into england , which in all were nine and thirtie . after all this ( to make an end of his memorials ) he resigning vp the empire and iurisdiction thereof vnto the princes electors of the same , in the yeere of our lord 1557. and so leauing germanie departed into spaine , where he finished the race of his mortall life on the 20. day of september in the yeere of our lord 1558. hauing been emperour for the full space of nine and thirtie yeeres . the third circumstance is this : that his aforesaid younger brother ferdinando , succeeding him in the empire , on the 18. day of march 1558. did so godly , and so religiously gouerne the same , from his first inauguration thereunto , that he had much adoe to be confirmed in this imperiall dignitie , by pope paul the 4. of that name bishop of rome ; because he this good emperour granting peace vnto the churches of germanie , & preferring the gospell , the same pope paul withstood him in italy , and thwarted him with warlike forces out of france , to come of purpose to rome , there to disgrace and disanull his gouernment euen in that same very yeere 1558. aforesaid . this good emperour notwithstanding perseuering an imperiall sincere patrone of the sacred religion ( to his great comfort ) saw his sonne maximilian also chosen and crowned king of romanes , in the moneth of nouember 1564. and so he himselfe hauing been emperour sixe yeeres and vpwards , was by the god of peace called out of this troublesome world on the 25. of iuly anno 1565. the fourth and last circumstance , yet not the least which i gather out of my authors first booke is this : that as the said king philip of spaine had been from the yeere of our lord 1555. aforesaid , possessed in his soueraigntie ouer the netherlands , vntill this yeere 1565. aforesaid ; so his father charles the 5. emperour in his time was not so seuere an eagle , but this his sonne now becomes as sore a lion , ioyning hands as it were with the pope of rome : and whereas they two made other christian princes beléeue they became right restorers of christian policie ; in processe of time they prooued themselues to be destroyers of the peace and weale publike of a good gouernment , in sending foorth the spanish inquisition , as the ground of al the griefe in the netherlands , and the originall cause of the ciuill warres there , now following . the originall ciuill warres in the netherlands vnder the duchesse of parma . for first by the said inquisition sent from the pope and the spanish king into the netherlands , against the professors of the gospell , or of the reformed religion , thus it fell out : that the king hauing chosen new bishops for the purpose , sent them thither to execute the said inquisition amongst them . they of the reformed religion hereupon exhibit to the lady margaret duchesse of parma and placencia ( sent by the king thither for their regent and gouernesse vnder him ) a little printed booke : wherein they craue mitigation of the kings decrée , hoping ( as they alleaged ) that he would not infringe and frustrate their ancient priuiledges and franchises in those points , and for that cause they were reputed and called geusij , viz. poore men . which thing being interpreted to the worst in spaine , and sore stomacked by the king , they of the reformed religion perceiuing the same fire euery day more and more to burst foorth ( to quench , or at least as it were to auoide the same ) by publike assemblies at sermons , and conuenient places , doe prouide for their profession and for protection of their particular estates . hereupon on the other side began idolatrie to outface and disanull their doings by the papists : yet for all this the said ladie margaret duchesse of parma , then regent , was commaunded by the king , to graunt securitie vnto the nobilitie of the professors ( who had béen before suiters vnto her for the same ) that they might fréely haue their assemblies and sermons , till further order were taken therein . then they of the reformed religion laid away their weapons , and some idolatrous personages were put to death . meane while the regent hauing gathered vnder her some forces , began to sow discord and debate amongst the reformed nobilitie : whereof the lesser part being stirred vp , or rather enforced by her menacings and threatnings , doe againe take them to their weapons : whereupon at antwerpe did sedition and tumult arise . to auoide future daunger , william prince of orange and counte nassaw hereupon departeth out of the netherlands in happie time . againe at antwerpe was commandement giuen in certaine places that sermons should be prohibited ; and so all things seeme to stand in vncertaintie , though some hoped that the kings displeasure would be pacified . to conclude , yet so many as were suspected of the reformed religion were taken and violently put to death : many others taken endured long imprisonmēt : many others fearing worse to come , fled these low countries , dispersing themselues into diuers parts of europe . and all this continued vnder the said duchesse of parma , regent for the space of twentie moneths . in the time of these troubles and graunt of an interim ( to haue frée libertie in preaching the gospell ) there fell out a bloodie conflict neere antwerpe , at a place called austeruile : for one monsieur de toloze a protestant ( suspecting bad practises of the regent ) gathered and assembled two thousand souldiers in a fortification , not fullie accomplished at the said austeruile , meaning with that force to aide them of antwerpe , if ill measure were offered them ; which the regent went cunningly about : for she ( in all secret manner ) raised a thousand horse and foure thousand footemen , and gaue the charge of them to a gallant captaine called monsieur beauvois ( albeit a cruell man ) who immediatly marched priuily towards this new fortification , and before monsieur toloze could make himselfe strong to withstand his enemies , the regents power in the breake of day set vpon the vnreadie and féeble force of toloze , and charged them so furiously and hotly , that they entred the weake fortifications , & ouerthrew the whole companie of toloze , sauing a few that escaped dangerously into antwerpe ; among which souldiers captaine churchyard saued himselfe and entred antwerpe . notwithstanding toloze being slaine , and almost all his men , the enemie ( after the victorie gotten ) marched with all possible spéede towards antwerpe , where fortie ensignes of the regents power were in battell on the market place readie to receiue them , and kept the towne gates as open as they could for that purpose : but the protestants fearing mischiefe and miserie , ran to the gates in all haste and shut them fast , carying away the keyes into the hart of the towne . the prince of orange , the counte de horne , and counte hostraet , with monsieur decardes , and many more seigneurs and noblemen beholding the daunger they were in , knew not what to doe , nor durst make any resistance , for offending the regent , and losse of liues , goods and lands : and so refusing all charge against the regent , they left the common people in a great vprore and hazard : to auoide which extremitie , the commoners began to clap on armour , and made a most resolute mutinie , crying viue les gueulx , that is to say , liue poore men : and beholding ouer the walles monsieur beauvois and his people proudly marching ( after so much bloodshed ) within a mile of antwerpe , the protestants resolutely determined to encounter beauvois in the fields : but wanting a generall captaine , and horsemen to match against horsemen , they fell in a great murmuring , and knew not what was best to take in hand : yet seeing all their gouernours refuse them , called courage to themselues , and so resolued to make a stranger their captaine , they being enterlarded with many valiant souldiers ( that came from the siege of valenciana ) came suddenly to captaine churchyards lodging and burst open his doore , commaunding him in all haste to come out , and take the charge of those that would fight for the gospell , which attended his comming well armed in the stréetes : churchyard told them he would serue among them , but was vnable to gouerne a multitude . whereon they bent their pikes on him , and threatned to kill him if he did refuse their louing offer . he thereupon gaue his promise to obey , and so without any armour came into the stréet , where was raised such a shout and noise of people ( and so many caps flung vp ) that it was a wonder to heare and see it : he presently gessed their number was great and their quarell good , so in a few words he desired that such as would not fight , to depart to their wiues and children : whereat all the people shouted and cried , goe forward and we will follow . then vnto the gates goes the assemblie of 25. thousand , sauing the souldiers were left by direction to make head and beard the fortie ensignes in the market place : so the protestants breaking with barres of yron a posterne gate ( because the keyes were hidden ) their leader still aduancing his ensigne full in the enemies view , their horsemen somewhat slacke ( for the rifling tolozes campe ) cast in the reregard : and not readie to charge the forefront of the protestants , made the protestants vse the more aduantage both of shot and seruice , whereby they gat so much blood and victorie , that their leader ( of some great consideration ) made his people retire into the towne againe , the number that sallied were eight thousand . they were no sooner entred but the prince of orange and noblemen welcomed ( with embracings ) the leader and all his followers , promising great matter for their boldnes . but the captaine and his people hoping to rid the whole towne of spaniards , marched with the aduantage of the time ( the gates fast shut ) towards the market place , order being giuen that fiue thousand shot should enter at the backes of the enemies , when one shot of canon should be discharged against the protestants from the market place ( where 24. great pieces were rammed full of stones and chaines ) and resolutely the protestants holding this course , marching thorow cooper strote in as great brauerie and terror as may be imagined , they approched néere the enemies with such a thundring noise and crie as seemed marueilous . the prince and great earles before named , pitying the great slaughter that might follow this bold attempt , on horsebacke ( as all the nobilitie were ) the prince presented peace to the protestants : who disdaining his offer cried kill him , and so bent their pikes on him . what , what ( quoth the captaine ) will you kill your gouernours , fie for shame , hold still your weapons : but the prince and the rest with him , drew backe their bridles so hard and so disorderly , that downe came the prince and his companie all flat backward in the place . the enemie then amazed at that sight ( besides regarding the priuie stratagem or practises at their backes neere the riuers side ) began after their musing and amaze to discourage themselues , in so much that the cannons they would haue shot off , and the seruice they intended was vtterly forgotten , so that suddenly they let fall their pikes , and at the protestants approch then at hand , the enemies cried ( to saue their owne liues ) viue le gueulx aloude , and in such sort that they suffered all their captaines and leaders to the number of sixe score to be taken prisoners , losing all their cannons and munition , putting euery thing they had into the leaders hands of the protestants , he vsing victorie in the great aduauntage of that season , caused all their cānons to be drawne with ropes from the market place to the méere brugge , a great stréete néere the burse , and filling euery window full of shot to flanke each part and corner of the stréetes and burse , he chained carts together with shot in them , and thereon pitched straight waies a campe full vpon the méere-brugge , hauing then at commaund thirtie thousand resolute souldiers , for the space of thrée daies and nights : all which time the generall appointed captaines and officers for euery companie , and all warlike orders set in stay , he thought all had been well and in suretie : but a vile cunning and vnchristian brute was raised , that the caluinists would cut the martinists throtes : on which false brute , in one night the protestants lost much more than ten thousand men , who ioyned as they might with the papists : yet god mouing the mindes of good men , made the protestants and their generall couragiously to plucke vp their hearts , and the generall with fiue hundred shot , match fired in cocke , marched to the prince of orange his presence , and told him that this drift of the martinists going from the protestants , smelled of two much suttle smoke , the smoother thereof might set all antwerpe on a flaming fire , desiring him to see a quicke redresse herein , or else presently the protestants would giue all the enemies a battell , to the whole spoyle and ouerthrow of the towne : and therewithall he departed from the prince , and vsed his fiue hundred shot , to house and driue in all the martinists into their lodgings : for as yet they had not ioyned with the enemies force , they were so wearie with watching before , and so glad of rest , libertie , and companie of their wiues and friends at that present . the prince then with great prudence and policie , sent word to the protestants that they should haue free accesse to sermons and preachings , which they sought , ( for the which was a goodly preaching place built ) and further the prince promised that the martinises and all other enemies should lay downe their weapons and passe quietly euery man to his lodging , requiring that the protestants would make no further stirre , but as quietly as were possible to march by euery mans owne doore , and there to leaue the townes men in their dwelling places as they marched : which request of the prince was to gods glorie and his honour in perfit order performed , alwaies the protestants kept them strong till the enemie were all lodged , and then each man went home in peace . all these things being done and brought to a good end , without shedding of blood or spoyle of any christian creature : yet the prince was after forced to flée to breda , as the storie now shall shew you following . the noble prince of orange in breda ( his owne towne ) seeing his sonne and heire taken from louaine at schoole , by the crueltie of the duke of alua , and throughly considering the calamitie of flaunders ( by the dealing of a tyrannous gouernour ) : this warlike wise prince with a fatherly regard and true affection to gods word and the netherlands , began to stomacke the wrongs receiued whē he gouerned antwerpe ( and the imminent danger that flanders stood in ) and calling to minde al promises were broken that were solemnly made by the late regent , he consulted and communed of this matter with the states of germanie and his friends there , who counselled him to take armes in hand and raise a power , at his owne house in dillenbrough , a parcell of germanie ( ten great leagues from colen ) and these great captaines and worthie germanes promised not only in person , but also in purse and munition to assist him , which they performed with great expedition , at the time when he ariued at dillenbrough , where churchyard being sent ( from the lord high chamberlaine of england ) saw the méeting of all this mightie assemblie , and serued vnder monsieur de lume ( counte de la march ) as cornet-bearer to two hundred and fittie light horsemen all that warres , which was against the duke of alua in his first comming to flanders . the prince passed his musters beyond the rhine , betweene an abbey and andernake , a walled towne in germanie , and had in his armie two and twentie thousand foote , and thirtéene thousand horse , all swartrutters : so paying his souldiers with dollars two moneths pay afore hand , he passed this great armie in boates very néere andernake , marching from thence towards aken , a strong towne : but by the way was a great mutinie betweene the almaines and burgonians , who said the almaines had lost the battell of groning , where counte lodwick and all his power was ouerthrowne , those words made many a man be slaine : but the broyle was pacified by the prince , who marched straightwaies to aix , a great citie , and the armie encountred anon after the duke of aluaes souldiers , horsemen , some valiant of minde , and some by sorcerie with words and characters in their doublets , more mad than manly , yet hoping in sorcerie ventured too farre , and could not be killed with shot ; a desperate royster beholding the boldnes of these enchaunted persons against shot , drew his sword and stroke one of these men on the face , who quickly yéelded himselfe ( as after his fellowes did ) to the mercie of the sword . the matter marshally a long while pleaded and orderly by marshall law disputed , the enchaunted men were all condemned to be hanged , because against the law of armes they had vsed vnchristian and vnlawfull meanes to murther men and shed christian blood . these men executed the princes armie ( after a good summe of money paied for the raunsome of aix the great towne ) departed towards senttro , another walled towne , which redéemed it selfe in like manner . all this while the duke of alua with thirtie thousand shot and foure thousand horse , waited on the princes power , still skirmishing with braue souldiers against the princes forces . but almost forgotten at the entring of the princes armie , he bruted that he would passe thorow liege , a marueilous mightie towne , where the duke aduertised by espiall , attended the prince his comming : suddenly without sound of drumme the prince parted a contrarie way towards a foord on the maze néere mastricke , marching all the whole darke night very fast , ( which lost some men ) and at breake of day came to a bare village where the foord was , to enter into flanders : so in all haste possible the horsemen passed , bearing a croope behinde them each one a souldier : but the horses so many , and their legges holding vp the water , the riuer rose so hie that many footmen were drowned , and much victuall wet and lost : yet before night all the armie left aliue were landed in as great safetie as could be wished . but resting thrée daies there , the duke was in mastrick ( not very farre off ) to giue the prince battell : so god sent a most faire day for that cause , in his gracious pleasure . the prince ranged and set in battell , marched on a goodly plaine towards mastrick , and the order of the field by excellent souldiers set and ranged in the most princeliest manner that might be ( churchyard at all this ) : the vangard , battell and reregard so shining in armour , and other awfull troupes of horsemen , which seemed a great wood and terror to behold , that in very deede the show and fight thereof would haue delighted any man liuing to behold : for the march and order of the field was miraculous to consider on , and most fearfull to match withall and encounter . yet the duke of alua ( a great noble souldier ) determined ( as it was thought ) valiantly to fight with all this braue armie , so in short time the very same day the prince came within shot of cannon ( and at the length of musket ) so néere the duke , that he sent a number of horsemen to make a brauado , and plied it so fast with small shot out of the trenches ( for he was intrenched ) that it was thought a great slaughter would ensue . thus continuing all the latter end of the day in skirmish and great seruice , at night the prince was faine to lodge his power néere the very face of the dukes army , farre from water or wood : but in the night season the duke remoued his campe , and a farre off waited on the prince daily , who neuer did march backward , but came ( as afore is said ) to aix , senttro , tongre , and other townes of good moment , making his profit as he might euery where , because some had broken promise with him in a most odious manner . for some had falsified their faith , besides odde trumperies they deuised , and othersome poysoned the standing waters and pooles : yea and in some places milke and drinke was infected , milles were all broken downe , and no corne to be grinded : by which heathenlike & foule hellish practises , the princes armie was like to perish : yet a shift was found to bring the armie by little & little from these miseries : but forced to skirmish with alua oftē . the prince came cunningly to a towne called tongre , finding there much of the dukes prouision , and a number of waggons full of corne and other necessaries , succoured and made somewhat in strength , and in hope of good fortune : the armie meant to passe ouer a little riuer néere tielmount , but by the way were sharply encountred with the whole power of the duke of alua , where in hazard the count de hostraet was shot in the legge , of which wound he died andn after . the duke likewise ( a politike souldier and great gouernour ) bearded the prince a while with hot and cruell countenance , and so sent iulian romero to lie in ambush betwéene a bridge and passage , full in the face of the princes campe , marching to passe the water : which romero most like a rare great souldier , in a fine warlike sort , couched his force flat on the earth behinde the forlorne hope , sent from the prince to view and make place for his armies passage : romero came before as one that knew the aduantage of time , couching close as flat as they might , and so the day consuming , all was in rest , and both parties in a great wood lay as close as they could . the duke maintaining skirmish , followed still after the réergard of the prince . romero suffered both the carriage , vaungard and battell to passe the bridge : and as the reergard aduaunced themselues to march ouer the passage , romero descried his power of sixe thousand shot , and so put al the forlorne hope to flight , or slew the most of them . a noble frenchman called monsieur de malberg , and all his companie of foure thousand braue souldiers were there defeated , with others to the number of eight thousand men : which fight and slaughter endured in great and bloodie broyle till the very night approched , and compelled both the camps to lodge within cannon shot one of another , and in the night the duke priuily stole away , for some hidden cause and policie : for the next morning monsieur ianlis and seuen thousand footemen , with fiftéene hundred horse , marched ful vpon the dukes power in a faire plaine néere vnto namur . the duke dreading ianlis boldnes ( and the princes camp not farre off ) turned him backe another way , and made his march very fast , for feare of a blow : then ianlis and all his noble troupe ioyned with great ioy with the princes power . immediatly the prince prepared to besiege a towne called chasteau cambresi , and marching thitherwards , the duke waited at hand , but the towne was strongly besieged : notwithstanding the duke ( as the prince had intelligence ) minded to disturbe him : the espials of the dukes campe were by the prince taken , which declared in what disorder the dukes campe lay : whereon without sound of drumme ( most secretly ) the prince marched to méete the duke , and the barking of dogs vnder the ruitters waggons , gaue warning how both the armies were almost mingled together ( the night being dark ) whereat a great alarme arose on both sides : but the dukes campe within two houres was intrenched , and so a great encounter of horsemen a long time passed out the morning in skirmishing , with many slaine and hurt . the prince then departing from flaunders came into france néere guise and s. quintins , and marched after to disperse his armie towards strasborogh : in the which way churchyard ( departing frō the prince to england ) so leaues this true testimonie for a witnes , that the author which wrote the other historie ( which robinson translated ) left partially out of his booke , whereas these matters at that season were worthie of memorie . written fom pag. 5. hitherto by thomas churchyard . the ciuill warres proceeding in the netherlands , vnder don ferdinando aluares de toledo duke of alua : sent thither by the king of spaine as commander generall . after all this , king philip still prosecuting his former purpose with further extremities , in the yeere of our lorde 1567. sent thither don ferdinando aluares duke of alua , by the title of the kings commaunder generall : a noble personage no doubt , but a notable cruell tyrant , tall of personage , leane of bodie ( like vnto brutus or cassius whom caesar censured to be feared ) strong of members , vpright in stature , long and leane faced , hollow eyed , of fierce and grim countenance , with a long and gray beard , haughtie of minde , stoute of courage , and ( as my author saith ) magnus aulicus , insignis dissimulator : yet of surpassing skill and knowledge in feates and policies of warre , excéeding therein all spaniards of his time : who as he exercised most seuere martiall discipline in his warres , so vsed hee great iudgement in leading foorth his armies , pitching his tents , and pointing out harbours for his souldiers , because he was of long time a continuall practitioner in warres defensiue and offensiue : and so bold he was and of such stout selfe-conceit , as one fearing no daunger , that he would take vpon him no charge of any armie , except he might haue the chiefe place and prerogatiue of commendator generall , as the spaniards call it . as certainly he serued both the father charles the 5. emperour before remembred , and philip the sonne now mentioned , in chiefest place or calling of martiall affaires , and that in most important and difficult enterprises : managing their warres in italy , spaine , france , hungary , germany , africk and the netherlands : who now entring there in person all armed , found all things in peaceable state : but within a yéere after , he began to be stirre him in the ininoyned inquisition afresh , euery where grieuously vexing and persecuting the inhabitants with new impositions , mutinies , confiscation of goods , imprisonment , ciuill warres , and vnmercifull death : daily inueighing against them , that they had broken their alleageance to the king and his supreame authoritie , and that they had lost all priuiledge of libertie , life and possessions : therefore he calleth a generall new councell of the states , abrogating old , and establishing new lawes , quite contrarie to the ancient former customes of those countries ; vrging daily the new bishops to be diligent in executing the said inquisition , summo iure ( or rather summa iniuria ) according to that saying , sic volo , sic iubeo , stet pro ratione voluntas : he himselfe setting all things in order for ciuill wars , fortifieth old and erecteth new fortresses , castles and muniments , making prouision for prisons , and other such preparations . this being in the yéere 1569. our english merchants and marriners ( amongst whom , my selfe a poore clerke trauailing towards antwerpe , for my preferment ) they some in one place , some in another , i at flushing ( vpon christmas éeue ) were taken out of our beds , and ( our ships and goods by the kings commaundement imbargued ) so carried to the geuarghen huise , as they called it . the cause whereof was , that certaine ships with the kings treasure driuen néere the coast of england by tempest of weather , were taken by the quéenes maiesties ships & brought into the themes : by meanes whereof both english merchants and marriners were detained in prison , and their ships and goods restrained as well in all the spanish kings dominions ; as also on the other partie the king of spaines subiects and goods were arested in the quéenes maiesties kingdomes of england , wales and ireland : which continued for the space of two yéeres following , till that order was then taken for the same : when the merchants , marriners and their ships were released and dismissed , but the goods liable to the value of the spanish kings treasures was answered accordingly . thus the crueltie of the time and state in the netherlands increasing most odious vnto other christian princes , it was gods good pleasure to put into the mindes of the states of germanie , also of charles the 9. king of france ( for mitigation of these calamities ) to enter a league with william prince of orange and count nassaw , to leuie forces of men and munition vnder conduct of the count lodwicke of nassaw brother to the said prince , being also associated with the two valiant captaines , ienlisij and the lord of laxone : who ( with their said forces part germans , part frenchmē , part dutchmen , and part english voluntaries ) bending their endeuours to the surprising of the strong towne of mounts in henault , on the 24. of may in the foresaid yéere obtained the towne by fight , and possessed the same by strong fortification thereof . in that yéere ( saith my author ) king philip vpon suspition that he had of his only son charles prince of spaine ( that hee should prepare himselfe with habiliments by sea to step away into the netherlands , and ioyne with the states , vz. the prince of orange , count de egmont , graue van horne and others , to manage ciuill warres against his father and his commander before named ) for that cause cast his said sonne into prison , where continuing a certain time he died , yet as it was thought by bléeding . the foresaid gouernesse duchesse of parma and placencia departed about the end of iuly home into italy , being conducted vpon the way to the sea side by the commander generall : who returning to his court at bruxels , cited thither the said prince of orange , count de egmont and count horne ( hauing before proscribed them ) to appeare vpon their alleageance to the king , before him as his lieutenant generall ouer all those countries . the prince of orange kept him aloofe out of his daunger : the other were taken , laid in prison , and afterwards beheaded in the market place at bruxels . in that yéere also was tergoas besiged the second time by tseratius for the prince and the states , who was afterwards made gouernour of flushing : there at tergoas hauing made his ditches and plotted his stations for his ordinance to be discharged , by and by made he a breach in two places of the walles . at the which assault the french souldiers vnder monsieur and the english stipendarie hired souldiers vnder captaine thomas morgan and others , néere vnto the chiefest gate of the towne , being 25 ▪ paces broade , about midnight made entrance into the citie : whilest creitius the colonell , being by his frenchmen greatly furthered therein , bestirs him to scale the other side of the gate : but being countermaunded by the souldiers within sufficiently defending that place , both hée and they were repulsed , and forced to giue back frō that assault . whereby mondragon the spanish captaine ( newly thereupon come thither ) reserued t●●goas from any further siege ( himselfe and his souldiers wading thorow déepe waters , sent thither in great oportunitie by the commaunder generall ) as it were to resist the assault and rescue the towne , which was performed with the losse of two hundred english and french souldiers slaine and fallen into the waters there . frederick the sonne of the duke of alua , hauing béen with his said father very forward in all actions , about the 21. of nouember 1572. with the forces which he had vnder him from his father , besieged zutphen in gelderland , and shortly after tooke it . thus the duke of alua hauing with great crueltie gouerned for the king , making hauocke of all with little mercie wheresoeuer hée came , casting downe strong holds , and killing man , woman and child : to make an end of his mischiefes , when now the citie of harlem in holland had for her own best safegard receiued the garrison of the said prince of orange , pitched there his tents , bringing thither his armie , consisting of wallons and frenchmen , vnder their captaines : also englishmen and their captaines , by name captaine turner , who serued there some 8. yéeres , captaine cotton , captaine christopher hunter , captaine candish , captaine george gascoyne and others , which were all voluntaries ; and of certaine scottish regiments , sending thither also all kindes of necessarie victuals , furniture and prouision for the said armie : thither then came the said frederick sonne to the said duke of alua , and with his fresh forces of diuers countries ( sent thither by the king of spaine ) laieth great and long siege vnto the same : which enduring from the said yéere 1572. néere at ende , till the 15. of august 1573. hée at length preuailed so farre , that profligating the princes armie , and dispersing them here and there , he entred the same citie , and obtained and kept it in possession for the king , vsing the inhabitants thereof with no little extremitie . about the 20. of august in the said yéere 1573. his said father don ferdinando duke of alua ( partly his crueltie being by the king perceiued , and partly by the states of the netherlands complai●●d vpon , leauing his said sonne to gouerne and bea●e armes for the king ) with a conuenient retinue departeth out of those countries , not without many a curse , banning and exclamation made vpon him for his farewell , whē he had so there tyrannized about the space of 6. yéers little more or lesse . vide hieronymū connestagium in historia portugaliae . the warres in the netherlands , vnder don lewis requisensius gouernour for the spanish king. about the beginning of october 1573. succéeding the said duke of alua , came thither sent by the king of spaine another noble man named don lewis requisensius , he taking gouernment vpon him , smally enterprised to purpose in the latter end of that yéere . in the next yéere following 1574. he bestirreth him by all meanes possible to leuy his forces to besiege diuers townes , and to fortifie some others : amongst which when the zelanders had attempted to besiege midleborow , they so farre proceeded that the towne suffered great penurie and distresse of all things both by sea and by land ; and by meanes thereof was in the end yéelded vnto the said zelanders for the prince of orange , who supported their powers and forces therein . what time in the yéere aforesaid 1574. this newcome commaunder brought his forces to besiege the citie of leyden , one of the chiefest cities in holland , the said prince of orange sent thither for safegard thereof vnder lieutenant edward chester an englishman , ten ensignes or companies of english souldiers , all voluntaries , who appointing certaine of them for a garrison in the citie , procureth the citizens to make speedie prouision of corne and graine for the necessarie sustentation of his souldiers . but finding the want thereof at his comming , and their slownes in preparing the same at that time , he complaineth greatly y t they the lesse regarding or foreseeing the same in time , do not so spéedely prouide for the premisses : and still he earnestly calleth vpon thē to looke well to the present necessitie in time , & so for their safetie and defense he doth the part of a good carefull captaine , that in the meane time they resisted and repelled the enemies forces for thrée moneths . and he telleth them they should lack no helpe that he could performe or procure any way : notwithstanding they of the citie being to too negligent and slow in following his aduice in time , shortly after ( for want of better prouision in due time ) fiue ensignes of those english souldiers were constrained to step aside to the enemie , contrarie to their promise to the states . this towne was rescued by cutting certaine bankes and letting in the sea , which drowned many of the enemies troupes . in the beginning of the next yéere 1575. the king of spaine hauing victualles , manned and rigged a nauie of souldiers purposely sent to inuade the netherlands , a great part of the same nauie ariued by contrary winde and weather vpon the coasts of england : all for the most part of these ships were such as they call assabres , pinasses , so small as that they might passe thorow the narrow and deepe riuers of those countries : who when they chanced vpon the coast of the i le of wight in england , such a friend was the quéens maiestie vnto them , that by the helpe of certaine her highnes and subiects ships , they were wafted ouer to dunkerke , where ( after they had landed their souldiers and conueied their treasure which they brought to the commaunder ) staying vpon those coasts the latter part of that winter , these ships ( with those that were left in them ) by huge and terrible tempests there arising , were ( one frushed with the other ) quite sunke and cast away ; a thing surely reputed for gods wonderfull worke . this yeere also the states of holland and zeland ( by the chiefe perswasion of the prince of orange ) after much and graue consultation , with no lesse aduice and deliberation determined , condescended , and agreed to make suite vnto some forreine prince , to protect and defend them from the horrible furies and outragious tyrannies of the spanish gouernment . in that yeere 1575. was ziricksea also besieged by the enemies forces , which continued for nine moneths space : where when the prince of orange had resisted the enemie what he could with men , munition and money , to his power , it was afterwards ( sore against this good princes will ) yeelded vp vnto the spanish king and his forces in the next yeere following 1576. the same next yeere following 1576. what time the said commaunder generall with his spaniards and others , bent their forces to inuade antwerpe : there then the marques of hauery being general , and champigny another valiant captaine for the states , ioyned their forces to the full resisting of that inuasion , and valiantly withstood the enemie . but then the earle obersteyn making haste from the offerlings house in antwerpe ( being pursued by the spaniards ) thinking by flight to escape that daunger , rushed into a flemmish ship in the riuer , where by the way ( through the heauines of his armour borne downe ) he fell from that ships side and was drowned . at that inuasion also were missing ( pursued by the spaniards ) certaine others of the chiefest personages of authoritie and valour in antwerpe : there then also the young count egmont was taken prisoner in the abbey of s. michael , and with him capreyse and gogneyse two noble men , and so caried captiues away . then the spaniards thus inuading the noble citie of antwerpe , entring it with fire and sword most furiously sacked , ransacked and spoyled the same citie in horrible manner : so that they were lords and conquerours of the same by the fourth day of nouember in the yeere aforesaid 1576. where i note ( by the way ) that on the selfe same day when the noble citie of antwerpe most tyrannously and most lamentably was thus taken , burnt and spoyled by the spaniards , euen then the same day don iohn de austria the bastard sonne of charles the 5. emperour before remembred , and new sent commander generall for the king of spaine , came into the netherlands to gouerne the same . as for the late commander don lewis requisensius , when he had so serued his prince king philip as generall of the netherlands foure yéeres , he deceased at bruxels : vpon whose death by the author were written these verses following . in mortem lvdovici requisens . regis hispan . commendatoris magni praedicti in belgia . 1576. carmen . i lle requisensus regi percharus , & ipsi vrbis quirini flaminis , nunc chlamydem , quandoque togam , quandoque cucullum triplex chymera gestitans : belgarum genti rector datus , ante faeraci praefectus & insubriae . mitis & horrenaus , turgens abdomine , praedo prouinciarum subdolus ; emunctor populi , procerum calcator , asylum rasis , piorum carnifex . numen iberorum , batauorum terror , iniquus belli atque pacis arbiter . ad generum caereris subito se contulit , illuc , citatus à vitellio : o stupidos belgas , passi qui talia monstra , adhuc supini stertitis ? finis . the ciuill warres there vnder don iohn de austria . in ianuary following the next yeere 1577. ( after he was there setled a certaine space ▪ ) the prince of orange and diuers of the chiefest of the states ( by a certaine humble endeuour to doe all things for the best ) doe offer him in friendly manner for his present intertainment , vse and benefit , the possession of louaine and machlin , to the intent to haue some treatie of pacification confirmed by him : the said prince and states ( at his request first demaunding the same ) on their parts giuing for hostages the before named marques of haury , the burgraue of gaunt , and the abbot of s. gertrude . he accepteth their proffer made , receiueth the hostages , and bearing them in hand ( if he might be beleeued ) he would remaine either at machlin or at louaine , where he would further procéede in treatie according to their former request to him so made . in so much as the same being on the 5. of ianuary 1577. condescended , confirmed & published by the aforesaid prince of orange and the states at bruxels : don iohn ( then as it seemed ) being moued by many reasons to make vnitie with the states , promised them first to send away and quite dismisse the spanish kings forces out of those countries , and after that maketh them many faire promises on his part to be performed , to the number of 19. articles , which were on the other partie likewise by and for himselfe and his councell on the 17. of february 1577. condescended , confirmed , exhibited and published . but howsoeuer this appeared in outward shew ( as the poet saith ) it fell out exitus acta probat , caret successibus opto : for the prince of orange and the states looking into his water more iudicially and prudently preuenting the worst , sought by al meanes to prouide in time for their owne securitie and safetie , and like prospecting patriotae for the protection of themselues and their countrie , fortified themselues and the same euery where . notwithstanding on the 7. ides of aprill anno dom. 1577. king philip confirmeth this as a perpetuall decree : hereupon the prince and the states doe call vpon the new gouernour ( don iohn the bastard of austrich ) for money , and hauing receiued some certaine pay , doe satisfie in part the souldiers there so long soiourning . so the spanish , italians , and burgundian souldiers , as well footmen as horsemen , on the 11. of may doe forsake and depart from vtrich , and from all the castles and fortresses thereabouts . about the same time the before named countie egmont captiue , with the other two noblemen taken by the spaniards the last yéere , and besides these , valdesius with fiue or sixe others taken by the states , were all dismissed and sent home , and at length all other strangers also , vnto whom ( their promised pay being now made ) countie maunsfeld gouernour of luxenberg performeth safe-conduct , departing out of luxenberg into italy very rich and passing ioyfull . to conclude , don iohn who ( before the departure of the spaniards out of the netherlands , could not be made gouernour of the same ) now in the meane time prepareth himselfe to take vpon him that gouernmēt at louaine : where ( when very many noblemen came to congratulate his thither comming on the calends of may , this said yéere 1577 ) he with a great number of noblemen of his traine , in great solemnitie , honour and triumph went to bruxels : where on the 4. of may he was enstalled gouernour general for the spanish king ouer all those netherlands : the people verely perswading themselues , that henceforth now perfect stabilitie of peace would possesse their expectations . but within a while after he ( seeing the gouernment of the countrie in his absolute power and possession ) began forthwith to execute that authoritie , which in secret manner he had from the king enioyned him : and hereupon priuily conferreth out of hand with the germane souldiers ( as yet staying in the netherlands ) to this end especially , that he may haue certaine chiefe cities there by some suttle sleight or cunning deuice rendred into his hands . but his letters mentioning those secret deuices , were intercepted ( as god would haue them ) in france : and so his fraude or guile being now discouered , he aforehand taketh the citie of namur . but when he attempted the like thing against antwerpe , his enterprise had no successe : for the castle being fortified and defended by boursius in the behalfe of the states , this meanes , policie and power sufficiently preuailed against the enemies enterprise . againe also bergen opt zome , breda , and shertogenbusch , this don iohns forces were discomfited by champigny in the states behalfe , valiantly encountring and ouermatching the enemie at all assates . hereupon the prince of orange and the states doe write vnto the spanish king , accusing the said don iohn of his indirect dealing , contrarie to the confidence they reposed in him : they also certified his maiestie that this don iohn faining peace , and the procuring thereof amongst them , would not sticke to depart the countrie , if he were sure to bring it to passe thereby that the catholike religion ( as he termeth it ) and the kings authoritie might so rest in safetie . and yet in the meane time after all this protestation , this don iohn sendeth for the spanish and other dismissed souldiers to come backe againe . to crosse him therefore another way , preuenting his purpose the states doe cast downe the castle of antwerpe , mistrusting he would forth with be their euill neighbour there first of all : and incontinently they prepare them to warre against don iohn . therefore they send speedely for the prince of orange , not farre off as then , whom they condiscend to make the chiefe gouernour of antwerpe . hereupon groweth a ielousie , whereby many of the noblemen being mooued in some manner contrarily , doe send for the archduke matthias , brother to the then & now still emperour rodolphus 2. and sonne of maximilian before emperour , hoping vnder his authoritie to haue particular iurisdiction in the seuerall prouinces there : which thing when they of gaunt did heare of , they take the duke of ascot with others of that faction , and commit them to safe kéeping . here it is especially to be remembred , that on the 17. day of iuly that yéere 1577. came first to the prince of orange , a worthie and forward souldier master iohn norice , second sonne to the lord henry norice , baron of rycot in oxfordshire , a gentleman of great courage and dexteritie , who ( as captaine peter cripse , a follower of him in this his first seruice , and in all others afterwards for a long time , saith ) landed first at dunkirke with thrée hundred englishmen , where he arming thē , marched toward antwerpe with them , where the said prince of orange remained : and so from thence to brokam , where he made pay to all his souldiers the last day of that moneth of iuly 1577. aforesaid . duke matthias being come into those countries , and at the first thus forsaken of them whom he should haue had his assistance , by the perswasion yet of the prince of orange , is by the states chosen and ordained their chiefe gouernour for the king : and don iohn is publikely proclaimed an enemie to all the low countries , datum bruxellae 7. decemb. 1577. the states in this yéere send their ambassadours vnto diuers monarchs and princes of diuers kingdoms and countries , to excuse themselues and accuse don iohn of the misgouernment of the netherlands : in france they were offered by the king his brother and quéene mother both fauour and furtherance for their defence . and here it is to be remembred , that whereas ( by reason of the same request of the states made vnto the quéenes maiestie of england ) certaine euill disposed persons flattering the king of spaine , bore him in hand that the quéenes maiestie did ambitiously seeke to vsurpe the gouernment of those low countries , contrarie to his good pleasure : her maiestie therefore being giuen to vnderstand of those slanderous and false bruites giuen out against her ( to purge her selfe of such sinister dealing , and of that false and vndeserued surmise suggested to the said king , and dispersed abroad to blemish her highnes credit and estimation with other christian princes ) to the intent she would rather be knowne to god and the whole world , to eschue euill and doe good , to seeke peace and insue it , psal . 34.13 . and not to be an intruder into those troubles ( as it was falsely surmised ) to nourish the ciuill warres in those countries , laboureth by princely and friendly meanes of perswasion to the spanish king for carefull conseruation and preseruation of the same : and likewise in christian and friendly manner exhorteth the prince of orange and states of those countries to submit themselues to their soueraigne lord and king in all humilitie and obedience , and so ceasing from ciuill discord , if that they would reiect their weapons , and practise to appease those troubles with patience , no doubt of it god would worke in the kings heart to forget and forgiue all that was past , to remedie all euils present , and prouide for the best to come . these friendly motions made by her maiestie for both the king and his subiects , written in latin and in english , seuerall copies were sent from her maiestie to the king of spaine by a wise and learned gentleman named master thomas wilks , on the 20. day of december anno 1577. in the beginning of the yéere following 1578. the said don iohn brought in a new , alexander farnesius ( the sonne of lady margaret before named , duchesse of parma and regent of the low countries ) now by the name and title of prince of parma , as another enioyned generall for the spanish king , with his spanish and italish souldiers come into those countries : in whom don iohn hauing great confidence , proclaimeth open warres against the prince , the states and those countries . the pope gregorie ( alias ante hugo ) the 13. of that name on the other side , sendeth his crosse , and denounceth his curse against the prince of orange , all the states and their partakers in those warres . hereupon don iohn taking great encouragement vnto himselfe , and those whom he had in charge vnder him , set vpon the armie of the states at the towne of gembleu in the county namure : and there discomfited them with great spoyle and ouerthrow of them on the 30. day of ianuary 1578. and so still prosecuting his purpose in hope of further victorie , he subdueth afterwards , louaine , phillipville , limburge , and certaine other townes ; which he together with the duke of parma his forces had accomplished before iuly following . in that ianuary , vz. on the 22. day about 7. of the clocke at night , duke iohn casimire countie palatine of rhene and duke of bauaria , landing at the tower-wharfe in london , was there by diuers noblemen and others of england , honourably receiued and conueied to sir thomas greshams house , the queenes agent , in bishops gate streete in london , where he was feasted and lodged till sunday next , that hee was honourablie brought to her maiesties court royall at whitehall , and after lodged at sommerset-house on the 8. of february following ; he was made knight of the garter : and on the 14. of february hee departed homewards with great rewards , giuen by the quéenes maiestie , the nobilitie and men of honour . this noble duke being a valiant martiallist , became afterwards a stipendarie warriour of great valour and accompt , and did much good seruice against the spaniards , for the prince of orange and the states of the low countries . the warres in the netherlands , vnder the prince of parma for the king , and the archduke matthias for the states . vpon the first day of august ( amongst vs english commonly called lammas day ) in the yéere of christ our sauiour 1578. ( which day the spaniards doe highly honour , especially don iohn , who as this day ouercame the turks in a battell by sea ) they endeuoured by all meanes to enterprise some great exploite : so as they sent out of louaine two scoutes or espials in very base apparell , to prie about and descrie the prince of orange his tents , at that time remaining in the leger : which two souldiers should indéed vse al their endeuour to burne vp the houses neere vnto those tents : and whilest they should so set the inhabitants on worke to quench the fire , al the whole spanish host , which consisted of foure thousand horsemen and seuen thousand footemen , vnder conduct of mondragon a spanish captaine ( although don iohn the bastard of austrich , and alexander fernesius duke of parma were both in person there also ) should suddenly and at vnwares surprise and suppresse the prince of orange his armie . but ( as it was gods good pleasure and fauour to the contrarie ) those same two spies were taken , and the enemies were disappointed of their purpose , being valiantly encountred by the english , scottish & frenchmen , from nine of the clocke in the morning vntill foure of the clocke in the afternoone of the same day : and that with a hot and fierce fight ( fortune so fauouring the states and their forces ) that they put their enemies to flight , and pursued them to the vtmost the space of thrée miles and more . the first of the english captaines which set vpon the enemies , was that valiant lieutenant william marckham , a nottinghamshire man , sterne of countenance , strong of hands , and couragious of heart , like a lion casting downe , ouerthrowing , and ouermatching whomsoeuer he met with : in whose commendations the states themselues sent diuers letters into england . but in truth the greatest glorie of this fight fell to the then couragious colonel norice , who comming that lammas day from brokam ( aforesaid ) very early in the morning to remingham leger , where the states armie were in fight with don iohn of austrich ( the graue van busshy being generall of the states armie ) he the said colonell norice ioyning with eleuen companies of englishmen more , vz. of colonel candish , colonel morgan , and colonel cotton ( who spent fifteene seuerall barrels of powder vpon the enemies at that time , before they entred the campe of the states ) euen there the said colonell norice hauing three seuerall horses one after another slaine vnder him , with greatest valour pursued and subdued his enemies , being only weaponed with single sword and his pistols which he vsed : euen so surely , as who had seene how couragiously he laid about him on euery side , might well haue said he had seene a new hector , another alexander , or rather a second caesar foyling his enemies euery where . there were also present at this conflict three english valiant gentlemen , by name bingams , all brethren , valiantly behauing themselues , vntill two of them , vz. roger and thomas , were pursued by the enemie vnto the very death : but the third ( which was richard bingham , as it pleased god so to fauour him , safely then escaping the enemies danger ) suruiued , a man of good valour , for his seruice afterwards in ireland was knighted , and there preferred to the gouernment of connaugh : of whose prowesse and fame they that wil may reade more amply both in iohn stowes chronicle , and in the historie of the warres in ireland . in this fight for seuen houres space were slaine of the enemies fiue hundred , besides a number drowned : and of our englishmen and of the scots were slaine to the number of one hundred at the most : yet it was thought the camp of the states would haue been vtterly ouerthrowne that day , if the english forces had not come in as they did . towards the latter end of the yeere 1578. after all these troubles and broyles , don iohn de austria hauing thus made his last mounting vpon the stage ( summoned by death to sound a catastrophen ) sickened in his tent at namours about the calends of october : and died ( as some thinke ) of the plague : others ( rather beleeuing ) haue giuen it out that hée ( being sore grieued with a certaine odious disease ) what for sorow in minde conceiued at y e hatred of the countrie vpō bruiting of his base birth , & what for stomacking and furiously fretting at his euill successe in gouernment , tooke such extreame thought , that it shortened his life so much the sooner . this don iohn ( as my author saith ) was a lustie young man of thirtie yéeres of age , of meane stature , hastle , rash and proud : yet at length manifesting his malicious minde and furious fierce outrage in vndeserued troubles which he brought vpon the inhabitants of those low countries : because he saw he was despised of them for his base and vnlawfull birth . for indeed the high and low germanes doe most of all others despise and disdaine bastards : and the rather for that his mother which bare him was a germane , at that time dwelling in the low countries ( whose report being not so good ) the emperour charles the 5. father bruited of this don iohn , caused her to be the sooner conueyed thence into spaine , that she might there leade a new life , and appointed her a nurse there to attend vpon her and the childe : where notwithstanding perhaps the mother afterwards growing malecontent , would rather name another man to be don iohns father , then that he was begotten by the said emperour . in the yéere following 1579. the said colonell norice , with other english captaines and their forces , had many small skirmishes with the enemie in brabant and holland : but neither part attempted any notable exploite for game or losse of that which they had hitherto gotten , but watching their oportunitie from time to time , passed forth this yéere without any memorable thing done . in the winter of this yéere the before named duke iohn cassimire ( for a certaine time before retained by the states as a worthie warriour ) came with his forces to teene and areschot , and lay there in campe all that winter , and now and then skirmished with the said prince of parmaes other forces . but the prince being too strong for him , driue him to the worse , so that with very little or no great glorie the duke departed againe into high germanie , and left his owne souldiers in the netherlands , some vnder one captaine , some vnder another : but in the end they followed their first captaine with better contentment to goe then to stay any longer . anno dom. 1580. when the lord george lelain erle of renenbergh , so commōly called ( in times past ) a faithfull consort of the states , and a valiant leader : but afterwards ( his fates so framing , or rather frowning ) being taken prisoner by this alexander prince of parma , became a reuolt or apostata : he thenceforth made lieutenant generall vnder the same duke of parma , when ( i say ) he should take his iourney on the 18. day of october this yéere 1580. towards the citie of steenwick to besiege it ( then being vnder the states ) comming with his forces against the same , he found the citie of very little abilitie or strength to resist him , and very slenderly manned with one small companie in garrison : yet ( as he thought ) if he might winne this , he perswaded himselfe it would be for his speciall aduantage , seruing to strengthen drent , and so in his passage to frizland fit him for the defence of vallenhoue . therefore this countie renenbergh laid siege to steenwick , bringing to the field 28. ensignes or companies of souldiers , euery one hauing two hundred footemen , seuered in this manner , that is , foureteene bands of frizlanders , nine bands of new gelders , and fiue bands of his owne prouince of renenbergh : all which 28. ensignes or bands contained sixe thousand footmen and moe , and he had moreouer of horsemen twelue hundred speciall chosen lansiers . there was for the states within this citie a man of good valour named olthoff , as chiefe gouernour , hauing but one ensigne or band of men lying there in the garrison . there was also another worthie man and a notable good leader named corruput , with his band or companie , and with these were also two companies of germanes vnder conduct of the lord hohenlo , commonly called countie hollock , whose vnder captaines were plat and stuper , with their leader iohn berenbrooke gouernour of gelders : but the souldiers of these two last companies were in manner nouices , and vntrained to the warres . there were ouer and besides these about thrée hundred citizens , but yet amongst them scarse fiftie persons which a man might well trust vnto : they had not as yet any generall sent vnto them , neither had they any great ordenance , nor any horse ; only the officers of the bands had some twelue or foureteene horses for thēselues : all these adiuments or helpes thus here recited , were the besieged citizens vtterly voide and destitute of , wherewith they might the better resist and repulse their approching enemies . wherefore in this present distresse , the gouernours , captaines and burghers ( sending spéedely letters vnto the states ) doe humbly and earnestly entreate them to send them spéedie succour and rescue . but yet onely the said couragious corruput and prudent leader ( before named ) was after a sort against this intendement : for he conceiuing and pondring with himselfe another thing , with great héede and foresight sheweth and seeketh other meanes otherwise how to defend the citie : whose opinion the foresaid captaine plat and his souldiers doe also well allow of . in the meane time , notwithstanding while the noblemen of frizland sent thither for succour and rescue foure ensignes or companies of footemen and a few horsemen , countie renenbergh addresseth certaine of his souldiers against them : they which were sent for rescue , defending themselues what they could , were by the way set vpon and slaine of the renenbergers , few or none escaping . once againe the graue counsell and aduice of the said corruput the second time giuen in presence of the gouernours , captaines and burghers , touching the cities safetie ( as aforesaid ) being still contemned or neglected : certaine of the chiefest personages in the citie by writing make and dispatch another motion to the states to haue yet againe more helpe sent vnto them , and that the citie with all possible spéede might be deliuered from the enemies siege . but now corruput and the said berenbrook by their letters perswade the states to deale more aduisedly , least they afterwards repent themselues againe , as they had done once erst before . the states then willing to satisfie the citizens expectation , yet for all this send another fresh supplie of sixe ensignes of footemen vnder heighmans conduct , and appoint them for s. iohns campe , a place so called , not farre from stenwick : but or euer these came thither they also were set vpon by the renenbergers ; and although they manfully defended themselues , yet were they by the enemies taken , slaine , and put to flight . hereupon the enemie seeing his aduantage , marcheth with great courage to the citie , fireth the suburbs and scaleth the walles . the citizens seeing the fire fiercely flaming in diuers places , as men out of their wits , be stir them by all meanes ( yet little enough ) to quench the same , and the souldiers resist the enemie here and there what they can , and with their ordenance beate the enemie backe from the walles : they so gathering strength and taking courage vnto them , doe for a certaine season keepe out the enemie and fortifie themselues . these things thus befalling , the states ( more aduisedly consulting how to deliuer stenwick ) goe now another way to worke : here at length preuaileth their purpose : they therefore with all possible spéede hauing prepared a stronger power wherewith to deliuer this ●●stressed citie , leuying and gathering money for their souldiers : for this new prepared supplie , doe ordaine the before named colonell norice chiefe conductor and generall of their troupes , sending him with them to raise the siege . who so soone as he came with his regiments to swart sluce , found there a certaine fresh band of the enemies newly ariued vnder othon sanches a spaniard : these he setteth vpon , killeth most of them , and putting the rest to flight , burneth vp the village on the 15. of december . from thence he marcheth to meppell with 24. ensignes , which scarsely contained sixteene hundred fighting men , with whom were ioyned a few horsemen : and so leaueth at sluce thrée ensignes only for a garrison by the way as he passeth . renenberg sendeth thither eleuen ensignes of footemen , and sixe troupes of horsemen , which by a conuenient passage through the yce , set vpon generall norice his souldiers . but when they had couragiously defended themselues for a long time against the renenberg , in the meane season the generall in person ( hauing good oportunitie to succour & rescue his people ) with all spéede suddenly rusheth vpō the renenbergers , and putteth them to flight , in such sort as many of them were slaine , and many amidst the broken yce were drowned . so the said worthie generall departing with victorie , hauing taken two of the enemies chiefe ensignes , and gotten so much armour as might well serue for furniture of fiue hundred souldiers , sendeth one of those ensignes into the citie of stenwick aforesaid , accompanied with fortie souldiers , which caried into the same citie also 570. pounds weight of gunne powder put in leather bagges , very néedfull and necessarie as the time present then required . the day before the calends of ianuary , the said generall againe with his forces made an assault vpon the enemie , still besieging the citie , issuing vpon them hard at their backs beyond the marrish ground : and euen then the very garrison themselues with a great force fell out of the towne also , who set vpon the enemies in such sort , as they made them to giue ground and runne away , yea and with smithes hammers brake in peeces certaine ordenance and field cariages , left there by the enemies at their fleeing away . the said renenbergers not perceiuing how they could by any meanes preuaile against the townes men , doe yet ( in a bragging brauerie take a kinde of courage vnto them ) deuise to passe away the time with some sports : whereupon it happened that a certaine captaine amongst others of countie renenbergs souldiers , named thomas of alba , chiefe captaine of those which came from albania , presumed insolently to challenge the said generall norice at the single combat hand to hand with launce and sword : vpon whose behalfe that renowmed captaine and souldier sir roger williams ( since that time for his worth and valour knighted ) replied , as lieutenant generall of the horsemen vnder the said generall norice , that he in his stéede would defend the cause against the challenger , and fight with him hand to hand . which being determined by both parties in certaine prescribed articles , the day is appointed , each of these champions enter the lists betweene both the armies , they marched forth and fall to buckling one with the other ; where after certain fierce blowes giuen and taken by either partie ( yet neither of them being hurt ) the one drinkes a carouse , and the other pledgeth , and so both of them depart the place . after this , on the 24. of ianuary this yéere 1580. while the said generall norice with his armie was setled in s. iohns campe aforesaid : against him thither commeth countie renenberg in person with all his most strong power , and besieging him round about with great shot , assaileth and forceth him mightily . here the said generall and his souldiers enduring great danger , and suffering great penurie for lacke of victuals ( necessitie so compelling them ) were enforced to feede vpon horse flesh : vntill such time as the lord nienort ( sent from the states with his owne souldiers , and sixe other ensignes of frizlanders ) furnished with wagons loaden , brought thither all kinde of prouision to strengthen and relieue the besieged persons : which renenberg well perceiuing , secretly and suddenly breaking vp the siege , leauing his souldiers there some hurt and some slaine , fled away with great abundance of all things necessarie . and here now this one thing thus happening worthie of memorie , may well be tolde for a miracle , as in truth it proued , that in the time of th●● siege , three partridges flying ouer the citie of stenwick on the 4. of february in the morning , were taken and brought to the before named captaine corruput . he interpreting it for a good presage , said : that god in trinitie who in the old time gaue quailes ( such like foode as these ) vnto the fainting israelites , would also euen now without doubt feed and relieue the besieged and distressed citie of stenwick . these words spake he , who little knowing what certaintie be fore signified ; found not long after the assured euent of his speech . for of truth first the aforesaid generall norice on the 20 ▪ of that february , sendeth from out of his campe certaine souldiers which brought to stenwick so besieged one hundred and fiftie cheeses , three hundred and fiftie loaues of bread , and some quantitie of gunpowder . secondly , euen the very same day betwéene thrée and foure of the clocke in the afternoone , he sent thither also by certaine husbandmen a great number of horses loaden with corne , branne and gunpowder , and certaine of his footemen with speede caried more chéeses and loaues of bread into the said citie . in aprill following that yeere 15●0 . the said general norice , accompanied with monsieur charles leuen , also monsieur temple gouernour of bruxels , and their bands of horsemen and footemen marching in good order with manly courage , leauing liere in brabant , where they had béen before , doe now attempt to besiege machlin in brabant : on the 9. of that moneth very early in the morning they skaled the walles and fired the port in such sort , and so valiantly behauing themselues , that before breake of day they entring with their forces surprised the towne , got great booties shared amongst the souldiers , and that with no little slaughter of the enemies , which had so before resisted them within the towne . amongst whom ( as saith my author , and which also others affirme ) that generall norice encountring with a spanish frier ( a tall and stout fellow in armes ) named pedro lobo ( who had before caused all the great ordenance in the towne to be shot off against him and his forces ) after a while bickering with him hand to hand , gaue him his deaths wound , whereof the said frier died presently . confirmed also by captaine cripse , that after the said generall norice with his forces had lien there fiftéene daies , sacked the towne and taken the spoyle , they were commanded by the states to deliuer the towne to monsieur famoise : who then to take the charge of the towne ( with his dutch souldiers and monsieur temples wallons ) perceiuing the english forces to depart away very rich out of the towne , fell vpon them suddenly for the spoyle , where they killed moe of the english then were killed at the winning of the towne : where generall norice himselfe was shot thorow the buttocke , and had his horse killed vnder him : and euen then captaine price a braue souldier forsooke his owne horse , and mounted him vpon the same : and so altogether they marched out of the towne toward antwerpe . the states againe send the lord nienort with his companie thither : he in his owne person with the same companie of souldiers boldly assaileth renenberg with often skirmishing , he killeth a great number of the enemies , putteth them to flight , and as they were flying pursueth them hard at the héeles euen to the very walles of groning , giuing them a great ouerthrow , where hée slew aboue sixe hundred of the renenbergers : so as there was left for the said general norice foure of the enemies brasse péeces of ordenance , a great number of fardels , and very many horses . this victorie by the lord nienort , thus gotten the 9. of iuly 1580. he pitcheth his tents not farre from the towne of groning , there resting in better securitie for a season . and so the citie of stenwick , after foure moneths siege , was in this manner at length by gods good prouidence deliuered . and within a little while after , namely on the 23. of the said moneth of iuly countie renenberg himselfe ( after he had béen certaine daies sick ) deceased in his campe , as some suspect by poyson . after all this on the 17. of september this yéere 1580. a consultation was had at lewarden in frizland : where it was decréed ( on the behalfe of the states ) to send the said generall norice to resist the enemie . spéedie dispatch herein was made , and an armie was furnished out against a spanish generall named verdugo : they ( i meane the states ) hauing leuied and armed certaine bands of horsemen and footemen , also mustering their companies , and paying them one moneths pay aforehand , doe make the said generall norice chiefe gouernour of them . he with conuenient spéede ( hauing these his forces well fortified with sixe brasse peeces , marcheth manfully to méete the said enemie . but it fell out so that in both armies the plague was very contagious , whereby many officers of this armie died in their tents . here for a certaine space , while both armies were thus setled , afterwards verdugo pitcheth his tents at northorne : him pursueth hard the said generall norice , vnto whom came eleuen ensignes of englishmen , vnder the conduct of the valiant colonell sir thomas morgan : he himselfe hauing vnder his charge ninetéene ensignes of all these countries , vz. foure of nassawes regiment , nine of monsieur sannoy , and sixe of nienorts regiment : so being vnder them thirtie ensignes , which made in all scarsely thrée thousand footemen . to these were ioyned the troupes of horsemen vnder their seuerall captaines , as the colonell gore , captaine elenborne , and henry van eky , who were in number scarse fiue hundred : so then with such a braue armie marcheth forwards the said worthy general norice on the 30. day of september that yéere 1580. towards newziel , a place in frizland . now verdugo setting his forces in order and battell aray , had got ( to his greatest aduantage ) for his station the vpper ground néere the ditches : where the valiant worthie souldier captaine roger williams ( before named ) with the english horsemen vnder his charge , together also with elenbornes horsemen aforesaid , doe set vpon one great band of verdugoes footemen , of whom they killed many , and put many to flight . but as euen then one wingard a captaine & companion of verdugo , made towards them with certaine especiall troupes ( while the horsemen of the states had the enemie in chace ) verdugo with two troupes of lansiers by maine force charged into the armie of the states : and so assailing them , not only found munition , prouision , wagons , and other necessaries , but also caried them quite away , and tooke also from them many ensignes , where many of the states souldiers were slaine and taken prisoners : but few of verdugoes company ( of any reputation ) were then either slaine or taken . and so afterwards verdugo himselfe confessed , that ( if this armie of the states had forborne and prolonged a few daies more from this fight ) a great number of these enemies had departed determinately , and would otherwise haue prouided for their safetie elsewhere , without any field there fought at that time . here in this conflict had the said generall norice his right hand hurt with a bullet , and many of his souldiers which escaped the enemies hands , were for the most part spoyled of their armour and weapons : very many of them leauing their armour in those places , where necessitie compelled them either to leape or swimme ouer those ditches . this also confirmed by captaine cripse , who being there an actor , was in eight seuerall places hurt at the least . thus much my author mentioneth of the conflict at northorne : and thus farre he writeth of the warres managed betwéene alexander prince of parma for and in the behalfe of the spanish king , and the archduke matthias for and in the behalfe of the states of the netherlands : which archduke by occasion of displeasure of the king , departed shortly after towards austrich , leauing the gouernment of those low countries and the ordering of the warres vnto the prince of orange , who by generall consent of all the states , ordering all things with wisedome and prouident foresight , held the enemie at the sword point for one whole yéere , from the end of 1580. to the beginning of the second yéere after 1582. at what time monsieur the duke of aniow and brother to henry the 3. king of france , was sent for and chosen to succéed in gouernment of those countries and ordering of the warres , in manner and forme following . the warres in the netherlands , vnder francis duke of aniow against alexander pr. of parma . after that the said monsieur , with other noblemen of france ariuing in kent on the first of nouember 1581. had beene honourably receiued at london , and intertained at her maiesties court at whitehall , with princely feastings and banquettings all that christmas : and being accompanied with the quéenes maiestie of england , she with her nobles brought him on his way to canterbury , feasted him there also , and each of them tooke leaue of other : and after that the quéenes maiestie had sent with him in fiftéene shippes the right honourable robert erle of leicester , henry lord hunsdon , charles lord howard baron of essingham knights of the garter , the lord willowby , the lord windsor , the lord sheffield , master philip sidney , master george cary , and master iohn and master robert cary his brethren , with many other gentlemen , who ariued at flushing in zeland , where he withall these nobles of england and his owne and their traine in princely and friendly manner was receiued , by the aforesaid noble prince william countie of nassaw , and the other nobles of the low countries , conducting them from thence to midleborow and so to antwerpe in brabant , where on the 19. of february anno 1581. the said duke of aniow was created duke of lothier and brabant with great solemnitie : which being ended , the nobilitie of england returned home againe , and left him there gouernour of those countries , he repaired with his traine of french noblemen and gentlemen into france , where the king his brother henry the 3. of that name furnished him with men , money and munition , for the better supportation and countenancing of his princely port and new attained authoritie in the low countries aforesaid : and so on the 27. day of august in the yéere following 1583. for greater securitie of himselfe and his charge now taken vpon him , he returned into brabant with those forces , containing in all companies foure thousand fighting men . these being placed in a certaine village neere vnto the citie of gaunt : straightway the duke of parma hereof vnderstanding , and hauing in a readines a great number of his most valiant souldiers , with their cariages and furniture maketh all haste possible to encounter him . again , his cōming being no sooner perceiued by the duke of brabants espials , but aduertised vnto him , the lord pierri a noble frenchman , campe-master of the duke of brabant , commandeth his companies quickly to arme and encounter : and with all carefull diligence and skilfull experience he aduiseth them of due obseruations in their warlike order of fight , and how to march softly and fight slowly with the enemie . martialling his men on this manner : first in the front of his battell next vnto the enemies were the band of english souldiers , and to them were ioyned the troupes of germanes , next these were the bands led by bouquoy , and after these marcheth the worthie generall norice in the rereward with thrée troupes of english horse , & foure troupes of french horsemen : after these followed thrée troupes of french horsemen , with certaine footebands of flemmings and of scots : and last of all in the rereward marched a band of english footemen , and a great companie of pikemen . contrariwise againe the duke of parma had in his vaward or front all spaniards , a great multitude whereof were very many footmen , and more then a thousand horsemen : for whom euery where by the way the duke of aniowes espials lay in ambush , so as not a few enemies were slaine with the shot of the ambush ; only of the duke of aniowes companie amongst others were wanting thrée or foure captaines of hundreds . after this welcōming made by the duke of aniowes souldiers vnto the prince of parmaes and his forces thus approching towards him , which was short of gaunt two dutch miles , being sixe of our english miles : the duke of aniow and the prince of orange thought good to send sir iohn norice to the campe where the forces lay : and thither he came with the thrée troupes of english horsemen , and foure troupes of french horsemen ( as aforesaid ) for his conuoy into the campe about twelue of the clock at night aforesaid , where there were of all nations , english , french , dutch and scottish some sixe thousand men . and comming into the english quarter , he enquired where his quarter was , and where capaine edward strange lay , who had the commaund of all his house and his horses : where finding him lying in a little cabbin hard by his tent , he asked him how he had bestowed all things , for the enemie was hard at hand . to whom captaine strange answered , he had deliuered all vnto captaine peter cripse to send it away to gaunt . then said the general : we haue the vauntgard to day , but i thinke the french are fled from vs , and wee must then haue the rereward in spight of our hearts . so he hauing a squadron of horse , lay from the camp a quarter of an english mile , where one william winter a tall souldier , being one of the corporals , and commanding the squadron , sent out a very good watch , so as the enemie must of force come by them , and by no other way . two houres before day there came from the prince of parma certaine troupes of horse albanoyses and italians talking together : and being within hearing of y e watch , those which stood sentinell discouered them , and presently sent word to their guard lying in a house hard by , to certifie the generall that the enemies forces were at hand . the word comming to the generall , he presently commaunded that euery companie should be ready to answere the alarme : but it was found that as well others as the french were marched and retired towards gaunt . there the generall stood fast vntill his owne companie came vnto him : and presently thrée companies of albanoyses came thither and offered to charge him , he being accompanied with master henry knowles ( a most worthie and gallant gentleman ) all that day . so the generall marched from the quarter downe the hill , and at the foote of the hill , by the counsell of the said master knowles , he armed himselfe , asking captaine strange where the turney horse was , for he would ride vpon him that day , hauing thrée other horses led , euery one by two groomes a péece to serue for that day : and being first mounted vpon the turney horse , the said albanoyses durst not come downe themselues , but sent against him those english rebels , which a little before ranne away from before bridges . they being both targatiers and musquetiers came downe the hill , as the generall made his retreit towards his owne battell of pikes , the english rebels very hardly assaulted him : amongst whom one of them calling to the generall as he was in retreit , which he could not long endure , but turning vpon that rebell with his rapier , he strooke the rebell on the head with such a force , that his rapier bowed to his very hand : vpon this came downe the troupes of the enemies horse , and charged the generall thrée waies , vz. vpon the rereward , so that he and master william knowles were both faine to put their horses among their pikes for their safegard , and so marching at the push of the pikes foure english mile they continued the fight still , and none but this generals regiment consisting of seuen ensignes , which might be in number some one thousand strong , vntill they came to the very walles of gaunt . the enemie forcing them so néere that they came and attempted to pill the waggons , putting the whole force of the campe so néere as the very towne ditch : vntill such time as the ordenance plaied so fast out of gaunt , that thereby the enemies were enforced to retire from those places : where the english forces , vz. colonell thomas morgan , colonell cotton , and colonell north with their forces ioyned themselues together by the generals direction in continuall fight , from the sunne rising vntill the sunne setting : within which time about foure of the clocke in the afternoone monsieur rochpot the duke of aniowes lieutenant , and monsieur byron marshall of the same dukes campe , came foorth vnto the said generall , who said vnto him : the duke of aniow our master hath sent vs vnto you , to giue you the honour of this seruice this day , as most worthie thereof aboue all other commanders . the generall gaue them thankes , praying them to doe his humble dutie vnto his alteze , and to the prince of orange , and so continued his seruice till after sunne set , as is aforesaid . and besides this , there came voluntarily diuers braue french gentlemen out of the towne of gaunt vnto the said generall , and besought him to vouchafe to accept of their seruice , that they might traile their pikes vnder his colours : of which offer he curteously accepted at their request : they also passing through the whole companie , desired the souldiers to accept of them as their companions , vowing to liue and die vnder those colours . while they were thus bickering both armies together , the duke of aniow and with him the prince of orange stand vpon the walles of gaunt beholding them , and encouraging their souldiers to the fight , commaund them politikely to goe somewhat aside , to the end that their enemies pursuing them , might be the better beaten and foyled with the shot from of the rampiers and bulwarkes of the citie . here againe with hot skirmishing a number were slaine on both sides , as also diuers hurt and killed within the towne with the enemies shot , at which time one iohn iux ( then seruing the duke of aniow , and now the quéenes maiesties trumpeter ) standing by the duke vpon the walles of gaunt , was shot in at the mouth , and parmaes forces were compelled with the shot of their great ordenance to retire . so did the duke of aniowes armie couet in ranging to approch néere the citie still , and the enemie returning with some breathing freshly assailed them : from the wailes still was the ordenance discharged with horrible shooting , to the great slaughter of the enemies . here were slaine very many of parmaes companie , but very few of the duke of aniowes souldiers were either hurt or slaine . in the euening parma with his wearied remnants making haste out of the field , as he that might haue done more harme if he had béen more diligent then he was : néere vnto the citie he burieth about two hundred of his slaine souldiers ; the wounded persons hée gathereth vp where he can finde them , carrieth them away in wagons , and so departeth the field without more fight at that time . that night the english were appointed to lie in a little iland or péece of ground enuironed with water , and had réedes to make them cabbins for their succour . then the towne of gaunt sent them very great store of victuals , and sir iohn norice at his owne charges sent them a pipe of rhenish wine , and thrée hogsheads of claret wine to make merie withall : and vpon this monsieur the duke of aniow made his retreit for antwerpe in brabant , and all the forces went after him , where happened as followeth . now come we to the end of this comedie , interlaced , with an interchaunge tragicallie metamorphosed , i meane of this duke of aniowes faire flourish at the first , where , in his faire shew and sunne shine he said of his honour ; sol discutit & fouet ; now contrariwise , nubibus obtenebratur & fallit in the end . the historie affirmeth what time this duke of aniowes forces by conduct of byron the french marshall came first out of france ( as before we haue mentioned ) after spéeches and consultations had with him of diuers waightie enterprises , amongst others he deliberately aduised himselfe how he might attempt to take into his iurisdiction manie of the cities in brabant , holland , and zeland : hee determined to lose no opportunitie nor occasion to accomplish his desire , and vse his absolute authoritie herein : so as first he tooke dunkerke , for that was in his way out of fraunce , next after that dixmew , and afterwards dendermond : in processe of time he attempted further , but that enterprise brought him euill successe at bruges , aloste , newport , and antwerpe ; especiallie at antwerpe he had his hardest successe , and greatest dishonour , growne by his minde alienated from his oth , and metamorphosed in his manners . for where before he smothered his affections with a kind of hote friendship , now the sparkes flie first , and the flame followeth of his fraudulent infidelitie . for ambition had kindled the fire , vaine glorie blowne the bellowes , and hypocrisie had made way for the flame : so as attempting to rule all things after his sensualitie , when he went further in wilfulnes then wisdome required , the citizens of antwerpe spying the flame of his furious outrage to burst out against them , whereby the citie was in an vprore , they seeking their owne securitie doe strengthen themselues by force of armes to withstand his wilfulnes : insomuch , as euerie street and gate was out of quiet , and a quarell thus begun was not so soone ended till this duke had séene the slaughter both of many a citizen and manie a souldier : who before féeding the humour of their graund duke and captaine , by their vnbridled wilfull boldnes , mooning a most cruell tumult in the citie ( spurred forth with hope of rich spoiles ) as if they all had béene of one mischieuous minde , with one & the same voice , making a clamorous outcrie vpon the citizens , they rush and runne against them in hostile manner with their weapons shaken in their hands , terriblie thus crying , ville gaigne , viue la messe , tue , tue : the towne is wonne , the masse preuaile , kill , kill . the cause hereof as it might best be imputed to the said dukes displeasure conceiued against the citie ; so a little after all this tumult , he rode in a hot choler out of the city into his pauilion which he had prepared for himselfe without in the fields : whom when a certaine noble french man accompanied , as hée went with the duke out of the gate called kipdorp , he ( fayning to haue broken his owne legge by mischance ) the more exasperated the dukes anger against the citizens , & caused here another tumultuous terrible slaughter of citizens and souldiers within the said gate called kipdorp ; insomuch as 1500. french souldiers were there , and at that time slaine , amongst whom were about 320. noblemen and gentlemen of great name and authoritie . the duke of aniow hearing the thundering thumps of the gunnes of the citie , supposing that this should signifie some euill presage to him and his retinue , making haste away into his tents , and next day after remouing them thence , got him and his retinue to the castle of bercheny , a lodging place scarce fit enough for him , altogether destitute of houshold furniture , victuals and other prouisions néedfull : from thence yet verie greatlie abashed at his owne doings and with penurie of all things distressed , he takes his way towards the abbey of s. bernard ; from thence purposing to passe ouer the riuer schaldis and dermonde , the citizens of antwerpe with all festination , sending their shippes of war against him , doe stoppe the way at macklin in brabant . hereupon also forthwith was the noble generall norice addressed with 23 ensignes of english men and scots into the countrie of waste to withstand his passage that way , who out of hand drowneth a great part of the countrie néere vnto dermond with the waters there abouts : but the duke ( necessitie so constrayning him ) with great hazard passeth at duffle ouer the riuer nete ; and so with no little shame returned home into fraunce , where he afterwards for very sorrow ( sore repenting him of these things ) ended his life in such manner , as i shall declare truelie reported in the historie thus procéeding . this duke of aniow and late duke of brabant by the sates so created as before you haue heard , thus being sore abashed at his owne indirect dealing , and returning ( as he came first with his powers ) by dunkerke into fraunce : when he was there ariued , the duke of parma presentlie beséegeth the same towne of dunkerke , and taketh it with certaine other cities left at all aduentures , being therein aided by the citizens of gaunt , and by the prince of chymay the gouernour . and the said duke of aniow then being in fraunce , notwithstanding all former inconueniences tolerated by the states , they yet once againe séeke for mutuall reconciliation with him , and offer their friendships to receiue him againe , vpon good assurance of better expectation : but he ( newlie returned with his souldiers , dismissed , scattered abroad and discouraged ) as well falling sicke in bodie , as wearied in minde with thinking vpon his former great misfortunes , saw in himselfe now y t which he loathed ; being laughed to scorne of his aduersaries , and besids that little accounted of with manie others , by reason he was at some discord and ods with the king his brother . againe , the quéene mother a woman of most subtill wit and perillous mind ( who had first fostered the discord betwéene these her two sonnes , to the end shée might preuaile in her purpose otherwise ) then practized to reduce them to vnitie , and brought the matter to that passe that the duke as humble suter for fauour , acknowledging his fault , should craue pardon of the king his brother . being constrained so to doe that hée might againe insinuate a renued mind into the affections of the states to make the former breach a more firmer knot of amitie , concord and league with them : who had by experience well learned that the duke without the king his brothers countenance and supportation , could not well accomplish any thing answerable to their expectation : for they hoped hereby only the french forces shuld the rather returne vnto them , and by his more carefull consideration all should yet againe be amended which before was farre amisse . and in this behalfe the states beforehand prudentlie prouiding for their securitie do send the lord schonwalley as their ambassadour vnto the french king and the said duke his brother : but or euer this ambassage could take effect , or once be solicited , the said duke of aniow remouing himselfe to the castle of theodor , incontinentlie fell most grieuouslie sicke , the blood gushing out of all the pores of his bodie , as if his veines had béene burst with too much vehement ryding : so as at length refusing naturall sustenance , after the fortieth day of his sicknes come & gone , he died on the 10. of iune in the yéere of our lord 1584. at his death being in good mind & memory , it is affirmed , he would not haue anie monke or such other person for his confessor . he acknowledged , professed , and protested to such as were present at his death , that hee reposed all his hope in the bloodshedding of iesus christ onelie , as his onelie and alone sauiour ; which thing for certaine the author of this historie had related vnto him by credible persons then present : which his death some say was not without suspition of poysoning . his desire before he died was to be buried as gouernour and duke of brabant , with his coate armour , shields of armes and such other appurtenances to the same dominions vsuall and accustomed : but his brother the french kings counsellors thought it not so conuenient , for fauour that they bare to the king of spaine . he was somewhat aboue the meane stature of men , well compact of bodie , of a swart complexion , blacke eyed , blacke head curled , of a hie forehead , a greater nose then anie his ancestors had , he was very fierce of nature , wittie , eloquent , affable , nobly minded , bountifull , ambitious , nothing blood thirstie or desirous of reuenge , but mercifull and curteous : not contemning anie man for religion sake , yet vnquiet , quicke and hastie in his doings , but for all this , as his disposition sufficientlie well shewed ) a peaceable person , as appeared by his indeuours when hee went vnto the king of nauarre ( now king of fraunce ) as then being his aduersarie , the ambassadors of the low-countries then thither accompanying the said duke . men say that he ( two dayes before his death ) sent a copie of his testament vnto the king his brother , and therein declared the great sorrow of his heart in that he had offended his maiestie with his doings and enterprises : he requested of him manie things , especiallie , he humbly beséecheth him to bee gratious soueraigne lord vnto many his retained nobles and officers at armes lately seruing him in the low-countries , and there impouerishing themselues . and further , where he in conscience was touched with consideration of a certaine debt to the summe of 300000. florens which he had not yet satisfied , he humblie besought his maiestie of all brotherly loue betwéene them , to take some order for the payment thereof : acknowledging touching his presentabilitie , that he could not leaue behinde him sufficient restitution or satisfaction , neither should he carrie away with him out of this world into his graue anie other riches , but the teares and sighes of sorrowfull persons : to conclude he desired neither sumptuous nor statelie funerall but wished the monument of his memorie to be founded and fixed in the mindes of his friends and vassals . whose funerall in decent and honourable maner the king his brother accordingly accomplished within the citie of paris in the month of august that yéere , 1584. thus much for the manner of the gouernment , actions , life and death of the said duke of aniow after he was gouernour in the low-countries , being for the space of two yéeres and a halfe , as before is declared . you haue heard hitherto what interchange of gouernours haue béene on both sides , as well for and vnder the king of spaine , as for the states ; what wars , what slaughters of men , and what infinite charges and troubles it hath béene for all parts ; and yet no placart of peace purchased at the pope and king of spaines hands : but rather the one more like blood thirstie baalac cursing the israelites , and the other more like pharao persecuting and oppressing them ; but both of these most like the roring lyon , and hungrie beare which salomon speaketh of , séeking now more and more the pray and spoile of the chéefe godlie gouernour the prince of orange now ruling the low-countries , and defending their warres with the states , whom the pope and spanish king had proscribed certaine yéeres agone , and could no way come by his bodie to bring it into thraldome by wars , threatnings nor subtil sleights to circumuent him . now therefore they the said pope and king of spaine , practise subornation of murdering messengers to hunt and haunt his court vnder colour of some far fecht and deare bought false friendship : as in the last yéere 1582. one iohn iaureg with full purpose sent from the pope and spanish king to murder this good and godly prince and father of his countrie , then kéeping his court within the castle of antwerpe , accompanied with the foresaid duke of aniow , the councell of the states and the noble generall norice , with others his faithfull friends : euen then the said murthering messenger when he had discharged a dagge at the good prince , the wound ( as god would ) was not so desperate but that he recouered within a while after : & the malefactor in the very déed doing was apprehended , stabbed with 27. wounds , and afterwards beheaded , bowelled and quartered in the market place of antwerpe . and praised he god ( who preserueth his elect ) the said good prince so recouering liued afterwards full two yéeres . although euen in the next yéere following 1583. another caitiue of caines crew named peter dordoigne a spaniard , sent from that romish babylon and spanish periander comming in the month of may to antwerpe about the like purpose , was taken at antwerpe before he could doe the déed as god would haue it : who being thereupon imprisoned , confessed that he was sent out of spaine from the king himselfe , with whom he had secret conference and encouragement to doe that mischéefe vpon the princes person : but the king concealing it not to be his fault , commaunded him to lay the fault vpon one of his secretaries , and so this messenger had his iudgement and was put to death at gronyng , as guiltie in minde , will , and purpose to kill the said prince . but now in this yéere 1584. the good prince being assaulted by thrée other seuerall champions of sathan , might seeme to haue sufficient warning by the former persons , whom he should simplie suffer to be brought vnto his presence , when that subtill serpent the diuell , that old craftsmaster of theirs , deuiseth sundrie meanes to worke mischiefe by : as here by the first of these thrée whom i am to speake of , vpon the 13. of aprill one iohn ianson a rich merchant ( vpon hatred which he conceiued against the good and harmeles prince ) comming into a seller néere vnto a place where the prince was then lodged , had prouided with gunpowder to blow vp and destroy the prince and all his retinue : but though the prince saw not the person , yet he smelt the rat , found him and laid hold vpon him ( as god would ) or euer he had power to performe that mischiefe , and so the malefactor was headed , bowelled and quartered for the same . the second of these thrée and fourth in number of the murthering messngers hitherto sent , was a frenchman and captaine of a band named gottus , who being captiued a little before by the marques of rombase , one of the duke of parmaes generals , promised the said marques if he would set him at libertie , he would worke such way , being very well acquainted with the prince of orange , that he would with all possible spéede dispatch him out of his life : saying , that as he was very familiar with him , and could easily vpon any occasion come to his presence , and haue full conference with him ; so especially ( saith he ) if i shall be inuited to the princes table , to eate of his meate , i can subtilly cast ( that few shall perceiue ) into some eele broth ( which the prince loueth very well ) such a powder , as infecting the whole dish of meate , shall ( if he eate thereof ) without long delay destroy him . but this french captaine gottus , hauing gotten himselfe at libertie , haunting the princes presence , yet not so farre put in trust nor so much made of as he made account to haue béen , and yet imployed in seruice for the prince and states in a certaine sconce ( before he either put his purpose in practise , or performed his promise to the before named marques ) was by gods good will no doubt preuented , and in defending that sconce , being ouerseene with drinke , was shot into the head by a musquet , and so died presently in the said sconce . the last of the thrée missiue manquellers this yéere sent , being the fift and last of all y t were sent hitherto , and most mischieuous souldier of sathans cursed crew , was a yong fellow named balthazar gerard a burgunnian , of seuen and twentie yéeres old , of short stature , hard fauour , and base constitution ( dissembling himselfe otherwise to be called francis guyon the sonne of one peter guyon , put to death for preferring the reformed religion ) when indeede this is that messenger of sathan , here of all others chiefly transforming himselfe , as saint paul saith , into an angell of light : this villaine commeth in the beginning of the moneth of may in the foresaid yeere 1584. vnto the prince of orange his court , ( o that he had here béen so simple as the doue to haue shunned by flight this mischiefe at the first ; or as wise as the serpent , to haue vanquished the wisedome of the viperous wretch at the last ) and pretending to bring letters vnto the said noble good prince , importing great and rare newes out of france , vsing a certaine protestation in expresse words of his zealous mind vnto the gospell , and adding for that cause he came farre to preferre his seruice vnto the prince himselfe , aboue all other princes ; bringing with him and shewing forth also vnto the prince certaine writings signed by countie maunsfeld ( called commonly flying seales ) vnder colour of friendship purporting enmitie , namely how luxenburge and the cities of other prouinces might craftily be taken by the prince of orange his souldiers . the prince perusing ouer the writings , and marking well the seales , saying , there could be no great matter performed by them ; commaunded him for a while to depart away . here before he went , this villaine begged of the prince some money to buy him hose and shooes : wherevpon the prince commanded his secretarie to giue him some money for his said necessitie , vpon the 8. of iuly that yéere 1584 : which he no sooner receiued , but incontinently going his way from the princes presence , and comming to the vttermost court , he bought with that money of two stipendarie watchmen two hand-dags . but when this villaine had bought them , calling to minde ( as hee afterwards being taken confessed ) what the prince of parma and one other named assonuil had before said vnto him concerning this his mischieuous act ( they as it seemed setting him on thereunto ) he then on the tenth of that iuly about dinner time repaireth vnto the prince , and as one falsehearted and fearefull to speak , desireth letters of pasport and safeconduct . within a while after the prince had dined , he went through the court and stood at the gate ( forgetting , or at least mistrusting not that mischiefe which this iudas was now meditating , nor y t ioabs congée which was consulted of before against his person ) for notwithstanding all the faire shew of those writings and their seales , yet it fell out this false conclusion : o formose puer nimium ne crede colori ; alba ligustra cadunt , vaccinia nigra leguntur . he good prince beléeuing all for the best , standing ( as i said ) at the gate , then comes this villaine vnto him , and faining his false purpose vnder a faire shew of requesting his said letters of pasport and safeconduct , he crowcheth and créepeth néere the prince ( not then so well aware of him ) where suddenly he dischargeth one of his new bought dagges , hauing thrée bullets in it , full vpon the prince : who féeling the wound , lift vp his hands and eyes , saying : lord god be mercifull vnto my soule , i am sore wounded : lord god be mercifull vnto me and vnto this thy afflicted people . within a while after , being borne into his parlour ( where he had a little before dined ) he was laid vpon his bed , and so gaue vp the ghost , to the inspeakable sorrow and lamentation of the princesse and her people . the murthering messenger and cursed caitife of caine , or rather of tubalcains crew , hauing perpetrated this villanous act , tooke his heeles and fled thereupon through the posterne gate of the princes palace with all haste he could : and casting away his other dagge out of his hands , running by the stréete néere the ditch of the citie of delph , as he prepared himselfe with two bladders to swimme ouer , he was taken by two of the princes seruants , brought backe againe to the princes palace , and caried to prison . where he ( being of the senate or chiefe men of the citie examined ) writ and affirmed his intention and confession full and whole : adding most desperately and diuillishly , that if the déede were againe to be done vpon the said prince , he would yet doe it , yea if the prince were guarded with 500000. men round about . for the which cause , sentence of law and iudgement definitiue being giuen vpon this his mischieuous act , he was condemned to be caried to a gibbet , set vp before the towne-house or senate-house of that citie : here first he had his right hand with a hot yron seared and cut off , which did the déede , and cast into the fire : next of all , with firie hot pincers he had his flesh torne and pluckt off from sixe parts of his bodie which were most fleshie , vz. of his breast , armes , legs and buttocks , and those cast into the fire , and his body beginning from the lower part was with an axe chopt in péeces , his belly was ripped , his heart was pluckt out & cast at the villaines face ( yet in some life ) and afterwards his head being chopt off , was ( with other foure parts of his bodie , as armes and féete set vpon foure poles on foure turrets or ports of the citie ) fastened vpon a long pole set vpon the turret of the schoolehouse , on the backside of the princes lodging ; and whatsoeuer he had in his life time about him was taken from him and giuen away . this execution was done vpon saturday the 14. of iuly anno 1584. within the citie of delph in holland . now , not without sorrow and lamentation for the losse of so noble and painfull a prince , let vs returne to describe the manner of solemnitie vsed , and the whole order of his funerall , which in so few words and as briefly as i can i will set downe . vpon friday the third day of august 1584. the bodie of the prince was buried at the ordering of the states of holland , zeland , frizland and vtrecht , in magnificent manner , according to the dignitie of his excellencie ; and specially in remembrance of his honourable vertues and most princely deserts towards them : for he was the fourth of fiue brethren of the house of nassaw , which lost their liues in the faithfull defence of the states and of those countries . the order of his buriall or funerall was thus obserued : 1 first went the citizens of delph in armour , with long mourning cloakes . 2 the dumbe shew of the trumpetters in mourning apparell likewise . 3 then followed eight horses couered with blacke mourning cloathes , euery of which horses were led by two noblemen , one on the one side , and the other on the other side going on foote : and behinde euery horse was also borne the militarie ensigne of so many seuerall countries as the prince in his life time had vnder his gouernment , which ensignes were borne by eight other seuerall noblemen in mourning cloakes downe to the féete . 4 after them went the lord mansert , bearing the militarie trumpet . next to him the lord rihouius with the princes standerd , and next to him the lord naelwik with his militarie ensigne , each of them bearing in them seuerall armes emblazoned . 5 then followed the foure seuerall shields with their seuerall armes of the prince deceased , which other foure noblemen mourners bare likewise . 6 after them two other lords , whereof one bare all his whole armes , with his helmet and his crest : the other being captaine of his guard bare his sword of warre , both mourning also . 7 then followed the funerall horse couered all ouer with blacke veluet downe to the ground : being led forth by the lord bredroed on the one side , and the lord maldre on the other side , two stately personages mourning in foote side cloakes . 8 next vnto them went two other noblemen tall and stately personages : the one bearing the princes naked sword , the other his golden coronet , both mourning in long side gownes likewise . 9 and last of all went the princes thrée chiefe stewards of his retinue in mourning cloakes , each of them going with a blacke staffe in his hand . 10 after all these was borne the bodie of the deceased prince in a coffin , embalmed , seared and couered with blacke veluet hanging downe néere vnto the ground : where about were fired diuers scutcheons of armes , and penants of the princes honours and dignities : the bodie being borne vpon twelue tall gentlemens shoulders , all bareheaded and in long mourning cloakes . 11 next vnto the bodie went the foure principall lords of the states , as iohn of burgundy lord of fruymont , &c. walraeffe of bredroed lord of loredwod , &c. iohn of merode lord of soeterwould , &c. with hoods couered ouer their faces , which were the chiefe mourners for the low countries . 12 after these followed erle maurice of nassaw , second son to y e deceased prince , in a long black fine mourning cloake , the traine whereof was borne by another lord : on the right hand of prince maurice went the prince elector of colen , by name truckses : on the left hand of him went the erle of hoghenlo . there followed these personages , thrée other lords , vz. william erle of nassaw , philip erle of nassaw , and the erle of solmes , which were the last of the chiefe mourners for this deceased prince . 13 then came after these the generall states . 14 after them the councell of those states . 15 next vnto them the states of holland , 16. and their councell . 17 then followed the prouinciall councell . 18 the president of holland . 19 then the high councell and the president . 20 the secretaries of the states . 21 the consuls and senatours of delft . 22 the learned preachers . 23 the captaines of the guard. 24 the captaines of the warres . 25 the chiefe officers of publike authoritie in the common wealth , whom last of all followed a multitude of common people innumerable . with this solemne , sorrowfull and mournfull funerall was the good prince of orange buried in the chiefe church of the citie of delft on friday the third of august 1584. as aforesaid . he liued almost 52. yéeres , vz. 51. yéers 11. moneths and 25. daies , accompted from his birth . he was of bodie well compact , of stature little more then meane , of good complexion , aburne beard , somewhat full faced . who so will desire to know his sharpnes of wit and disposition of minde , may best discerne them by his honourable actions and godly gouernment so many yéeres . 26 his title was this . william by the grace of god , prince of orange , earle of nassau , catzenelenburg , dietst . viand , &c. marquesse of der vere , and flushing , burgraue of antwerpe , barron of brede , dyest , grymberg , arkize , nozeroy , &c. lord of castebelyne , &c. gouernour generall of the low countries , viz. of brabant , holland , zealand , vtrecht , and frizland , admirall of the seas in the lower germanie . 27 his matrimoniall state was first ioyned with the onlie daughter and heire of maximilian of egmond , and erle of buren and leerdam , &c. of whom he begot phillip erle of buren , which in the yeere 1577. was captiued by duke de alua , & sent into spaine , who is now prince of orange : also by the same wife he had one onlie daughter named marie , married to the erle of hohenlo . he had to his second wife the ladie anne onelie daughter of maurice duke of saxonie & prince elector , by her he had one onelie sonne named maurice , at this present generall of the vnited prouinces , and admiral of their seas : and by his said second wife he had also two daughters , the one named anne , and the other emilia . he had to his third wife charlot of burbon daughter to the duke of montpensyer , of whom he begat six daughters , namelie , ludouica , iuliana , elizabetha flandrina , katherina belgora , charlot brabantina , & aurelia antwerpiana . and he had to his fourth and last wife the lady loyse daughter of iaspar de coligni , lord chastillion and high admiral of fraunce slaine at paris in the yéere 1572 : of her he begat two sonnes , the one named frederick , the other henry of nassau : and he left begotten of an vnknowne woman his base sonne named iustine of nassau , at this day admirall of zealand . these twelue sonnes and daughters left the said deceased prince of orange behind him as aforesaid . 28 his progenie was this , he was the sonne of william of nassau the brother of henry of nassau , who had both to father iohn brother of enghelbert : both which had for their father also iohn earle of nassau , and the ladie leona his wife to their mother . 29 his brethren were these . this prince william of nassau was the eldest of fiue brethren , with himselfe , namelie the foure other were lodwicke , adolphe , and henrie , which three were slaine in these wars of the low countries : the fourth being iohn the second sonne of nassau as yet liuing at dilemberge . this lord hath liuing also manie sonnes and daughters , of which sonnes the two eldest earle william and earle phillip did beare armes in the low countries , stoutlie against the spanish forces . 30 his sisters were many , married to many & mighty personages , full of issues : so as iulian mother of this prince william countesse of sheerenbergh , a chaste wife and painefull ladie , when she had liued seauentie fiue yeeres , in the yeere of christ 1578. saw ( which came of her and her issue ) earles sonnes and nephewes , to the number of 123. personages . a goodlie , great , and most rare blessing of god no doubt , and a token of gods great louing fauour and comfort vnto those noble parents in their life time , and a singular great comfort and mutuall consolation , vnto the posteritie after their death , vpon which princes death the authour of this belgicke historie hath written both this title , epitaph , and verses in latine following . illvstriss memo gvlielmi principis avraici , comitis nassouiae , cattorum , dietzii , viandae , marchionis verae & vlissingae ; burgraui antwerpiae , vicecomitis bisontij ; baronis bredae , diestij , grinbergae , arlei , nozereij ▪ &c. domini castrobellini , &c. propraesidis generalis per vniuersam belgiam ; praesidis brabantiae , hollandiae , zelandiae , vltraiectini frisiorum , &c. admiralij ; herois fortissimi , orthodoxae ecclesiae propugnatoris , literatorum maecenatis ; patris patriae ; belgarum assertoris , pro quibus nec sibi , nec suis pepercit ; delphis sclopi ictu transuerberati : ioh. esychius quod habuit extremum in dominum suum clementiss : honoris monumentum , cum luctu posuit . vixit annos , li. menses , ii. dies , xxv , obijt anno christi , m. d.xxciv . sexto idus iulij . carmen epitaphivm . qvem non hispani imperiosa potentia regis , dirùm tot annos fulminantis impulit ; quem non insidiae , scelerum noxâ , ante reclusae , terruere ; non tot principum inconstantia princeps auraicus belgarum assertor & vltor ecclesiae ; ille terror inquirentium horrisonis ( praesente deo ) tranquillus in vndis burgundio superatur à * falsario . oppetit & quartus pulchram per vulnera mortem nassouiorum , qui iacent pro belgica . vah satan ? ad facinus quem auri sitis alta coêgit , os dum latice * proscriptionis proluis . infaelix de morte * ducis modò nuntius : atra nox tequé & auctorem premant oblivia sicut agit penna solvi metuente superstes , ( rumpatur invidens iberus ) gloria . auraicum summis certantem heroibus & iam dijs fidelium triumphis institum . vnum hoc , o proceres , advertite , quemlibet ista scelesto ab vno posse tolli machina : infestam hispanus capitis septemplicis hydram quo iure , quáve iniuria , dum promo vet . ad mavritivm nassovivm . g. f. vlturus patrem & patruum , virtutibus , annos , olim africanus antevenit scipio : mauriti , patrias si vis vlciscier vmbras , paterna stringe scipio , vestigia . finis . the ciuill warres there vnder the prince of parma and the states . manifestlie thus it appeareth in the sight of god and all the world , what impietie , malice , mischiefe and crueltie the pope and spanish king hath with foxlike subtiltie , & lyonlike force practised against the nobles and states of the low countries , infringing their ancient priuiledges , breaking fidelitie in contracts , violating the bonds of amitie , and violentlie oppressing al integritie of loyal subiects and faithfull seruants of god , seeking to make hauocke of high and low , rich and poore , young and old , with more then turkish tyrrany in those dominions most vntollerable . neither rest these two there contented with the great effusion of innocent blood like conquerours , preying on , or spoyling euery sillie shéepe with their iawes imbrued , waxing euer more hungrie , neuer rest raging hither and thither , casting down bulles , threatning silly lambs , swift of foote , and gréedie of tooth to teare in péeces the christian members , and to quaffe vp their blood in their vnquenchable thirst in those countries : but this anti-christ and his adherent vniustlie without cause giuen them ( as the iust god iudge and reuenger of all wrongs knoweth ) doe now also bend all their forces euen in this yéere , against the most lawfull , naturall , christian , and religious phenix of feminine sexe , and the most peerelesse paragon of true professing princes , elizabeth quéene of england her gratious royall person , her noble lawfull kingdomes , naturall faithfull subiects , and happie peaceable estate and gouernment . this antichrist , i say this romish seauen headed , tenne horned , and triple crowned dragon ( whose taile draweth the third part of the starres from heauen and casteth them to the earth ) presumeth to approch néere the woman , the church of god , the defender of the faith , and watcheth wililie with inward and outward serpentine malice to deuour the innocent & harmelesse child : whereupon although this dragon send forth his angels to war with the woman , though he send forth his iesuits the english fugitiues , whom he hath nu●led vp in popish abhomination manie yéeres , and though he againe likewise infect , and enforce the locusts and scorpions of the bottomlesse pit with his infernall furie : such as francis throgmorton , and manie other vipers , which would haue wrought intestine warres , and ciuill bloodshed against their naturall most gracious prince , their countrie and friends by forraine confederacies of the pope and spanish king , their abbetters , subborners , and supporters , yet to the perpetuall glorie of god , these wicked angels , locusts , and scorpions ( hauing no power to hurt anie good or godlie member , but such as themselues which haue not the seale of god in their forehead ) were ouertaken by gods power and prouidence , and cast out into the earth : and so the lord of hosts fought for our quéene and vs in peace & mercie to our comforts , but in his iustice and iudgement against our inward and outward enimies , for which god make vs thankefull to his glorie for euer . after the death so sought for , and procured of the aforesaid noble prince of orange by the said pope and spanish king as afore mentioned , the ordering of the affaires both ciuill and politike , rested in the wisedome of the nobilitie and states of the low countries : who seeing themselues like sheepe left without a shepheard , a nation without a gouernour , and a bodie without a head , plucking vp their spirits vnto them , taking heart and christian courage vnto them , in their godlie , iust , and lawfull cause for defence of gods true religion , of their auncient priuiledges , themselues , their wiues , children and countrie ; and for eschewing the horrible tyranny of the forraine vsurping pope and spaniard , their idolatrie , vniust exactions , oppressions , vnmercifull vexations , and horrible desolations : doe with most carefull consideration take oportunitie of time , and with mature deliberation to consult vpon some peculiar and speciall protection of themselues and their countries thus grieuouslie distressed . whereupon in the next yéere following 1585. ( after conference had amongst themselues in the month of may that yeere ) they dispacht into england an honourable embassade , which ariued at london on the 26. day of iune , being personages of great account in the netherlands : namelie , the lord iames gryse , the lord roger harsellus in the behalfe of gelderland , maister noelus caronus , lord of schonwall : ( who at this day is resiant in england , agent for the estates ) and iohn dousta lord of nortwich for the south part of holland with eight others , men of great account , which for breuitie i doe here omit : whom they substitute as their deputies to sollicite their cause vnto the queenes maiestie of england : these were lodged about the tower street , and had their diet in worshipfull manner appointed at clothworkers hall in london vpon her maiesties owne charges . on the 29. of iune they repaired to the court at greenewich , where they presented vnto her maiestie , the soueraignetie of those countries , which being ratified contained at large 31. seuerall articles , as to the duch historie i referre the reader . with godlie and neighbourlie commiseration , whereof her maiestie being pittifullie moued to put forth her helping hand , to saue that which was in extreme perill ; considering well by former accidents how sinister a minde the spanish king by the popes instigation had of long time vniustlie borne , of late put in practise , and would now likelie proceed further if god and good regard in due time were not her best friends : her excellent highnes therefore to preuent the worst , prouideth first for her own safetie and her subiects at home , trayning and mustering of able men in all places of the realme for necessarie domesticall defence whatsoeuer might befall ; and afterwardes in the month of iulie , presseth out of the citie of london certaine conuenient companies of souldiers furnished for the warres , at the charges of the fraternities , or societies of the same citie , and on the 13. of august following , with certaine special braue knights , approued captains , and worthie seruitors ouer them , transporteth all these into holland , zeland , brabant , &c. as other the like souldiers had beene before time sent out of other parts and places of the realme . of these seuerall companies at this time , was sent the before named valorous generall norice chiefe commaunder ( who comming from thence for that purpose a little before ) taking his leaue of her maiestie and her nobilitie , embarked himselfe and his retinue on the 24. of august this yeere 1585. and with a prosperous winde ariued in holland about the 26. of the same , where his forces being before ariued , he disposed of them as was most conuenient , till time and opportunitie serued for their purpose . about this time the right noble by birth and for vertue renowmed knight sir philip sidney ( sonne and heire of that most noble sir henry sidney knight , sometime lord deputie of ireland , and then lord president of wales ) was by her maiestie sent ouer after the said generall norice on the tenth day of october in the yéere aforesaid : who ariuing in safetie at flushing , was on the ninetéenth of that moneth by the states established lord gouernour of flushing in zeland : where by his valour , wisedome and great diligence he surprised the towne of axel in flaunders , and at doesburgh in gelderland , made manifest proofe of his valour and magnanimitie . but as he had liued alwaies in honour , excelling by the lawrell and the launce ( i am but paruus laodocus in re tam magna , to describe his demerits of fame condignely ) so yet amongst others , féeling in his life time his honourable fauour , and finding after his death the want of his furtherance vnto my poore distressed muse ) i cannot but in dutie honour his vertuous , godly and learned life , and with dolour deplore his vntimely death , with his honorable actions then lastly performed , as in the next yéere following hereafter shall appeare . but to returne to the order and procéeding of the historie for this yéere 1585. aforesaid , after that the said generall norice had disposed those seuerall companies vnder their seueral colonels and captaines , and placed conuenient garrisons in the frontier townes before resigned to her maiestie , namely briel , flushing , oftend , and berghenoptzome , the very entries into holland , zeland , flanders and brabant : the said generall departed with his forces into gelderland , where by the speciall helpe of god , his owne great valour and diligence of his souldiers , he tooke the sconce by arnhem called iselwerdt , erected where the isel falleth out of the rhine : wherein for better successe in the enterprise he placed fiue ships and two hoyes , which sped very ill for that they were on ground and in the enemies reach , knowing no way to escape the imminent daunger . which captaine hunnings on the said fifteene of nouember that yéere 1585. perceiuing , and seeking to escape the enemies hands ( being alreadie hurt very sore ) thinking to leape out of a ship into a boate ; but by reason of his armour somewhat heauie , and lighting short , hée was vnfortunately drowned . notwithstanding the said generall norice still continued his skirmish on land ( in a sconce which he had butted against them ) so manfully , that hauing sore discomfited them by meanes of his fort and that hot assault , the day drawing néere to an end , they rested without any more adoe . on the next day the generall , both in respect of his owne valour and his countries credit , continued in his determination and purpose to giue a new assault . but the enemies knowing the want of abilitie to withstand his force , and being without hope of helpe , voluntarily appealed to the law of armes , that they might depart with bagge and baggage : and so they surrendring the sconce into his hands , the said generall with no small credit to his countrie and honour to his name , yéelding humble and heartie thankes vnto god for his clemencie , entred the said sconce of arnhem : in the which hée placed such a garrison , as was fit and conuenient for the kéeping thereof . moreouer , the said generall norice determining to leaue no thing vnattempted that might any way annoy the enemie , and profit his prince and countrie , with a minde vnconquerable marched with his forces towards the citie of nimeghem ; where by honourable force and knightly chiualrie subduing another of the enemies sconces , he partly cléered the riuer rhine : by which déede he opened the passage from colen and all the high countries , which was a very profitable and readie helpe to all the english campe. this done , by serious paines and industrie ( as a wise and politike generall , letting slip no occasion that might profit his purpose ) he raised a mount before the citie , and that of such a height and strength , that thereon he planted his ordenance : for that the situation of the towne was such , that otherwise he could haue done it small hurt , but by meanes of this new raised mount : on the morrow he shot furiously into the market place , greatly terrifying the enemies and all the inhabitants of the citie . the prince of parma hearing what had happened , presently marched toward the succour of the citie , purposing fully to haue giuen the said english generall the repulse : who for the better and more easie accomplishment thereof intēded to trauell secretly in the night , thinking thereby to take the englishmen vnprouided for their comming . as indéede so they had done , if the commendable and diligent care of our espials had not preuented that inconuenience , by fore warning the campe of their comming , who at that instant were not farre off . at length the enemies approching , hauing for their guide and gouernour the said prince of parma ( a man of great force and dexteritie in feates of warres ) and the english hauing for their gouernour the said noble generall norice , a man of no lesse courage then actiuitie , he with a most valiant heart and cheerefull voyce encouraged his souldiers to the encounter : wherein he himselfe , for better emboldening of all vnder his charge , and for their only euident example of valour and courage , gaue the first charge , and that so terrible to the enemies , that turning their backs they fled away as mē amazed , not being able to sustaine the force of his hands : which the englishmen well perceiuing , most venturously followed their fleeing fainting foes , with such furie that the spaniards were by heapes laid leuell with the ground . in which conflict were slaine of the enemies , to the number of thrée thousand : at what time also there was taken from them in the field nine ensignes , which losse was no small griefe to the enemies , greatly bewayling their vnfortunate successe : which was done with very small losse of the english , as it was found by the due suruey and view made of such as were then missing . this skirmish was sought on monday the 15 day of nouember in the said yéere 1585. after our english generall , with those worthie knights , colonels and captaines were employed in the said low countries as aforesaid . for which gracious victorie by god giuen vnto them at this present , great and memorable thankes and praise with singular ioy and comfort as well by the actors as by the inhabitants of those countries , were rendred vnto almightie god , and made manifest amongst them with mutuall consolation inspeakable . and not thereabouts only where this honourable exploit was performed , but also where and when the said generall and the campe returned thence to briel ( being made gouernour thereof vnder and for her royall maiestie ) he was in most honourable manner receiued by all the states and burghers with great triumph and ioy : who in euery corner of the citie made great bonfires , in euery church rung their bels , and many a great volley of shot for to welcome him into the citie : where all the people with lowd voyces euery where said , god saue good queene elizabeth , god saue the good queen of england . the names of such captaines as were hurt before this conflict at arnhem sconce were these : captaine thomas louell sergeant maior , captaine borowes , captaine thomas knowles , now sir thomas knowles , captaine charles blunt , now lord mountioy , captain vauisor brother to the now sir thomas vauisor , and captaine thomas wilson . in all sixe captaines hurt at that time . the number of the english slaine at this conflict at nemeghem , as captaine thomas louell told me , was some 60. persons and not aboue . the ciuill warres there vnder the prince of parma , and the erle of leicester . after the said ambassade sent by the estates of the netherlands vnto the quéenes maiestie of england anno 1585. ( as before by composition in 31. seuerall articles contained ) which for breuitie i omit : and also after the memorable enterprise by the noble generall norice and the english forces happily atchieued against the enemie at arnhem and nemeghem , last before recited in the same yéere : it pleased her gracious highnes to send now ouer into the netherlands the most nobly renowmed lord robert dudley erle of leicester , baron of denbigh , and one of her maiesties most honourable priuie councell , &c. with a magnificen● and worthie traine of noblemen and gentlemen attending vpō 〈◊〉 into those netherlands : where he ( ariuing at flushing in zeland the 19. of december anno 1585. ) was of the magistrates and townesmen most honourably entertained , and also with him the lord robert deuoreux erle of essex , and other english nobles and gentlemen to the number of seuen hundred horse . from thence out of zeland they sailed into holland , where in all cities and places as they passed they were ioyfully receiued , vntill they came vnto the haghe in holland , in the moneth of ianuary 1585 : and there the estates generall and prouinciall came vnto his excellencie , friendly embraced him , and honourably intertained him , and all his traine with surpassing ioy and welcome : and on the calends of february following surrendred vnto him ( as to her highnes lieutenant generall of all her forces there ) the gouernment of those vnited prouinces , vz. of the duthcie of gelders , counties of zutphen , holland and zeland , the seigniouries of vtrecht , frizland , and ouerissel , and of other townes and places which as yet they possessed in flanders and brabant . promising and binding themselues by vertue of their oth in all and euery degrée from the highest to the lowest , by land and by sea to yéeld and performe al diligence , obedience and fidelitie for their and our generall good of peace and warres , from time to time during his gouernment : his excellencie making like promise of his part for the defence of the said estates , people and prouinces accordingly . actum hagae in hollandia cal. februarij 1585. subscripsit aersius . according to the rule and forme of these ordenances the said erle generall taketh vpon him the said gouernment : confirmed in full and absolute authoritie thereunto by common consent of the said estates in generall , there bearing publike offices with the seuerall gouernours of those prouinces , colonels , captaines & souldiers vnder their charge : for whom and in whose name especially countie maurice of nassaw and countie hoghenloe , with other martiall gouernours , doe promise to performe all possible endeuours , assistance , defence and supportation in all points . the quéenes maiestie of england receiuing newes hereof , was moued in minde , and ( thinking these things chiefly done to the end she should be more bounden or tyed to inconuenience then she determined ) sendeth foorthwith thither sir thomas hennage knight her vizechamberlaine with letters the 13. of february anno 1585. aforesaid : wherein she signified her selfe hardly to allow the absolute gouernment of those countries so surrendred vnto the erle of leicester , and that it seemed very absurb vnto her , for as much as her highnes had refused such proffer to be made vnto her : and to lay the burthen of that gouernment vpon her minister or officer ( before refused of her maiestie ) without her counsell , seemed indéede to be a great signe of manifest ignominie or iniurie done vnto her highnes : as though her maiesties wisedome and iudgement were wanting , and could not discerne what were to be receiued nor what to be refused . so as that thing was quite contrarie and repugnant especially to the declaration published in print , as touching these affaires : wherein was openly testified , that her highnes gaue only succour vnto the netherlands , and vnto her neighbours , and not indéede to intrude or thrust her selfe into absolute protection or supreme gouernment of those people and prouinces . for these things being so done , now would euery man take occasion to thinke and iudge otherwise then her highnes meant herein : especially such persons would doe that , who thinke they may lawfully censure and iudge vpon princes doings as they list , and after their sensualitie , so as thereby her maiesties fame and honour might chiefly be detracted . and therefore that all the world might know , how iustly and vprightly in this behalfe she determined to procoode ; her highnes pleasure is , and she commaundeth the said authoritie to be reuoked , and forbiddeth that the erle shall not vse any other authoritie , then is contained in the mutuall contract made and published . and that thing being so obserued , no doubt it would be profitable to the common-wealth in time to come . and her maiestie further addeth , she made not refusall for that cause that she had not any care of the welfare of those prouinces , but for that she had prouident care of her owne honour , and how to stop the mouthes of the malignant , and such as were her enemies . the residue which were to be spoken herein , were expressed in her highnes letters so written . the estates seeing these letters were in much doubt , and doe send answere vnto her maiestie touching the same on the 25. of march 1586. out of the citie of amsterdam : and excuse the same authoritie so giuen to be with all humilitie and commoditie for both parts , and affirme that these things were not done to burthen or binde her maiestie more then the contract contained , but ( as cause of necessitie so required ) they were thus done and passed . they alleage how that authoritie must especially be necessarie , and better it was the prouinces to haue but one , then two gouernours , and it seemed farre safer for them to entertaine her maiesties subiect and deputie , then to chuse and authorize another : and such a one as they had before , and such authoritie to giue him , as the same might be reuoked at any time . but for the word ( absolute ) they alleage , that was only added to distinguish the gouernment , that the same might be discerned from others , that they ( by a prouiso ) might be ordered , and by commaundements and instructions might be bounden and tyed the better to performe their duties : and for better execution of martiall discipline , and not that sole and soueraigne rule might be giuen him . that it was by example of the romanes , and other people ( salua dignitate principatus & dominij , quae remansit penes populū ) sauing the dignitie of the principalitie and soueraigntie which remained in the power of the people : and moreouer to the end they might more easily withstand and resist the enemies practises and enterprises , and that the peoples hearts troubled and altogether brokē with feare and furious outrage , might be the better succoured and comforted . and so they beseech her maiestie not to forsake them now , in their distresse ; and promising all dutie answerable to her maiesties most royall expectation , they returne other moe words of answere by the said sir thomas hennage , to be related vnto her maiestie at large by word of mouth . actum amsterdami in hollandia , 25. die martij anno christi 1586. this was the manner of the answere made by the estates to the queenes maiestie , concerning the authoritie wherwith they had inuested the erle of leycester as gouernour generall in those countries , and although her highnes was with this excuse somewhat pacified , yet ( saith my authour ) the erles authoritie was amongst manie by reason hereof little empaired or diminished . in the erle generall his name , were receiued all manner of contributions , payments , taxes , and tallages leuied for maintenance of the warres , and for defence of those people and prouinces : which might amount yeerelie to the summe of 2500000. florens , besides the commodities of licences and other common prouision made for the seruice by sea , and the assistance or help of the queenes maiestie : but vnto the erle for his ordinarie expences , the prouinces allowed 100000. florens to be leuied and deliuered yeerelie . after this be publisheth orders of militarie discipline , and by a decree of the 4. of aprill 1586. at vtrecht , hee forbiddeth the transporting or carrying away of all manner prouision of corne , armour ▪ and munition , or any marchandise vnto the enimies and their confederates : yea , and to the places or ports of such others as were neutrall . moreouer he forbiddeth all traffique and naturall trade by letters , contracts , or whatsoeuer other couenants with the enimies to the queenes maiestie , and to the estates and people of the netherlands . besides all this , he leuieth impositions , and contributions vpon all marriners and shipmaisters of whatsoeuer forraine nation comming thither into anie port within the vnited prouinces , for their priuate affaires . here i am now to report of a honourable , true and rare peece of seruice performed immediatlie after the erle of lecister had taken his oth at haghe , and then comming to vtrecht for special seruice of the land , which the states most earnestlie required for the releefe of the citie called the graue being a key into gelderland : which was betweene the months of aprill and may anno 1586. the said erle of leycester with the consent of the states , sent for that honourable great souldier sir iohn norice from arnhem , demanding of him his opinion of the said releefe of graue : to be short his answere was , that if it would please his excellencie to send him with a sufficient force of foote , he would be readie to performe the vttermost of his seruice therein . whereupon counte hollock was appointed to goe vp the riuer of graue with certaine ships of war for that seruice , a little higher then battenborow , and there staid , vntill sir iohn norice then colonell generall of the said land forces came vnto the same iland on this side battenborow : bringing with him some eight ensignes all english , and sending for captaine iohn pryse , who was at that present sergeant maior of the armie . he came from the city of amersford with eight ensignes moe , al english , marching towards sir iohn norice . and so soone as captaine pryse was come y e said sir iohn norice rose with his troupes , & marched within halfe a mile of battenborow castle , which the enimie then possessed , which was vpon a dike for most part , and there the campe set downe for a day or two , vntill they had further direction . presentlie the said sir iohn norice went aborde of counte hollocks ship , where they tooke counsaile how they should relieue the graue : for the enimie was set downe being 12000. strong before it , and had also chained vp the riuer with a bridge made ouer for their men to passe to and fro , and a sconce at eyther end of the bridge . the said count hollocke & generall norice concluded , that there should be a certaine loope sconce set vp within a little english mile of the enimies bridge , and so to come nearer and nearer to the enimie : whereupon the said generall sent vnto the said captaine pryse ( who in his absence had the commaund of the troupes ) to bring him 200. pioners , and 200. chosen souldiers . who so soone as they came fell to worke and cast vp the said sconce , and working most part of that night , and the next day , the enimie ( imagining and seeing plainelie that they were about such a matter ) sent out 2000. men , and procured a small skirmish with vs , wee hauing aduantage vpon the saide ditch : but what with counte hollocks men of war , playing vpon them , and the land forces they were enforced that afternoone to retire to their campe. but this great souldier sir iohn norice knew very well it was needfull to fall to his worke againe very hard , for he knew well that the next day the enimie would be doing with him againe , and would not suffer him there to rest , and therefore he called vnto him the said captaine pryse , and willed him to goe backe againe to the campe and to choose out 300. mo souldiers out of the 8. ensignes of the best and choise men , which the said captaine did send him with his owne lieutenant called anthonie de boys . and besides all this the said generall norice sent to the said captaine pryse that he should come himselfe , and bring with him 7. whole companies , which were in all 800. men , and be with him by breake of day or there abouts . but before the said captaine pryse could come with these companies , the enemie was approached and come to the said generals sconce with 4000. braue choise men of his armie , the said generall being in the sconce with 500. choise men , and a braue captaine with him named sir iohn burgh , mother to the late lord burgh , the enimie and generall norice being in fight a long houre vpon the sconce at the push of the pike , there were manie slaine on both sides : so as the said enimie getting the sconce , the said generall was hurt , sir iohn burgh lost one of his fingers , and was hurt verie sore besides : also the enimie following in chase , and killing our men ▪ vntill such time as the said captaine pryse came with his 7. ensignes , who hauing great care in placing of his men to gaine all the vantage of the dike , had put with a sergeant 50. musketiers on the one side of the dike , which was of some good bredth , and 50. moe with another sergeant below the dike on the other side , and also placed two or three officers in the reareward , giuing them streight charge that if anie man should retire or runne away to kill him . presentlie the said captaine pryse met with the said generall norce all bloodie about his mouth , which was no small griefe to the saide captaine to see the same . quoth the said generall , o captaine pryse , welcome , now for the honor of england , behold there is the enimie , which was hard at his heeles . captaine pryse hereupon commanded all his shot couragiouslie to deliuer a vollie in the verie teeth of the enimie : and presentlie came vpon them with their pikes , so that the enimie retired with the losse of a great number of men , for the said captaine pryse and his souldiers had the killing of them euen at his will the space of two english miles and a halfe , vntill he came vnto a place where a windmill stood , whither were sent by the enimie a thousand fresh men to second the others : the said captaine pryse being formost went so fast , and the rest behinde still following the execution of the enimie and wearie , had not with him at the encounter with this supplie aboue 50. or 60. men at the most : whereupon this fresh companie of the enimie deliuered a vollie of shot upon the said captaine , and shot him through the thigh , and killed some of his men : but the said captaine by the help of some special men about him was rescued from the enimie , and presently the said generall norice sent him a horse to carrie him away downe to the water side . then the enimie following and killing some few of our men , the ships of warre played vpon them so hotlie , that they made them to retire to their armie . the generall and sir iohn broughe were carried into counte holloks ship , where being verie wearie and wounded , they rested vntill the next day , where there was a generall reuew what men were slaine on both sides , & there was found by the reuew taken by the counte hollocke and the english officers of the enimy aboue 700. men slaine at the secong charge : besides them which were slaine by the said generall norice , at the fort before the comming of the said captaine pryse , being some hundred or there abouts . there were slaine of our men that day , not fullie 150. men , as was found by a generall reuew of the said officers . and so the next day the said citie of graue was releeued , the enimies bridge broken , and counte hollocke sent into the towne seauen horses laden with butter , cheese , munition , and other necessaries : which was to the great honour of our english nation , and the great comfort of that distressed garison . the belgicke historie maketh this report of the field fought at battenborow aforesaid , & of the siege of graue , viz. parma in the beginning of winter , anno 1586. by counte charles maunsfield , causeth the citie of graue to be besieged and compassed about with foure bulwarks or forts , and entring vpon the bridge of naia neere the riuer , he causeth all the passages to be made sure within , and without , and all manner of victuals to be kept within the citie . in the bulwarks he had placed some 1500. souldiers for a garison , and besides 5000. spaniards more or lesse , the rest were seruing in the tents , almost halfe a mile from the citie . after these had for 3. months space and more besieged the graue , the erle generall came from haghe by harlam and amsterdam in holland vnto vtrecht , and sent about 400. horsemen into velonia or velna as farre as niekerke to help the citizens of the graue . generall norice and counte hoghenlo marched vnto them with 2000. footemen which carried victuals and prouision into the citie , for with their horsemen they could do no good . these footmen at the first inuade the bulwarke called the molensconce halfe a mile from the graue , and after that fortifie themselues in a new sconce not farre from the spaniards bulwarks : which they perceiuing came fiercelie vpon them with 3000. of their chosen souldiers to surprise them , and at the second or third assault driue away their workemen euen in the verie erecting of their sconce , who meete some 900. of the garisons , and there make a stand : which the spaniards perceiuing , charged them a fresh , and droue them away to the next sconce , though the spaniards so doing fiue hundred of them were slaine , & manie were wounded : amongst whom were seauen captaines of companies , and two men of great account , from whom the englishmen tooke away a brasse peece of ordinance . and thus was the field fought at battenborow , as that historie mentioneth : so of the siege of graue when parma had beaten it with 24. peeces of batterie , he so battered and rent the walles thereof , that hee compelled the citizens and their garisons to yeeld the towne vnto him : who entred the same with his forces , and gaue them leaue to depart with wife and children and all that they had , whither soeuer they would with bagge and baggage . immediatly after the seruice so done at the graue , and surrendring or yéelding the same vnto the enemie , the erle generall caused the lord hemert a martiall gouernour , with certaine others , to be apprehended , caried to vtrecht , prosecuted by order of law , and put to death in the presence of al the captaines for most part & of the souldiers lately seruing at the graue : although ( saith my author ) they had done no treason , nor made any secret confederacie with the enemie . but through a certaine youthfull want of skill in militarie seruice , had rendred vp the towne of graue vnto the enemie : which act of the generall ( saith my author ) turned away the hearts of many noblemen , and inhabitants there from him , especially because they saw one welsh , sometimes a captaine of the english forces ▪ and a notable traytor ( before taken by countie hoghenloe ) which with others moe such as himselfe was , betrayed the citie alosto in flanders , and deliuered it vnto the enemie ) was not put to death , but preferred in militarie seruice : and also sir william stanley and rowland yorke , two notable fugitiues and false forsworne traytors to their prince and countrie , escaping vnpunished likewise . the erle generall in the moneth of august 1586. hauing gathered a conuenient armie of english , dutch and other nations , sent the first companie vnder sir iohn norice and sir thomas cicill , now lord burley , knights , who placed them neere vnto seuenter in cleueland , purposing to march towards the prince of parma and his forces . but the erle generall himselfe the 6. of september anno 1586 ▪ departeth from arnhem in gelderland towards eltem in cleueland , honourably accompanied with prince emanuel sonne of anthony king of portugale , the lord truxsis the prince elector of colen , countie maurice of nassaw , countie philip of nassaw nephew to the deceased prince of orange , the counties solmes and obersteyn , the erle of essex generall of the horsemen , the lord peregrin bartu lord willoughby , the lord iohn north baron of kirtlington , sir philip sidney lord gouernour of flushing , and others of great authoritie . and hauing taken a view of his hoste , his excellencie numbred his footemen to be about 7000. and his horsemen 1400. but this armie seemed vnto him insufficient to giue parma the repulse ( who was said to haue 12000. footmen and 3500. horsemen ) . and for that he would deliuer the citie of berck upon the rhine from the present siege of the enemie , he determined therfore first by policie to assault doesburgh in the countie of zutphen , to withdraw the prince of parma from the siege of berck aforesaid . this towne of doesburgh was in times past called of drusus the sonne of tiberius caesar romane emperour , drusburg , who caused the riuer of rhine from a very ditch to be digged and inlarged beyond arnhem aforesaid , into an iland at the towne of drusburg , which at this day is now also called drusus ditch . the citie is high walled , after the old manner , and inuironed with large and déepe ditches . there were within the same thrée hundred wallons in garrison sent from the prince of parma thither , and also armed citizens fiue hundred more or lesse . the erle generall sendeth countie hoghenlo , sir philip sidney , and others the leaders of the forces with fiue hundred horse and eight hundred footemen in the night time to discouer and beset the citie about : himselfe with the rest of the armie came after them the ninth day of september : his excellencie commands them in warlike wise quickly to intrench themselues , and to make prouision for a batterie . on the thursday fiue péeces of ordenance were mounted , which made two great breaches : which the townes men with all possible haste and diligence made vp againe and fortified . and whereas the ditch being thrée foote broad and more , and thirtie foote high encompassed the citie , the assault séemed very difficult to be made : but the souldiers being thereunto encouraged , the erle generall determined to trie the assault : whereunto he appointed countie hoghenlo with his germanes and scots , and sir iohn norice with his englishmen and zelanders to giue the assault . when y e besieged townsmen saw that , they offered to yéeld vpon certaine conditions : which being refused , they yéeld vp the citie ( only with safetie of their liues ) the lord borough and sir william stanley ( the gouernment being giuen vnto the lord borough ) entred both into the towne . and to the end his excellencie might now next of all withdraw the prince of parma from the siege of berck , he taketh his iourney towards zutphen , one of the foure chiefe cities in gelders , famous by name in respect of other cities , populous and well defended : when he vnderstood it lacked victuals , he went about either to take it , or else to withdraw the prince of parma from berck , which thing so happened . zutphen was in the kéeping and defence of iohn baptista taxis , a man couragious in fight , the lieutenant colonell to verdugo gouernour of groning : and séeing euen from this citie there situate ouer the riuer of issell all the countrie of velue and holland were troubled and molested with the enemie ( and therefore the estates not long before had builded a fort or sconce of defence : but by reason of the great floods and too much violence of water there increasing , incontinently after they were driuen away from thence ) therfore the citizens of zutphen strengthened and fortified the same againe . and because they of zutphen extorted spoyling exactions throughout all the velue , by reason of the commoditie of these their new erected fortresses , the hollanders two yéeres passed besieged the same in vaine almost for ten moneths space . the erle generall now increasing his armie , ioyneth a great part of those souldiers ( which vnder the lord rihouias and cosmus pescarengio were gathered to inuade flaunders ) and forthwith pitcheth his tents by the riuer side and before zutphen it selfe , on the 18. day of september 1586 : and with boates chained together crosse the riuer almost a mile from the citie made a bridge to passe from the one side to the other . when his excellencie had thus pitched his tents there , he tooke his iourney thence with all spéed towards deuenter in ouer-issell ( for as yet there were iarres and discords within the citie ) and though the citie also did contribute with other cities , yet did it refuse to conserue or kéepe orderly mutuall league with them : he entreth into the city , hauing for his guard about foure hundred footemen , and two troupes of horsemen : and when he had receiued newes that parma had left berck , hée made towards his tents with all spéede that he could , and strengthened them so soone as possible might be , the more confidently to besiege the said citie of zutphen aforesaid . the prince of parma fearing lest the erle generall should preuaile against zutphen , and vnderstanding that the towne of berck aforesaid , was well defensed and hard to be wonne : when he had alreadie fortified the isle before the towne in the riuer of rhene , and blocked and besieged it about with other forts and sconces , and thought he had sufficiently furnished it with victuals and all other necessaries , departing from thence on the 22. ot september anno 1586. he marcheth towards wesel in cleueland and the castle there , and making a bridge of ships had passed ouer the riuer of rhene , and had made forts from the other part of resa vpon the rhine and other places , whereby he might both fortifie the bridge & defend himselfe in his iourney more safely , he came to bercklo , and from thence he sendeth his prouision to be conueyed into zutphen aforesaid . the erle generall so soone as he perceiued that the prince of parmaes prouision so caried in was not sufficient for the garrison there , the next day he determined to set vpon the garrison : and committed that seruice to sir iohn norice and sir william stanley , with a great number of footemen , and to certaine others with a great number of horsemen . and when on the 23. of september the prince of parma had againe commaunded some more prouision to be that morning conueyed into the towne , guarded with seuen troupes of horsemen , and two thousand harquebuziers , they performed his commaundement : and in a certaine well fenced place néere the village called warresfeld ( in the way almost a mile off from the citie ) they made a stand . in the meane time while the cariages and waggons doe enter into the citie , presently the erle of essex , the lord willoughby , sir william stanley , sir philip sidney , sir william russell , sir henry norice , and his brother the generall sir iohn norice , hauing with him about two hundred horsemen , also fiftéene hundred musquetters , and sir william stanleys regiment , with as much spéed as they could marching thither , doe suddenly and fiercely charge the enemies sooner then they thought for , by reason of a great mist which dimmed and darkened their eyes at that time . but euen these english forces were by and by encountred by certaine troupes of the enemies footebands out of a very commodious place like vnto a fort : and yet did the english very couragiously and valiantly passe through and endure the manifold stormie hot batterings of the bullets , and yet not one of them once brake his order : all keeping themselues constantly together in a wonderfull manner . then the enemies not knowing what number of englishmē these were whom they saw approch néerer vnto them , they quickly send out vnder captaine george cressy albanoys a troupe of horsemen : which being well beaten and dispersed here and there ( whereof many were slaine and taken ) they send out againe countie hannibal gonzaga with his troupe , which in like case were ouerthrowne , and hée himselfe by a deadly wound there slaine . so the victors pressing through the thickest of the harquebuziers , there the third troupe being a troupe of the enemies horse , séemed as if they would resist them : but by and by they turne their backes , runne away , and so depart the field , after two victorious troupes of the english forces had slaine and sore wounded 180. of the enemies : themselues hauing of theirs onely but thirtie persons of all their companies slaine and wounded : amongst whom was that right nobly renowmed knight sir philip sidney before remembred , of whose action and manner of death at large i haue thought good here , according to the report of george whetston and others , actors and eye-witnesses there , thus to declare the same . i haue before ( by occasion ministred vnto me ) made mention of the vertuous life and valorous seruice of that renowmed knight sir philip sidney , the last yéere in the low countries , spent to the aduancement of gods glorie , honour of his prince , and benefit of gods church and of the kingdome of christ : now is occasion giuen me to set downe his honourable enterprise a little before his death , and so thereby to make his vertuous life , valorous seruice , and honourable death more rightly renowmed vnto the posteritie . thus it happened in the latter end of the next yéere following 1586. the english nobles , vz. the right honourable robert erle of essex , by his valour reuiuing his fathers fame ; the lord willoughby , the lord generall norice , sir william russell , and sir thomas parrot , sir henry norice , with diuers others both knights and gentlemen of good accompt seruing then on horsebacke ; this famous worthy knight sir philip sidney as forward as the best ( all these being mounted against the enemie , and his power approching on the 22. of september 1586. vnto the towne of zutphen in gelderland : ) this noble knight like caesar charged the enemie so sore , that first an enuious musquetier from the spitefull spaniards espying his oportunitie slew his horse vnder him : who getting to horse againe , was with a poysoned bullet from the enemie shot in the thigh , wanting his cuisses , which might haue defended him . the wound being déepe and shiuering the bone , yet his heart was good , and his courage little abated , one vdal a gentleman alighted and led his horse softly , to whom he thus spake : let goe , let goe till i fall to the ground : the foe shall misse the glorie of my wound . and so riding out of the field with a rare and constant courage , his wound was searched , no salue too deare but was sought , no skill so curious but was tried to cure , ease , and recouer this noble souldier languishing in paine , all remediles . who féeling death drawing on , desired yet ( were it gods will so to be ) that he might liue to doe his countrie more good seruice : alleaging that he feared not death , but lamented that his yéeres as yet ( being but gréene ) brought foorth but leaues , the bloomes being faire , no fruite yet appearing , his life could not be lengthened for the enlargement of that good , which both in heart he wished , and in power he would haue performed towards his prince and countrie , had he liued here longer : who being demaunded if he feared not any whit to dye , answered : no whit because i liue thereby . touching the honour of the field there fought , as all our english lords and knights by their valours much diminished the enemies force and daunted his courage : so amongst them sir thomas parrot stroake downe gonzaga at a blow , countie hannibal was left for dead in the field , and captaine george one of the enemies commanders , was by the worthie lord willoughby taken prisoner : onely captaine thomas and captaine martin amongst our english were slaine in that fight , and not any moe of accompt missing . so by this honour ensued the vntimely death of this renowmed noble knight on the 17. day of october 1586. liuing iust 25. daies after his receiued hurt , in hope by death to inherit with christ the crowne of life and glorie . whose mortall death how greatly it was lamented of all sorts , from the highest to the lowest , who so please may looke and reade in the reportarie of this action , afterwards penned by george whetston gentleman : where he declareth how the corps of this noble deceased knight being brought ouer in the blacke pinnis , so called , was shrined in a hearse within the mynories in london : and his funerall day being appointed vpon tuesday the 16. of february next after following in that yéere 1586. the solemne order of the same was thus martialled in honourable manner , vz. hauing thrée erles and other lords of the states his chiefe mourners , with all their traine as they followed the corps . after them went sir wolston dixi knight then lord maior of london , and the aldermen mourning in their purple robes . and last of al a warlike band of worthy citizens his welwillers , with weapons trailed in solemne wise , brought the corps from out of the quier of the cathedrall church of s. paul in london ( after a learned sermon there made ) to the vpper northeast end of the isle aboue the quier by the second piller , where with solemne honourable ceremonie vsuall , the corps was laid to his rest in christ iesus : which done , the said souldierlike citizens bestowed for their last farewell of their beloued noble friend and captaine , two volleys of shot , and so returned home euery man to his house , heauie , mournfull and sad for the losse of so vertuous , honourable and true renowmed personage : vpon whose death the aforesaid george whetston made this epitaph . here vnder lyes phillip sydney knight , true to his prince , learned , staid and wise : who lost his life in honourable fight , who vanquisht death , in that he did despise to liue in pompe , by others brought to passe : which oft he tearm'd a dyamond set in brasse . there is another epitaph vsuallie pendant at the said piller vnder his crest , cote armour , and colours there fixed . england , netherland , the heauens and the arts , the souldiers , and the world , haue made six parts of the noble sydney ; for none will suppose , that a small heape of stones can sydney inclose . his bodie hath england , for she it fed , netherland his blood in her defence shed : the heauens haue his soule , the arts haue his fame , all souldiers the griefe , the world his good name . after the death of this noblie renoumed knight sir philip sydney , so greatlie lamented as well in the netherlands as in england , the erle generall maketh attempt to take the fort on the other side of zutphen , placing his tents in che velawe ; there is a little iland before the towne of zutphen , whereunto out of the citie , there is an open passage almost on drie foote , by a ford which now and then hath beene kept by a garrison of thirtie souldiers onlie , this he battereth with his ordinance and taketh it . the prince of parma seeing this iland taken , marcheth to the said citie of zutphen , on the fourteenth of october following anno dicto with a strong power , furnisht with great store of all manner of prouision , and the next day after returneth backe two miles from zutphen , vnto barcklo , from thence to wesel and so to burck : then making a bridge ouer the rhene , he falleth sick in his way comming to bruxels , & there being enféebled by sicknes , be ordaineth the marquesse of renty , lord of montigni ( discended of the house of lalaigne ) chiefe gouernour of the armie in his steed . the erle generall battereth with his ordinance ( on the 16. of october anno dicto ) the lesser fort towards the north and commaundeth it ( after dinner ) to be razed to the ground , and in this place there were 300. in garrison : but in the greater fort were 800. and in the citie 2000. when the prince of parma himselfe was absent from thence scarce two miles . so as what time neither out of the citie it selfe , nor out of the fort anie man came to resist or withstand the erles forces , this was by them sharplie assailed : in the assailing thereof edward standley an english gentleman ( together with sir william standley being a colonell ) behaued themselues verie couragiouslie . for maister edward standley climed vp the rampere of the fort , out of which one supposing to strike him through with a pike , the said edward tooke it perforce out of his hands , and held it stoutlie , and the more the enimie stroue to wrest it from him againe , the higher hee raised the said edward standley so much more out of his reach : whereby he escaped the enimies daunger , which deed was the chiefe cause of the victorie . for which enterprise the erle generall dubbed him knight , as by desert , and gaue him a yeerely pension of 600. florens : in this assault there were no moe but eight of the generals men slaine , and there the counte hoghenlo was wounded in the face . his excellencie on the next day after this battereth , and so taketh the said greater fort by commoditie of the lesser fort , and the i le on the north part aforesaid , so as thereby he might vtterlie stoppe the passage betwéene the great fort and the citie : and while the garrison were in feare thereof , leauing their ordinance there at randome , before the englishmen had placed their ordinace , they fled into the citie , and so these forts together with the castels of newbeken , boxburgh , and other places néere adioyning were taken , whereby all the countrie of the velawe was deliuered from the violent extortions , and burning spoilers there before raging . his excellencie thought not good to assaile the city of zutphen , because it was stronglie fenced , encompassed with waters , enuironed with walles , and situate betwéene deuenter , doesburgh , lokam , doeterum and the saide fort : for he hoped they would then especiallie yeeld vnto him : if penurie so constrained them by a little and a little . therefore almost in the midst of winter he remoueth his campe ( which thing also parma doing ) the erle generall disposeth his garisons in good order euerie where , aduaunceth certaine leaders , and english nobles for their approued valours with great honour , and made some others of them knights . and so the erle generall hauing performed all these seruices in the netherlands , was worthilie , well , honourablie & highly reputed of them hitherto : but after this ( he is said by my authour lib. 13. fol. 391. pag. 2. ( whether and how he deserued it i know not ) to incur the disliking of the estates in some points , as also in that he placed rowland yorke aforesaid gouernour of the fort at zutphen ; for although they had vsed him in diuers seruices for his benefit before time , yet he was not found so faithfull to them in those causes as he ought to haue bin , and as was expected . also for that the said erle generall made sir william srandley knight , giuing him charge ouer 1200. english and irish footmen , and ouer 200. horsemen : into whose doings the estates generall aduisedlie looking , found him also farre more vnfaithfull then eyther he should haue bin , or they worthilie deserued at his hands . the erle generall when in the deepe of winter he vnderstood that parma was departed out of gelderland , and knowing for certaine that the souldiers appointed in the osteland ( by the confederacie and secret conspiracie of certaine false forsworne souldiers which he had in his gouernment ) had reuolted from him , yea and to their great shame ( no necessitie vrging them ) to runne away from him : and when hee now also saw , that neither time nor place was giuen him for performance of anie further seruice , and the towne berck was deliuered latelie from the siege ( from whence colonell thomas morgan was now returned ) the erle general i say now departeth towards haghe in holland . but whē his souldiers leauing at randome the i le before zutphen , remoued their tents , they were sodainelie & fiercelie charged by iohn baptista taxus the spanish colonell : but they escaped away from the enimie , with the losse of some sixe or seauen of the englishmen and no moe . at that time the estates finding themselues agreeued at the erles indirect doings ( as my author saith ) in those countries , doe make and exhibite vnto him certaine requests for diuers respects : whereof the whole reformation was reserued vntill his returne againe out of england , when god and her maiestie should so permit . and so his excellencie taking his leaue of the estates generall ( not sufficientlie contented with his doings ) he taketh shipping at flushing passeth into england , and ariueth at london on the fourth of december anno 1586. about this time ( for as much as sir philip sidney late gouernour of flushing was slaine at the siege of zutphen , as before is said ) the queenes maiestie of england , in his place gaue the gouernment thereof to sir william russell knight ( sonne to the erle of bedford ) a man of great accompt and worthines : he ariued there at flushing , and with him monsieur tyrlone , sometime admirall of zeland , who for suspitions in some points , was a long time kept in prison : but being afterwards set at libertie , and discharged of all matters , went into england to render his due and condigne thankes vnto the quéenes most excellent maiestie . before that the prince of parma purposed to besiege sluce in flaunders , he leuied an armie throughout all the prouinces of his iurisdiction , making as though he would take his iournie through that part of flaunders , which we call the land of waste : these forces about the beginning of the month of may next following , which was in anno 1587. were dispersed into sundrie parts about bridges by little and little encreasing . and to the end they should the lesse suspect them , they giue out speeches that they were sent with mounsier de lamot to the towne of oudenburgk in flaunders , to the end they should represse the outragious spoyles of the souldiers at ostend and of sluce : when now all his hoast was in a readines , and as well the bands come out of germanie as out of the netherlands , and other nations were gathered , they passed on forewards to the siege of sluce . the prince of parma himselfe on the seauenth of iune departeth out of bruxels , and the next day came to bruges leading with him 9. troupes or companies , after whom the rest of his whole host followed : the comming of these , and the forerunning fame of their prepartion throughout flaunders greatlie amazed the minds of them at o●tend , and sluce . insomuch as from the gouernours of both townes , diuers messengers were sent into zeland and holland to prouide themselues of souldiers , victuals , armour , and other necessarie warlike furniture against the comming of the enimie towards them . i haue seene ( saith my authour ) amongst others the letters of arnold greeneveld then gouernour of sluce , written to the foresaid sir william russell newlie made gouernour of flushing dated the 9. of iune 1587. wherin he signified vnto him , that he ( hauing made diligent search and view as well throughout all the publike magazin or garners of the citie , as through all the priuate garnets within the inhabitants houses of the citie ) could not yet find any more store of corne , and graine in them all , then might serue for sustentation of their owne families euen for a verie few dayes . sir william russell being with the reports of these letters throughlie moued , had a few dayes before sent for certaine companies of footemen from the garison of berghen , which within a while after came timely enough : and moreouer on the 11. of iune dicto he writ vnto the states for souidiers also . but for corne , and graine , and warlike munitions , he writ vnto the states of zeland onlie , by peter vanhela , a netherlandish gentleman , together with nicholas meetkirck liuetenant gouernour of sluce , sent thither for that verie purpose : of whom when they receiued but onelie promises for their answere ( because the zelanders denyed that the danger was not so much as they made report of in writing . ) sir william russell therefore by these messengers , instanteth the zelanders on the tenth and eleuenth of that iune for speedie dispatch of the requisite prouision , and yet ( fearing in meane time their wonted delayes ) expreslie commaundeth vanhela , that ( taking vnto him the magistrate of flushing for his helper in this case ) hee would finde out some store of corne and graine wheresoeuer he could get it , and that he without all delay should send it ouer to sluce : who the verie same day ( by diligent search made ) commaunded by authoritie so giuen him , a ship which he found laden with corne to depart with all speed vnto sluce , which hereby was sufficientlie prouided of corne and graine for , and during the whole time of the siege . the same day ariued three companies in zeland which came from the garison of berghen , to whom sir william russell adding one of his companies with certaine chosen souldiers , made vp foure iust cōpanies , which were in all verie neere 800. men : there ariued then also out of england , that worthie souldier sir roger williams , and certaine other english gentlemen come thither , by reason of the rumors of the enimies approch , daylie about ostend . so the garrison of sluce by this meanes increased to the number of about 1600. men . for by this time the prince of parma had pitched his tents in cadsandt , an iland in faunders , & had there the greater part of his host , which was at bersquin in flaunders : so that all along that part of the country they might be safe from the english forces at ostend : the garrison of sluce so besieged , made often and stout sallies vpon the enimie , wherein although they made great skermishes to the foyle of the enimie , yet lacked they manie of their companie . amongst the nobilitie and gentrie of the netherlands great commendation for their valour gayned nicholas meetkirck , from whose side his youngest brother adolphus neuer departed : also charles herogier , nicholas mandy , and very manie other captaines : amongst the english warriours sir roger williams , sir thomas baskeruile , sir frauncis vere , and colonell huntley , deserued also most worthie and memorable commendations . in the meane time when no sufficient power came to succour the slusians , nor anie preparation ( before written for ) was made by the estates , al men had then their voyces at large towards the before named erle of leycester , their late gouernour generall : saying , that of dutie his presence and authoritie was now requisite , that he might the better succour and defend them in this their present daunger . the erle generall then being in england well vnderstanding these things , and thinking occasion was now giuen him to gaine praise and glorie , meanes being made thereunto , he embarketh himselfe with a good number of new souldiers for zeland : and ariuing at flushing on the 6. day of iuly 1587. was there receiued with great expectation and ioyfull welcome of all men . by this helpe of his presence and of the englishmen ariued with him , the erle ( bestirring him by all meanes possible to deliuer sluce from the present siege ) prepareth all necessarie adiuments and muniments by sea and by land to repell and raise the enemie from the siege thereof . countie maurice of nassaw when he had intelligence of the erle gouernour generall his returne out of england into zeland , came vnto him , leauing countie hoghenlo in brabant with thrée thousand men , hoping greater helpes would come out of gelderland , frizland and vtrecht , to succour him , which came not so well to passe . in the meane time the prince of parma with his forces so mightily battered the towne of sluce , that he first taking the fort , battered continually the walles of the towne with thirtie péeces of cannon , and eight culuerings . to be short , spending vpon them 17400. shot ( of which on s. iames day from thrée of the clocke in the morning vntill fiue in the afternoone , were foure thousand shot made ) so that the prince of parma himselfe confessed , that ( to his remembrance ) he neuer performed against any others in one day such violent force and continuall assault . by which great and vehement assault giuen and excéeding batterie of his ordenance , there was a breach made in the walles of 250. paces long : into which breach the besieging enemies oftentimes with all their forces made assault vpon the townesmen , but were of them with pikes , halberts and other weapons so worthily entertained , that after a great slaughter made of them , the rest were glad to retire into their trenches againe . in which assault , which lasted from nine of the clocke in the morning one day vntil eleuen of the next at noone , the marques of renty was hurt , monsieur lamot lost his right arme , strippen the leader of the burgundians , with many captaines of great accompt , besides others , were slaine , and ( as the enemie himselfe afterward confessed ) as many hurt also : when they of sluce so besieged lost but 150. men only , as was found by a iust reuiew taken thereof . and although that the prince with his pioners often and dangerously annoyed the inhabitants of sluce , yet such vigilancie and diligence they vsed , that they met with their enemies in like manner ; almost euery houre fighting with them continually for nine daies space , with swords , targets and harquebuziers , so long , vntill of the 1600. ( which were at the first there placed for garrison ) there were in fiue but seuen hundred left aliue in the garrison , as hereafter more plainly shall appeare . when the towne had thus béen besieged now full seuen weeks , the erle generall hauing gathered his forces euery where by sea and by land , he entreth into conference with the estates , taking counsell of his leaders how to relieue sluce with all possible speed . a great nauie was then prepared , furnished with souldiers by the said estates . to him came iustine or nassaw admirall of zeland , and other netherlandish gouernours by sea . the erle generall with 31. companies of footmen and sixe troupes of horsemen passeth out of zeland vnto ostend : where the right honourable lord charles howard lord high admirall of england , and the right honourable george erle of cumberland with certaine shippes , wherein went a great part of the nobilitie of england , sailed into zeland , purposely as well to helpe his excellencie , as to see how he did . his excellencie had determined to inuade the port or hauen of sluce in the very entrance thereof with certaine shippes , well and strongly furnished , at a certaine déepe place vnder the towne where the ships might ride safely . but the sea-gouernours , shipmasters , and others experienced in marine affaires ( especially they of zeland ) were of a contrarie opinion , thinking it not so conuenient a thing to attempt that which they could not accomplish , but in so doing should rather bring their ships into assured danger . touching this enterprise diuers were the opinions , which with great dislike troubled their mindes . therefore the erle generall séeing he could not so do any good with his ships by sea , séeketh now by what deuice he can to trie the enterprise by land . wherefore when he ariued at ostend on the 30. day of iuly 1587. and vnto him were come many english nobles , besides fiue thousand men which he brought ouer with him this later time ( though he had not so great a power with him as néedfull it was for him to haue ) yet with those which he had going out of ostend , he giues assault to the fort of blanckberg in flanders , and with determination to haue taken blankenburgh , he sent from ostend some fiue thousand foote , and certaine troupes of horse , with two small field péeces , vnder the commaund of the lord willoughby colonell general , and sir william pelham lord marshall , his excellencie went in a pinnasse by sea : where when they came they found the sconce too well manned and prouided to be assailed , but with great losse : wherefore his excellencie commaunded them to retire to ostend , where the next day they embarked , and sailed to the entrance into sluce , where they lay seuen daies . in the meane time the besieged towne of sluce ( which had so valiantly endured with so little helpe such and so great stormes with the enemie , as before is said ) now also still for two moneths space fully continuing , and saw not any man come to help them ( but two only englishman named captaine allen and captaine hart , which twice or thrice swam ouer from sluce ▪ to make relation vnto the erle generall and the estates of the present estate of the towne ) : they i say , now halfe despairing of any helpe , by reason the erle generall was at some iarre with the estates , began to waxe faint and féeble both in courage and power . for the enemie was now lodged in the counterscarfe , and had sapped into the rampart , daily vndermining further into the town , so as there went a noise amongst them that he was alreadie come into the citie . besides these things , of twentie péeces of ordenance ( which they had at first in the towne ) they had now but foure only left , which the enemie with his vehement shot had not yet broken , neither had they so much powder left them wherwith they were able to hold out fight euen for halfe a day . wherefore by all mens iudgements they were not able to endure the enemies assault twelue houres longer together , no , not by all meanes they could possibly deuise . therefore incontinently after , hereupon they receiued compositions from parma worthie of their valours , vz. that with their bagge and baggage , with their ensignes flying , the match in cocke and bullet in mouth , they should also presently depart out of sluce , and march away downe to the ships in zeland : and all these were in number only but seuen hundred ( as i said before ) residue of that sixtéene hundred , which so left the towne of sluce , yéelded vp vnto parma and his forces on the 4. day of august anno 1587. aforesaid . so the erle departing on the 17. of august 1587. out of zeland by ship , he came the next day vnto bergen , where foorth with he sent away all the forces which hée brought with him , to take the castle of hochstrate in brabant . but that enterprise had no successe . on the 24. of august he passeth from bergen to dordrecht in holland , where the estates doe méete him and take their leaue of him . the 14. of nouember returning into zeland to visit the cities there , and so at vere in zeland reconciling vnto him certaine captaines of the garrison in secret manner , he departeth thence the 21. of nouember , and at length taking ship at flushing the 17. of december anno 1587. he returneth the second and last time into england . the erle of leycester ( late gouernour generall , as before remembred ) returning into england , liued vntill september following 1588. in which time the estates were about once more to entertaine him as gouernour generall againe amongst them . but he dying on the 14. of that moneth anno 1588. within a homely house in a certaine wood néere langley in oxfordshire at 63. yéeres of age , was buried the 20. day of october anno 1588. at killingworth , trying all fortunes . in the meane time from the erles said departure out of the netherlands , let vs leaue him so dead and buried , and returne to the gouernment of those prouinces againe by countie maurice , against alexander prince of parma . and concerning the remedie of those euils in the netherlands , her highnes sendeth her expresse letters vnto the lord willoughby &c. ( who had then béen in the netherlands her maiesties lieutenant generall vnder countie maurice , since the erle of leycesters first returne into england ) of whose seruice from time to time i haue here fit place , occasion and time now offered me , to set downe all occurrents , as the order of the present historie requireth . this noble gentleman by birth , and vertuous lord by his life , lord peregine bartu ( by his title lord of willoughby , eresby and beck ) the only sonne and heire apparant of the right worshipfull , or rather right honourable ( for his birth , vertue and learning ) master richard bartu , descended of the noble house aforesaid ( who maried the right noble and vertuous ladie katherin duchesse of suffolke , widow of that nobly renowmed souldier charles brandon duke of suffolke ) being borne at wesell in duchland in quéene maries time ( his parents making their iourney out of england for the profession of the gospell ) by the tender care and good education of his parents being named peregrine ( as borne in a strange countrie ) in processe of time from his youth forwards to his manhood proued pregnant in wit , prompt in knowledge , and practised especially in martiall or militarie actions : whereby he became the most rare , and surpassing ornament of his noble progenie , and a most honourable and worthie instrument for the seruice of his prince and countrie . in somuch as his first seruice wherein the queenes maiestie employed him , was when in his adolescencie he was sent her ambassadour vnto fridericke the second of that name king of denmark , towards whom he so wisely behaued himselfe , & from whom he so discreetly demeaned himselfe towards her highnes in his returne and answer , that seldome a better or the like ambassade hath beene in the like case found in one of so young yeeres for her royall maiestie vnto any forraine parts , either before or since his time . next after that his heroicall spirit , yet further affecting militarie affaires , as one more desirous to serue his prince and countrie , it pleased her highnes with the aduise of her most honourable priuie counsell ( vpon the great good opinion and liking they had conceiued of his dexteritie ) when the erle of leycester was the first time returned into england , to send him ouer to the netherlands as lieutenant generall of the english forces there , anno 1586. where his noble courage so conioyned with dexteritie , and his forwardnes with such fortune , that he himselfe was formost in all attempts and enterprises of his forces , fiercelie like a lyon he assayled the enimies , fought with them , spoyled them , and foyled them , wheresoeuer he came . so verilie and in such sort , as the duke of parma then himselfe confessed of this worthie lord willoughbie and his seruice ( for foure yeers space in those countries ) neuer anie english man enterprised more boldlie to meete his enimies in the face , more brauelie encountered them , nor more painefullie pursued and sought them out neere and farre off , to their disgrace , spoile , and foyle , wheresoeuer he found them . at sutphen ( as before is mentioned ) when the prince of parma came thither to releeue that town , this worthy lord lieuetenant willoughbie ( vnder the erle of leycester who came not into the fight ) being in place more forward then the rest , marched well mounted , met the enimies couragiouslie , brake his launce in the middest of them , made way with his sword euerie where , and so forciblie aduentured his noble person through the thickest of them : that all his men nearest him much feared , when his bases were bereued from his bodie , his plumes pluckt awaie from his head , & his armes be battered with blowes , ( except god would then mightilie preserue and protect him aboue all expectation ) he should vtterlie haue beene foyled in the fight , and spoyled both of life and all things els about him , he was so desperately endaungered euery way . yet so mightilie god himselfe doubtles preuailed with him , and for him in the instant hazard of his life , that hee pressed through the thickest of them without any bodilie harme , and in this hot broile , with his owne hands caught hold of seignior george cres●yonyer albanoys before mentioned page . 88. one of parmaes ch●ef● commaunders of his horse , carried him away prisoner perforce , and ( maugre all resisting force of the enimies ) sent him to the estates to be kept their captiue . no conuoy could at anie time escape his victorious hands , neyther durst anie enimie approch the towne of berghen , where and while he was then gouernour . such by the fauour of god was his vertue ioyned with his fortune in his said gouernment , that he was highlie honoured of his owne garrison , and also greatlie feared of his enimies : when he often times made chalenge of the brauest of them , as namelie the marquesse of guasto ( a nobleman of chiefest account with the duke of parma ) who yet for all that refused to encounter with him hand to hand . after the returne of the erle of leycester generall of her maiesties forces in the netherlands , this worthie lord willoughbie ( as leiutenant ) with great wisedome , circumspection , diligence , & fidelitie discharged his dutie so honourablie and vprightly in all points , and at al times , that he withstood the enimies attempt , gained the good will of the people of those prouinces , appeased their troubles , and ended all controuersies in the townes of medenblick and narden in holland , and also of camphere and armude in zeland to the great peace and common quiet of the same townes and countries . for when counte maurice and the estates had with their forces ensconced the towne of medenblick aforesaid , and had opposed their forces against the souldiers in that towne , they did what they could to surprise , and take the spoile of the towne from mounsier snoy gouernour thereof : but little therein did they and their forces preuaile , vntill ( by her maiesties most princelie care , and chargeable expences ) this worthie lord willoughbie treated a reconciliation betweene the states and those townes : so as those townes were rendred into the states hands againe without bloodshed . after all this the enemies hauing vainly inuaded the isle of thole , lost foure hundred of their men : they then marched with their forces towards berghen opt zome , néere the riuer of schalde , which citie they prepared to besiege , seeing they could not obtaine the isle of thole , being therein hindred , by the watchfulnes , vertue and valour of the count solme , who in his owne person watched night and day in the fortresse all the time that the duke of parmaes souldiers besieged berghen . this citie or marquisate of berghen opt zome hath a dignitie , which ( after the death of the last marques of that house named iohn , being poysoned in spaine anno 1567. ) descendeth vnto his sisters daughter begotten by the lord of merode and peterson : who is maried to the lord of bersole baron of brabant , a follower of the spanish kings warres and his adherents , yea though he dwelt at leyden . this citie is situate in brabant by the riuer of schalde , and is very large and commodious , builded at the flood zoma , now by ouerflowings somewhat distant from schalde ; but with a fit hauen stretching toward schalde , where it hath a certaine head or foreland , which ( being inuironed with strong ramparts and munitions ) a garrison did vse to kéepe the same sometime . there was the same time gouernour of that citie a certaine colonell named sir thomas morgan ( since for his valour knighted ) a welshman borne , he succéeded that worthie knight sir william drury in that gouernment : the garrison in that citie were englishmen , vnto whom were adioyned some few netherlandish horsemen ; & amongst all these certaine aduenturers which made great spoyle and tooke many booties from the enemie , and therefore were called boot-halers , in duch buythaillers . these daily made excursions into brabant , ransacking all places penetrable , making hauocke of all they could lay their hands on , besetting the high waies to antwerpe , bruxels , and machlin , by land and by water : yea they robbed and spoyled trauellers by high waies ( although they were guarded with conuenient companies of souldiers ) and miserably bereaued them of al that they had about them , carying away back with them into the citie of berghen great riches and spoyles euery day . moreouer , they tooke very many merchants and citizens of great accompt as their captiues , which gaue them for their raunsomes , ten or twentie thousand florences a péece . the duke of parma therefore on the 24. day of september anno 1588. sets his souldiers on worke to fall to the siege : and for spéedier dispatch of the matter he causeth some to conuey thither warlike engins , and great ordenance for assault and batterie : and others he maketh to bring thither great and small gabions , masts , dealeboords , sparres and boates . he also sendeth thither carpenters and smithes with their necessarie tooles : and first he sets vpon the fortresse on the foreland of berghen , which is called the north sconce , to cast it downe , placing his ordenance vpon a banke , and so battereth the same fortresse with many sore blowes : and withall he practiseth by subtiltie also to further the enterprise by suborning two englishmen to serue his purpose ( as he made accompt by playing a false cast ) whom he knew long since when he kept them his captiues . these making themselues moued by parmaes request , tooke vpon them ( vnder colour that most of the garrison were englishmen ) as they bare him in hand to betray the citie vnto him : and to the end they might more probably performe this action , they alleaged vnto him that the garrison were for many causes growne malecontēted . these two were called the one william grimston , and the other robert redhead ( both of them being before instructed of the gouernours of berghen , how they should herein demeane themselues ) with whose priuitie they performed all this seruice . they handled the matter so cunningly , that they had by this time gotten of parma rich chaines of gold , and withall large and liberall promises . this politike deuice was so farre forwards brought , that what was promised vnto parma from such persons of the garrison within berghen , should be performed on the 24. of october that yere 1588. in the chiefe fortresse which was on the north side of the citie : and to the end parma should be in the greater securitie and assurance hereof , redhead pledged vnto him his owne person , and was bound hand and foote to be killed outright , if he brought not parmaes souldiers within that fortresse . now there were some thirtie or fortie of his souldiers receiued into the gate , amongst whom was the said robert redhead , when the lord willoughby gouernour of the towne and of the english garrison let downe the port cullis of wood ouer the gate . but the captaines and leaders of the enemies seeing themselues pressed and thrust at their backes by foure thousand of their companie , whereof fiftéene hundred were spaniards , ( and that in a very narrow place ) determined with courage and manhood to assaile the fortresse . vsing the occasion of the low water , and the ebbe of the sea , they passed through the ditch , and comming to the rampart pulled downe the pallisado , and fought with our men at push of pike vpon the top of the rampart . but al things were there prepared for parmaes comming , in such sort that they which gaue the assault , were to their great losse beaten backe . whereunto also happened that the side of the sea comming in againe vpon them many were drowned in the ditch , whose number being added to the multitude of those which were slaine , arose to many hundreds , and amongst others were taken there eightéene or twentie spaniards gentlemen of some accompt . this heauie hap and misaduenture parma tolerating so patiently as he could , all sad and melancholike in minde , caused his forces by a little and a little to raise the siege from berghen , and so to depart towards bruxels . by this meanes was berghen deliuered from the siege of the enemies , to their great ouerthrow and detriment , many of whose chiefe men of warre and of the nobilitie were left there behinde captiued : and the towne of berghen it selfe from thence-forth became in farre much better and safer state , vz. both better fortified and more largely reedified with new and beautifull buildings . after the siege so raised from berghen , count maurice of nassaw being inaugurate the marques of der vere in walchern , in the prouince of zeland , on the 20. day of nouember 1588. there in that solemnitie , caused new coynes of siluer money to be made , which hée cast abroad vnto the people , hauing the armes of nassaw and of der vere stamped vpon them with this inscription : on the one side ; nodus indissolubilis : and on the other side ; ie meyntiendray . other péeces of money were by him also cast abroad , hauing two hands the one ioyning with the other , holding betwéene them mercuries scepter or rod , with this inscription : auxilia humilia , firma consensus facit . in obsidionem bergensium solutam , carmen numerale . hostes , ausoniâ vt rapina par ma ; zonae berga tuae auferatur , instant ; cunctas dux ad istud adhibetque artes : queis , & te & tua possit occupare ; frustra hos vertere berga terga cogit . in the moneth of may 1589. three troupes of horsemen which were of count maurices and of the marshall villers now deceased , and of chymscies regiments issuing out for aduenture , fell amongst the garrisons of gertrudenberg , and others their companies , which put them to flight so farre as the towne of osse in brabant : there were taken ( amongst others of the netherlanders ) captaine riscier , and the lieuetenant of skymsky with many others . when now parmaes hoste by the siege of hewsden , the ouerthrow of hyemert , the yéelding vp of heyl and other fortresses vnto them , they thought themselues now strong and safe enough in that part of brabant : their leaders determined in the moneth of september to passe ouer the riuer moza , with a purpose to inuade the countrie of tyle in gelderland , from whence they would passe either to buren in gelderland , or to vtrecht . but the spaniards by occasion of a sedition or mutinie risen betwéene them and the italians ( which thing the duke of pastrana & the duke of ascoly were had in beléefe to maintaine against the duke of parma ) they refused to passe ouer the riuer , crying alowd , viue il re , fuora il mal gouerno : that is , god saue the king , let vs cast off euill gouernment . and when count maunsfeld went about to take them , they shot at him with their dagges and great péeces , put him to flight , and droue him into the garrison of the citie of graue . and when count maurice hauing now gathered some forces about him , endeuoured to stop their passage euery where againe , planting his ordenance and munitions round about heyl to besiege it : so it happened that parma was constrained ( winter comming on ) to dismisse his hoste , and furnishing with conuenient forces of their garrisons the castles of heymert and heyl and other his defences , he departed to the mouth of the riuer deynsa , adioyning néere vnto the towne of sherteghanbusch . the duke of parma in this yéere 1589. was ouertaken by a grieuous disease or sicknes , many were the causes supposed to be thereof ; namely and first that on the tenth day of nouember 1588. as he was riding from berghen to machlin , he fell off from a bridge into the water . vnto which chance happened many other euils , such as were the sorrow which he conceiued by the euill successe of the spanish nauie in the inuasion of england a little before in that last yéere 1588. and the siege of berghen , from whence hee was enforced to depart without any thing done by him . also that by the duke of pastrana and the prince of ascoly many things were spoken and done to his reproch and disdaine . and again , because he vnderstood that certaine letters of exchange ( as they call them ) sent by him into spaine ( by the instigation of some euill willers which perchance he there had ) were neither receiued , nor yet the money for them paid : when those letters mentioned that the money amounted vnto 100000. ducats : wherefore he laboureth greatly by some meanes to satisfie the italian merchants , and about the same time deceased his vncle by his fathers side called the great cardinall farnesius , by whom he had great helpe and furtherance . to be short therefore , he falling sicke in the moneth of may 1589. all vnhealthie and heauie in plight , then departed to spada a fountaine in the land of luke , there to vse the benefit of a bath , taking his lodging at montfort , or in the towne adioyning : where he dranke the waters of spada or spau for his health sake , and liued after that vntill the 12. day of nouember 1592. and then died in the citie of arras in artoys one of the seuenteene prouinces of the netherlands . thus farre translated out of emanuel meteranus , his belgic historie . a brief discovrse of the memorable voyage to portugall , anno 1589. by sir iohn norice and sir francis drake knights , with the english forces . inprimis , to the glory of god and honour of her maiestie be it specially remembred , that the two generals aforesaid made certaine orders in number 14. for the souldiers and mariners going to sea : and other 54. orders for the captaines , souldiers and sailers , during the voyage , to be by them and euery of them duly and dutifully obserued and performed . their nauie consisting of shippes great and small , and of men , set forward from plimmouth the 17. of aprill anno 1589. to the sea . the admirall , the arke : sir iohn norice , sir francis drake two generals . the vizadmirall , the golden lyon : captaine thomas fenner . the rereadmirall , the dreadnot : captaine william fenner . the sixe principall masters of the quéenes ships : thomas west , robert wignald , iohn bennet , robert hart , roger tallent , richard burnet . the fiue colonels of the fiue regiments in the nauie and armie : sir iohn norice , sir francis drake , sir roger williams , sir edward norice , and captaine george fenner . the fiue lieutenants colonels of the fiue squadrons : captaine thomas drake , captaine sachuile , captaine garton , captaine goring , and captaine winter . the fiue captaines of the watch of the fiue squadrons and their corporals : captaine web of the reuenge , captaine champernoune of the non per illa , captaine gifford of the dreadnought , captaine norwood of the foresight , captaine george drake of the swiftsure . corporals : captaine young , captaine seigar , captaine thomas baker , captaine wilde , captaine cripse . the seuen commissioners : iohn sachuile , william winter , alexander musgraue , william fenner , thomas drake , iames lancaster , iohn goring . the secretary of the nauie , master anthony ashly . the surueyor generall of the victuals , master marmeduke daryell . the treasurer of the nauie , the viztreasurer , master stalling . the surueyor of the nauie , captaine ro. flicke . the lieutenant of the ordenance of the nauie , captaine iames lancaster . captaine generall of the watch , captaine bowyer . the master of the discoueries and lieutenant colonell of the pinnasses , captaine foxcroft . the transport master , captaine alexander musgraue aforesaid . the clerke of the store , master aldridge . the fiue corporals of the fiue squadrons : captaine young of the squadron of the reuenge captaine seigar of the non perilla , captain thomas baker of the dreadnought , captaine wilde of the swiftsure , captaine peter cripse of the foresight . a journall of the portugall voyage anno 1589. wednesday the 17. of aprill 1589. they embarked at plimmouth . tuesday the 23. of aprill they fell with the coast of galizia . wednesday the 24. of aprill they landed at a little hermitage east side of the corunna or groyne , supposed 12000. strong . from thence to andyas , where they had a small skirmish with no losse to the english . the 25. of aprill being thursday , our men wasted and burned in the countrey what they could with fire and sword . saturday the 27. of aprill they assaulted the base towne of the corunna and wonne it , with small losse to them : and the enemie retired into the high towne , not aboue seuen ensignes strong as was thought . sunday the 28. of aprill they so battered a great galeaz ( wherein ricaldo serued the last yéere 1588. as viz-admirall of that nauie sent into england ) that the spaniards now not able to kéepe her , discharged her ordenance , fired her , and ranne her on ground , with no hurt to vs at all . the same day they went from andyas to the base towne of the corunna , where they found much béefe , salt , meale , wheate , oyle , fish and wines as was thought to victuall 40000. men a quarter of a yéere : besides gables , hempe , rosen , waxe , pitch , tallow , and other things for shipping store : which was leuied for a new force to haue come into england this summer . but in fourtéene daies there was hardly one bit of bread , wine or other victuals to be had in any quarter of the towne , except by some priuate officer or captaine . the same day the enemie lying not farre off thence , presented a brauado before the towne gates : against whom when our men sallied foorth , without more adoe or any encounter they fled , and twelue of them were slaine . monday the 29. of aprill our men summoned the high towne , who refused all parley . there all the spaniards that our men could gather ( after they had taken them ) they slew , to the great amazing of the enemie beholding the same . that night the spaniards desired parley , and not long after fired certaine houses néere their vpper towne walles . wednesday the first of may 1589. our english laid their battery vnto la corunna the great , where through the weakenes of the rampier betwéene our great ordenance and the enemie ( which fell downe with oft shaking ) they were driuen from their péeces by the enemies musquet shot from the towne wall . there was slaine captaine spencer , and some few others , and captaine goodwin shot through the face . the same day ( in parley time ) a spaniard shot at an englishman , and was hanged therefore by the enemie : in this parley the enemie desired to haue faire warres with vs. saturday the fourth of may they made a breach in the west side of the corunna , foure of our men making an assault retired againe without hurt . the same day captaine young being dangerously shot died soone after . sunday the fift of may they assaulted the breach , filled vp by the enemie , to the hurt of some of our armed men . two captaines shot thorow , and captaine breyton hurt , captaine sydenham slaine , and one cuckfoot an ensigne to sir francis drake . monday the sixt of may iohn kempston marshall of the ordenance was slaine with a shot from the high tower. tuesday the 7. of may we marched foorth nine regiments vpon the enemie , which had encamped themselues at a towne called faro , foure english miles from the corunna , our men charged on them being eight thousand , and tooke their bridge there . on either side the bridge our men entred the water , draue them away , killed some colonels , wanne their towne , victuals and prouisions , fired the rest of their villages néere , draue them to retreite , pursued them in chase thrée miles or more , and slew of them in all thrée hundred at least : of vs captaine cooper was slaine , and not aboue thrée moe . there were only hurt of our chiefe commanders sir edward norice , and captaine hender , who recouered both thereof , and captaine fulford who died thereof . of those spaniards at faro was chiefe don iuan pacheco marques de guasto , and gouernour of all galizia , who fled on horsebacke with the formost . wednesday the 8. of may our sailers went on shore , ranged the countrie , burned and spoiled aboue fiue miles , returning with some victuall and pillage , without any resistance . the same night the non per illa was fired about fiue of the clocke by negligence in the harbour of corunna , and about twelue of the clocke that night the merchant royall was fired , sixe men blowne vp with powder , and some few hurt besides , without more harme , praised be god. thursday the 9. of may we raised our siege from the corunna , fired some of their ships in the harbour , burnt and rased the base towne and mils vp to the high towne , and so embarked away thence that night . friday the 10. of may we set saile from the corunna , and that day about noone met with vs againe sixe saile of our fléete , which at our setting foorth parted from vs about the coast of france . tuesday the 14. of may we doubled cape finister , the winde then at the east . saturday the 22. of iune we departed from vigo in galizia to goe towards peniche . from peniche the armie came to lisbon , where they staied some two or thrée daies expecting the comming of the fleete to lisbon : of which preparation and stay there sir anthony wingfield writeth thus : it may be demaunded ( saith sir anthony wingfield , writing vpon this voyage ) why a matter of so great moment should be so slenderly regarded , as that the generall should march with such an armie against such an enemie , before he knew either the fulnes of his owne strength , or certaine meanes how he should abide the place when he should come to it . wherein ( saith he ) i pray you remember the decrées made in the councell at peniche , and confirmed by publike protestation the first day of our march. that our nauie should méete vs in the riuer of lisbon , in the which was the store of all our prouision , & so the meane of our tariance in that place : which came not though we continued till we had no munition left to entertaine a very small fight . we are also to consider that the king of portugall ( whether caried away with imagination by the aduertisements he receiued from the portugals , or willing by any promise to bring such an armie into his countrey , thereby to put his fortune once more in triall ) assured the generall that vpon his first landing there would be a reuolt of his subiects : whereof there was some hope giuen at our first entrie to peniche , by the manner of the yéelding of the towne and fort : which made the generall thinke it most conuenient speedely to march to the principall place , thereby to giue courage to the rest of the countrey . the friers also and the poore people that came vnto him promised that within two daies the gentlemen and others of the countrey would come plentifully in : within which two daies came many moe priests & some very few gentlemen on horsebacke : but not till we came to torres vedras , where they that noted the course of things passed , might somewhat discouer the weakenes of that people . there they tooke two daies more , and at the end thereof referred him till our comming to lisbon , with assurance that so soone as our armie should be seene there , all the inhabitants would be for the king and fall vpon the spaniards . after two nights tariance at lisbon , the king promised a supplie of thrée thousand foote and some horse : but all his appointments being expired euen to the last of a night , all his horse could not make a cornet of 40. nor his foote furnish two ensignes fully , although they caried three or foure colours : and these were altogether such as thought to enrich themselues by the ruine of their neighbours : for they committed more disorders in euery place where we came by spoyle , then any of our owne . so while wée staied at lisbon wée both failed of the aide which the king don anthony promised vs , and wée expected , and also because our english fléete came not vnto vs thither to lisbon , wée rose vp thence and went for cascayes : where méeting with our fléete wée returned altogether into england , where some of vs ariued at plimmouth , others at portsmouth , and others at london in the beginning of the moneth of iuly anno 1589. aforesaid . here endeth the iournall of the portugall voyage . a iournall of the honourable seruice by the renowmed knight s. iohn norie , generall of the english and french forces , performed against the french and spanish leaguers in fraunce . 1591. this morning being sonday , my lord generall with sir henry norice , captaine anthonie shirley , maister william deuoreux , &c. tooke post-horses at london to ride to south-hampton : where ( in taking order for shipping & for diuers considerations ) his lordship staid vntill sonday the 25. day . monday the 26. dict . we embarked and fell downe with the shipping to portesmouth : where his lordship staid that night at captaine richard wingfields house . tuesday morning the 27. dict . we set sayle being of vs in all 23. ships and other small vessels , and hauing a scant shifting winde at north and north east , we cast an anchor before saint helenes poynt in the wight . wednesday morning about ten of the clocke ( being vntill then becalmed wee hapned of a small gale of wind blowing n. n. west , wherewith we recouered the haigue . thursday about ten of the clocke at night , we anchored before the castle of gernsey : and my lord generall and some other gentlemen with him lay at the castle that night . friday morning we set saile from thence , and about fiue of the clocke in the euening we put into the road of iarsey . monday my lord generall expecting the companies out of the low countries , were this daye ariued with captaine anthonie wingfield sergeant maior of the campe : his lordship went abord , and lay at anchor in the road all that night . tuesday in the morning we loosed from thence , and hauing a fine winde at north and by west , about eight at night we anchored in the road of pimpowle ariuing in the road called lemoys de guelle neere pimpoule . wednesday y e 5. of may we discouered diuers shippings and botes that came from brehake , and made towards s. malowes : whereof we tooke one laden with salt and fish . it is to be remembred that those of brehake and of the castle taking knowledge of our approch abandoned the castle , and yeelded themselues to the kings authoritie . not long after the enimie fled from the castle of lantegard , which was fortified for the king by the prince dumbeez now duke mountpenser at this day . my lord dispatched letters into england from the abbey of beauport . thursday the 6. of may was spent in vnshipping the horses , munition and souldiers . this day also the prince dombeez sent 20. moyles laden with bread to the abbey for prouision of the souldiers . wednesday the army marched towardes guyngamp , and lodged in a small village in the way ( neere the abbey ) and this night the guyngampiers hearing of our approches , set fire on their suburbes , which we might plainelie discerne . this night likewise my lord generall rode before to the towne to take view , and to saue as much as might be of the suburbs for the lodging of the troupes . thursday , our troupes being with the french accompanied , were lodged in such houses and other places of the suburbs as were left vnburned : the same day the enimie sallyed out of the towne in pursuyng vs , captaine wolfe an englishmans colours were taken , which we recouered againe at the winning of the towne and deliuered to him . fridaie , those within the towne ( not beleeuing that we had any cannon with vs ) sent out diuers spies to discouer , which we tooke : this day our artillerie ( being a cannon and two culuerings ) came to vs. saturday , it pleased my lord generall to put them within the towne out of doubt ; for the artillerie being planted , our first shot was so exceeding well made , as that it dismounted a peece which the enimie played withall from a steeple : the prince dombeez beeing present . sonday , monday , and tuesday were spent in drawing plat-formes , and in planting the ordinances . wednesday the canons were readie to play being plāted in a cloyster in the french quarter on the north side of the towne . thursday morning we hauing expected certaine artillerie of the princes to haue come from brest , ( which came not to vs ) we began the batterie with our owne 4. peeces : continuing the same all that day , and the next vntill three of the clocke in the afternoone to the number of 400. shot : at which time , notwithstanding that the breach was verie vnassaultable and small ( the wall being passing strong ) yet the french humour vrged my lord generall verie hotlie to an assault . which vpon so small a possibilitie of doing anie good , his lordship was hardlie drawne vnto : onelie ( in regard of the honour of our nation ) he made choise of certaine out of diuers companies , wherof captaine iackson , captaine heron , and captaine hayes , to haue the leading : and afterwards ( the dice being cast ) the chaunce fell to captaine iackson and captaine heron to haue the point of the assault , and to be seconded by captaine hayes , as occasion should serue : who being accompanied with captaine catesby and manie other english gentlemen ( although the breach was very vnassaultable as before , and exceeding troublesome by reason of the height thereof , and the light falling of the moulder of the wall , and the great number of the fetherbeds , and such like ( which the cannon had beaten downe ) yet a great part of our men perforce obtained the verie top of the breach , where they endured a hot and long assault : captaine heron receiuing a push with a pike vnder his gorget was there slaine , and about some tenne or twelue of the common souldiers , and besides thirtie hurt with stones , the residue not being able to maintaine the assault any longer ( for the causes before remembred ) were driuen to retire . the baron monluc ( hauing in this seruice the conduct of certaine french ) shewed himselfe verie couragious , and gayned at that time vnto himselfe great reputation : but the residue ( for the most part ) came forwards verie coldlie . it was thought good that captaine hayes and his companie should not at this time come forwards , but be reserued vntill the next day , at what time the finishing of a myne ( then in hand ) was appointed : during this assault captaine dennis an english man ( offering a scalado on the other side of the towne ) was shot with a musket in the bellie , whereof he died shortlie after . sonday next following ( being whitsonday ) beginning againe to play ( after a three or foure tyer ) the enimie summoned a parley : which in fine grew to a capitulation in this sort viz. that the next day the horsemen in the towne should depart with their horses and harquebusses ( leauing the cornet behinde the footemen with their swords ) and the townesmen to fine 40000. crownes to the prince . monday , they came forth accordinglie , to the number of 200. horse and 260. foote : and the towne possest mounsier de cargamart , being appointed gouernour of the same . there was found in the towne ( being yéelded vp ) foure ensignes , one cornet , one cannon perier , one demy culuering , sixe sacres , and of mynions 2000. weight . the towne was found to be verie strong , defensible and sufficient able to haue kept the same for a far longer time , if they within had bin honest men : my lord general doubted not but to haue drawen them of the towne to far strickter conditions then is said , had not the prince dombeez seemed to be verie glad of this , and that his hap sorted to so good successe , and therefore would not further stand vpon it . wednesday then next following my lord generall dispatched letters to certaine the lords of her maiesties most honourable priuie counsell , to my lord norice his father and to my ladie his mother , and other his friends in england . thursday the 27. dicto a muster was taken of the armie . tuesday the first of iune anno dicto , vpon the taking of guyngamp , it was purposed that we should haue gone for morlayx , but ( by certaine after counsels ) that intent was altered : for that it was said that the duke mercoeur was remoued from pontiny , where he ioyned with 4000. spaniards vnder the leading of don iohn de laguna , who was marching towards morlayx by the way of corlay . monday next following the duke mercoeur , ariued at corlay ( a castle pretending to hold for the king ) but in the possession of madam de guyneny , whose brother mounsier de bodolphin is the dukes lieuetenant : so the partie being made before hand , the castle was rendered without one shot of the cannon . tuesday we dislodged towards the enimie and lay at chateau lodune . to this place the duke sent a trumpeter to the prince with letters ; whereunto he answered , vt patet per copias : here likewise the prince sent an other sartell to the duke , wherewith he seemed so moued , that he vowed to offer battell to the prince . wednesday the duke dislodged and encamped at queremen a village distant a league and a halfe from chateau lodune , scituate on the foote of a hill : which ( by deepe ditches , enclosures and hedges ) confronted a little heath of two miles compasse . to which heath ( vpon discouerie of the approch of the enimie , by my lord generall ( who then with the prince was ridden to take view of a place conuenient ) our battell was drawen . thursday the enimie within one quarter of a league of the heath sheweth his whole armie in order of battell vpon the top of a hill : whereupon my lord generall disposed the troupes into three battailions , whereof the infantry english made two , and the launce knights the third . this day was spent in some sleight skermishes . friday the enimie drew his armie to the foote of the hill , and placed his artillerie vpon : he sight of the heath in a place of such aduantage , as it commaunded in the nature of a caualier the whole heath : where he bordered all the hedge with shot . now my lord generall sent out 200. footmen to see the countenance of the enimie , who droue them to their strengths , put them to their hedges and baricadoes , and slew diuers of them vpon the retreit : to these the duke put forth 500. french and 300. spaniards to repossesse the place , whom he followed with the armie . which being perceiued by the prince remouing in the heath with mounsier de la hunnaday commaunding the auantgard , and hauing his regiment of horse in battell : ( my l. generall , with mounsier de pogny , de pruneanx , momartin , bastinay ) order was giuen to put forward 300. foot commaunded by captaine anthony wingfield , captaine moreton , & the english horse led by captaine anthony sherley : this direction was valiantlie prosecuted by ours , but speciallie by the english : so as the enimies horse and foot which were in the playne were enforced to flee , manie slaine , and the rest driuen to saue themselues within their artillery : being taken in this charge mounsier de guybreun colonell of the foot of the armie , and slaine don rodrigo chiefe marshall of the spaniards , one spanish captaine , also the number of 200. french , and 60. spaniards . this resolute charge so amated the enimie , as that they suffered within 200. paces of their cannon to disarme the dead , and to retire at their ease . in this charge captaine anthonie sherley gaue such an example to the french horse as was admired , and the companies on foote performed their parts with no lesse valour : namelie the sergeant maior and lieuetenant long , who receiued in his bodie fiue harquebuz shot : the rest of the day was spent in skirmishes . saturday the enimie made a great shew to come forth , and sent out some number of shot : against whom captaine anthonie sherley with fifteene horse , and some few foote made them quicklie take their heeles , pursuing them to their baricadoes , where his horse was shot in the head , and some small hurt done . sonday , little was performed that day . monday being s. iohns day ( as they write after the roman kalender ) with them it was thought somewhat would haue bin done in the honour of the day , but in deed nothing at all : for the duke vsed it rather as a colour whereby to runne away , hauing that night withdrawen his cannon , and retired himselfe to queremen . wednesday the 16. of iune , mounsier de la noë with the troupe of the counte mongomery consisting of 100. curaces , and the counte de comburg came vnto chateau laudra : whose ariuall promised some good successe to the kings affaires . thursday being midsomer day the natiuitie of s. iohn baptist , we dislodged to quintine . this night the enimie being lodged at corlay within 3 smal leagues of vs , an enterprise was made vpon some of their light horse that lay wide of their campe : which for that it was not attempted by footmen ( as my lord generall earnestlie perswaded them vnto ) it tooke no great effect : sauing that there were killed some 16. of a corps du guarde , and their horse taken . the rest might easily haue bin had as good cheape , if the horsemen would haue lighted and forced their baricadoes : the french thought they had done wonderous well , and so that seruice ended . mounsier tremblay ( who had the commaund of the french light horse ) was now sleightlie shot in the thigh : other hurt we receiued none . friday the 25. day the enemie attempted a reuenge , and came forth with some horse and foote , and gaue vs an alarme : which was performed so fauourably , as they neither hurt man nor beast . tuesday being s. peters day , my lord generall dispatcheth certaine letters by peter browne to certaine the lords of her maiesties most honourable priuie councell , to my lord norice his father , and to other his friends in england . friday the second of july anno 1591. the armie dislodged to pleu or plessue . tuesday the sixt day we marched towards lamball , and lay in a small village in the way . wednesday about ten of the clocke in the morning the towne of lamball was entred at the west southwest , and by captaine symmes and captaine richard wingfields ensigne , who led two hundred shot : the southside of the towne was entred by captaine hall and captaine guest with other two hundred shot . both these were seconded by captaine dolphin with one hundred pikes , whom captaine mayne was appointed to haue followed , if occasion had so serued . but the aforesaid captaines symmes and hall with their troupes came so resolutely vpon the baricadoes of the towne , that the enemie was forced to abandon the same , and to make a hastie retreit into the castle . from whence captaine baynton and barbar lieutenant to captaine symmes were both shot , and died that day : captaine richard wingfields ensigne bearer hauing receiued from the walles of the castle a shot through both his thighes at that time . thursday there were two of our cannons mounted on the southwest side of the castle ; and that day the enemie made some proffer of a sallie vpon captaine halles quarter . friday , a spurre which couered the gate of the castle was made assaultable : by two of the clock in the afternoone two frenchmen were sent to discouer the breach ; and it was appointed that other french should haue entred the same , who should haue been seconded by the lieutenants one guest and braconbury . but the first of the french performing but badly , and the second flatly denying , monsieur de mo martin was enforced to aduance himselfe somewhat further then his place required : whereby he receiued a harquebuze shot in the thigh . being iudged by my lord generall and monsieur de la noë , that the spurre ( when it should haue beene taken ) was not assaultable , it was thought good that certaine shot should be sent out in the smoke of the cannon , to lodge themselues directly vnder a bulwarke vpon the right hand of the gate , whereby the breach might in some sort be flanked : whiles monsieur de la noë stood behinde a baricado , to beholde how those that were sent performed this seruice , he was shot in the head with a musquet , whereof he died soone after . at the time of this seruice one monsieur de boa captaine of a companie of light horse , was slaine with a small shot . my lord ( well weighing the slow successe of this enterprise ) thought it best to deferre the seruice vpon the spurre , vntill the darknes of the night following : his lordships purpose was to assault with some thirtie shot and pikes well armed ( if the height of the breach would haue béen taken ) whereof little doubt was made . the leading of these men was committed to lieutenant guest : it was further resolued , that captaine hender with other thirtie shot and pikes should lodge himselfe vnder the great baricado on the right hand of the gate ; and to assay by all meanes he could to worke himselfe further vnder the very foundation thereof . in the darknes of the night my lord generall caused two with firelocke péeces and two pikes to discouer the breach , who made their way without any great difficultie : lieutenant guest followed with two pikes only , and sixe musquetiers , who winding to the height of the breach ( besides many sore blowes with stones ) receiued two shot vpon his armour , whereof one was a very daungerous wound , and so retired from the place which was so flankered , as it could not well be kept . sunday the 11. day of iuly 1591. master danyel desirous to see out of the height of a tower , receiued a shot in the shoulder with a harquebuz : and in the same place one master pawlet was shot in the head , whereof he died presently . vpon an assured intelligence that duke mercoeur with his whose force was come to pleny ingot with a resolution to raise our siege ; my lord generall at the instance of the prince ( most of our french hauing at that time forsaken vs ) thought good to dislodge and to méete the enemie . we dislodged , and that night the armie came to queymer , where we continued vntill the last of iuly present . monday fourtnight following my lord generall sent letters to the lords of the councell by master browning . tuesday the 27. monsieur de la verdune came to the prince with 220. horse , and 700. foote : the marques de villeures did accompany him . friday the armie dislodged and lay that night at brehake . sunday the first of august , the prince dombeez , my lord generall , monsieur de la verdune , and the principall commanders amongst the french being followed with twelue hundred shot , whereof foure hundred were english ( twentie being taken out of euery companie ) and all the cauallerie did march from the armie at brehake towards the enemie encamped by ingon . the intention was to haue cut off thrée cornets of the enemies horse which lay at a little village about a mile and a halfe off from the strength of the armie . but ( vpo an aduertisement taken ) it was found that they dislodged themselues that morning , and had drawne themselues to another village , not fiue hundred paces from their armie : we comming to the first place and missing the enemie , sought them in the second , from whence likewise ( vpon their alarme giuen by their sentinels ) they had withdrawne themselues to the armie . yet in this second place some small resistance was made by french shot : which being soone ouerthrowne , and some 25. of the enemies horse taken ( which in a hastie feare they left behinde ) monsieur tremblay seeing some thrée or foure score of the enemies horse begin to make a head and proffer to passe a riuer , determined to charge the first that would attempt the same . in which charge , being least of all the rest ( foure only excepted ) that charge with him , his horse stumbling and so falling with him , he was taken prisoner , after a sleight hurt receiued in his face with the shot of a pistoll . tuesday our armie dislodged to kerso . thursday to monconter . saturday from thence to s. brieux . sunday my lord generall dispatched letters into england by peter browne the poste . saturday we remoued to ville rabel . to this place place came master barker with my lords horses out of the low countries . at this place considerations were drawne by the prince and his councell , which implied a necessitie for the marching of the armie in the high parts of britany , whereunto my lord generall in writing answered his opinion . tuesday the 24. of august dicto , the armie came to collinee . thursday the armie dislodged , and because the prince was certainly enformed that mounsier de mercouer came to benne , it was certainly resolued that the armie should that day march to s. meyn : but through the vnredines of all things apperteyning to the cannon , and distance of place , that course was altered , and for that night we lodged at medrimak a reasonable faire village in the mid way betweene collinee and s. meyn . here the prince dombeez vnderstood that mounsier de mercoeur had in all secrecie dislodged that night before from diuant and was come to pleumalan , with a resolution to preuent vs of our lodging at s. meyn : pleumalan is two leagues from diuant , and foure from s. meyn ; from medrimak to s. meyn but three leagues . whereupon it was concluded , that mounsier de la verdune accompanied with 80. curasses , 300. harquebuz , a cheuall , and 400. english should dislodge about midnight : and assay ( if by a speedie march towards s. meyn they could ) before the enimie should inuest the towne with those forces . friday we dislodged verie timelie , and ( in our march ) were certified that s. meyn was inuested with those forces , sent the night before with mounsier de la verdune : and that it was not heard that the enimie had anie such intention as before . tuesday the thirty one , and last of august we dislodged to yfendit . here mounsier de la verdune left the prince . thursday the second of september anno dict . the armie remoued to breal . friday the third , from thence to moyal . saturday from moyal to chasteauieron . sonday my lord generall was inuited by the inhabitants of rheyas , to visite their citie . thursday we dislodged to chasteau burg . saturday from thence to s. hulbin . at this place lay the armie when the castle of chastileon was taken in by assault . friday my lord generall sent letters into england by captaine maxie . tuesday we remoued to feynes . thursday the seauenth of october anno dict . we dislodged to bauongie simples . fridaie from thence to s. ouen . sonday from s. ouen to ferie . monday we remoued to bauongie . monday from bauongie to s. hillarie . monday the eight of nouember dict . we dislodged to tilyel . thursday the eleuenth day we dislodged from tilyel to fugeralles . wednesday to the castell of dorec . this fort seemed of such strength vnto the prince dombeez , and some of his counsell ( as mounsier la verdune ) that they thought it not meet to be vndertaken without speciall meanes , such as we wanted : hauing neyther munition nor any other thing fit for seruice , sauing two or three smal iron peeces for batterie . our men ( such as were reserued from the extremitie of the then late sicknesse amongst vs ) being verie weake and feeble , hauing wanted of long time before both clothes and money : yet it pleased god that by the most politicke and circumspect direction of my lord generall , the enimy was drawen to abandon the same this present night , to the great freeing of those parts there abouts : and captaine latham was put in as gouernour of the same . the same sonday at night my lord generall sent mounsier carmarak with letters to the lords of the counsell . friday the armie dislodged to pyboray . monday from thence to ernye . thursday the second of december anno dict . the armie dislodged from erny to gorrone . from this place my lord sent letters into england by captaine richard wingfield , captaine moreton , and captaine dennis , who had licence to repaire thither . sunday our armie dislodged to ambrizer , where my lord generall kept his christmas . tuesday we dislodged from thence to s. georges . wednesday , and so from s. georges to s. germyns . saturday the eight day of ianuarie anno dicto the armie remoued to s. iohn sur le meyne . sonday from thence to baconiere . monday from baconiere to bourne en le forest . thursday the lord generall road to vi●terie , where the princes of condy and dombeez ( by commandement from the king ) met together for the determining of some present seruice against the league , which was concluded : and in fine , sir henry norice ( at the request of the prince dombeez ) was sent ouer with letters to the lords of the councell , to my lord his father , and my ladie his mother , and others his friends in england : and withall to know her maiesties resolution , whether for the reenforcing of the troupes in britanie , or for the disposing of them elswhere . monday sir henrie norice departed from laual , to imbarque himselfe at cane . monday the first of februarie anno dicto , at night m. carmerek returned with letters to my lord generall : wherein his lordship had licence to come ouer . thursday the lord generall departed from goron ( where the campe at that time lay ) for england : leauing captaine anthonie wingfield sergeant maior sufficientlie authorised till his returne . sunday the lord generall came to cane , where for want of sufficient tyde he was driuen to stay vntill the last of this moneth . monday the first day of march anno dict . his lordship finding a barque of m. champerneyes , hee imbarqued himselfe in the same , whom colonell sherly , and captaine lo with others also accompanying , they had a verie good gale blowing full southwest , which continued vntill three of the clocke the next morning : after which time we were very much becalmed , vntill ten of the clocke . when hauing a reasonable faire winde at west southwest , we recouered the iles of wight : where wee had very much foule weather . so y t his lordships horses being in a smal fleebote , some doubt was here of the safetie of them : which afterwards ( god be thanked ) obtained safelie the harbour : we being within the point , there anchored , and the next morning his lordship landed at portes-mouth . here endeth the iournall of the seruice in fraunce against the leaguers . anno. 1591. the memorable service of the noble generall sir iohn norice knight , performed anno dom. 1594. at brest in britaine . the first of september our worthie generall sir iohn norice , landing with new forces out of england at penpole , receiued letters presently from marshall d'aumond and sir thomas baskeruil , who commanded in his absence the english troupes , being then before the castle of morlayx , in what termes they stood expecting euery day to be fought withall by the enemie duke mercoeur , who was aduanced for the same purpose within thrée leagues of them , and did but onely attend the comming of monsieur boisdolphin , with some french horse to ioyne with them : but this their temporizings in the end cost them the castle , for immediatly the very next day after the generals landing with great expedition , to wit , the second of september he put himselfe vpon the way to morlayx , and vpon the fift of the same moneth ariued there , being fourtéene leagues distant . his comming was generally ioyed at by all the britons , but especially by the inhabitants of morlayx , whose good or ill estate depended on his comming : for both the castle ( a cruell neighbour ) held against them , and the duke mercoeur was at hand to rescue the defendants , who in assurance of reliefe from him acquitted themselues manfully , namely the gouernour himselfe monsieur rochempoul , the count magnion , and monsieur rostin , with diuers other gallants . but the generall so amated the enemie , that the duke mercoeur not onely stayed from marching néerer vnto vs , but the tenth of the same retired with all his forces both french & spanish , assuring himselfe that he could expect of sir iohn norice nothing but blowes . they of the castle acquainted therewith , within two daies after the dukes retreit yéelded vp the castle . so that only his presence without the hazard of any of her maiesties subiects , both enforced the duke to retire , and the castle to yeeld . this castle thus rendred , we staied there ten daies , in respect that the marshall wanted money for the satisfying of his people : whereof at the last he was fournished by those of the towne of morlayx . then mounsieur de lyscot , a wonderfull braue man , and the baron of molac were sent before with some harquebuziers , to the end they might blocke vp the fort of croyzon by brest , and preserue the quarters about , who were further assisted with foure hundred men out of our ships by sir martin fourbysher who commaunded the english shippings . and presently the armie dislodged to a place called iuez , thence to a village called la fou , next to chastrau-lin , the next day to lacornan a village thrée leagues from quinper-corentin which was held hy the enemie . the same night the marshall with foure hundred french , and sir iohn norice with as many english marched to quinper-corantin , and on a sudden surprised the suburbs , and possessed them with smal resistance . the towne was willing to yéeld , but that the garrison would not suffer them . but sir iohn norice , whose minde was still to doe some exploit against the spaniards at the fort of coryzon , leauing this towne inuested by the marshall and thrée of our english regiments , commaunded by his brother sir henry norice our lieutenant generall , himselfe only with his owne regiment , and his owne companie of horse , marching towards the fort , and lodged that night at croyzon . and the next day sate downe before the fort. thrée daies were spent in vnshipping & bringing vp the artillerie , which were fourtéene péeces ( whereof the marshall furnished but two culuerings ) and in making of approches , which was greatly hindred by the want of gabions , pioners , and other prouisions for the making of platformes , which we hoped by promise to haue had in a readines sent vs from the gouernour of brest : but our generall could procure almost nothing from thence but with many difficulties by reason of the weather . the fift of this moneth we had newes that the marshall and sir henry norice had quimper yéelded vnto them . the sixt of this moneth the enemie made a sallie out vpon our trenches , but were very brauely beaten home againe with the losse of seuen or eight of their men : but yet this their losse was very vnfortunately answered by the death of captaine anthonie wingfield our sergeant maior generall , being shot with a cannon out of the fort , as he stood by the gabions with his rapier drawne , the which with the shot was beaten through his bowels . this man with great reputation had long time serued her maiestie both in the low countries , portugall , and fraunce : and at his last going into britaine , so disposed of his estate as if he were neuer to returne ; and the same day , or the day before his death , tooke such order for his debts , as if he had a presage of his end . the next day the marshall d'aumond and sir henrie norice with our english regiments , came to vs from quimper , and were quartered at croyzon & thereabouts . after whose comming foure daies were spent in mounting of the artillerie , planting of our ordenance , and making of platformes for them to play . on the 12. day the enemie made a sallie vpon the french trenches : who hauing not the leisure to arme themselues , lost betwéene thirtie and fortie men , and as many hurt : and from thence they aduanced themselues towards our trenches , where wee lost in their defence ten or twelue men : but we did put them againe in possession of their trenches . hauing now all things readie for the batterie , i will as well as i can describe vnto you the fort. you shall vnderstand that more then two parts of the fort was defended by the water , the rest was made so excéeding strong , as either by arte or charge could be done . on the south front thereof on each corner were two exceeding strong bastions ; that on the west side was seuentéene paces in the front , that on the east side tenne paces : the curtaine betwéene both was 37. foote thicke at the top ; and within these they had made a very large intrenchment , and the bastions were excéeding well flanked from the rocke by the water side , planting both on the flankers and bastion some great ordenance . we lay entrenched within thrée or foure paces of their counterscarp : the frenchmen on the east side , and wée on the west side , the batterie lay in the midst betweene the trenches . these things thus prouidently ordered by the marshall and our generall ; on the 23. our artillerie began to play , and continued some seuen hundred cannonodos , but did so little harme by reason of the strength of the place , as scarse any shew of a breach appeared , onely wee did beate away their parrapete and some of their flankers : whereupon some hundred men commaunded by captaine lyster , were sent to view and see if they could hold the counterscarp . then many of our braue men and gallants thirsting after honour , desirous to doe somewhat further , hauing possessed themselues of the enemies counterscarp , which onely they were commaunded to attempt , vndertooke the breach , which they performed so well , as that notwithstanding the vnsatiablenes of the place , and the great resistance the enimie made . yet the most part of them attained to the verie top thereof , which they held for a while , but were afterwards repulsed . this enterprise was with wonderfull great resolution and valour seconded by s. thomas baskeruil , who likewise got so farre as the point of the breach . there were lost in this attempt manie braue men , namelie , slaine in the assault . captaine barker . captaine prudder . captaine iackson , sergeant maior of ostend , who had no charge there . haynes . ensigne to sir henry norice . corporall essex . m. throgmorton , and some 16. or 18. souldiers ▪ hurt in the assault . captaine audley . captaine bartley . captaine couch . captaine goodwins lieutenant . captaine williams lieutenant . captaine bucks lieutenant , & other priuate men . burned with powder . sir thomas knowles . captaine ashendon . captaine bishop . lieutenant larkeley . captaine lopeley . maister waineman , and diuers others . you are to vnderstand that this attempt was onelie made by the englishmen on the bastion of the west side , for the frenchmen neuer attempted any thing against their bastion , aleaging that it was not assaultable . the marshall and our generall seeing the little effect that our artillerie wrought , deuised to make a mine on one of the bulwarks , namelie on the east bastion towards the french trenches in perfecting thereof some 17. or 18. dayes were spent . but on the 30. being an exceeding wet morning whereby our powder and match were not fit for seruice , the enimie againe found thereby oppertunitie to fall out vpon the french trenches , and killed so betweene twenty and thirty of them at the least , among whom was mounsier lyscot , a verie braue gentleman one of the marshals of the campe , who was abandoned by the french and their trenches wholie possessed by the enimie , but our english men did presentlie repossesse them of their trenches , and killed some of the spaniards . our nation lost an exceeding great friend of this mounsier lyscot , he exceedingly loued our generall , as if he had bin his owne father , and generallie fauoured all english men , and gaue vs the reputation to be verie braue souldiers . by the seauenth of nouember our mine was reasonable well perfected , and a determination held againe to begin the batterie , with a resolution that so soone as the myne should be blowne vp which was made towards the bulwarke by the french trenches , that the frenchmen should assaile that part , and the englishmen their bastion , and that others with scaling ladders should make attempts in euerie corner , so that the defendants should be on euery part assailed . but the marshall being that daie sicke , sent in the morning for our generall , and shewed him his letters from the gouernour of rennes , and from diuers others , by which he was advertised that iohn don ioan de la auquilar generall of the spaniards , was marching towards croyzon with all his spanish forces to rescue the fort , & was alreadie aduaunced to la-cornan a village within fiue leagues of vs , and therefore aduised our general to dislodge to croyzon , thinking it not fit to hazard any men , hauing so strong an enimie at hand ready to ioyne battell with them . but sir iohn norice hauing his courage nothing daunted with the approch of the enemies , his heart seruing him both to win the fort by assault , and to encounter his enemie in the field : shewing what a dishonour and disreputation it were to abandon the siege , and also what little cause the enemie should haue to aduance himselfe farther if the fort were gotten , his comming being onelie to resue it . he so much importuned the marshall , that he gaue him wholie the ordering of that dayes seruice . immediatlie our generall gaue order to the cannoniers for the batterie , and caused the artillerie to play . euerie man was assigned his charge , some to the assault , other with scalados to attempt to enter , and by 12. of the clocke he caused fire to be set to the mine : which albeit did not so much as was looked for , yet it made the accesse so easie vnto the french , as that a man might haue ridden vpon horse backe : and our men , namely captaine latham , captaine smith , and captaine iohn norice , with diuers other gallant gentlemen gaue vp on the other bulwarke , and continued the assault without losing one pace of the height vntill halfe an houre past foure , and in the end first entered the same , and seased vp on three ensignes that were there , and put euerie man they found in the fort ( sauing one alferez ) to the sword : some of the spaniards leapt from the rocke to the water , but our marriners with their smal boats met with them and slew them : some three or foure others being taken escaped with their liues , no man was found , au sang froyd . sir thomas baskeruil serued this day with great valour and industrie , to the admiration of all men . our sea-men and marriners this day acquited themselues wonderfull brauelie , and were exceeding forward in all attempts , as may well appeare by that valiant knight sir martin fourbisher , who in the assault receiuing a hurt , is thereof now dead . the chiefest of the french men , namelie such gentlemen as seruing on horseback , putting themselues that day on foote , did exceeding g●llantlie , namelie . mounsier roumege , vn maistre du camp , a man of great courage , and who most intirelie loued our generall , was slaine vpon the rampart , and his ensigne by him : who if they had bin well seconded , vndoubtedly they had caried it first , and had got the reputation of the first entrie . as for the rest i hold them nothing worthie of commendations in this action . slaine in the assault . captaine edge once captaine of our generals gaurd . lieutenant flud . captaine smiths lieutenant . ensigne to captaine brett . eight gentlemen of our generals own company . manie other gentlemen , and betweene twenty or thirty priuate men . hurt in the assault . sir thomas baskeruil . sir martin fourbisher , who is now dead . captaine iohn norice . captaine brett . captaine smith . the victorie being thus gotten by the great vertue and admirable industrie of our generall , the fort being appointed to be raised , we dislodged the next day to croyzon to ioyne with the rest of our troupes , to attend there what the enimie durst doe , who within two dayes after , found reason to retire themselues fiue leagues further from vs. thus haue i finished i assure you truelie , although not largelie : all that was most remarcable in this dayes seruice . it may be i giue not namelie to euerie man the honour he deserued , but therein i excuse my selfe with my shortnes in writing , & also my selfe being herein an actor , my eye was not at leasure to note euerie mans desert . there was found in the fort 29. barrels of powder , some match , and verie few small shot : and of meate , bisket , wine and beefe reasonable good store . i must a little commend the defendants , for an enimie deserueth his iust praise , especiallie the chiefe commaunder . he neuer in all these attempts shewed himselfe daunted , he made sundrie sallies , but most vpon the french , to his great aduantage and reputation . he lost before this last dayes seruice 60. men , some at his sallies , some with our cannon , and some at our first attempt vpon the breach , also this very last day our cannon playing incessantlie vpon the maine courtaine , betweene the two bastions slew fiftie of his men . this last assault continued almost fiue houres without intermission , they neuer quailed vntill he was slaine , which was a small time before the entrie , and then the greater part being slaine , the rest ouer tired and hurt , were forced by our gallants to retire , and so there were slaine of spaniards in this fort almost 400. i note another signe of his great resolution , for if he found anie willing onely to speake of yeelding , he would cause him to be bound to a stake or post , and exposed him to the breach , leauing his armes at libertie to fight for his defence . i hope no man will dislike if i commend the valour of the enimie which was conquered , for the greater is the honour of them that were the conquerours . this their vaine resolution might well haue serued their turnes , if they had not dealt with our generall who was as resolute as they , and therein ouermacht them . for the next day , don ioan de l'aquilar sending a trumpet for the redeeming of prisoners , our generall sent him answere that their ransomes were payed , and that hee was now as readie and at leasure to fight with him . this victory achiued , he sent the three spanish ensignes into england , and presented them to her maiestie , who as a most sacred and gratious prince , most highlie esteemed , and louinglie accepted them . god of his infinite mercy send her daylie so to triumph ouer her enimies , and that it will please him to protect our generall for her greater seruices . finis . here endeth the memorable seruice of s. iohn norice knight , at brest in britaine . 1594. the memorable service of the noble generall sir iohn norice knight , in ireland ( after his returne from brest ) 1595. with his death there , and buriall here in england 1597. this noble knight and renowmed generall of her maiesties forces in britaine ( immediatly after the said seruice done by him at the fort of brest in that prouince ) ariuing in england in the moneth of march anno 1595. after he had stayed at london a moneth or thereabouts , was thence by her maiestie commaunded ouer into ireland : and with him to embarke his forces appointed directly ouer thither vnder the conduct of his brother sir henrie norice knight ; there to haue his commission drawne , as generall of her maiesties forces in that kingdome . after his landing at waterford ( which was about the fift or sixt of may anno dict . ) he dispatched letters to sir william russel knight , lord deputie of ireland , signifying his landing at waterford aforesaid , and withall crauing leaue for the ease of his bodie , that he might stay in his gouernment of munster for some short time : which as it seemed was granted him , in regard that he staied there about thrée wéekes , and then remooued thence to dublin , to the said lord deputie there resident . immediatly after the same stay there , his commission was drawne , his counsell vsed , and hee required to accompanie the said lord deputie into the field , together with his owne companie of horse and foote . the place appointed for the rendezuous of the armie was by dundalk a towne bordering on vlster , from whence the said lord deputie , sir iohn norice , and others of the councell with the armie , marched altogether vnto armah , where they found a ruined church or abbey . but afterwards by the aduice of the lord deputie and his councell , that place was thought fit for a garrison , in regard that it bordered vpon the entrance of hugh onele the erle of tyron that archrebels countrey , and was situate within two or thrée miles of the blackwater in the countrey of tyrone , where her maiestie had heretofore a fort. so this place was forth with made defencible , and there were left in garrison thrée or foure of the companies which came out of britaine . now after the fortifying and victualling of that garrison , and other necessaries fit for the holding of it , the deputie , with sir iohn norice and the rest of the armie , marched to monohan , another warde bordering vpon the said archrebels countrey , and held as then by sir iohn dowdal an english knight and his company . so after order taken for the victualling of that place , and other necessaries , the armie marched backe towards the newry in the prouince of vlster , where sir henrie bagnal knight ( the marshall ) commaunded fiue companies which lay there continually in garrison . but the archrebell tyrone hearing of the lord deputies returne backe , did purpose ( as it was thought ) to haue possessed himselfe of the pace before him , that lieth betwéene the newry and dundalk aforesaid , thereby to offend him in his passage . word being brought to the lord deputie hereof , and he knowing that the said archrebell purposed to passe within foure or fiue miles of the place where the lorde deputie encamped : the next night thereupon there were scoutes sent out , & word brought by them that they had descried the said archrebels army . whereupon order was giuen , that there should be certaine horse and foote made readie , to attend the lord deputie and sir iohn norice , who went forwards with those men , vntill they came within sight of the archrebels whole armie , being then reputed foure thousand strong of horse and foote . but whether the lord deputie were ill guided , or whether the enemie in feare to saue himselfe made more haste then the english could follow , i know not , but for that time they escaped . but it seemed that feare serued to some good purpose : for afterwards in our passage through the place we were not at all intercepted , although the enemie might haue done it with great aduantage . now , after leauing some companies at the newry and calingford , the english returned to dundalke , where ( after the establishing of that garrison , and others in the english pale ) the lord deputie , with sir iohn norice and the rest of the councell , went to dublin . shortly after their being there , it was concluded vpon , that sir iohn norice then generall should draw an armie into the field . the place for the companies to ioyne was appointed , and other preparations for the armie , as cariages , pioners , victuals , &c. sparingly prouided . not fully so well prouided , as when the lord deputie went himselfe , and therefore not so much expected to be performed by him , as by the deputie ) although the numbers of men were left vnto himselfe for to name : it was giuen out that the generall should goe to victuall armah , whatsoeuer was besides pretended : and indéede that charge was faithfully performed by him , and as much for the queenes honour , as any thing that hath béen done since the archrebell tyrone first entred into his rebellion . for after that by a tedious trauell with the whole army to and fro about foure or fiue times from the newry to armah ( which the generall was faine to doe in regard he was but sparingly furnished of cariages , besides his armie which were but thirtéene hundred strong thereby much weakened ) at this time did the said tyrone take all the aduantage he could . and at the generals last returne from armah , the enemie sent thrée hundred of his best shot to lodge in a place , where our english armie should passe thorough , to méete the generall and intercept him in his passage . but it fell out that our men in their march had possessed themselues of that pace before the enemie : which the generall perceiuing , and withall knowing himselfe followed in the arriere of our armie both with horse and foote of the enemies , made a halt in the place where he perceiued them to follow , and so staied vntill two hundred of the archrebels horse came vp to charge him . but they ( finding him as readie to ioyne as they ) retired backe to the archrebell , who was readie with other horse to haue seconded them , if they had attempted any thing to any purpose . hereupon tyrone sent down of his foote 200. scots and 300. shot to haue galled the generals troupe of horse : but he ( although vnarmed ) made good that place where he first made a stand ( which was with the losse of some of his best horse ) vntill he had sent for thrée or foure wings of shot from the colours ; himselfe in this stand ( which was in effect against tyrones whole army ) was shot in the arme , and in the bellie , his horse vnder him shot in thrée or foure places . his brother sir thomas norice shot thorow the thigh : sir richard wingfield commander of the generals horse had his arme broken with a shot ( no other man hurt of any name ) only of horse and foote about eightéene slaine , besides some twentie or thirtie hurt . this stand so honourably made by him was to good purpose , otherwise it could not be but that our whole armie had been ouerthrowne : but how tyrone ( vpon the slaughter of two hundred of his scots , besides some of his best shot ) was followed , he liueth to make report of it , if he list : but i am sure ( so botly ) that in foure daies he could not heare of twentie of his men together in a companie , they had so dispersed themselues in the pursuite . after this seruice done by the generall , within short time he came to dublin : where after a moneth of sixe wéekes stay there he went downe to his gouernment of munster . tyrone oftentimes after this conflict , did send a fained shew of submission vnto the lord deputie , ( namely whiles that the generall was in munster ) and thereupon he was hearkened vnto , and commissioners were sent from the lord deputie to talke with him vpon some articles : besides , sir henry warren knight was employed in that seruice , and had free accesse to tyrone . the cause why sir iohn norice the generall retired himselfe from those publike affaires , after his good seruice done , is knowne to many , and euery priuate man could speake of the crossings betweene the deputie and him , whosoeuer was faultie : but the state ( whiles they gouerned ) stood in better termes , then it hath done since , howsoeuer it hath bin thought that the treating of peace did preiudice any good procéedings . at this time munster was quiet and most part of lemster ( except feaugh mack-hughes countrie ) kept in good termes : in conacht , the miserie that they had indured before , taught them to desire quietnes , onelie they would speake reprochfullie and bitterlie against sir richard bingham their gouernour . the townes vpon the borders of the north , and those of the english pale were defended by garison , so that there was no great harme done to the english pale , but by the incursions of some of the orrelyes , who were continuallie prayed and seased vpon by our garisons : all vlster both at that time , and now continueth still rebellious , and this was the state of the countrie at that time , when sir iohn norice withdrew himselfe into munster . after his being at munster , the said generall norice came to dublin , where staying some two months , there came order out of england , that he and sir ieffrey fenton should be ioyned in commission to treat with tyron vpon some articles of peace . there was ( as i haue formerlie said ) commissioners appointed by the deputie to treat concerning the same businesse : but after the order came out of england that commission ceased , and the said sir iohn norice , and sir ieffrey fenton were authorised in their places . those that were appointed as messengers betweene the commissioners & tyrone were sir warram sellenger , and captaine william warren , both of them sufficient men , and of tyrones old acquaintance , and those who faithfullie proceeded according to their instructions . these men brought to that passe by the direction of the commissioners , that he was to haue his pardon : and no question had he meant to be loyall , those sleight doubts that he made of his safetie would neuer haue made him vnmindfull of so high and merciful a grace and fauour , after his most vile and trecherous offence . it may be doubted because there was some priuate crossings betweene men of high place , that their crossings would haue hindered his hope of deseruing well hereafter : it was reported that he should say so much , surelie ( which if he did ) it was but to excuse his intended trecherie , as he hath often done since . now during the commissioners stay on the borders , tyrone sent his owne submission in by the aforesaid two agents : and besides sent into dundalk ( for to make the better show of his fained submission ) some of the chiefest men of vlster . as namely , mack gwyer , mack mahun , the orrelyes and others to deliuer their submissions to the commissioners : so after the receiuing of them in , the commissioners repaired to dublin to the state , and so shortlie afterward from thence , they went towards conacht , according to their commission . where they were to meet with odonele , and others of his countrie , there to receiue them into submission , as they had those of vlster . sir iohn norice being chiefe commissioner with sir ieffrey fenton , held notwithstanding his place as generall of the armie , and did carrie the same into conacht , most part of which armie , continued in the prouince all the time of his being there : at his comming thither hee found all the countrie in rebellion , and in great miserie , yet most part of the best men in the countrie were readie to receiue her maiesties gratious pardon , most of them did come in verie submissiuelie , and made offer to doe her maiestie good seruice . sir richard bingham was growne somewhat grieuous amongst those of conacht , and they would bitterlie complaine against him , alleaging that he was the cause of their reuolt : but that is their custome , and he must be a man of verie rare gouernment , that shall euerie way satisfie , or giue content to their rebellious affections . vpon the countries complaint , sir richard bingham was sequestred from the gouernment of that prouince , & they were hearkened vnto in whatsoeuer they could alleadge against him : so gratious and iust is her maiestie in euerie way , righting a nation , which notwithstanding proue most disloyall and rebellious . now during sir richard binghams sequestration , sir iohn norice had absolutelie the commaund of his said prouince , and did ( during his time ) verie good seruice : namelie , in bringing into her maiesties obedience manie of the best gentlemen of the countrie , and continuallie praying , spoyling , and killing of the rest , who ( being desperatelie obstinate ) held themselues still in rebellion . this his good seruice so performed against those persons , was sometimes by the garisons , and sometimes by the armie , as they marched through the countrie : insomuch , that at the generals departure forth of the countrie , hee left it in good termes . so about december , hee was called from thence to dublin , where ( after some stay there ) the state hauing notice , that the garison of armah was like to be distressed ( if they were not presenlie releeued ) the generall was appointed to draw an armie into the field , for the victualling of that place : but it should appeare he was authorised to treate with tyrone , about the victualling of it . for the armie being drawne together by dundalk , and readie to march , there was such order taken , that he the said tyrone should suffer it to be victualled by two or three companies from the newry : which was performed , and so the armie disposed into the garisons againe . it should seeme , that besides the victualling of that place , it was appointed that the said tyrone should speake personallie with the commissioners : for that after it was agreed , that he should suffer it to be victualled , he appointed a day to speake with the commissioners , sir george bowser being then ioyned with the others in commission . what their conference was when they met , i know not altogether : but the manner of their meeting was this . tyrone hauing his armie neere vnto the place appointed for the parley , caused foure or fiue hundred of his shot , together with his best horse , to lie within a mile of the same his armie , who were then encamped on the side of a hill nere dundalk : there was sixe gentlemen of the generals troupe of horse appointed to stand on the one side of the forde of a little riuer there , where the parlie was , and sixe others of tyrones to stand on the further side with him in sight of the commissioners : he seeing the commissioners come downe from our armie , began to come forward himselfe , not suffering any other to come with him , so saluting sir iohn norice , told him he was glad to see him , being of his old acquaintance . sir iohn norice likewise told him , that he would be glad to see him become a faithfull subiect : withal remembring him of the great fauours that her maiestie had shewed him heretofore , and that ( yet ) her highnes was mercifullie enclined to haue him receiued into grace , if there were anie hope he would forsake his trecherous course , and become a faithfull obedient subiect . he answered with great protestations , that he was sorie for his offence , and that there was no prince in the world , whom he did or would more honour and reuerence , then her maiestie ; neuer naming her highnes , but with his hat off : all which shewes of obedience in him , made many beléeue that he meant to become otherwise , then since he hath proued himselfe . but those that haue liued long in that countrey amongst them , know by experience , that they are a people full of malecontentment , inconstancie , rebellion and treason : desiring no other gouernment , but their owne rude barbarous and disordered kinde of life and manners , most horrible and odious to all that feare god , obey their prince , and loue their countrey . it was euer doubted by sir iohn norice , and to be beleeued of euery one that know the rebell tyrone , that he neuer meant to be faithfull in his word : wherefore his trecherous delaies could not be imputed to any remisse course held by sir iohn norice towards tyrone . but there is no question , had sir iohn norice liued , he would haue made it appeared vnto the world ( as he hath done heretofore ) that the zeale he did beare to doe her maiestie and his countrey seruice , was such , as that priuate malice in crossing him shuld neuer haue had power , either to make him faile in the least point of his alleageance , or to burie any of his honourable intended enterprises . i haue heard him say my self , and so haue others which now liue in ireland , that if he could but hope , that the rebel tyrone would vnfainedly accept of her maiesties grace and mercie towards him , and that he the said sir iohn norice might haue béen the instrument to haue perswaded him to become a faithfull subiect , he would not haue cared what labour or paines he endured to be assured thereof . it was thought that the prosecuting of feugh mac hugh was contrary to the articles agreed vpon betweene the commissioners and the rebell tyrone ; and it should appeare that he disliked thereof . for after his pardon was sent him by sir edward moore , and he in all things ( to the shew of the world ) readie to haue accepted thereof : on the sudden his pardon was brought backe , and he returned excéedingly discontented . after the time of this last treatie with tyrone , which was in the latter end of ianuary aforesaid , he remained vpon the borders of the north , still expecting direction how to procéed in those northerne affaires , which continued from the moneth of ianuary aforesaid 1596. vntill the moneth of may in the yéere 1597. following , for the space of foure moneths . at which time he the said generall norice receiued aduertisement out of england , that the lord borowes should come ouer deputie into ireland : so vntil his comming the generall kept himselfe vpon the borders of the north. it was thought at the lord borowes comming ouer , the old grudge would be renewed : but i think that matter was carried into england , before the lord borowes departed thence . for that after their méeting ( contrarie to the expectation of many ) sir iohn norice caried himselfe very discréetly and respectiuely towards him : besides that , he made knowne vnto him the state of the countrey at that present , together with his best counsell and aduice , for the reforming of the desperate estate that then the kingdome was left in . in so much as it was thought , before sir iohn norice his going into his gouernment of munster , that they were both good friends . but now vpon the lord borowes his receiuing of the sword , sir iohn norice was absolutely sequestred from all commaund , except that of the prouince , and so sent downe into munster , with an opinion to get leaue to passe into england : but that fell out contrary to his expectation . so he hast ouer three moneths , with a shew of his health , although inwardly he felt his owne griefe . and thus the cause of his conceiued griefe was the hastening of his death , and so iudged of by most men which knew the same . the manner of his death was answerable to his honourable life , and knowne to some of his seruants and followers , who now with great griefe must rew it . he died the third day of september 1597. at his brother sir thomas norices house in the towne of mayallo in the prouince of munster within the kingdome of ireland , at the 50. yéere of his age : hauing spent 26. of them ( being the most flourishing time of his life ) in her maiesties seruice against her enemies , in the netherlands , spayne , portugall , france , britaine and ireland , as particularly before and here finally is mentioned . the honourable lord henry norice baron of rycot , father of the said lord generall , had fiue sons moe all martiall men , vz. master william his eldest sonne seruing in ireland , and there deceased : sir edward his third sonne seruing lastly at ostend , now liuing : sir henry norice his fourth sonne , and sir thomas his fift sonne , both seruing lastly in ireland , hurt and died there , but buried in england : and master maximilian his sixt and youngest sonne died in france . the honorable ladie margerie mother to all these died at london 1599. the said honourable lord henry their father died at rycot anno 1601. thus being intreated to set downe what i knew that passed vpon sir iohn norices side , at his latter daies in ireland ; i haue ( although not iournally ) yet of my certaine knowledge truly and duly described all the notable occurrents that passed from his last comming out of britaine , to the time of his death in ireland , as before is said . all this seruice in ireland was set down by daniel gyles , sometime page , and after lately seruant to the said generall norice at his death , as aforesaid . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a68465-e80 1547. 1. edw. 6. notes for div a68465-e2110 exordium de quatuor circumstantijs . the first circumstance . historia belgica lib. 1. the second circumstance . historia belgica lib. 1. the third circumstance . historia belgica lib. 1. the fourth circumstance . historia belgica lib. 1. historia belgica lib. 2. anno 1566. the states finding thēselues greatly iniuried and grieued by y e spanish inquisitiō , do exhibit vnto the regent a iust protestation of their cause . the keyes and custodie of antwerpe in churchyards hands at this vprore , witnes master ioseph and his brother master richard candeler . churchyard captaine of 30. thousand in this time at antwerpe . the prince of orange and counte nassaw departeth out of the troubled low countries in happie time . churchyard then fled to england in a priests apparell , and came to y e queene . the protestants chuse churchyard their captaine the duke of alua sent as gouernour ouer the low countries vnder king philip . lib. 3. he made a general restraint of englishmēs ships & goods . historia belgica lib. 4. anno 1569. certain christian princes assist y e prince of orange to fortifie the low countries . historia belgica lib. 3. king philip imprisoneth his owne son . the duchesse of parma departeth into italy . the king of spaine proscribeth the prince of orange , and two other estates . tergoas besieged . frederick the sonne of ferdinando besiegeth zutphen . harlem fortified by the prince of orange . captaine barnabey rich his notes . the same besieged by fredericke the duke of alua his sonne . anno 1573. the duke of alua departeth out of the low countries . don lewis de requisensius a spaniard succeeded in that gouernment . anno 1574. midleborow yeelded to the prince of orange . historia belgica lib. 5. leydon besieged by spanish forces . lacke of looking to necessitie in time , loseth all in fine . anno 1575. the spanish kings armado sent into the low countries , cast away by tempest . ziricksea besieged . anno 1576. historia belgica lib. 6. historia belgica lib. 6. the offer made by the prince and states vnto don iohn of austrich . the pretended contract of don iohn with y e prince of orange , proueth in fine fraud in frendship . historia belgica lib. 6. don iohn made gouernour generall for the spanish king. anno 1577. historia belgica lib. 7. the double dealing of don iohn discouered and defeated . the states write to the spanish king of don iohns indirect dealing . the archduke matthias sent for by the states . sir iohn norice his first comming into the netherlands . captain cripses note . enuie and slander euermore enemies to good enterprises . iohn stow pages 1167.1168.1169 . historia belgica lib. 7. alexander duke of parma brought into the low countries by don iohn . the states forces then at gembleu ouerthrowne by don iohn ▪ duke iohn casimire commeth into england . captaine whitstocks note . the battell on lammas day betweene louaine and the leger . anno 1578. historia belgica lib. 8. a fierce fight for 7. houres . captain cripses note . generall norice hath the honour of the field . three binghams brethrē . historia belgica lib. 8. sir richard bingham deceased in anno 1598. fiue hundred spaniards slaine . historia belgica lib. 9. the death of don iohn . his birth and properties described . historia belgica lib. 9. anno 1580. historia belgica lib. 10. historia belgica lib. 10. the garrison in stenwick . the gouernours of stenwick send to the states for supplie . the first supplie sent , surprised and set vpon . historia belgica lib. 10. the second supplie sent also surprised by the enemie . the states better aduising thēselues , send now thither colonell norice . historia belgica lib. 10. the now generall norices victorie ouer the renenbergers besieging stenwick . this affirmed by captaine strange . the enemies bragging chalenge . historia belgica lib. 10 ▪ the fight in s. iohns camp betweene generall norice and countie renenberg . this affirmed by captaine strange . exod. 16.13 . historia belgica lib. 10. generall norice relieueth stenwick ( besieged ) with victuals , the 20. day of februarie 1580. captaine whitstocks note , confirmed by captaine cripse . the lord nienort his victorie ouer the renenbergers the 9. day of iuly 1580. renenbergs death . historia belgica lib. 11. generall norice marcheth to meete verdugo . historia belgica lib. 10. the battaile at northorne . the archduke departeth the netherlands , the prince of orange succeedeth . historia belgica lib. 11. francis duke of aniow cōmeth into england . captaine churchyard was with the duke all that while . the preparation of the prince of parma and duke of aniowes forces for the fight . lib. 11. captaine edward stranges relation of the seruice at gaunt . the enemies forces discouered at hand . generall norice and sir w. knowles foure english miles from gaunt , assailed by english rebels . coronell cotton and coronell north. generall norice honoured by the french forces . the offer of the french nobles to the english generall norice . historia belgica lib. 11. the prince of orange and duke of aniow behold the fight . the duke of aniowes metamorphosed minde and manners . the citie of antwerpe all on a tumult by the dukes displeasure . historia belgica lib. 11. generall norice sent to meete the duke . historia belgica lib. 11. historia belgica lib. 11. comming into france he falleth sicke . practise of queene mother . they prouide for their safetie . his description and properties . historia belgica lib. 11. his funerall . numb . 22.5 . exod. 7.3.31 . prou. 28.15 . the first messenger sent to murther the prince of orange 1582. the second 1583. one peter dordoigne lib. 11. the third 1584 one iohn ianson . lib. 11. the fourth 1584. a french man. lib. 11. historia belgica lib. 12. the fift and last messenger which murthered the prince of orange , anno 15●5 . 2. cor. 11.14 . matth. 10.16 . lib. 12. the caitiues deceitfull doings . virgil. ecloga secunda . the villanous murthering of the prince of orange . lib. 13 the execution of the villanous murtherer . the funerall and solemne order of the princes buriall . the time of his life , and description of his personage . lib. 12. his stile . his matrimoniall estate . his issue . his progeni● his brethren . his sisters . notes for div a68465-e17210 historia belgica lib. 12. * qui falsis subscriptionibus insinuatus aulae . * quae promulgata a.c. m. d.xxc . proposito percussori praemio 25000. coron . * andegauensis qui obierat eodem die mensis praecedentis . notes for div a68465-e17790 reuel . 12. lib. 13. reu. 15.14.16 . historia belgisa lib. 13. the articles contained the yeelding of certaine townes as pledges to the queenes maiestie . sir philip sydney sent ouer and made lord gouernour of flusshing . lib. 13. his honourable actions in the lowe countries this yeere 1585. histor. anglica anno. 1585. the prince of parma marcheth to meet generall norice . the battell bidden by the prince , but the generall had the victorie . generall notice made gouernour of briel . captaine thomas louels note . historia belgica lib. 13. historia belgica lib. 23. the queenes maiesties letters vnto the states of the netherlands . historia belgica lib. 10. note here her maiesties meaning and commandement . the answere of the states to her maiesties letters . the word absolute interpreted exemplum romanorum . the erle generall receiueth contributions , &c. the generall maketh orders for militarie discipline . captaine iohn pryse his relation of the seruice performed at the citie of graue . anno 1586. generall norice taketh counsell with count hollocke how to relieue graue . the generall appoynteth captatne pryse to his charge . captaine iohn pryses good seruice against the enemies . a view of the losse of men on both parts . historia belgica lib. 13. historia belgica lib. 13. the erle generall marcheth to meet the prince of parma . historia belgica lib. 13. the english forces suddenly assaile their enemies . the enemies well beaten and scattered . the english forces approching towards zutphen . sir philip sydney mortally wounded . historia belgica lib. 13. anno 1586. parma falleth sicke . the erle generall assaileth the little wing neere zutphen . master edward stanley knighted . the erle taketh certaine castles . the erle incurreth the states displeasure . lib. 13. 1586. historia belgica lib. 14. sir william russel . anno 1587. lib. 14. parmaes preparation to march towards sluce . sir william russel made generall of flushing . sir william russels care for prouision . sir roger williams . lib. 14. historia belgica lib. 14. the erle generall returnes into the netherlands . the resistance of the slucians . the losse on both partes . the erle generall prepareth forces to relieue sluce . the erle assaulteth the fort of blanckberg . the yeelding vp of the sluce . the erles last returne into england . the death of the erle generall . the lord willoughby his birth . his seruices from time to to time . his seruice in the absence of the earle generall . his seruice at zutphen . he taketh an albanoys captiue . he challengeth the marques of guasto . historia belgica lib. 15. parma marcheth toward berghen opt zome . colonel drury . colonel morgan . historia belgica lib. 15. outragious spoylers . the prince of parma layeth siege to berghen . a pretie practise of two englishmen to beguile parma . the politike deuise of redhead and grimston . the enemies ●ntrapped , slaine , and drowned . historia belgica lib. 15. parma raiseth his siege , and departeth from berghen . count maurice inaugurate the marques of der vere . historia belgica lib. 15. a sedition amongst the chiefest of the spaniards . historia belgica lib. 15. the prince of parma falleth into many griefes . the prince of parma his death . notes for div a68465-e30640 aprill . 11 ▪ 28. 29. 30. 1591. may. 3. 12. 13. may. 14. 15. 19. may. 23. 24. may. 26 iune . 1. 10. 11. iune . 12. 13. 24 iune . 29. iulie . 2. iuly . 9. iuly . 26 30 august . 1 august . 3. 5. 7. 8. 21. 24. the 26. of august . 27. 31. the second of september . 3. 11. 24 ▪ 28. the seauenth of october . 15 ▪ the second of december . 19 28. 29. ianuary . 8. 9. 10. 11. 28. februarie . 1. 18 21. march. 1. notes for div a68465-e34920 october . 2.3.4 . 5. 6. sir anthonie wingfield slaine with a cannon . 7.8.9.10.11 . 24 nouember . 7. 1. notes for div a68465-e36660 march. 1595. generall norice departeth for ireland . may. 5. he landeth at waterford . iulie . sir william russel lord deputie . the lord deputie comming forwards , tyrone returned backe . 1595. august . september . october . nouember . munster in good quiet . 1596. aprill . messengers appointed betweene the commissioners and tyrone . may. 1596. nouember . ianuarie . tyrones answere . sir iohn norices doubt of tyrone . 1597. aprill . 1597. may. generall norice conceiueth a griefe . the good generall norice deceased in ireland 1597. at his brothers house at mayallo . letters written by sir william temple during his being ambassador at the hague, to the earl of arlington and sir john trevor, secretaries of state to k. charles ii wherein are discovered many secrets hitherto concealed / published from the originals, under sir william temple's own hand ; and dedicated to the right honourable sir thomas littleton, speaker of the house of commons, by d. jones, gent. correspondence. selections temple, william, sir, 1628-1699. 1699 approx. 262 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 113 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64310 wing t640 estc r16660 13153521 ocm 13153521 98133 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64310) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98133) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 752:20) letters written by sir william temple during his being ambassador at the hague, to the earl of arlington and sir john trevor, secretaries of state to k. charles ii wherein are discovered many secrets hitherto concealed / published from the originals, under sir william temple's own hand ; and dedicated to the right honourable sir thomas littleton, speaker of the house of commons, by d. jones, gent. correspondence. selections temple, william, sir, 1628-1699. jones, d. (david), fl. 1676-1720. [8], 216 p. printed and are to be sold by a. baldwin ..., london : 1699. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion letters written by sir william temple , during his being ambassador at the hague , to the earl of arlington and sir iohn trevor , secretaries of state to k. charles ii. vvherein are discovered many secrets hitherto concealed . publish'd from the originals , under sir william temple's own hand : and dedicated to the right honourable sir thomas littleton , speaker of the house of commons . by d. iones , gent london : printed and are to be sold by a. baldwin , near the oxford-arms , in warwick-lane . 1699. to the right honourable sir thomas littleton , speaker of the house of commons . sir , the following letters containing the particulars of some part of the foreign negotiations of one of the ablest and most accomplish'd ministers we had then in being ; i 'll presume upon your goodness to pardon me in adventuring to address them to your honour , since you move in so publick a sphear , and are so competent a judge both of their use and genuineness , whereof had i not been more particularly assured , i should not have been so unjust to the world , nor so wanting to my self , as thus to expose them to light ; much less would i have been so audacious as to prefix your name before them . to these two considerations your honour will allow me to beg the liberty to subjoin the irresistible weight your publick usefulness has added to my inclinations herein , whereby i cannot forbear to give my poor testimony ( this being the first opportunity ) of the veneration i have for those excellent vertues that have enabled you , to the no great credit of some of your predecessors , and emulation of such as shall come after , to carry it with so even an hand , between court and country ( which however they have been distinguished , are inseparable in their interests , and none but ill-minded men will go about to disunite ) and that to their equal benefit and mutual satisfaction , as well as suitable return of both's affection to you for it : insomuch that as the philosopher of old indefinitely called man fibula mundi , in regard to his two constitutional parts of soul and body , whereby as it were heaven and earth , the most distant and disagreeing parts of the universe were united into one individuum ; so by a peculiarity of management in your honour , you may as justly and truly this day in your station be termed fibula angliae ; and that you may always continue to be so , and a constant ornament to the chair you fill , is as little doubted of , as it shall ever be rejoyced in , by your honour 's most humble , and most obedient servant , d. jones . the preface . it is more out of a prevalent regard to custom in this kind , than any consciousness i am under , of the real necessity there is to premise any thing , concerning these letters , written by sir william temple , during some part of his publick ministry at the hague , in a reign which , in many parts of it , has been as obscure , as some have thought it contemptible and little . for as to what regards the genuineness of them ( against which , in things of this nature , the greatest objections are usually made ) i think no person that has any tollerable acquaintance with , or idea of the transactions of those times they refer to , but will acknowledge they are self-justifying and carry their own light in so clear a manner along with them , as to be beyond all contradiction or dispute : to say nothing of the whole contexture and evenness of the stile , so fully expressive of his mind that wrote them , ( which was so peculiar to himself , and wherein never any gentleman was more happy ) which of it self being as it were inimitable , is next to a demonstration of their truth : but for a further testimony hereof , and that as far as in me lies , i may leave no scruple unanswered , i have the originals by me under his own hand , which any gentleman may freely see for his further satisfaction . i shall not enter into a detail of the particular discoveries contained in them , but herein will wholly leave them to answer for themselves : only i cannot but observe , that the years to which they relate , being the obscurer part of king charles ii's reign , the publication of them , i can look upon no otherwise , than as a debt we owe to history in general , ( the most useful part of humane learning ) and to our own nation in particular , who is more immediately concerned ; and then seemed to be in a struggle , whether , as in ancient times , she should continue to hold the ballance of europe in her hands , though the defection afterwards both in her self and her other confederate crown , ( wherein each of them proved much less scrupulous in breaking the triple league ; than they seemed unresolved to enter into it ) are but too notorious , and cannot be thought on by a right english heart , without some sort of indignation but how unsteady soever at any time things went at home , our learned author will be found to be ever constant to himself , and to retain the same english spirit in this , as in all his other negotiations ; which is so much the more glorious to his memory , when he had so few cotemporary ministers either at home or abroad of his temper , of which yet the honourable person , to whom most of these letters were directed ; i mean , mr. secretary trevor ( for the other , i have nothing to say to ) was deservedly one , and who will be ever remembred by those that know his true character , with the greatest deference . it remains therefore for me to observe , that as it appears by sir w. temple's memoirs already published , he had also written others relating to the times of these his letters , whereof there is now but little appearance , and many iudicious persons have given over any expectations , of their ever coming to publick view : it is some sort of satisfaction to my self , as it is a benefit to mankind , to be in any measure able to supply that defect by the publication hereof ; concerning which , i have nothing more to say , but that the three last letters , written also upon publick occasions , though by other hands , and of a latter date , having something of curiosity in them , i thought it not unseasonable to annex them hereunto , as being all i am at present able to communicate for the publick good , which i would always in my station endeavour to promote with all application and sincerity . from my lodgings , over-against the paul's head , in paul's chain , may 11. 1699. letters of sir william temple , &c. letter i. hague , octob. 2. s. n. 1668. my lord , since my last i have received your lordship 's of the 14th ; and in one letter from mr. williamson , an account of what was resolv'd at the foreign committee , to whom your lordship only referr'd the determination of what manner the amendments of the marine treaty should be pursued . and accordingly i have since fallen into the debate of that affair , with monsieur de witt , in all its particulars ; and the differences between us are not great , and some of his exceptions seem so reasonable , that i must be furnisht with arguments to maintain the points against him , if they must be insisted on ; for , i confess , i can find none of my own . upon the first , he consents to the change of the form of certificates , and will accept of such as we shall draw up , so they mean equal on both sides , mutati● mutandi● : but to that which the east-india company say , of their desire that trade may rather be carried on without any certificate at all , he says , he does not see how that can be , or to what purpose in that case , all the articles are about contraband goods , since it is by the certificate whereby it is known what the ship is , and what the goods are she carries , and thereby all further trouble of search is avoided . he says , he should be content , and the advantage would be theirs to have all trade free , and none to ask at sea what another ship was ; whether it went , or what it carry'd : but since that cannot be , there is no way of avoiding disputes , besides that of certificates . and indeed , i doubt the merchants in that err , or rather , consider'd not the main end of the whole regulation , which was to avoid quarrels between the nations , but only their own private interest , in saving the trouble and charge of certificates ; which made them likewise desire it might be from the magistrates of the ports from whence the ships parted , not from the admiralty . upon the second , he consents to the proposal in the margin , with only the leaving out these two words , of india ; so as the rule may be generally to all places , and not confin'd to the indies ; which i had nothing to say against , believing those words fell in only by the matter 's coming from the east-india company , without notice of any other traders ▪ upon these two points i had given your lordship the account formerly of my having at several discourses gain'd his consent ; and i do not find that any thing he excepts , as in them , is different from what we mean our selves . for the other points which are wholly new , and additions to the treaty , they cost us a great deal more debate , which i shall not trouble your lordships with , but only the result at least of the opinion he gave me leave to write to your lordships , as his upon them ; tho' the first , second , and fourth were all of more difficult digestion , and such as , i doubt , would have given some work to the commissioners in pursuance of the breda treaty , so much as to have toucht ; for the truth is , our trade in the indies being so little , and theirs so much , all equalities of this kind are gains to us , and loss to them . for the first of the four particulars not provided for in the marine treaty ; he consents to one half of the period , ending with the word government . but for the other , allowing liberty to pass any river , or pass , leading to any place of trade , although the other company have a fort , or castle , upon the said river , or pass , he says , it cannot possibly be ; nor would it ever be executed , tho' the states should consent to it : for in those passes , the very end of either companies building a fort , or castle , was to secure the trade of such a country to themselves , so as they would by this article loose all the benefit of the expence they had been at ; that if to such nations there were any other way found , not under the reach of their cannon , that passage should be free ; but under a fort built to the aforesaid ends , he did not believe any orders would compel those in it , either of our nation , or theirs , to see the trade they had secured to themselves , drawn away to the other nation , by a free passage . the second particular i got wholly agreed to , tho' with much difficulty , as importing , i suppose , more advantage to us than any of the rest , considering how many more nations the dutch trade with than we , by virtue of such agreements . the third was without difficulty , importing , as we both conceived , no more than was before provided by the marine treaty , and more particularly . for the fourth , he could not consent it should extend further than to ships belonging to either company , or to any nations , or people , subject to either company , and consequently under protection of the said company ; for the making it now in the words of our article , [ to any nations with whom either company shall trade , and not in enmity with the other company ; ] would occasion only either companies selling their passports to all the nations that would buy them ; leaving it afterwards to dispute upon any accident that should arrive , whether such nation were in enmity with the other company , or no , the natives maintaining the negative , and perhaps the company the affirmative ; and it may be upon pretence of some new injury which had lately given the occasion of the enmity ; and where such disputes should be determin'd , was difficult to find . besides , he argued from common use of nations , that passports operated only towards those who were subject to such as granted the passport , or else by alliance and accord between nations , to such as were one anothers subjects , and under their protection ; but how it should extend to other nations , because they were not in enmity with our ally , he could not see any reason , nor had heard any example : but on the other side , it was ever to be supposed , that there would be no need at all of passports from the one , to such as were not in enmity with the other nations ; being to be esteemed as just in their actions , and not likely to disturb , or seize another , without , at least , pretence of enmity , which would be a sort of piracy at sea , or robbery at land ; but in case such a thing should happen , no other nation concern'd themselves in it , unless it was offer'd to their subjects , and consequently to persons under their protection . i thought his reasoning seem'd good ; and besides , i imagin'd the thing was not of weight ; for wherever one company found a nation not in actual enmity with the other , and had a mind to protect their navigation , they might do it by receiving that nation into their protection , and their giving them passports as subjects to them ; but where nations will not submit to such a subjection , they must protect themselves . and this was the result of our conference , which came to no sort of agreement on either side ; since i neither had power to do it from his majesty , nor he from the states ; so that we can only represent on each side what past ; and attend our orders upon them , and he in the mean time dispose the states to his opinion , when we meet to treat and conclude formally upon them . when i receive instructions , i suppose it will be necessary to know the manner as well as the matter we are to agree on ; that is , whether a new marine treaty to be made with these particulars to be digested into the body of it ; or else these to be perfected in an instrument by themselves as additions to the marine treaty . for the doing it with or without commissioners , i can say nothing , since so great authors are on both sides ; but if both seem necessary , one to the substance , and the other to the form , i was thinking whether two or more might not be joyn'd in commission with me to treat , and conclude it with commissioners of theirs , and those to be acquainted beforehand with what was to be expected upon this matter : but i know not how our expectation of having the commissioners meet at london , would be satisfied by their meeting at the hague , nor how forms go in joyning commissioners to an ambassador for a particular business , and so i leave it . the account your lordship expects from me of the new governour in flanders , will be very lame , men disagreeing much in his character . the common voice making it very low in those qualities themselves , which are most essential to his doing well ; but the baron d'isola , in his letters hither , running it very high as to his abilities ; the appearance of which must needs have great disadvantages from his arrival in a strange country , without one word of any language besides spanish , without cloaths , or retinue , or hitherto the show of a governour , the marquess having not yet ( at least till within this day or two ) given up the charge . he is a person of about forty years old , little and lean , with long black hair , and a face that the dutch call ill-favour'd ; of few words , prerending to come in blind obedience to the queens orders , which found him a hunting , and sent him away in the same cloaths , and with the same retinue , which are about eight or nine persons , among whom a natural son ( for he never was married ) and a secretary , said to be a very able man. how four women came to be a hunting with him , i know not ; but it seems so many came with him too , and went to zealand upon his first arrival . he intends , they say , to stay at mecklyn till the plague ceases , or at least abates at brussels , and perhaps don estevan intends to be minister of state ; for he tells me the constable has sent very earnestly for him , and away he is gone this day . the prince of orange is expected to day or to morrow in town . monsieur odijck ▪ tells me , his highness is much concerned in the attempts of removing the scotch staple from teweet to dort , that it will be twelve thousand guilders a year out of his way ; that those of tewe●t offer all that can be ask'd , and more than those of dort ; that his highness has written to his majesty about it , and hopes he will not allow it , being a thing , as he says , of sir william davison's only contrivance , and in the desire whereof the scotch merchants are no way agreed . i have sent this post , a bottle of juniper-water for his majesty , which he pleased to tell my wife he desired : it goes by mr. bucke , a gentleman belonging to the duke of ormond . if the king likes it , i shall endeavour to get more , and should have said this to my wife rather than your lordship , but that i hear his majesty will be out of town . i am ever , my lord , your lordships most faithful , and most humble servant , w. temple . letter ii. hague , octob. 5. s. n. 68. my lord , i have since my last received your lordships of the 18th past , and you will have already found , that the king's commands in it , concerning my procedure upon the east-india propositions , are obeyed . upon my next conference with monsieur de witt , i shall press the reference of the guinea business to commissioners , and let the other rest where it is , till i have an answer upon my last . i must likewise expect instructions how to proceed upon the concert desired between us , holland , and sweden , for the guaranty of the peace , both upon the present state of affairs between the two crowns , and in case of the king of spain's death ; for i hardly know how to begin , or what to propose , till i know how far spain will comply with the swedish payments , or how sweden will digest , or resent the delay or want of satisfaction ; besides neither french , nor spaniard , make any mention of the guaranty ; and these states have resolved not to give it spain , without the satisfaction of the swedish subsidies . i know not whether it will be seasonable to press it here , without further conjunctures , or at least , some occasions given me from hence : but of this my lord keeper in your lordships absence , promised i should receive further directions , and i may have some light given me from the marquess castel rodrigo , if he passes this way , as i hear he intends , having commanded a friend of mine at brussels , to tell me , ie l'embrasseray devray que partir on espagne . don est●van told me , that in his last letters from spain , they told him , they were dispos'd to pay the swedish subsidies as much as we could wish them , pero que stavan impossibili●ados . the prince of orange is not return'd as was expected from breda , but is gone into guelderlandt to hunt , as his friends say ; but the common talk will have it , that 't is upon some such other chase as his last in zealand ; the effects of which are now no more talk'd of , nor will be , unless renewed by some other such adventure , or by his coming back hither , which they now talk of on monday or tuesday . i need not write here what particulars , i know you hear by other papers , as of monsieur d'estrades ▪ leaving his embassage here , and monsieur pompone's coming in his room , and all such matters which come to your lordship from another hand , which i would be glad to know how you are satisfied with . when i hear the perfection of sir iohn trevor's good fortunes , i shall give him joy of them ; in the mean time i give it your lordship , upon your having brought about what i saw you had long desir'd , and upon your having a friend of so great merit , and so generally avowed both by the king , and i suppose , by the commissioners of the treasury ; for they will have it here , that the king lays down 8000l . to bring this about , which is a good bargain for both him that comes in , and him that goes of . god send they may think i deserve my bread while i am abroad , and that i may be able to eat it when i come home , which will very much depend upon them i am sure . pero lo mucho se guasta , y el poco basta ; at least it will to me whenever the king gives me no necessity of living , as i am sure , i do now to every body , rather than to my self . i am ever as becomes me , my lord , your lordships most faithful , and most humble servant , w. temple . i forgot to tell your lordship last time , and know not whether it be worth telling you now , that the resignation of the polish crown was made on the 16th of last month ; that the king retires to avignon , and that the regalities will continue in the primate , archbishop of gnesna , till the convention of the states , which is appointed in ianuary : but being to be made in the open field by the customs of that nation , it is not thought likely to be till march. the competition seems to lie between the duke of neuburgh , and duke charles of ●o●rain ; his majesty knows whether it will be fit to make any compliment to the duke of neuburgh , or to interpose his offices in this election , as well as other kings . letter iii. hague , octob. 12. s. n. 68. sir , having by this last post received the knowledge from my lord arlington , of his majesty's having called you into a share of his nearest trust ; and thereby done justice , both to his own affairs , and your merits : i could not omit rejoycing with you upon so happy an occasion , and telling you the part i take in all encreases of your good fortunes and honours , which i wish you may advance by the same ways you have begun them , which i reckon to have been your avowed usefulness to his majesties , and the kingdoms service . i hope you will esteem it a duty of your charge to receive poor ministers abroad into your protection , of which number , some of our friends will take care that i shall be one ; and in it there is nothing so troublesome , as that all should come from one hand , and not so much as allow some variety in a man's ill fortunes . however , mine shall never trouble me , so much as the good ones of my friends shall please me ; and yet i will not allow yours to add any thing to the professions i have already made of being , sir , your most faithful , and most humble servant , w. temple . letter iv : hague , octob. 22. s. n. 68. sir , when i have acknowledged the favour of yours of the 8th , i will make no other return to the great civilities of it , since there is no sort of equality in that commerce between us ; all i can say upon that subject being but what is due from me to your office as well as to your person ; whereas the least advances you please to make in that kind , are more than i can pretend to , and so carry the weight of obligations with them ; and therefore if you please , having acquitted my self of the ceremonies due to the change of your station in my last , i shall in this pay what i owe to that charge of affairs , which my lord arlington told me , was left upon your hands in his absence . i know not whether the business of the marine treaty be forgotten , or no ; but i never heard one word of it since i transmitted monsieur de witt 's reflections upon it to my lord arlington , who sent me word it was left to your care . i am of opinion that since it is stirr'd , and the dutch see we are unsatisfied with the first , the sooner this matter is agreed , the better , that they may not continue long in doubt how far our complaints are like to reach , nor fear our improving them upon the advances they make to our nearer confidence and friendship . for the business of the general guaranty , i am glad i consented not to have the proposition of it given to the swedish envoy here , since i hear my lord keeper and you are scrupulous in it . that which is proposed were certainly better , for each to pay a third , if we may do it in our manner , and afterwards to comprehend spain in our alliance upon such terms of advantage as we can gain from them . and this was given me in my instructions , and i often advanc'd it here at my first coming as an expedient , in case spain should refuse the satisfaction ; but the dutch would never hear of it , and especially monsieur de witt believing the sum accorded to sweden , to have been out of proportion : and tho' he would be content spain should pay whatever we can induce them to ; yet he will by no means consent to holland's satisfying any part ; so that i never yet thought sit to mention to monsieur appleboom , the way in which we pretended to pay our share , not foreseeing the affair at all likely to take that train . on the other side , since the queen of spain's refusal , the swedes seem not concerned in what spain does upon this matter , pretending we and holland are to take care of their satisfaction , and that they are to look no further , as you will see in this enclosed paper ; and monsieur appleboom upon all occasions presses us to advance the whole sum to sweden , and seek our satisfaction of spain afterterwards . in the mean time , our care was , that neither spain nor sweden should fall into any counsels disagreeing with the ends of our triple alliance , the one by disappointment of the subsidies promised , and the other upon being prest to payments upon treaties where they had no share , and by which they were to receive no benefit , since the guaranty of the peace of aix , was promised them , upon their giving orders to the baron bergeyck to sign it . upon these considerations monsieur de witt and i fell into those thoughts which you will find exprest in his paper sent by last post , and by which we hoped spain might be induced to make good the whole satisfaction since holland would take no share in it , unless for the future in case of action upon the guaranty . that which leads me to those conceptions ( besides the necessity , since no other occurred ) was that by the very articles of the peace of aix , ratifying that of the pireneaes , if we give guaranty for one , we do it actually for t'other too ; and besides , i could not think there were any hazard for the king in what posture of affairs soever to enter into action against france upon the pursuit of their greatness , when he did it jointly with spain , sweden , and holland ; for with that circumstance i imagin'd the occasion of doing it , was ever rather to be sought than avoided . however i shall go on to sound and press monsieur de witt yet farther , whether taking upon them a part of the swedish satisfaction ▪ will go down here , or no ; and if i find any hopes of it , i shall then likewise sound monsieur appleboom , whether our way of paying one share will be accepted in sweden , which perhaps may be as doubtful as t'other . in the mean time i should be very loath we should give the dutch any grounds to suspect , that having brought them to make bolder paces against france , then they were inclin'd to ( only upon confidence of our company ) we should begin to make our paces upon the same way with more reserve , and caution ; which to say truth , is a scruple has been in many of their heads , and very often consest to me by several here : and if it should encrease far upon this occasion , and at the same time a stop be given to some agreement upon the marine treaty , whereby we should own our satisfaction in that matter , i doubt it might be of ill consequence , since any change of dispositions would be , i think , for the worse ; their present ones running the high road to loose all sort of considence , or dependance upon france ; and consequently having it upon us , in which i presume , it is our interest not to fail them . however , i suppose , all are of opinion , that the gaining full powers this way , both from spain and sweden , towards a general concert in this affair , is to be desired , and that is my chief care to bring about ; and i hope it will be so too in england . my lord keeper's illness , and my lord arlington's absence , make me save their trouble this post ; and therefore i desire you will please to communicate to them what falls to your share , with the enclosed from sweden , tho' i cannot hear that negotiation is yet advanced any farther than letters . i am ever with very much reason , and very much truth , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter v. hague ; octob. 26. s. n. 68. sir , since a very long one to my lord arlington , with the account of my late conference with monsieur de witt ; i have the honour of yours of the 13th , with an instruction , tho' not in form , for my carriage in the present affair , concerning the swedish subsidies . i have neither time left , nor shall i have occasion to say much upon it , but hope the want of form in that instruction will be supplied ; and for the substance , i shall make it my utmost endeavour here to bring it about , tho' i can promise nothing as to the success of it yet , having ever found them resolved against it . i shall say no more , but that you put me here upon very hard parts ; my whole business having been hitherto , since the first step i made last year into this country , to engage holland into as bold and forward paces against france , and for the defence of spain , as we were content to make our selves ; and they remember very well the proposal i made them last winter , of an offensive and defensive league to that purpose . how far beyond hopes i have succeeded in this pursuit , i need not tell you after the paper monsieur de witt drew up as an expedient for the swedish satisfaction . the province you give me now , is to temper them in this warmth upon this occasion , and yet to satisfie them that his majesty's backwardness to accompany them in it , as far as they are willing to go , proceeds not from any change of measures , or temper in us ; tho' to avoid it , we are content to lay down a good sum of money for sweden , which they think is a commodity we cannot spare , but upon a very great occasion . i that know the king a little , and his ministers a great deal , believe this perfectly , but doubt it will not be without difficulty to make every body else believe it ; especially at a time when all mouths here are full of monsieur colbert , and his negotiations : however , i will go as far in it as i can , and doubt not to go as far as any man else shall do , by the credit of my plainness and truth among them here , and by their belief that when the king falls into other measures , he will use some other hand here , and not mine ; which , i hope , you will be of opinion to do as my lord arlington promis'd me he would . in the mean time to help me in this pass , i wish i might have something given me to say about the marine treaty , and that the imprisonment of this poor man at harwich , were out of the way , unless we are sure we have right of our side ; and such a right as we are resolv'd to make out , upon every occasion , for upon a less than this , i think we cannot do it . i will presume to say , that you have now sufficient testimonies of what i always perswaded my self concerning monsieur de witt 's being a perfect hollander , and no more a frenchman than any thing else : i will now tell you my further opinion of him ; which is , that if we think to make use of any advances he may have made against france , past retreat , towards the gaining any points , or advantages of the states , which he esteems not reasonable or fit , he is a man to venture all , rather then suffer , or consent to it , this maxime running through his whole frame ; that a state is at an end , when they are brought to grant the smallest matter out of fear , or to offer at purchasing any alliances , otherwise than by mutual interests , and reciprocal advantages . i say this , because actions spring much from men's dispositions , who are in the head of them ; and there is nothing so necessary towards treating , as knowing the persons with whom they are to treat . by the next i hope to give some account , what progress i am likely to make upon my last instruction . i beg your favour in excusing me this post to my lord keeper , from whom i received one at the same time with yours , and your justice in esteeming me what i am always , sir , your most humble , and most obedient servant , w. temple . letter vi. hague , octob. 30. s. n. 68. sir , since my last , i have made the best use i could of the very good arguments you were pleased to furnish me with in yours of the 13th , for disposing them here towards your expedient of sharing the swedish subsidies , and satisfying them of our fair intentions in waving that other of the general guaranty proposed here . i have in a long letter to my lord arlington , given an account of that conference , to which i must beg leave to refer you , as containing the answer both of what came to me from your hands in that of the 13th , and likewise in another of the 16th , which i receive just upon the close of this pacquet , containing the pursuit of the same counsels you were pleased to transmit to me in your last . though i have time left to do no more , yet i would not omit to acknowledge it by this post , and to continue the assurances of my being ever as becomes me , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter vii . hague , novemb. 4. s. n. 68. sir , i am to acknowledge one from you of the 1st past , with a command from his majesty to complain of an insolence committed by one brackel , a dutch captain in the mediterranean , and to demand reparation in his majesty's name , which i shall not fail to do by a memorial to the states at their next sitting , and send you an account of it by the next post. upon the last i gave them in major bannister's behalf , they immediately order'd letters to be written to the states of zealand for his liberty , which , i doubt not , he has by this tme ; having had assurances given me by some of the lords of zealand , that it should be done before any orders came from the states-general to that purpose : and i have taken this occasion to discourse with monsieur de witt concerning the liberty of all english transporting themselves and their estates from that colony , which at last he seem'd to think reasonable , notwithstanding any oaths they may have taken : the only difficulty which i foresee in it , will be about their lands and immoveable goods , for which , i see not how they will get satisfaction , in case the dutch that remain combine together , either not to buy at all , or to do it at the most inconsiderable prizes . i am very glad to know of any minister from his majesty , being ▪ on his way to brussels , for all our great business lies now at the spaniards door : and they have here a minister , i doubt , very unlikely to bring it to any conclusion , and yet jealous of seeing it pass through any other's hands , and so unsatisfied with the talk of the baron d'isola's going to hamburgh , or coming hither . god send us a good issue in this negotiation , which , i confess , i something apprehend , and that the spring should find our triple alliance as loose as the summer left it , which our neighbours , i doubt , will not fail to make the best advantage of . i must acknowledge your favour in the offers of taking care of me , upon the review of the establishments for ambassadors ; for if it were my talent either to ask or complain , i doubt i should have as much reason as another man , in a place where by all mens consent , the same train of living will cost a full third part more than either at paris , or london : and for the necessity of appearing , the late ambassadors of france , spain , sweden , and portugal , have brought it as high , as in any other court , by the number of liveries , and keeping publick tables ; whereas sir dudley carleton , the last english ambassador here , keept no page , and but two footmen , and one coach and four horses ; and had his house allow'd him by the states , which is to cost me 200 l. a year . and yet upon the establishment of those times , and the count d'estrades here , mine was fix'd ; whereas the count , tho ▪ he had but ten thousand crowns a year for his ambassage , yet had sixty five thousand francs a year of the king his master's money , for his governments and ambassage together : besides a regiment here in holland , which made him live at a rate that will cost his successors dear , unless by common consent we can all agree to reduce it ; which , i am sure i should be as glad of for the ease , as the parsimony of it . unless we can do this , i resolve to live on , as i thought it was necessary , for the king's honour i should begin , for the rest of one year , and lie at the king's mercy for it , as well as i do for having had my whole train of ambassador to aix upon my hands two months , by his majesty's commands , without one penny 's allowance for it . and therefore i shall not trouble you with any complaints concerning my establishment , having once said , that since the king thought such retrenchments necessary , i was content to give the example , and would go through with it , so long as my own fortune would bear me out without ruine : but in case the establishment be broken for other persons , i will not believe the king will break the absolute promise he made me ( as the commissioners likewise did ) that i should share with them to the full in the advantage of it , which is all the pretension i will recommend to my friends justice and favour . for in such a distinction , the dishonour of it will be yet more sensible , than the disadvantage . i know not how to excuse this trouble , but that the obliging advances you were pleased to make me upon this subject , were the occasions of drawing it all upon you from , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter viii . hague , novemb. 13. s. n. 68. sir , i have since my last , had the honour of two from you of the 23d and 26th past ; and must refer you for answer to all points in the first , to this nights dispatch to my lord arlington ; and likewise to the first part of your second , having valued that strain of his majesty's confidence with the states , as far as i could ; and i hope , upon the whole , to keep all in good temper here , whilst no change of temper happens among their neighbours . i sent immediately your letter to monsieur van benninghen , but doubt i shall not receive much assistance from him , in disposing the states to the sharing of the swedish subsidies ; against which , he seems as much bent as monsieur de witt ; and more upon promoting the other expedient of inviting spain to the whole payment , by a general guaranty . i expect your resolutions there upon the marine treaty ; for though i am not called upon for them here , yet they would be glad to see an end of all , upon which they foresee disputes may arise . for the second part of your last letter , i have particularly informed my self , and find , that the military and oeconomical parts , have ever been perfectly distinct in the administration of the admiralty of these countries ; and that no prince of orange ever had any thing to do in the disposition of the last , nor any of the lieutenant-admirals since ; as tromp , opdam , or ruyter ; the course of that administration being subordinately in the several admiralties , but supreamly in the states themselves , as the military part is now , since the death of the last prince of orange . there are five several admiralties under these states ; the first of rotterdam , the second of amsterdam , which bears a double share with the rest , the third of zealand , the fourth of north-holland , the fifth of friezland . in the time of peace , the ships maintained by the states , are only for convoys ; and towards their defraying , the customs upon all merchant ships , are payed in to the respective admiralties where they come in ; and all that revenue is , by these admiralties , imployed in the maintaining of convoys for their merchants . in time of war , the states resolve what number of ships they will set out , and send for commissioners from each admiralty , to consult with , concerning the sizes of them , to be furnished by the several admiralties : and likewise concerning the charge of equipping , victualling , and maintaining them . when this is agreed by the states , with the commissioners of the several admiralties , the moneys are assigned by them accordingly , to the admiralties , by whom the whole care is taken of applying it , according to the proportions agreed on . the benefit of the admiral , and lieutenant admirals , consists chiefly in the share they have of all prizes taken ; the prince of orange having had no particular pension as admiral , but one hundred and twenty thousand guilders a year , as captain general and admiral ; and de ruyter , at present , not having above five thousand guilders a year , as lieutenant admiral . upon setting out any ships , the several admiralties named two captains , of which , the admiral chose one , which the states do now , since the last prince's death ; and the lieutenant admiral has only power to supply provisionally any void place when he is at sea. if you desire to be satisfied in any particulars i have not touch'd , you need but repeat them in any new commands ; which shall be obeyed by , sir , your most faithful , humble servant , w. temple . letter ix . hague , novemb. 30. s. n. 68. sir , i have this day received the honour of one from you of the 13th current , and doubt not you will before this arrives , have received the account i gave in my last , of the great satisfaction monsieur de witt exprest upon the last paper transmitted me , in answer to his memorial , and upon the whole business now in agitation , which will now run on with joynt motions , as well as intentions ; and the issue of them must be expected from spain , which makes it very doubtful to me , considering the posture of their affairs , and course of their councils , and the great dissatisfaction they express with the delay of our guaranty , and the refusal of entring into a defensive alliance with them . our want of ministers in spain , and their want of such here , as are very proper ▪ for the present conjuncture , are very great maims in this business . my lord ▪ arlington has all i can yet say upon the marine treaty ; and i am very much of your opinion , that since this is begun , it will be better to end it , before we pursue that of guiny any further : tho ▪ i omitted not to pursue that as far as i could , with the informations and instructions i had upon it ; and signified to my lord arlington , in my last upon that subject , what further pieces would be necessary for any further prosecution of that matter . i shall put in a memorial to morrow for the liberty of major bannister ; which , i believe ▪ i had before obtain'd from the states of zealand , in particular , without troubling his majesty about it , had one of my friends been as diligent in that matter as he promised me . i send you enclosed , the charge upon which he was sent from surin●m ; and for as much as i can hear of the business , i am of opinion his case is hard , tho' monsieur meerman says , it is in dispute , whether the inhabitants there not going away , as was at first permitted , but staying and taking the oath of fidelity to the dutch , became not their subjects . i enclose a letter i lately received from major bannister , and doubt not of satisfaction to his majesty , in what concerns him . i am ever with very much passion and truth , tho' at this time , with very much haste , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter x. hague ; decemb. 11. s. n. 68. sir , i am to acknowledge one from you of the 24th past ; whereby i find that the agreement fallen into , concerning the guaranty , was as wellcome in england , as it was here ; and i doubt not but there will be the same concurrence on both sides , in the way of pursuing it , tho' i can yet give no further account of that matter , having been so indisposed , since my last , with an extream cold , that i have been forced to keep my chamber . i cannot tell whether monsieur beverning , or van ●enninghen , will be pitch'd upon to go to brussels , nor in what quality they will go : whether as deputed from the states , or without character , but it is certain what you observe , that if i go , it cannot be as an ambassador , but incognito ; and for my letters of credence , or powers , they must be according to what his majesty shall think of to be treated there : i suppose the point will be the accom●li●h●●●t of our guaranty , upon their satisfa●t 〈…〉 of the swedish subsidies , and for the offers which will be prest by the spaniards , of à defensive league . i suppose the intention is to let them draw no further than into such discourse as may sound the bottom of those advantages they may carry with them . but to the main end proposed , next to that of the subsidies , by these states in this negotiation , is to possess spain , all that can be , with the assurance of the same support to flanders , they will give to any of their own provinces : so to raise the confidence both of spain , and the government in flanders , and keep them from any thoughts of treating with france ; or abandoning the utmost defence of those provinces . i doubt there is another , point where●n the states will prove something forwarde● than his majesty , as well as they seemed so in the guaranty of the pyrenoean treaty , which is in a concert of doing our jo●●t offices to dispose france to some assurance of not breaking this peace , as far as it touches flanders , even upon the king of spain's death ; which is a point , that tho' i had the first orders to sound them in , yet i know not whether we are disposed to keep pace with them now in it , but should be glad to know his majesty's thoughts , for my own government upon ●cca●●on . there is another point likewise , wherein i should be glad to be instructed ; which is in case we succeed in inducing the spaniards to reason upon our guaranty ; yet i am confident they will ●●●●st ▪ as the marquess ever did , u●●● ou● entring into a particular concert with them , upon the specification of means and forces ▪ by which every one should ●●●●●iged to maintain the peace , in case of a rupt●●e from france ; in which concert , 〈…〉 should be likewise comprehended ●s well a● we . for the second particular of your letter , which concerns major bannister , there need nothing more be said to prove the reason his majesty had to demand his liberty , which , i will hope , he has already , having never heard from him since the last assurance i had from the lords of zealand , there should be no difficulty in it . i cannot yet give any further account concerning the marine treaty , but shall press it on upon my very first stirring out of my chamber . this i cannot but remark upon it ; that notwithstanding those high and violent exclamations that were made by some , ( and as they said , the city ) against the marine treaty , as it was ● ▪ greed to by his majesty last winter upon so great motives from the conjuncture of other more publick interests at that 〈…〉 ; yet all that noise produced only two exceptions against any thing contained in that treaty , and already agreed by the treaty of breda , with the term of a provisional , that differ'd little or nothing from a perpetual . that having induced the dutch to give his majesty intire satisfaction upon those two exceptions . i do not find we think any thing considerable gained by it , unless we gain likewise every one of five or six new propositions made by the east-india company upon that subject ; and such , as i doubt , whether sir george downing would have given any hopes of before the war , tho' the end of that cannot be supposed to have given us any great advantage in our negotiations here . i said every one of our propositions , because i find by your last letter , nothing will be thought done without that point of passing by their forts , which ▪ i know , will be of more difficulty than all the rest ; and upon which , i desired to be furnisht with arguments from president and practise in the indies , as well as from reason grounded upon the ius gentium here in europe ; the whole course of things being , as monsieur de witt says , quite different in the indies , from what it is any where else ; and disagreeing with all common rules of justice and right observed in other places , as he was , i remember , very large in instancing upon our forbidding all to traffick in our colonies . i observe , you say this of passing by forts , was never denied before the dutch began it ; whereas i remember one of monsieur van benninghen's arguments upon it was , that it would be d'introduire une noveaute ; for all nations had done it , from the very first of the spaniands discoveries in the indies ; that the first footing used to be made by any european nation in those parts , was only upon coasts and rivers ; where being fixed , they propagated their commerce and plantations by degrees into the country ; and did it chiefly by forbidding all other nations to come , or trade into those parts , whose passes were first seated by their forts . besides , he said it was observ'd indistinctly to all , as well as by all , that if they gave this liberty to us , it would be immediately demanded likewise by the french , and other nations their allies , to whom it was equally now denied as well as to us . i remember monsieur de wit went further into the history of those parts , and the transactions there , and told me , that our interest in the indies , lay chiefly in colonies , and theirs chiefly in forts upon large coasts , and agreements with the natives for sole commerce ; that in the first , our interest was much greater than theirs , but in the last , theirs very much greater than ours ; so that tho' those points carried the face of being reciprocal , yet the disadvantage and loss was single to them , whilst we forbid their traffick to our colonies , which was the main of our interest , and they suffered ours under their forts , and to the nations in contract with them , which was the main of theirs . i repeat these discourses to the ends i may be furnish'd with reasons upon them at our further conferences , in case they continue to insist upon theirs . it seems further , by your constant m●ntion of the east-indies alone upon this subject , you intend not the rules agreed upon , should reach only to them ; whereas if they grant any thing hard to ●●em there , i suppose they will insist upon its being general to west , as well as east . i beg my excuses may go here to my lord arlington , having nothing to communicate this post , but what was due in answer to the particulars of yours , nor received any from his lordship these four last posts . having nothing more to add to this trouble , i kiss your hands and remain , sir , your most humble , and most obedient servant , w. temple . letter xi ▪ hague , decemb. 14. s. n. 68. sir , though i have so ill a head still with my cold , that i could hardly hold 〈◊〉 in my letter to my lord arlington ; 〈◊〉 i cannot omit the acknowledgment of 〈…〉 rs of the 27th past , with the enclosed 〈…〉 ter of credence to the constable , and 〈…〉 py of it . 〈…〉 cannot yet tell how soon i shall make 〈…〉 of it , since it must be in concert with 〈…〉 states : nor do i know whether it will 〈…〉 first be necessary for me to have pow 〈…〉 as well as credence . 〈…〉 forgot to tell my lord , that the prince orange came to me last night to let me 〈…〉 w , that hearing the ●●●●●● were en 〈…〉 g into s●me neg●●iati●●● with spain , 〈…〉 ad put up a memorial to desi●● the sa 〈…〉 ction due to h●s 〈…〉 〈…〉 ●he p●●ce munster , might be 〈◊〉 it ●nd ●esired me i would 〈…〉 〈…〉 m●je●●y wise to instruct any minister ●●●●● to 〈…〉 purpose . i will believe major banister is by this time with you , and has waked people at the exchange , out of their dreams upon that occasion : for i have assurance from the states of his liberty , and hear not one word from him . i am with that duty as becomes me , sir , your most obedient humble servant , w. temple . letter xii . hague , decemb. 18. s. n. 68. sir , i am to acknowledge the honour of one from you newly arriv'd , of the 4th current , with enclosed copies of monsieur boreel's memorial , and his majesty's intended answer upon the detention of the dutch captain , and shall not fail to make the explication as fair as i can , when occasion is given me : but i am yet in doubt , whether we having done our selves right so fully in this matter , it will be my part to make the first complaints , or expect theirs , and return mine in satisfaction of them ; which doubt i was more confirmed in , by a clause of my lord arlington's letter , that bids me , in case it falls out so , that i hear of the captains being gone away , then i should make few words of this matter , contenting my self with a positive demand of the prisoner iones ; so that i shall let two or three days pass in expectation of hearing what becomes of the captain , or how the states resent it . i hope major bannister will get away with this pacquet , who doubts of iones his coming to surinam about any fair errand ▪ he will be the best able of any man , to give his majesty an account of those plantations ; and you will find by them , our countrymen there are not in chains , as they would have it upon the exchange all the end of either good or bad usage towards them from the dutch , proceeding , as i suppose , only from their desire● to induce them to an willingness of continuing there ; to which , i do not conceive bad usage a common motive . on the other side major bannister has had from them all the offers he could wish o● advantage ; and twice among others , that of being governour there . i think the man may be of much use to the king in those parts where he has spent , in a manner , his whole life , and is ( as he says of himself ) a meer indian : and i judge it so far , as to believe him without the artificial vices of europe , as well as without their fashions and manners ; and therefore it will be necessary , if you intend to make use of him , to give him a little countenance , till he gets into some acquaintance , having none at all in england . i will save you the trouble of repeating what i have written to my lord arlington , concerning the marine treaty , and can yet say nothing of my journey to brussels ▪ neither monsieur van benninghen , nor beverning , having accepted of the commission ; though monsieur de witt tells me , the states will lose no time in it , but he judges it necessary for us , both to have powers , as well as credentials to produce , since the constable has so . i kiss your hands , and am always , sir , your most obedient , humble servant , w. temple . letter xiii . hague , decemb. 28. s. n. 68. sir , i have this day received the honour of two from you of the 8th and 11th current ; whereby i understand the release of the captain of the dutch vessel , at the isle of wight , so as there is nothing left for me to endeavour in that matter , but mr. iones his liberty , which i have no reason to doubt of ; having gain'd assurances last saturday from the several deputies of zealand here , as well as from monsieur de witt , the day before ; that they would upon my memorial to the states , use their interest pour adoucir ● ▪ affaire , in the terms it was then understood , and dispose the states to write away to the states of zealand , to give orders to their captain , for the speedy release of his prisoner ; of which , i doubt not , you will suddenly receive a good account . i shall be glad to be furnish'd by the next with the replies you are pleased to promise me to the several arguments used here against that single proposition of the east-india company , upon which i see the whole strength is put to gain there , and to defend here , which is sufficient demonstration of the importance of it , and that , and the king's pleasure , sure argument's enough to me , for the inciting all my diligence and zeal towards the effecting your desires upon them . but i cannot yet say any thing of the success , though i shall think you make a very great step towards it , if you send me very sound and fair answers to those several and particular arguments used here against it , which i sent you in two of mine , ●oing , i think , all i had met with ; but ●ome of them of such seeming force against a man unarm'd in the point , and un●erst in the field , that , i confess , all my retreat was to the interest the dutch had to satisfie us , ( transcendent to the considerations of traffick ) and to the unlike●●hood i saw of their doing it without ●ompliance to us in this point , though it ●●ould be , as they say , new in practice of ●he world , and draw on the consequence ●f the same indulgences to all their other ●llies , or of disputes amongst the offi●ers and traders in those parts . i can add nothing to what i have for●erly said of my brussels journey , the thoughts of that , or any thing else , being not like to be resumed till after the holydays of this week , which monsieur de witt is gone to pass at amsterdam , and all the deputies of the states , into their several towns , and intend not to be back till the end of the week . i believe before they resolve to send to brussels , they are willing to see what may be the end of the baron d'isola's journey hither ; who has been now several days expected : but upon what errand , or whether with or without particular character , or commission , is not known . i have nothing to add to this , but to wish you a merry christmas , and to assure you of my being always , sir , your most obedient , and most humble servant , w. temple ▪ letter xiv . hague , ianuary 1. s. n. 68. sir , i have this day the honour of two from you of the 5th and 18th , with two papers enclosed in the first concerning the east-india propositions , and one in the last about the english company at dort. i am very glad to be possest of the several arguments given me both in the first papers , and yours of the 18th , to support the reason of your demands , and instances upon the point of passing their forts ; and , i suppose , the issue of it will lie chiefly upon that particular , wherein i am glad to find all your assertions so positive , that is ▪ the newness of their practice to the contrary , limited to the seven years last past , which , if well grounded , make the thing clear on our side , in my opinion , and i shall endeavour to make it clear to them ; that as their hardships to us , in this indian commerce , have already given the occasion to one war , so the continuance of them , must of necessity do it in time to another , which must make the force of all our arguments , though something weaker , for the ill success of the last : but considering their constitution , and that of their east-india company , whose strength is grown to be , in a great degree , that of the state , and whose interests are infused through all the parts and members of it , it must be great respects here that draw them to any in those parts , where , i doubt , they are too strong to be argued with , but with reasons from hence . i resolve against our next conference , to digest the force of all your reasons and answers to theirs , into a paper in french , and leave it with the commissioners to reflect upon , after i have discours'd the matter to them : for i cannot expect their resolution , as you seem to hope , at their next sitting , and without report to their principals . in this pursuit i shall loose no time , monsieur de witt being expected back from amsterdam this night : monsieur van benninghen returned yesterday , as most others will do suddenly after , having past the holydays in their respective towns. i shall likewise , upon occasion , assist those of the english company of dort , in pursuance of his majesty's commands , which i did as well as i could before , only upon the name of a national thing : and indeed , without my appearing in it , the thing had been resolved by the states , to the companies prejudice , some weeks since ; for it is a matter all the towns in holland , except dort , are bent upon . i send you enclosed , the resolution of the states , upon my memorial in behalf of mr. iones his liberty , which i doubt not of , but wonder very much to hear nothing yet of major bannister's arrival in england . i have nothing left but to wish you a merry christmas , and continue the assured professions of my being , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter xv. hague , ianuary 8. s. n. 68. my lord , the last post brought me your lordships of the 22d past , with the enclosed copies of the instruments given to the count de dona , concerning the swedish subsidies , and the method of obtaining them ; which pieces had not been before communicated to me from your lordship , or any of your officers : but i thought it necess●ry at my coming hither , to see them , and so procured a copy from monsieur ●e witt , by which i learn'd what he maintain'd ; that we had no obligation to sweden , besides that of our offices to spain ; and at the same time , i confess , wonder'd to see the guaranty promis'd to spain , upon their signing the peace , and an engagement made to sweden , not to perform the effect of it without the payment of their subsidies , which was no condition in our promise to spain . all that i can think of to reconcile this contradiction , is the necessity we found of engaging sweden , and the uncertainty we were in of the peace being effected after our promise of the guaranty was given , which was some few days before my going to aix . if we had any other reflections in this negotiation , i should be glad to know them , being like to have use of them in treating with the spaniards , at least if their ambassador here be instructed in their intentions . for two days since , he was upon these discourses , declaiming hard against the dutch , for imposing first an unjust peace upon them , and afterwards such a sum granted to the swedes for their good pleasure ; since if the swedish troops had been kept up , it was at the desire of the dutch , not of the spaniards , who made the peace upon assurance in ours and holland's guaranty : and whatsoever sums were promised sweden by the triple alliance , were , as he alledged , after the peace concluded . though he mention'd the dutch only in his complaints , yet i knew he forgot not their partners in the course of that action : but i thought it not necessary to enter into the defence of it , by the exact computation o● the dates of the instruments , or any thing besides the necessity of keeping sweden from engaging with france , and asked him , whether i● they could have a general guaranty of their dominions from the triple-alliance , he thought it not cheap bought at five hundred thousand crowns . he said , that was promised by us at the signing of the peace , that if they had it from sweden it was enough to pay what they expected upon the execution of it for the time to come ; that if it were necessary to do it for the time past , they would come in for their share , and with that fell into passion against monsieur de witt ; who , h● said , hindred them from being received into the triple-alliance , par un , politique qui le tromperoit à la ●in ; that for fear of offending france , which they could not do more than they had done already , they would force spain to counsels they had no mind to , and much more to this purpose . in the mean time the swedish ministers here , are not impower'd to joyn with us in a general guaranty , and make many difficulties in their discourses upon it , as to the extent of it beyond the defence of flanders , and to the more open and direct shocking of france ; but all this from them seems to tend towards the obtaining further annual subsidies from spain , secured to them by us and holland , as well as ascertaining the sudden satisfaction of what is already promised ; so that between the weakness of the spanish treasures and councils , and the swedes hardness in bargaining , and selling the very found of his name at so dear a rate , i doubt much , as i have done long , to find this matter of a difficult issue , but the first pace that i see is to be made in it is , since the powers are in the constables hands , to make a short tryal of the utmost spain will do ; and procure if we can at least the promises of satisfaction to sweden , and value them to sweden , as far as we can towards continuing them in the alliance , upon hopes , if not present performances from spain : and this , i shall endeavour , if either the baron d'isola comes hither , which , they say , has been delayed by his illness ; or if upon the arrival of his majesties powers and instructions , a person from hence be ready to accompany me in a journey to brussels . for the states have not yet engaged any person towards it , and have this quality of all other states , to be very slow in their resolutions , unless when they are prest by some instant necessity . i cannot yet meet with my commissioners upon the marine treaty ; the first of them ▪ monsieur huygens , being but come yesterday to town since the holydays ; and monsieur meerman , who is the second , being but this day expected . in the mean while i loose no time in advancing it by conferences with the particular persons among them ; who assure me , and monsieur van benninghen expresly for his town of amsterdam , that if it be , as we represent it , either the redress of a late innovation , or the prevention of one we fear , that those we have hitherto called their forts , prove but their ware-houses built in other princes territories ; we shall have all the satisfaction we can wish in it , and may assure our selves they intend not any juggling with us , or disputing upon any thing that is fair and reasonable ; but declare , it for his opinion , that in all these matters of commerce between us , they should not only give us what is reasonable , but something more , if it be necessary to the fortifying of our alliance : he assures me , that since my last conference with monsieur de witt , he has sent to amsterdam for a more particular state of this matter , in order to our satisfaction : but they both desire we would be likewise more particular in naming the places we are most concern'd in , that thereby they may come to know exactly the nature of our demand . i know not any thing i can add to what i have said already concerning instructions and powers to be sent me for brussels , tho' your lordship is pleased to desire it from me . his majesty knows how far he would have me go , and by what steps , and accordingly my instructions must be drawn , and the powers upon them either general , or referring particularly to the guaranty intended . but , i suppose , in both instructions and powers , there will be a clause obliging me to do all in conjunction with the holland minister . and i should be glad to know likewise whether in case upon the arrival of my instructions , i am prest both by the dutch , and the season , to make this journey before i shall have ended the main negotiation ; i am to leave this last imperfect , till my return : for as this seems to be laid to heart in england , i should be loath , without express orders , to leave it for any other occasion . the portugal ambassadour is every day expected , upon whose arrival , i shall not fail to pursue your lordships commands , in valuing his majesties offices as far as i can , towards that conclusion , as well as endeavour to continue the baron de bowstetten's good offices in switzerland . i am ever as becomes me , my lord , your lordships most faithful , and most humble servant , w. temple . letter xvi . hague , ianuary 15. s. n. 69. sir , my last dispatches to my lord arlington , will , i hope , excuse my not having then ( as i ought ) acknowledged yours of the 22th past , and given you the best account i could of what it chiefly concern'd , which was the progress upon the remaining point of the ma●ine treaty ; wherein i have confidence of succeeding , if upon your specification of particular places , they are found to be of the same nature you have defined them in general ▪ that is , magazines fortified , or small forts built for security of their merchandizes , in the territories of other princes ; or else such forts by which we have usually passed without interruption , till of late years . my lord arlington was pleased in his last , to promise me this specification , which is all that remains towards bringing the whole matter to an issue : and till that arrives , i think there is not much lost by the delay of our conference , though i have sent every day to the first commissioner according to the form , to know whether they are ready , that i might appoint an hour for it : but he has been so regular a man the remainder of these holy-days , that what with his being at dinner sometimes at eight at night , and in bed other times at eleven in the morning , he has not yet brought it to pass , tho' made me now expect he will to morrow : concerning the business of the merchants company at dort , i have not received any new complaints from them , or fears , since his ▪ majesty's order to interpose in that business ; which , to say truth , i had stopt the last assembly of the states of holland , wholly by monsieur de witt 's address ; who being of the town of d●rt , i ●ind is no enemy to the company , but for that very reason is tender of appearing in a thing upon which all the other towns of holland are bent . i have endeavour'd against this next session of the states of holland , to engage monsieur van benninghen , to temper his town of amsterdam in that matter , but find him difficult in it : his chief reasons are , first , it was a voluntary thing of the states , at the time of their greatest dependance upon england , while they had our money and men , and we their towns. secondly , that they had then the same priviledge granted to their merchants at london . thirdly , that it was granted with a clause of the states revoking i● at any time at three months warning given the merchants . and lastly , that the raising our customs upon their commodities , since those times , has been so exorhitant , that if the king expects the continuance of this company here , the states have reason to hope he will come to some moderation towards their trassick there ; since if the priviledges of this company should be taken away , our merchants would be only brought to the same payments that theirs are , upon the importation of our cloaths , and consequently would not ●ay a fourth part so much custom for a whole piece of our cloath , as we have laid upon every yard of theirs . after all these reasons , i believe the whole matter was both rais'd and revived by the town of rotterdam , upon the removal of the company some years since , from thence to dort ; and now upon the removal of the scotch staple to the sam● place , from terveur , and sir william davison's having sent orders to all the scotch traders at rotterdam , to remove from thence to dort. so that there seems to be more of envy in it from the other towns of holland and zealand against dort , for having engrost the two staples , then of peek , against the english company . but since his majesty has commanded me , i shall watch the motions of this matter the best i can , and thought it necessary for once , to give you this general account of the state of it . you will have found , that the alarm you mention in your letter given by the report of the commissioners at lis●e being parted without any agreement , was rather a presage than a truth : for i have not met any person here , that has had from the beginning , any hopes of a conclusion there . the french are certainly resolved to keep that door open , and so have the time when to fall in , left at their own choice . it will be our parts , i suppose , to delay it all we can , as well as to hind●r it at last , as far as we are able , and if the returns of their complements to us of late , will do any thing towards it , i wish we had an ambassadour already in france , though i am apt to think it must be by bold and firm , rather than civil paces , that they must be induced to give over this design , which we might make perhaps safely and quietly enough , if we were fallen into a right concert upon our triple-alliance ; i mean such , wherein both spain and sweden would find their satisfaction : and if we had once diverted france from the suddain violence of their proceedings , we might imploy our offices towards a treaty of convenience by some exchanges between the two crowns ; for in the posture those countries now lie , i do not think it possible they can be long preserved , but that either the nobility , or the cities would throw them into the french hands , or the difficulty of guarding them invite the spaniards to do it themselves . i hear nothing yet of the baron d'isola's arrival , and doubt whether it may not be delayed by these frosts , which till they are old enough to bear , make all impassable between this and antwerp . monsieur silvercrown , the new swedish commissioner , was with me lately , and seems a more understanding man , and of more credit with the chief ministers at his court , than monsieur appleboom . he gives me assurance of the swedish intentions to observe the triple-alliance , and hopes that if spain can be perswaded to pay their subsidies , though at some reasonable terms , sweden will be contented . he makes difficulties upon the general guaranty , or at least , makes it fit to be given with a temper of all the civility that can be to france , and precedent endeavours of making them satisfied with it : i told him , the last would certainly be a vain endeavour , but the first , i thought the king and states both well enough inclined to , and resolved to make the offer equally to both crowns . he advises us first to bring spain to what issue we can upon the point of the subsidies , and afterwards to negotiate what we desire in sweden by the dutch ambassador in that court , ( who , he says , is very grateful there ) and joyntly by ours , if he arrive in time , which , i suppose , is to tell us that we are not to expect powers to be sent from sweden hither . i know nothing more worth your trouble at present , and therefore shall end this with the profession of my being always , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter xvii . hague , ianuary 25. s. n. 6● ▪ sir , i hope my letter last post to my lord arlington , will excuse my not having that busie day acknowledged the honour of two i received from you since my last , of the 1st and 5th ; the first of them will have received its answer by my last dispatch upon the marine affair , with the article as i have hopes to pass it here , in case it be approved in england ; the last containing only the promise of my instructions , and your complements to monsieur van benninghen , will need no return : for i shall acquit my self of them at his return from amsterdam , where , i hope , he will do us service in our marine business : but i can assure by advance , that he is much your servant , and upon all occasions does you justice , which is as much as you need desire , and more then falls to every man's share from his friends . i mention'd in my last , to my lord arlington , a writing sent hither from sweden , to prove us and the dutch obliged to pay their subsidies , which is long , and digested by civil lawyers rather than statesmen , or merchants ; and therefore i trouble you not with sending a transcript of it , but have copied out in the enclosed paper , the parts that i most reflected upon , not so much for their strength of argument , but for an indication of the temper with which it was written . for as to the first , i think all may be answer'd in two words ; first , that we never promised it , and then , that we never intended it . nor is it very fair to say , the king has so interpreted it , because he was once content to pay his share in case of dividing the sum , nor in the course of the writing to make themselves pass for the only principal that was of weight to make the peace , for which they draw into argument , expressions we have used to that purpose , with intention only to oblige spain to do them the reason we desire . i have since discoursed this to monsieur silvercrown , and told him , i thought it better this paper might not be avowed by any authority in sweden , while we were in hopes of obtaining their satisfaction from spain , and upon the pursuit of it , as we are at present ; and upon his pressing the necessity of finding some speedy way to satisfie them , for fear they should be induced to take their measures with france : i told him i would not suspect that , knowing they were engaged in this alliance by other considerations than that of such sums of money ; that however , such arguments might be used to holland , but not to us ; for if by sweden's , or holland's fault the business of our triple-alliance should break , and each party be left to take their own measures with france , we could very well give both of them the start of us in that pursuit , and yet come sooner and best to the end : for we understood our selves so well as to know we were more considerable to france , either for or against them , then not only they , or holland ▪ but then all the nations of christendom besides ; and if we were at any time to be bought , there would be more given for us , than for them all . he confest it , and assur'd me of all his endeavours to temper and represent matters so in sweden , as to bring all to a good issue , if spain proves any thing reasonable : and , in pursuit of that , i assur'd him of his majesty's utmost endeavours , and of my having received the most pressing commands . well , i hope our turn will yet one day come , of speaking as boldly in our negotiations , as any of our neighbour kings ; for what has been may be again . the french give us a good example , and will in time , i suppose , come with the roman ambassador to draw a circle about the prince they treat with , and command an ay , or no , before they stir out . they are great designs to be driven on all at a time , to have a fleet of a hundred men of war , with all brass guns , to establish a trade in the indies , to value their own manufactures by exclusion of all others , to resume all the domain of the crown , to suppress utterly all those of the religion in france , to conquer flanders , and to be the sole and positive arbiter of all differences among his neighbours . unto the issue of all these , must go a great deal of time and good fortune , and negligence or ill counsels of other princes and states . in spain , i doubt not , they will find enough of both , but if what the baron d'isola promises be true , i hope not enough to hinder the effect of our triple-alliance ; though i am , i confess , better satisfied of the parts , than the plainness , and sincerity of that minister : otherwise he makes us believe there will be two hundred thousand dollars ready to advance upon the swedish subsidies , and gives hope of the rest at easie terms , in case they like the project of our guaranty . i have nothing to encrease this trouble , beyond the assurances of my being always , sir , your most obedient , and most humble servant , w. temple . letter xviii . hague , ianuary 29. s. n. 69. sir , i have since my last received both yours of the 8th and 12th ; the first accompanied by my powers and instructions , which are full , and clear to those ends we have lately had in our eye . i shall use them to my best endeavours , according to his majesty's intentions , particularly the last article , and see not any thing at present to make me despair of success , in case the natural quickness of counsels in france , and slowness in holland , suffer what we are about , to be effected in time . the state of this matter , according to the present dispositions i meet with here , i have entertain'd my lord arlington with , more at large this post , and so shall forbear your trouble in the repetition . i am glad , in the mean time , to find you so positive ; that if spain perform on their part , you shall prevail with sweden to go as far with us as the guaranty of the peace at aix , in its extent ; for of that i can yet draw no confident hopes from the swedish ministers here , though they are both inclin'd to it . i was very sorry to give my lord arlington an account in my last , of a new unlook'd for stop given my former hopes of concluding suddenly the only article which remains disputed in our marine propositions : monsieur de witt has since entertain'd me with a larger account of the jealousies raised upon that matter among the indian directors at amsterdam , coming likewise from monsieur van benningher ; but i find nothing new in it , beyond the suspicions they have conceived of our intending something they think not of , by desiring a general article for prevention only of an inconvenience , which we have not yet suffer'd , or at least before we think fit to give any one instance of it , to instruct them only in the nature of the grievance we apprehend : but i shall enlarge no further upon it , since monsieur de witt tells me , that monsieur van benninghen resolves to give you a large account from amsterdam of all that is suggested there upon this subject . for the pensioner , he seems to have no other reflections yet upon it , then that such a clause , if we , that is , our merchants , have any reserved meaning in it , should upon change of ministers , or conjunctures , be made the occasion of new disputes between us , as he says sir george downing's interpretation of those words in the treaty of 62 , litem inceptam prosequi , or de poursuivre leur procez entamè ; drawing that which was intended for a legal decision before the judges where it was begun , to a political decision between the king's ministers and the states , was , in short , the ground of the last war : how truly he says this , i know not , but , i believe , he truly means to prevent all occasions of future quarrels between us , while we are of that mind : and therefore i am still in hopes of his endeavours to pass this article , if that suspition may be taken away ▪ which , perhaps , one or two instances either of what we have suffer'd , or what we apprehend , would do . in the mean time i cannot perswade him to what you seem to agree in declaring , that without this point they yield us nothing in all the rest : for they think it is a very great matter they yield in the description of une ville bloquèe ou assiegè● , to be both by land , as well as sea , which cannot be done there : so that he says , we gain the liberty of trading with all nations , with whom they may be at war , and lie before their havens with their fleets , which was a point could never be gain'd of them in cromwell's time. they think likewise they yield a great deal in that of the case where one company has contracted for the sole buying up any commodity of any nation : but i have no reason to think you are very well pleased with my representing their arguments or discourses upon this subject , no more than they are with yours , tho' both , perhaps , be necessary ; and therefore i shall not enlarge this trouble beyond the assurances of my being always , sir , your most obedient , and most humble servant , w. temple . letter xix . hague , february 5. s. n. 69. sir , ● have since my last , the honour of yours of the 15th past ; whereby i find ●ou expected my next would be from brus 〈…〉 ls , after the receipt of my powers and 〈…〉 structions some days before arrived ; but 〈…〉 e great business of our adjustment with 〈…〉 pain , upon the swedish subsidies , being , as 〈…〉 e hope , come to an issue here by full 〈…〉 owers to the spanish ambassador , i know 〈…〉 ot whether that journey will hold , or 〈…〉 . monsieur de witt thinks it may still be 〈…〉 cessary , if it be but to give heart to the 〈…〉 eople there who need it much , and to 〈…〉 ake some entrances with the constable , 〈…〉 on the best ways and methods of setling 〈…〉 at countrey in a posture of not falling 〈…〉 der another surprize from france : but i 〈…〉 all have time to consider whether that be 〈…〉 rand enough for such a journey , when i 〈…〉 ar the states resolutions about it ; for 〈…〉 therto it is only monsieur de witt 's pri 〈…〉 ate opinion . and they not having proceeded so far as to engage any person in it , when there was more occasion , 't is possible they may now desist from the present thoughts of it . i can give no further account of our marine treaty , expecting your answers to their desires of some instances , when we either had felt , or apprehended the grievance in that only article which remains . i find monsieur van benninghen has been very large upon that subject in a letter to you from amsterdam , which monsieur d● witt shew'd me a copy of , and would have had me transmitted , for fear of the originals miscarrying : but i thought it not necessary , both in regard of the safety of all letters in their usual course ; and to say truth , because i found not the arguments very weighty , and a byass in the● towards the leaving out that whole article , or at least confining it to particular places , of which instance should be made . whereas monsieur de witt had always declar'd , that the instances were desir'd only for information in the nature of our demand , and not to insert in the article . i am apt to believe , that 't is only jealousie on both sides , which makes this point so much insisted on by us , and so much apprehended by them , at least if we can give no particular instances of the grievance : for they are positive , that with the knowledge of the directors , no such thing is practised . however some expedient must be found out to agree it : if you ●urnish me with instances , that will be some assistance to me ; if you cannot do that , i was thinking whether it might not be an expedient to add to the article , as i transmitted it , some such words , that this should be done in the same manner as was ●sually practised between the two companies , before such a year , naming two or three years before the war , since you af 〈…〉 rm before that time no such thing was ●retended or exercised by them : but i have mentioned nothing of any such ex●edient here ; nor shall till i have answer ●f my last , and your result upon it , after having communicated it to those who are ●ost concerned to understand it . i know not whether i thought it worth ●aking notice of , that the admiral of den●ark came hither some days since , about ●●e long debated difference between that king and these states , upon certain sums ●f money , and likewise about agreeing ●pon the measures of ships that pass the ●ound . i am always , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter xx. hague , february 12. s. n. 69. sir , i am to acknowledge the honour of o 〈…〉 from you of the 26th past , approvin● the state of our affair with spain , whi●● you will since find is drawn to a head ▪ and in case his majesty approves of t 〈…〉 form of the guaranty , we have nothi●● left to transact in this matter , but wit● sweden ; towards which my lord c●lisle's journey , if so sudden , as we here believe , will much contribute . i doubt monsieur boreel has but a col● scent in his pursuit of the zealand preten●●ons at surinam ; but the truth is , that i●●ase the english planters all remove together from that place , the plantation is as good as wholly lost to the dutch , their numbers there being wholly inconsiderable , and their nation not at all fit for that business of planting , which makes them never like to grow considerable in the west-indies : but otherwise for the reason of the thing , i never saw the least colour o● it on their side , nor find that monsieur de witt offers at maintaining it , when upon occasion , i have fallen into the discourse of it with him . so that i should think my self happy , if i had no greater difficulties upon my hands here than what are likely to arise in that affair when it comes in play : tho' , i think , you judge very prudently , that the time for it will be rather after we shall have come to some issue in our marine treaty than at present , that so we may have but one knot to untie at a time . how i shall succeed in the last , i am yet to learn from my farther conferences here upon the papers last sent me , which i have newly received , and are translating , that i may upon occasion use them here ; i mean the arguments as well as the articles : that which troubles me , is to see i am of late gone back on both sides , for what monsieur de witt and i had agreed on , is strongly opposed by those of amsterdam , and being at first approved in england by the east-india company themselves , as my lord arlington wrote me word , they have since , as i now find , alter'd their minds , and propose to have the passage free under all forts , tho seated in countreys that are absolutely under the dutch occupancy and subjection , which is a new point , and that which i am sure in several of your letters you have said distinctly , was never aimed at . but since this is now in my hands , you may be assured , that it shall go as far as it is possible to pursue it by any cares and endeavours of mine . i am sorry i am not made acquainted with the particulars of the case at iuccatra , which , it seems , is alledged as the only occasion of this apprehension and proposal from our merchants ; for as to that of the fort upon the river of iambre , monsieur de witt , i remember , alleadg'd that as an unreasonable thing , if they should pretend it , where the river was so broad , that the ships were not under the certain unavoidable danger of their canon , which he would have had the measure of the free passage : but of these proceedings you will be troubled hereafter with farther accounts from , sir , your most obedient humble servant , w. temple . letter xxi . hague , february 26. s. n. 69. sir , i am to acknowledge two i have received from you since my last of the 5th and 9th current , which came together to my hands , with one for monsieur van benninghen , which i this day delivered , and fell into the longest debate that i have ever had with him upon the subject of it , but with so little success , that i shall have no pleasure in repeating it ; and yet i verily believe we do not disagree in our meaning , tho' we cannot come to agree in ways of expressing it . they insist still upon some instance of what we complain of , and are the less satisfied at every new pursuit i make , without producing what they have from the first demanded : they protest their east-india company knows not what ours means by saying they might instance in iacatra , and think i do not deal sincerely with them , in suppressing the particulars of the fact as it past there , which is the only place we have mention'd , as giving occasion for this apprehension of ours , and demand upon it . mons. van benninghen swears to me in the solemnest manner that can be , and which is not usual with him , that his heart is more bent upon finding out a way to satisfie us in this point , than to satisfie either the estates , or east-india company here , and that upon any occasion we shall produce of complaint , both he , and all the rest of the states , know they ought to give us all satisfaction that reason shall require , and even beyond reason in things that are not of the last importance to them ; as he says , they have shewed in agreeing to that article about defining a town bloque ou investie , which has raised such a clamour among those of the east-india company here , against the commissioners who treated it with me , that they know no way of satisfying them , but by the absolute will of the states-general , and representing to them how much they ought to give towards our satisfaction in this conjuncture . he says , that all sir george downing could find to complain of in the indies , was the stopping of our ships by their fleets that lay before cochin and cananor , which is provided against in that aforesaid article : and if there had been any innovation in matter of passage by one anothers territories , as we intimate there began to be , on their side about two year before the war , 't is impossible but they must have heard of it at a time when all things were ript up . that if we can mention any such innovation differing from what has been the antient , constant , and general practice , in both india , and africa , by our nation as well as all other europaean nations that have had any thing to do there , they will be the readiest in the world to redress it : but at the same time he professes to think it absolutely impossible to make any draught of an article concerning passing of forts , which may not be made use of pour bouleverser toutes les affairs des indes ; and that as much as he can see into it , may not be of the same consequence as if we should demand of them absolutely to break their east-india company . the many large and various instances he used to prove this you will better have from his hand than mine , and therefore i shall omit the rest of his discourses , which ended in bewailing our falling so earnestly upon such a point as this , in which it was so impossible for them to agree with us , and not at the same time to lay the foundation of a certain breach hereafter , by the disputes which must arise upon it . that the ill effect upon which he made his chiefest reflections , was the interpretation i told them was made of it in england , to the disadvantage of their intentions and dispositions of living well with us in point of commerce ; that on the other side very many here interpreted this demand as a mark of our resolutions not live well long with them , in point of our alliances , and so made them think of ballancing still between us and france , till they could find with whom they were like to meet with the most present safety , and leave future times to future councils ▪ that for his part , and all the most foreseeing heads among them , they were of another mind , and thought the only bottom they had left was upon our friendship . but on both sides , the continuance of such jealousies as were apt to arise from our disputes upon this point , could not be without ill effect . and upon all this i concluded it would be necessary for him to make a step over into england , and try whether the king's ministers there , and he could understand one another better than we had done here , which he seemed to think not unnecessary ; and for my part , i think it the only thing left to be done in this matter . since my last , some commissioners have been with me from the states , to acquaint me with the letter which goes this night to his majesty from them , upon the business of surinam , wherein you will find they are come off from the disputes they formerly engaged in , of the english planters there having forfeited the right to the first articles of surrender , by which they had liberty to remove , and that the matter lies now in this compass here , that such of the english there as either have now , or shall have hereafter a desire to leave that plantation , shall not only have leave , but assistance from the dutch governour , towards their removal , but that on the other side his majesty shall not send any commands to them to remove , nor threats in case of their stay there ; as they say has been practised by my lord willoughby : so that all which will be left , if this be agreed to , will be only to find out a way of knowing what inhabitants , at their own motion , have a desire to stay , and what to remove . i told them i could not say any thing of the king's resolution therein , but should signifie what i understood of their meaning to his ministers by this post , which carries their letter to his majesty . major scott , who came lately from england , and is seeking imployment here , tol● me , some of them were considering whether they might not deal with the dutch in the new netherlands , as we do with the english at surinam ; but that , i suppose , depends upon the articles of each places surrender . now i name major scott , tho a man wholly unknown to me , i cannot but confess , that having since his coming hither , talk'd a great deal with him , seen his maps , and a long preface to the book of them he intended to set out , i cannot but be sorry , he should have met so much discouragement in england , as to seek service in other nations : for , i cannot think but the man must of necessity signifie a good deal of good or ill to us in those ports as he is made use of by us , or other people . if his majesty have the same thoughts , and that he is worth the retrieving , i should be glad to know it , and shall in the mean time have some eye upon his progress here . the necessity of these troubles , will , i hope , excuse the length of them from , sir , your most obedient , and most humble servant , w. temple . letter xxii : hague , march 1. s. n. 69. sir , i was very sorry to find by yours of the 12th past , any news of your indisposition , and will hope by the next to meet with that of your recovery , and in the mean time give you as little trouble as i can , and no more upon the marine article , than to acknowledge the receipt of the last east-india companies paper enclosed in yours , which i have already communicated here , and shall pursue at a conference to morrow . the states of holland , at their last breaking up , past a resolution for taking away the exemptions of the english company at dort , from the usual customs , which are one florin upon a piece ( or thirty six yards ) of english cloth ; which as soon as i heard of , i put in a memorial to the states-general , to desire they would not proceed upon that business , without entring into conference with me upon it , which they have resolved , and the particulars among them would perswade me , that it is a matter so far from prejudicing , that it will rather encrease the export of our manufactures , and which they have proceeded upon only for the peace of their towns , all the rest of holland mutinying against dort in this matter . and to say the truth , i think this has been now wholly renewed by that resolution , which i never understood , of his majesty's removing the scotch company from zealand to dort , at sir william davison's sole pursuit , for ought i hear : for thereby the prince of orange has been very much injur'd , as he says , to the value of 1●00l . sterling a year ; and which perhaps he lays more to heart , the province of zealand , which is his chief friend and dependant here , has been apt to interpret it a mark of his majesty's having no consideration for the prince : several scotch merchants here seem'd unsatisfied with it , and others divided in the point ; and sir william davison upon his removal from amsterdam to dort , when the company removed from zealand , sent letters to the scotch inhabitants at roterdam ( as the deputies of roterdam alledge ) charging them to remove from that town to dort , and threatning them in case of their non-complyance . upon this the town of roterdam , who had some years past lost the english company , being new netled , set this matter on foot , and all the other towns of holland , seeing dort possessed of two companies , fell in warmly upon the scent , and zealand sensible of what they have lost , is of the same mind ; and monsieur de witt , though he has upon his countrymen's instances ( i mean those of dort ) delayed it for one assembly of the states of holland , yet he could put it off no longer , and durst not openly appear , where the interest of his town seem'd cross to that of all the rest of his province : so that what will be the issue of it , i know not , till we fall into conference about it . sir peter wych past this way on wednesday , and went after one nights stay in pursuit of my lord carlisle , who parted from amsterdam for swoll , on munday last . i am always , sir , your most faithful , humble servant , w. temple . letter xxiii . hague , ianuary 29. s. n. 69. sir , i am to ask your pardon for not acknowledging one from you of the 19th past , by the last ordinary , and i this day find my debt encreased by the honour of one of the 23d , by which i am glad to hope there will be some facility given on their side , as well as it is pursued here by all my endeavours , towards the composure of the points we differ in upon the article of the marine treaty that has broken our heads so much and so long . the deputies , design'd to be sent hither from the east-india company , instructed in that business , are expected here this week , and till we see the overtures that will be made , or arguments that will be used by them , i must suspend my judgment of what the issue will be ; god send me out of this bryar , and i never hope to fall into such another . monsieur de witt , and the rest here , will be very well pleased , if the king think sit to let monsieur sylvius pass by lunenburgh ; and i shall make them sensible , that if it be so resolved , it is wholly in complyance with them . they would have been glad likewise if my lord carlisle had had leave to call at denmark , though upon a private visit , in confidence that would have drawn on a dispatch from that court to england , and consequently a composure of those unkindnesses , which france makes use of to the engaging that crown more intirely to themselves : but these people though perhaps the best judges of interest , are the worst of honour and of all the punctillio's that depend upon it . i hear nothing of my lord carlisle , since he parted from amsterdam ▪ but expect mr. thynn here every day , who , i hear , intended to meet him at hamburgh , and then come straight hither . i will not trouble you with the repetition of any thing i have written in other letters this post , which i kn●w you will have your share of , nor with enlarging upon the professions of my being , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter xxiv . hague , march 22. s. n. 69. sir , since my last i have received yours of the 5th current , with the enclosed pacquet for sir gabriel sylvius , which he is possest of ; and in order to his journey towards lunenburgh , has begun to take his leave , where it was due here . i have put the compliment of these dispatches from his majesty , wholly upon monsieur de witt , who seems to take it , as he ought to do , and to be satisfied with all he hears of the course of his majesty's present counsels , both from monsieur boreel , and all other hands . he tells me his letters from their ambassador in sweden , give him a very good account of the dispositions of that court , which agreeing with what i hear both from monsieur appleboom , and sylvercrown here , makes me hope all we wish in their resolution upon the projects of the guaranty and subsidies lately sent them over . the duke of lunemgburgh's minister here is of opinion sir gabriel sylvius will find those princes likewise in the same dispositions , and obliged by this compliment from his majesty : i doubt of two difficulties in the engaging them : first , that they will expect to be admitted as principals in our alliance ; and then that they will insist upon some money by sweden's example the enclosed i have newly received from the baron bonstetten , by which you will find the negotiations in switzerland towards the common alliance , proceed but slowly ; that which they would perswade this state , is to allure them by setling constant pension upon the small catholick cantons , where they perswade him about fifty thousand franc's a year , would do the buness ▪ and among the protestant cantons , there is nothing of that kind admitted ( as they say ) and so nothing needed , but monsieur de witt is averse from this counsel , arguing , that where things are wholly venial , and at so small rates , there can be no certainty ; and that 50 from hence may serve turn , only till 60 be offer'd from some other hand . he is in the mean time extreamly glad to hear we are like to fall into a good correspondence with denmark , and hopes the hold of france will wear off in that court , as ours grows on . considering how weary you must needs be of so much as has been written of late upon the subject of passing those enchanted forts , i suppose you will be content i trouble you with nothing in that matter by this ordinary , the states having not yet signified any thing to me of what has been , or is ready to be represented to them by the deputies of the east-india company , who have been three days in town , and i hear were prepar'd to entertain them with long reasonings upon it . i am of opinion , that without producing instances of what gave us the apprehension at least , if not the danger of new practises , which we desire to prevent , or without shewing that the mention of porcat and iacatra , ( which is all has yet been spoken of ) is to the purpose of this complaint ; it will be hopeless to do any thing in this matter , the jealousies of our reach in it are grown so great , and now they have started a new one , which is , that this proposition , ( nor any thing towards it ) was never made by us in any time of our hardest demands ( even by cromwell's ) but only in the last paper of sir george downing , so as they will have it , that he has cast it in , as une pie●●e d'achopement entre les d●ux nations , knowing by his transactions , and the constitutions here , it was a thing could never be yielded : but i must expect the next conference , to be able to give a further judgment upon the whole success . i cannot end this without acknowledging very sensibly the obliging expressions at the end of your last , concerning your favour to me in my wife 's present solicitations of the performance in what his majesty was pleased to promise me at my coming away , as to equality with his other ministers . monsieur de witt had heard the king had granted it , and came to make me a complement yesterday upon it , assuring me he had several times spoken of it among his friends here with trouble ; that he knew in the train i lived , 't was impossible to hold out upon what i had before from the king , which from so frugal a man , is perhaps as good a testimony , as what i hear some persons , who have no more to do in it than he , take great pains in representing to the contrary . i am ever with very much reason and truth , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter xxv . hague ; march 26. s. n. 69. sir , i have received yours of the 9th , with the enclosed answer to the dutch ambassador's memorial upon the affair of surinam , upon which i cannot mark any seeming difference in the pretensions of his majesty and these states , concerning the execution of those articles of surrender , unless there should arise a difficulty upon the ways of transporting such of our planters , as have a desire to remove : for the dutch , according to the article , pretend their governour is alone to have that charge and care , but they fear his majesty will think of sending ships of his own to that purpose , which they think would have an influence upon the dispositions of the english planters there , and upon the peace of the colony . when monsieur boreel arrives , i may , perhaps , have occasion to enter farther into this matter , and am glad to be so well informed . sir gabriel sylvius began his journey last night towards lunemburgh ; and i hear there are letters this morning arrived here from lubec , which left my lord carlisle upon the point of embarking there directly for stockholm the same day the post parted , so that i doubt neither of the pacquets dispatch'd after his lordship , had reached him time enough to turn his journey through denmark but some other hand will , i hope , be found in those parts to supply that turn before it cools . i have heard nothing from the states upon our marine article , since the arrival of the deputies from amsterdam , which made me resolve to put in this enclosed memorial yesterday , to press them to a short conclusion ; wherein , as in all our conferences , i endeavour'd to make the firmness of our alliance depend much upon our satisfaction in this point , being an argument will always hold good , how much soever the others may be disputed . i cannot guess more by much discourse i have lately had with monsieur van benninghen , than that if we are content with the ancient practice for the time preceding 62 , or 63 , in which years we say our complaints , or apprehensions began , we may be assured of it , but i shall never talk three words upon this matter with any of them , without being prest upon giving instances . i hope you and monsieur van benninghen , will have the honour of ending this affair , which i should have been very glad of , but doubt it will be denied me . however , so it be done to our satisfaction , i shall not repine . i am of opinion , at last the states will send him over , and considering your acquaintance so well contracted already , his dispositions so warm in all points tending to the good of our alliance , and the great influence he has upon the town of amsterdam , and , indeed , through the whole province , i am confident 't will be of good effect , and much use may be made of it to the advantage of our concerns here . the deputies of the states of zealand , have this day made their harangue to the states of holland , representing the occasion of their coming , to be for settling such a● union between the two provinces , as they may henceforth appear but one in all that regards them ; but they descended to no particulars , only desiring commissioners . the point they will begin with , is tha 〈…〉 of the judicature , and setling it ●o be o●● and the same for both the provinces ; 〈…〉 they agree in that , i believe this meeting will not pass without some proposition● concerning the prince : the present dispositions on both sides , seem to be no● very distant . zealand , perhaps , with the prince's contentment , will consent to the abolishment of the charge of stadtholder provided the prince may be at the sam 〈…〉 time admitted to the charge of captai 〈…〉 general , with session in the council o 〈…〉 state , and a considerable pension : holland would fain have their consent to the first , upon a decree of those conditions to the prince , at the one or two and twentieth year of his age : what the issue will be i know not , but find many of the province of holland , in the mind , that some end must be found in this affair of the prince , for the general quiet of the provinces . discourses have of late been set on foot about his highnesses marriage , and some german princesses named , but this talk is yet in the air. i am ever , sir , your most faithful , humble servant , w. temple . letter xxvi : hague , march 29. s. n. 69. sir , i have received yours of the 12th , with the inclosed article both in french and english , and a paper from the east-india company , with reflections upon the arguments used here against our long pursuit of that article , but they being newly come to my hand , i cannot answer for the effect they will produce : i think i may for monsieur d● witt 's inclination towards it , not discerning much in it different from the concept which he proposed to monsieur van benninghen . but as he ever gave me that proposition , or intended i should send it into england , and three days after he had communicated it to me , let me know that the directors of the east-india company , and monsieur van benninghen had sent to desire him not to proceed in that matter , till the arrival of the deputies here , so i have no hold upon him for the states agrecing to it , besides the old arguments joyned with these new ones , i have received to induce them ; of all which i shall make the best use that i can possibly towards obtaining our ends , and am pretty confident , if i had brought over such an article as this with me , and proposed it before so much dust had been raised about this matter , i had passed it among the rest ; but the east-india company here are now grown so jealous , that there is no dealing with them in this point . i have had long discourses since my last , with monsieur valkeneer , the chief of the directors , and who has the greatest influence upon the town of amsterdam ; and he says , that since we can complain of nothing past in reference to passing of forts , he wonders that of all other times , we should choose this to apprehend new injuries , when we know as well as they , that how strong soever they may be in the indies , the consideration in which we are to them here , will of it self prevent any such , and remedy and punish them where we can prove they have been committed . he says , he is confident they mean all that our ministers desire , and would be ready to do it in any particulars we should instance ▪ but the variety of forts , possessions , occupations , subjections , passes , and manner of trassick , is so infinite in those parts , that none can know what they do in passing a general article of this nature . and this was the sum of his reasoning , besides all those arguments you have so often had already from the other ministers here . so soon as the east-india paper is translated into french , i shall enter once more upon it with monsieur de witt , and by him shall be able to guess what we may hope for in issue of all this debate . the fears given here by the king of spain's late illness , and the disorders arrived since in spain , upon don iohn's occasion , give very much matter of discourse here , and visions of ill accidents , for which they see no remedy . they apprehend twenty things without other reason than their own fears , and , i hope , one among the rest is , that the spaniards grow difficult upon the point of paying the subsidies ; that they are treating with france , and will at length sacrifice flanders for the safety of the rest . i hear this only from the common noise as yet , which , perhaps , proceeds from their unquietness here , whenever they think of the accession of flanders to france , but i wish it proves always a needless fear ; for so busie as they are in france , and so idle as they are flanders , must , i doubt , come to ill in time . the french ambassador is much scandaliz'd at the liberty of talk used by every one here upon this occasion : he tells me , for ought he sees , all his business here will be to take the air , and that all the interests and supports that this country had so long with france , are now plainly turn'd to us ; and that he knows they are endeavouring to find measures with us and sweden , against his master , in case of the spanish king's death , which , i find , is the thing he lays most to heart : but i assure him , the king has no such early thoughts ; and what he will have when such a case arrives , i am very little able to tell , so far am i from being instructed in them . the portugal ambassador made his entry yesterday , but finds some new difficulties in his business here . your commands about the last enclosed to mr. thynn , shall be punctually obeyed , as all others you please to lay upon , sir , your most obedient , humble servant , w. temple . letter xxvii . hague , april 2. s. n. 69. sir , since my last i have had a conference with monsieur de witt , upon the subject of the last papers transmitted to me from the east-india company , the new project of the proposition for passing the forts , and your letter which came with them , and serv'd much to clear our meaning in both the former . as to the first , monsieur de witt said , he could not judge of the greatest part of those instances , by being a stranger to most of the names , as well as transactions in those parts ; that of about five or six of them which he had been acquainted with , there was not one which touch'd in any manner this point of passing the forts : that for the others he would endeavour to inform himself , being desirous of nothing so much as to know one instance of a fort , by which we thought we had right to pass , and had been hinder'd , and desir'd now to have that right preserved to us by this proposed article . for all the other instances whereby we averr'd the wrongs which had been done us in that trade , he said , it was the same thing as to rip up the occasions of the late war , wherein each party still maintain'd they had wrong done them by the other ; and so in those instances which he was acquainted with of these mention'd in the last paper , they could not yield we had those wrongs done us which we pretended . as to the isle of ceylon , he said , he knew not the state of it , but if it were as we related it , they should be very unreasonable to exclude us from the trade of those parts of it where they had no forts , nor dominion , and he should be the first to condemn them ; and he thought the same of the other case whenever it should happen of their building any fort to hinder our passage to any place where we had our traffick already establish'd . for the proposition , he presently observed it was drawn upon that which he had sent in his letter to monsieur van benninghen , and said , he doubted i had sent that into england , which he had only communicated to me before he dispatch'd it to amsterdam . i confest it , and that in the time his secretary had left it with me to peruse , i had taken a copy of it , and sent it over to the end our ministers might see his thoughts upon it , and at least be satisfied of his good intentions . he said it was a thing that he could not own further than having sent it to monsieur van benninghen , that since he and the directors had returned him their opinion , that it was impracticable to digest any general article in this point , he could not press on any such proposition , how agreeable soever to his own thoughts . but for the draught it self , he observed several material differences from what he had sent to amsterdam ; as first , that those words relating to the ancient constant practise de longues annees , ( which were put in on purpose to salve the jealousie of the east-india company here , that we aimed at nothing new , but what had always been used between us till about the years 62 , or 63 ) were in this paper wholly left out . that the words , à cet ●ffet , speaking of houses , or forts , to be built for hindring our passage to places where our traffick was already establish'd , were likewise left out ; so as whatever wrongs they should suffer from any nation , they should be hindred from subduing them , and subjecting them by forts , according to their custom in those parts . and lastly , that to the words of forts that should be hereafter erected , we had added , or already built , without yet instancing particularly in any such fort as was already built , to hinder our passage , and where we desired redress ; so that if what we desire be as we seem to mean , only for prevention , we need not add , already built ; if there be any such , we could not do fairer than to name them . upon the whole , he advised i would not communicate this proposition to the commissioners : first , because they would see by it , that his proposition to monsieur van benninghen had been sent into england , which they might believe was with his consent , and think he did not deal fairly to do that without their communication . and secondly , because it would encrease very much the jealousie of those concerned in the east-india company , to see that those word ▪ were left out which confin'd the manner of passing forts to the ancient and constant practise between ▪ the nations , by which they would conclude , our aim was at some innovations , and where that might end as to pretences and disputes , none could tell . i gave him thanks for his advice , but desired to be excused , for since the proposition was sent me over to be communicated here , i could not suppress it , but must propose it to the commissioners at our next conference , and know their sense and resolution upon it , since this , i supposed , was the last they were like to receive from us . he then desired that i would at the time of proposing it , let the commissioners know how his came to be sent over into england , and that i would give him a copy of those parts of your letter , which seemed to clear our meaning in this matter , the expressions seeming to him very clear and fair ; and he assured me he would make good use of them : to both these i consented , and so upon it we are to have a conference , i suppose , within very few days , at least as soon as the present business in the states of holland will give their deputies leisure , which , i doubt not , will be some time this week . they have yet given me no account of the deputies of the east-india company , arrived last week from amsterdam , and i am not forward in calling for it , hearing they have put in a very long paper to prove the impossibility of framing any general article upon this matter : besides , i believe the intention goes on of dispatching monsieur van benninghen suddenly into england , upon this point and some others of more general consequence ; and that he went last friday to amsterdam with monsieur valkeneer , to try whether that town would give him leave to make this journey . monsieur boreel is here arrived , and gave the states an account yesterday of his ambassage , to their satisfaction . he is the most pleased that can be with his majesty's , and his ministers carriage towards him , and their dispositions towards these states , only i find the italian abbot , lately come out of france , will not , out of his little head , and the circumstances that cause his jealousie , are as pleasant as those of lovers . the matter of judicature which lies between holland and zealand , is like to draw out in length ▪ and will end , i doubt , rather in the separation , than re-union of the provinces upon it . nothing is yet mention'd between them concerning the prince of orange . they continue much in pain about the king of spain's health , and the disorders of madrid ; nor does the french ambassador satisfie them , in saying , they need not trouble themselves about the accession of spain to france ; for if the king of spain should die too morrow , 't is out of all question don john would be crowned the day after . i hear nothing further as yet from the swedish ministers , nor any thing worth the encrease of your present trouble from , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter xxviii . hague , april 5. s. n. 69. sir , i am to acknowledge yours of the 19th past , which furnished me with reflections of very great moment towards prevailing with the dutch for our satisfaction in the point so much contested between us ; and whenever i receive commands to use them in the conferences i have with the commissioners , to the end they may be reported to the states , as grounded upon my instructions , i shall do it to the full : whereas i have hitherto contented my self upon all those occasions , to go no further , than to tell them with much constancy and plainness , that they cannot reckon upon the firmness and continuance of our alliance , but by doing us right in the point of commerce , and reducing it to equality , and particularly in this article , without which our merchants will not be perswaded they can be secure in their indian trade , but shall , in a little time , be wholly beaten out of it , which the nation will never endure ; and that to make an alliance perpetual , it must be grounded in the genius of the people , as well as in the king 's personal dispositions , who would always be so wise as to comply in a great measure with what the people thought their interest . thus far i have gone with the commissioners upon several conferences , and still left them with protestations , as being as sensible of all i said , as i could wish them ; and that there is nothing we could demand without ruine to their establishments , or without giving greater occasions for future disputes and quarrels , which they would not readily consent to ; discoursing upon their interest to preserve our alliance as far as i can do my self , and the most serious among them ever put most weight upon the last consideration , of leaving a door open for perpetual disputes by a general article , which mentions all forts that are or shall be erected , and all nations not in the occupancy and subjection of either company : whereas the nature of forts , and subjections , they say , are so various in those parts , that room will be left for our merchants to quarrel every day , upon pretensions to be grounded on such an article . i have since your last , in my private visits to some of them hinted the ill consequences you there mention , and how france that grasps at all , and has a mind to grow in the indies as well as here , will not fail , in such a conjuncture of offering us all the advantages we can ask upon a conjunction with us for beating the dutch out of the indies , as we and they together did formerly the portuguese : but this they will not believe we can hear of , while they offer us to redress any complaints we can make against their present practises there . but however , all considerations together , have made them already fall upon the proposition in the states of holland , of sending some able minister over into england , till an ambassador in ordinary be sent to reside there . in the mean time i am to have a conference with the commissioners to morrow upon your last proposition , which i tell them , is the last they are like to receive ; by the next you will have the issue of it . monsieur groote , that is now in sweden , is at length resolved upon to be sent ambassador into france . though the states have been something perplext with the relations of their ambassador at madrid , concerning some discourses made him by count pignoranda upon the unreasonableness of their paying the swedish subsidies in the time of a full peace , instead of reserving them to engage that crown when a war begins ; yet the spanish ambassador will not own any difficulty likely to be made on their part in that matter , provided sweden consent to what has been proposed , of which we yet hear no further account . i am always with much passion and truth , sir , your most faithful humble servant , w. temple . letter xxix . hague , april 12. s. n. 69. sir , i gave you no trouble by last post having nothing to bear me out , besides a short account of my last conference with the commissioners , which i sent in one to my lord arlington . i have since seen mounsieur de witt and others of the chief persons here , and once more talked all the matter of that article to the grave , i fear ; for though they will not come to any positive denial , yet by several circumstances , and the manner and style of their discourses , i am of opinion it will prove a desperate pursuit . for they now say , it is a matter that cannot be argued fairly with the kings ministers in england , by my representations from hence of what they say , but must be opened and cleared , viva voce , by some ministers of theirs in england ; but at the same time they say , 't is a hard thing to press a state to any contract , which they think will be ruinous to them , that the performance of all contracts which are enter'd into , may be prest reasonably , whatever they import , but in making new ones , each party uses to find their account . that the danger of interpretations to be rais'd upon any articles , how clearly soever penned , they have sufficiently felt , by sir george downing's sense given upon the words , litem inceptam prosequi , which was the occasion of the war ; and now by our interpreting the articles of surrendring surinam to import a liberty for the king to send and command all the english there to remove , with threats of loss and ignominy , in case of their remaining there , which was ( as they say ) by the articles left to their own choice . and this , mounsieur boreel tells them , is maintained in england , tho' it be not directly exprest in the kings last answer . but this of passing forts and lands not in occupation of either company , is , they say , a thing so little understood at these distances , that they conclude it impossible to frame any article upon it , which will not in a years time engage them in quarrels with us , or in the ruine of their present establishments in the indies . at the same time they press me very much to conclude the rest of the articles , while the states seem disposed to pass them , though some of them , as they pretend , are of very hard digestion , and would leave this of the forts to further light and satisfaction , but with assurance of redressing any complaints we can exhibit of particular grievances , contrary to the ancient and constant practices , and writing severe letters to all the officers of the east-india company in those parts , to be sure to give us no such occasion , and to desist immediately , if any such has happened . by all these discourses , and the whole course of this matter from the first , i cannot but judge it will prove a business out of my reach here , and that we may take our measures upon that conclusion , how tender soever they are of letting it come to a direct refusal . and as i gave my lord keeper such a hint near two months since , so now seeing the several offers which have been since made at new expedients , takes no effect , i cannot but again repeat it , that we may not be deceived in what reckonings we make upon this matter . and yet 't is possible than if monsieur van beninghen goes over , he and our merchants may come to understand one another better , then they have done at this distance . the states have yet taken no resolution in that point , by reason of his being so deep ingaged in pursuing a proposition , upon which the town of amsterdam is very warm ; which is , for taking away a considerable part of the customs upon the entry of the ships , which they think of very great importance , to the conserving and encreasing the trade of these countries : but the admiralties maintain the necessity of keeping up the tax to find money for convoy's , and the safety of their ships abroad . i do not hear either this matter , or those between holland and zealand , are like to be decided this session of the states of holland , which will end the beginning of next week . monsieur de witt tells me , that by their president 's letters from copenhagen , they find my lord carlisle's passage that way and complement , has been so well taken , that the king of denmark will make no difficulty of sending an ambassage into england ; and further , that there is an entire disposition in that court , to grant us equal priviledges with any of his nation in our commerce there , which monsieur de witt professes to be very glad of . he tells me , the french ambassador is very earnest with him , to make his demands apart from us and sweden , of what they desire from his master , to quit their jealousies and apprehensions upon the business of flanders , and to restore the confidence betwixt them . that his master is resolved to satisfie them , if they will make their demands apart , but that the manner of doing it by an alliance of several states , is too choquant , et contre ● honneur de son maistre , & ce qu' un roy jeune & brave & puissant ne peut pas trouver bonne . he tells me that he answered him positively , that this state would absolutely proceed in conjunction with us and sweden , in what ever should be transacted upon this subject , and no otherwise ; and that since the same thing would satisfie us all , it would be much better for france at the same time , to satisfie three then one . monsier appleboom sent me word this day , that monsieur mareshal is arrived here , being joyn'd in commission with him , for transacting the matters of the guarantee , subsidies , and what else concerns the joynt alliance , and that they expect ▪ every day , that secretary which was with the count dhona in england , to arrive here with full instructions upon the whole business . i received a letter from you lately by the kings command , in favour of captain hooper . his pretensions i find are of a different nature , one for arms he bought , and the other to be restor'd to the pension he enjoy'd before the wars . i have spoken again to monsieur de witt , and meerman about him , which i had done several times at the captains being here ; they say the first is reasonable , and will be satisfied , but that the other cannot be done , because it draws in consequence the pretensions of all other english officers , who lost their pensions upon the same occasion , of which they name several that the states would be very willing to oblige out of particular esteem , were it not for the general consequence of it . i kiss your hands , and am ever , sir , your most obedient , and most humble servant , w. temple . letter xxx . hague , april 16. s. n. 69. sir , i did not intend any thing i had written , should give you the trouble of so much reflexion , as you are pleas'd to make in yours of the 30th past , upon the passage of your former letter , which carryed so much truth , and so much prudence in the considerations you had furnished me , that i had often made use of them in all private discourses with the chief persons here , as those which were likely to have the greatest effect . but as yet nothing has past farther in that matter ; the commissioners having not renewed our conference , nor given me any account of the states resolution upon our last , in that endless affair of the marine article : though they will by no means agree with me so much as in that appellation , but say they have consented to all his majesties desires , in what can be said to touch a marine treaty ; but in this , make only a difficulty in what concerns the trade with nations at land , as well as the passage of forts upon rivers . in short , nothing hits in this matter , though monsieur meerman assures me , both he and monsieur de witt are of opinion , that it draws not to so great consequence as those of the east-india company are possest , who think their company were absolutely broken , if any such article were framed , or else that we should fall into a war upon it . and he says monsieur de witt told him plainly , he durst not proceed further in it , for fear of drawing so great an envy and clamour upon him , as that of a company which is spread so far and so deep through the whole state. and yet the company themselves would fain perswade me as well as the states , that for redress of any particular injuries or hardships that we can complain to have suffered already , or shall at any time hereafter , contrary to the ancient and constant practice of all nations in those parts ; they will be ready at all times to give the serverest orders we can desire to those in the indies , and be as severe in seeing them executed : and this is the sum of the discourses i have had upon this subject , since my last , with addition , that they must commit it to a minister of theirs in england , pour tascher de venir aux plus grand esclaircissement , upon which i suppose , some resolution may possibly be taken in the states of holland before they part , which will be to morrow or next day . for the business of surinam in which i received your commands , i have thereupon discoursed with monsieur boreel , and the pensionary of zealand , who assures me , that the states there will be content , orders should be sent for intire liberty to be given to all our english planters , who have a mind to remove from that colony , to do it with their families , and to sell their estates ; according as he says is agreed by the article to that purpose , in which they comprehend their slaves . i suppose the words of the original articles must decide that point , which they have promised to send me , having never yet been transmitted to me from england . he says farther , that if i will signifie the names of any particular families that have testified their desire to remove , the orders shall go not only for liberty , but assistance in the transportation at the usual rates , according to the article , at least he declares this as his opinion , and what he shall endeavour to perswade the states to : for i have sufficiently beat them out of all cavil , upon the validity or performance of the articles . but they seem much unsatisfied with all the first part of the kings last answer , which justifies all my lord willou●●by's proceedings , and seems to revoke all orders formerly given for reparations in that point . so that they say , it will come in among the other expences , which his lordship has forced them to ; that their ships will have gone to the barbados with the kings orders , for sending back the 200 slaves , and will be forced to return without effect . they seem to wonder likewise , that his majesty has not thought fit to take any notice of the letter sent by the states-general upon this matter . i shall expect the letter of his majesties , you promise me , concerning the merchant adventurers , though if his majesty gives me leave , i shall make use of it or not as i see occasion ; and as those of the english company of dort think will be most for the benefit of their affair , which yet sleeps , and while it does so , they are well , and i suppose it will not be our part to wake it . monsieur mareschall who is joyn'd in the powers sent to monsieur appleboom from sweden , upon the affairs of the tripple alliance , has been with me , and though the secretary they expect with the last orders , be not yet arrived , they are ready , they say , however to begin a conference , which may possibly be on thursday . the chief of his discourse with me was in general , upon that crowns esteem of his majesties alliance , and disposition to comply with his counsels and resolutions in this affair , which was the occasion of his orders to see me first upon his arrival . that which i could gather out of the rest , was that they would be willing to proceed as tenderly as they could towards france , in either offering the guaranty at the same time to both , or rather giving it particularly to neither , but only in general against him that shall break the peace . next , that they would have nothing to do with spain , but only with us in the whole affair of subsidies , and leave us to order all that concerns us with spain ; and lastly , that they would have the last term of eight months for the last portion either taken away wholly , or else shortned . but i suppose i shall know more plainly what they will be at , upon our next meeting ; for this morning they sent me word they had received the letters they expected , with farther instructions , though not the last which come by the secretary . i have nothing to bear me out in the encrease of this trouble , from sir , your most faithful , humble servant , w. temple . letter xxxi . hague , april 19. s. n. 69 : sir , i am to acknowledge yours of the 2d current , with an enclosed from his majesty to the states , upon the subject of our merchant adventurers at dort , to whom i shall give notice of it , and make use of this letter , as they judge , will be most for their advantage . it is certain as you say , that this attempt of the states of holland has been very unseasonable , and upon that argument alone , i had the good fortune to stop the current hitherto , which was very strong , by a confluence of all the towns of holland , except that of dort : but i do not think there was ever any thing intended , of what it seems the merchants represented to the council , that the states did it with a design of laying such customs upon our woollen manufactures , as might wholly discourage the transportation of them ; for all which those of the company save , is but a guilder on every piece of cloath , besides the priviledges as to the expence and living of the particular merchants ; and i look upon the trade of coarse cloths , to be a thing which can never fail us , since no other nation can make them so strong and cheap as we , so that the dutch knowing they will ever find a market abroad , will rather aim at drawing them always through this country , that so they may be the retailers of them to other nations , than endeavour to discourage their importation , which will but divert their current through flanders by emden , and other parts of germany , where they are chiefly vented . the pensionary of zealand has been very earnest with me , to endeavour the restoring of the scotch staple to treveur , which will be of good consequence to the english company , much satisfie the prince of orange , and the states of holland too i believe , and indeed , how a thing that was of 200 years standing , came to be alter'd without great change of circumstances , i could never tell . i wrote about it lately upon the princes particular desire , but received no answer upon it . the states of holland are retired , and the deputies of zealand likewise , having concluded nothing more upon their differences , then only to meet again about the beginning of may , so that in their conferences hitherto , there has been no occasion of mentioning the princes interest , which must fall into debate , i suppose , before the other ends . i hear the province of zealand has much distracted the intentions , of sending monsieur van benninghen over , as believing it a design in those of holland , to alter the ancient disposition of that ambassy , which has been appropriated to zealand , as also to compose the business of the east-indies , though at the cost of the other difference about surinam , in which holland is little concern'd , as zealand is in the other . yesterday i had a conference with the ministers of sweden , and the deputies of the states , upon the acts of the guaranty and subsidies , where after some offers by the swedish ministers , at the change of any expressions that might seem hard towards france , and the reading over the act of guaranty , wherein they could six upon nothing that could bear much of that interpretation ; they at length consented to it in the very terms which were transmitted over to his majesty , and approved by him , as well as by the states . they debated likewise the terms of the subsidies , but at last concluded it either necessary to have the whole sum paid , or else good caution given for the two last terms , upon which they might ( as i gather . ) hope with small loss to raise the sum , and leave those they deal with , for the advance to any further risque , and in these points they desire our further interposition with the spanish ministers , professing to have nothing to do with spain in the end , no more than the beginning of this affair ; and declaring upon all occasions with great nicety , that their master was content to give the guaranty , only in pursuit of his part in the tripple alliance , and his publick regards towards the repose of christendon , and not induced by any consideration of gain or advantage , which might be pretended to be made them by the subsidies , which were grounded upon a particular promise of ours and holland , after the tripple alliance was concluded . as for the instrument about the concert of forces for support of the peace , the swedish ministers say , they are not yet instructed in it , and that their master is of the mind , i told them in private , the king was off , not to let it accompany the guaranty , but follow afterwards as an act between those of the tripple alliance , and not to be given spain as the other was ; and joyning our strengths in this matter , we had the less resistance from the dutch commissioners , though they at first began to press us hard , for the finishing that at the same time ; so as it was concluded , i and two of the commissioners should go to morrow to the spanish ambassador , and let him know , that upon agreement , the three several parts of the triple alliance were now content to give the guaranty which had been desired by spain , and in the terms which had been communicated before to their ministers ; provided they were ready to satisfie what had been so long desired upon the matters of the swedish subsidies : and thereupon to press him to the whole payment , or to the caution of particular men in these countries , empowered to it by their correspondents in the spanish dominions . in the first point we shall have no success , and i know not whether the dutch desire it in the second , or have much reason to do so : for they had rather , i suppose , have this tie last still for 16 months longer up on sweden , than cease by such caution , as will immediately raise the money , which is that the swedes would be at , and stick not to argue from their apprehension of disorders in spain , which may hereafter disappoint them , which cannot happen , but at the same time they must render useless the further effects of the triple alliance . i apprehend the spanish ambassador will stand upon the conclusion , and at least communication of the third instrument for concert of forces , and that he will be privately encouraged to it by the dutch ministers , who are very earnest upon the finishing that transaction , and the swedes seem not unwilling , having upon the dutch pressing it upon the conference , declared , that though they were not yet impowr'd as to that particular , yet their master understood that should be likewise concluded before their commissioners ended , or monsieur marshall parted from thence . in this point i desire further instructions of his majesties pleasure , how i am to carry it if i think my self prest on all sides upon it , for hitherto i have diverted it as dexterously as i could , but doubt , i may be brought to a direct point in it . i have had since my last no further discourse about the marine article , but only of the breaking up the last conference . monsieur de witt told me , he must come next week and talk with me about it . i am ever as becomes me , sir , your most humble , and most obedient servant , w. temple . letter xxxii . hague , april 23. n. s. 69. sir , upon saturday last i and the deputies of this state , gave the spanish ambassador an account of our conference with the swedish ministers , and of our being all ready to give spain the guaranty desired , upon their satisfaction of the subsidies to sweden . he would fain have perswaded us to the addition of some words , as in one place that mentions the french's contravention to the peace , he would have inserted directement or indirectement , and upon the mention of warranting the peace of aix , he would have added et celle des pirc●èés d'autants qu'ell ' est confirm●è par cette derniere . the dutch made not much difficulty upon either , but i said absolutely , i could not change a sillable of the act transmitted into england , without first communicating it to his majesty , and i believe the swedish ministers were under the same restrictions , which the spanish ambassador resolved to try and sound it so ; and that i suppose will put an end to his further niceties . upon the whole , his answer was , that when we signed other acts of guaranty , he would sign that for payment of the subsidies ; and when the ratification arrived from sweden , the money of the first payment should be ready at amsterdam , though he says it is yet at sevill . for the caution we demanded for the two latter terms to be given of burgers in amsterdam ; he said , he would write to the constable , and i find has a design of satisfying it by some tolls upon the meuse , which lies in an open country , and will be first exposed to the war. by further and freer conference with monsieur marshal , i find that the difficulty made by sweden hitherto of entring into the particular concert at the same time with the guaranty ( as both spain and holland desire ) proceeds from an imagination they have of inducing , at least holland and spain , if not us , to contribute towards the maintaining constantly even in time of peace , a swedish army on foot in the dutchy of bremen , which i doubt will not succeed on any side : however knowing his majesties unwillingness to enter at present into that concert , i make use of the swedes to cover me , when i am prest upon it , either by spain or holland ; saying , his majesty is first resolv'd to know the swedes mind , and afterwards that his majesties answer is but a business of ten days . the spanish ambassador has lately put in a memorial here full of the alarms in flanders , that the french would make an attempt upon conde , or some other of the pretended places ; upon which the constable had received orders from the queen , that in case of any such action , though pretended only upon those places , he should look upon it as an opening the war in all parts , and proceed accordingly , being resolved rather to lose all they possess there in the field , than to suffer any new indignity . my lord carlisle assures me by one from aboard the ship which was carrying him from coppenhagen to stockholme , that the orders were given to open the trade for our english merchants in those dominions , according to the treaty of 60 , in which that king desired only that the 3d article might be alter'd . and that the viceroy of norway was appointed for the ambassy into england . they tell me he 's that young gabel , who is now in france , son to the stadtholder gabel , that shall be joyned with him . the devotion or leasure of these holy days , has suffered no business here since my last , and so given no occasion for tho encrease of this trouble ; from , sir , your most obedient , and most humble servant , w. temple . letter xxxiii . hague , april 26. s. n. 69. sir , though i was sorry for the occasion given us of new jealousies by the arrival of our east-india ships , yet i was glad to receive by yours of the 9th current , any new arguments to pursue the difficult point i am here engaged in . i could not but communicate to monsieur de witt such parts of the letter as i thought to my purpose ; because i could add nothing to the strength of the motives , nor the terms . he said upon it , that this was all general , but he hoped that upon the arrival of these ships and letters with so fresh intelligence , you would be at the trouble of sending me some particular complaints , to the end the states might give order for their immediate redress , and come to understand the nature of the grievances we feared . he said , that which he should be glad to see , was an information that at such a time ( since we say the occasion of our jealousies began ) such a ship was hinder'd by such a fort from making a passage , which had been formerly permitted us , or such a new fort was erected , and had blockt up a passage which was formerly free , or that at such a time the dutch company had made war upon such a nation , where our trade was before establisht , and possest themselves of it , that so the states might examine the grounds of such actions , to the end both of remedying and preventing them . and he hoped such instances might be given without mingling them with former matters , which had been liquidated between the nations by former negotiations , in some of which we appear'd to have had reason , and had receiv'd reparation , and in others upon examination , we had prov'd to be ill informed . from this we fell into large debates about the necessity of framing some article upon it , and the ill consequences of failing in it , whether it were by direct or tacite refusal : but i did not find that either of us could say much upon this beaten theam , which had not been said before . he allows all that i can say upon the ill consequences of any dissatisfaction between the nations , and the necessity of our alliance to them in this conjuncture , and that he has thought of it more than of any matter that has been a great while upon his hands , but cannot yet find any disposition in the directors , to believe it possible to frame any article upon it , without incurring the danger we would avoid of disputes between us . he said , he hoped we would not take it ill , that they made difficulty of entring into a new contract with us , since in all alliances , reparations were necessary , but new contracts were always voluntary . however , he desir'd me that i would give him a copy of those parts of their letter which i had read to him , which he would send away that very night to amsterdam , and make the best use of it he could , either to dispose monsieur van benninghen to go suddenly into england , or to think of some new expedient in this matter : for he was of opinion , that one or other of them was necessary ; but having been already disavowed in two draughts , he had proposed to the directors , he durst not offer at it again alone . he confest , that by the dissatisfaction of the province of zealand , and particularly of monsieur boreel , upon the discourse of monsieur van benninghen's going over , and by domestick affairs of his own , and others of his son , he had been of late wholly discouraged from undertaking the journey , how much soever he had once resolved it , and been since prest upon it by several of the states , but that he would shortly give me an account of the effect , at his next dispatch to amsterdam , with which our discourse ended . for the business of surinam , he has assur'd me of his endeavours to bring it to what we desire , as is so clearly exprest in your last letter ; and i doubt not but the resolutions of those of zealand upon it , will be brought hither by their deputies about the beginning of next month , in which the pensionary of zealand promised to imploy himself at his return thither . the swedish ministers press still to have caution to the two last terms , which may be as good as money , and upon which they may raise it presently without much loss ; and withal , they are very earnest to have the first payment made upon their signing the guaranty , without staying for the satisfaction . i doubt very much of the spanish ministers being induced to either of these , and all that i and the dutch can do in it , is to assure the swedes of the same offices from his majesty and the states towards spain for compleating , as for beginning their satisfaction . i find by monsieur marshall since my last , that in case of this affair's being well ended , which i see little doubt of , they have orders to consent to the framing and signing a project of concert between those of the alliance , as to the number and quantity of forces , which each of them shall furnish ; but without any sort of specification concerning the manner of acting , or without particularizing the assistance of one king or another , but the forces to be imployed against that king that shall break the peace ; and they will be content with their proportion at twelve thousand men. i have nothing to encrease this trouble , beyond the professions of my being always , sir , your most obedient , and most humble servant , w. temple . just upon the closing of this letter , the spanish ambassador brings me the enclosed copy of the answer arrived from the constable , to the account given him of what past here in our conferences the last week , about the guaranty offer'd , and the caution demanded by the swedes . letter xxxiv . hague , may 3d. s. n. 69 ▪ sir , i am not yet able to make any particular answer to the several parts of your letter of the 13th , but doubt not to gain an order from the states , in consequence of the surinam articles , for liberty and assistance of those that desire to remove , to which end i shall have a conference with the commissioners on munday next , and have before ▪ hand monsieur de witt 's promise of assistance in that matter , which i resolv'd to defer no longer , though the deputies of zealand are to be here on the 14th current , who promised to bring the resolutions of their province with them . monsieur marshall has been out of town since my last , so that we have yet no result from him or monsieur appleboom concerning the guaranty , nor whether they intend to sign it without partiticular caution for the remainder of the subsidies : but the last sent me word this morning , that he expected the other in town to morrow , after whose return they would suddenly acquaint us how far they could proceed in all the matters that are before them ; though i shall divert their coming to any resolution in that of the concert of forces , as long as i can , and to be sure come to none my self upon it , till i know his majesties further pleasure . monsieur de witt tells me , that monsieur van benninghen had a large conference with the directors at amsterdam upon the subject of your letter , some parts whereof concerning the new complaints , arrived by our last ships , i had communicated to him ; and that they promis'd him a further consideration of it , and that they would transmit the result of all they should deliberate upon that subject , in a letter hither , which they say i may expect next week . monsieur de witt is very desirous that monsieur van benninghen would go over upon this occasion , and has desired me to endeavour the disposing him to it , which i doubt will be difficult . he alledges many considerations of his town and charge , and has others of his own , i suppose ; among which , one that he never mentions , i doubt , may have some weight ; which is , that he is in the midst of a building here that he began last summer , and intends to finish this , and seems a little fond of the care of it . i am ever as becomes me , sir , your most faithful , and most humble servant . w. temple . letter xxxv . hague , may 10. s. n. 69. sir , i have received your last of the 23 〈…〉 past , and was sorry you had occasion to put me again in mind of the orde 〈…〉 about surinam . i gave in a memori 〈…〉 concerning it again , the beginning of th 〈…〉 week ; but monsieur de witt has been o 〈…〉 of town ever since munday night , a 〈…〉 for that reason i have not yet prest to h 〈…〉 my conference , fearing in case it happe 〈…〉 in his absence , either nothing would 〈…〉 done , as it commonly happens ; or el 〈…〉 the learned deputies might give so 〈…〉 stop to the way of doing it , which m 〈…〉 sieur de witt has declared his satisfacti 〈…〉 in . but if he comes back to morrow , 〈◊〉 hope to see the dispatch of it before th 〈…〉 next post. since my last , the act of guaranty h 〈…〉 been signed by all parties in the form , whic 〈…〉 goes here enclosed , and differs from wh 〈…〉 i sent before , only in the omission of two words of no moment , and which came i suppose rather by chance then on purpose . they are only the words respectivement , and voysias ; but the omission has happened to run through all three instruments . they are all in my possession , and likewise the spanish ambassador's act for payment of the subsidies , there by consent to remain till the money on one side , and the ratification on the other side arrive . but yet he is so punctillious , that he will not be satisfied , unless the word ratifier be put in at the latter end in stead of procurer ; which as i conceive ▪ cannot be as it now runs , without nonsense , since it refers to the trois originaux , before mentioned to be signed by the two kings and the states , which are in effect the same with ratifications , and so we should oblige our selves to make a ratification be ratified . but yet this old ambassador will not understand it , and i doubt will put us to the trouble of signing new instruments , unless monsieur de witt at his return can satisfie him better than i. but i suppose this change of the last lines , if it should be made , will signifie nothing to the instrument which the king signs ; and which if it be an original , and not a ratification , will end at those words , de la cause qui en te ▪ cas deviendra commune . i know not whe ther the spanish ambassador was more ar tificial or no , in another change he made in his instrument of subsidies , where he has put in , qu' ayant traittè et adjustè avec la triple allyance touchant la guarentie et le payement de subsides , he promised . but i told him plainly the swedes would never consent to any such clause , nor own that they had ever treated with any minister of spain , touching either guaranty or money , which they pretend to give and receive only in pursuit of their alliance with us and holland to that purpose : and the spanish ambassador has promis'd me , to send me another instrument without that clause , though with much ado . between so much delicacy on both sides , i have had trouble enough to bring people together , that have not yet seen one another , and they make me much acknowledgment of it on both sides , by which means i have the luck to be in both their confidence ; and to find that however they are come to agree at last , yet they are but very little satisfied with one anothers manner of proceeding . monsieur mareschal has once more promised me , that they will excuse themselves from falling upon the particular concert , till the first payment be made , and that when they do , they will go no further than generals , and against the violator of the peace , without specifying one thing more than another , so as it may be only a concert between our selves , and not to be given to spain as was design'd , by that grown and this state. all which , i suppose , is exactly agreeable with the kings intentions , as i find them exprest in your last , that is , in case it cannot be defer'd without disagreeing from the two other principals ; but i shall be sure to bring nothing to an issue , without first acquainting you with what passes in that particular , and receiving his majesties commands upon it . i can say nothing more of the marine article since my last , having not heard of monsicur de witt or van benninghen since . they will not be so consident in flanders , as i see , we are in england of this summer's passing without ▪ action , but take great ▪ alarm at the noise of the french kings coming to marymon● the end of this month , with those troops which they call ●a m●i●●n de roy , and they say consist of 12000 choice men. the states have lately had some letters , which make several of them jealous of m●●str●●●● likewise , in case of the french troops gathering in flanders : but i hope all their designs in france this summer , will lie towards candia , since you say those succours proceed , though i find by several letters from italy , they much doubt in those parts , whether the french intentions that way , are sincere or not , and whether that king will not yet find some pretext to delay them till the town be taken , which is now said to be in much danger . i am always , sir , your most obedient , and most humble servant , w. temple . letter xxxvi . hague , may 16. s. n. 69. sir , i was taken up with such long conferences , upon the marine and surinam affairs with the deputies of amsterdam and zealand , that i had not time to give you the trouble of them , when the last post went away , which i should have been sorry for , if my success had been likely to please you : the sum of all monsieur van benninghen's reasonings who was the mouth of the rest , run'd upon those two points so often toucht , that we demand new methods to prevent a disease ; but will not say when or where we have felt it , or any symptoms of it , whereas let them but know in particular what we ask , and we may be sure of this states doing all that can be for the kings satisfaction . the other was , that we understand our selves too well , and the present conjuncture to fear any injuries from them in the indies , who have no other support here , besides our alliance , and upon that point , said as much as i could have done my self , though without any conclusion to our purpose , nor has he yet sent me a copy of monsieur valkeneer's letter , or the expedient proposed in it , which i mention'd about a fortnight since . so jealous are those of amsterdam in this matter , that they cannot fall upon any sort of proposition , but they presently imagine twenty interpretations we may raise upon it , beyond their meaning ; and i believe they fear it more now , then if our friendship were less necessary to them . monsieur van benninghen promises every day to send to monsieur valkeneer , to propose his expedient , and monsieur de witt says , if we cannot agree upon it here , monsieur boreel shall be instructed upon his going into england , either to give or receive satisfaction in it ; and this is all i can yet get from them , and know not how to help my self . the pensionary of zealand was harder in his arguments about surinam , maintaining first , that after the conclusion of the peace , the king had no further right to interest himself in any thing that past in that colony , no more then they in the new netherlands , or spain in the burse , or breda , or all their other towns surrender'd upon articles , but whose soveraignty by the peace , was given up to them . that if articles were not observ'd , the inhabitants might complain , but to them only who were by the peace become their soveraign , and not to any other prince . but though they wav'd that in complyance to his majesty , yet they had reason to wonder why we should press so far for satisfaction in this matter , without giving it in the wrongs , they had received from my lord willoughby , after such peremptory commands from the king in their behalf , and that if the kings o●ficers would not obey him , we had reason to fear the same from theirs , and here i was to hear a long deduction of my lord willoughby's action , with all the aggravation that could be , but having weather'd these two points , we fell upon the articles themselves after his having profest that they should be observ'd , and upon the fifth he argued , that the words [ together with their estates , ] could mean only the product of their estates sold ; because after mention of power to sell their estate , it is said immediately after . [ and the governor in that case shall promise , that he be transported , ] 2dly , that this appear'd to be the meaning , and not that they should have liberty to carry away their slaves , because there was another express article which was the 19th , to give that liberty particularly to those who would go off with the fleet that was there , and which would have been needless , if it had been comprehended by the former article . 3dly , that if this were so meant , they would have a priviledge more than either they had while they were his majesties subjects , or than any of theirs ; for in none of our or their plantations is it ( as he says ) permitted , that any inhabitant who removes , shall carry away his slaves , but he is to sell them there , because they are an essential part of the fruits of the land , and without which , the soil is nothing worth . these were his main arguments , and i used the best i could to maintain my point , and we parted with assurance of his utmost endeavours , to give his majesty satisfaction without the ruine of the colony . the other deputies have promised me the same , but i doubt it is only with intention , to ascertain the satisfaction of those that remove , for such of their slaves as are necessary to the lands there , at the current price of slaves in those parts , for this i hear is whisper'd among them , as an expedient in the business . but i cannot yet get their resolution , which i doubt is something delay'd , by the present affairs between holland and zealand , which are every day in agitation , though a day passes not without calling upon them about it , which is always answer'd with promise of dispatch . since the writing of this , i have yours of the 11th , which signi●ies his majesties satisfaction in the negotiations here about the guaranty and subsidies , and intentions to dispatch suddenly the ratification of the first . i was surpriz'd this morning , when monsieur marcschal came to me , and shew'd me the swedish ratification , which was just then arrived , and could wish the spaniards had made as much hast with their money , of which i can yet hear no news from the spanish ambassadors , and wish , that after all these pains that have been taken to make this party , it be not broken at last by the extream negligence , or disorder of the spanish court , and counsels ; for their spoiling all their own affairs , and ruining themselves , are things that , i think , god alone can help . in the mean time i know not whether the count de molinas being made sensible of this particular , will contribute any thing towards it . sir tho. higgons parted from hence on saturday for an●werp , and gave me the same assurance , i see you have received , of the german princes disposition in the present affairs of our alliance , which you would have reason to be firm in , if the french ambassador had any in the long discourses and applauses he has been making this afternoon upon this point , that never any king had in any negotiation given such a coup de maistre , and just after a war , made holland depend more upon him , then he could have done by a conquest . que 〈…〉 d' avoir trou●è le def●●t de ●●●●èes et poussè son coup a● corur ; and th●n , ne ●●●●● pas le modeste là dessi●● , car vous s●●●ez qu' ils sont a vous , et le premier pas que nous serons j●●●is ●n flandres , v●us disposerez de la hollande comm ' d'●ne de vos provinces , and twenty strains of this kind , in which i shewed him how much he mistook , since in 8 months time i could not make an end of one marine article , nor compass the execution of those of surinam , which were arguments enough , of the little influence we had here , or of my unsuccessful negotiations . for the rest , he turns all the fears of the spaniards , en ridicule , says , the french king has not above 6000 men in the camp , has sent 7000 effective to the relief of candia , has no present application , but to finish the fortifications of the conquer'd places , and without the death of the king of spain , has no thoughts but of peace and devertisement . he laughs at the counsels here about encreasing their forces , and at their alarms of the bishop of munster's arming and providing ammunition , and if all be true , his master has the sport of of being quiet himself , and yet troubling every body else . i am always as becomes me , sir , your most obedient , and most humble servant , w. temple . at this instant , monsieur de witt sent to excuse the delay of the business of surinam , upon the affairs between the two provinces , which have wholly taken them up for some days ; but promises me an end of it before this week passes . letter xxxvi . hague , iune 4. s. n. 69 ▪ sir , i omitted to acknowledge by the last post , one i had then received from you of the 13th past , because i could then add nothing to what i writ to my lord arlington , having not communicated the papers you were pleas'd to send me , upon the subject of the dutch peace at macassar . i have since done it , and discoursed with monsieur de witt upon them , who has taken them into his hands , to communicate with the east-india company , and receive their answer , which i thought best to attend , before i put in any memorial to the states , and so made it publick ; because i find great use is made by the french , of the matters depending between us and the dutch to possess other princes , and especially those in germany , with an opinion of the unsteddiness of our common counsels , in the pursuit of the tripple alliance , which may be of ill consequence to the general affairs of this conjuncture : for unless we are forced to fall out , it will more than any thing , conduce to the present peace of christendom , so much desired by us both , that we be thought very good friends , whether we are so or no. i am sure we should be so , if it were not for the east-india affairs , but what they may produce in time , god knows ; for i take it for an ill presage to find upon all those matters , not only our merchants , but our ministers on both sides have opinions strangely different , as to what is reason and equity between us . for i have both my lord arlington's and your opinion upon this action at macassar , in terms which make me see it is ressented in england ; and in the paper of the east-india company , which is sent me over as the ground of my demands , one point absolutely insisted upon , is reparation of the damages sustained there about four months after the treaty signed at breda . when i read the whole thing to monsieur de witt , he would very hardly believe those papers had been perused by our ministers , but that they came immediately from our merchants , and made it very strange we should complain of any hostilities that had been done there , when we were as much in war as we had been a year before , unless we could prove the hard usage of prisoners , which he said was a thing not to be countenanced or suffer'd by them . for the demand of reparation , he desired me only to read the 7th article of the treaty at breda , which gives 8 months time on the other side the equinoctial , for notification of the peace ; and says , that all merchandise or moveables taken within that time , shall remain to the possessors without any exception , or any regard had to the making restitution , or compensation . i must confess , i was at a stand in both these points , but will believe it came from the inequality of the match between monsieur de witt and me , in the point of reasoning ; and therefore i must desire to be fortisied from better hands . that which occurs to me upon this matter , is , that we cannot complain of them for what past in the war , but that in pursuit of our pretence upon the marine article , for passing forts , we may demand that no progress of their conquests in the indies , should be made use of to deprive us of a trade we had before establisht in the countries of any indian princes , nor no treaties be made with any of them , to exclude us from such trade : and this i tell monsieur de witt and all of them , upon all occasions will be absolutely necessary , if they intend to live long in good intelligence with us , and in good humour between the nations . and after all their arguments from justice or practice , i tell them , that whether it be by means just or unjust , usual or unusual , we shall never endure to see our trade in the east-indies devolve every year by degrees into their hands , so as to give us apprehensions of our total loss , and their absolute acquisition of it . i will add nothing more upon this argument , ( for all that is said upon it , would be endless ) but expect their answers upon those papers , and what they promise of proposals towards some expedient in the marine article from amsterdam , for from thence it must come , monsieur de witt protesting , it is a thing he dares not meddle in , but by orders from thence , which i have some reason to believe . i have expected all this day the resolutions about surinam , having been assured i should have them , but it grows so late , i begin to doubt it ; and the rather , because these two days have been all in disorder with the prince's feasts to the deputies of zealand , and the states to the french ambassador . the affair between the two provinces , is like to come to an issue , by an expedient lately proposed , of the zealanders quitting their session in the courts of justice , but having the same share in the supream court of appeals , which they had before in the other ; and i do not find this is like to bring on any sudden mention of the prince between them . the bishop of munster makes a good deal of talk here , as i am sure , you know , by the common news . the truth of his business is , that his troops in garrison are encreased to about five or six thousand , and that he has about ten thousand of his peasants listed in companies , who are paid at the rate of a crown a month , but which seems to be done with intention of drawing them into service , though he professes no intentions of any designs , but only to guard himself , in case the dutch , now they are every where in peace , should think of revenging themselves for his last adventure . it is not yet resolved , whether these alarms will produce the augmentation of the troops here , which hath been so often spoken off . the paper mention'd in yours of the 18th will be very welcome , being much enquir'd after by the swedes ; i mean , his majesties answer upon their propositions . i advise them to go as far as they can with holland , with confidence his majesties concurrence will not fail them , but they would have our assistance too . i know nothing to encrease your trouble , beyond the professions of my being always , sir , your most faithful , humble servant , w. temple ▪ letter xxxvii . hague , iune 7. s. n. 69. sir , i have this day received yours of the 26th past , and am like to make you a bad return , by answering it both in ill health , and ill humour : for i shall soon grow weary of my imployment here , when i find i cannot be useful in the degree which is desired by his majesty , as well as by my self , and i doubt it will prove true , what i often tell the ministers here , tho' they take it in jest , that my star is past , and in stead of that lucky one which influenced my former negotiations , i have met another that crosses me in all i now engage in . i find by your last as well as by the former , what i am to insist upon in the business of surinam , and did it to the utmost in those conferences i gave you the account of , and have since expected the states resolutions thereupon , which have been so often promised me , and yet i am not possest of them , though they tell me i shall before the closing of this pacquet . but i am not so impatient to see them , since a visit i received last night from the pensionary of zealand , who begun with his having defer'd it some days , because he would not come without giving me the certainty of those resolutions having past the states , and in such form , as he doubted not i would be satisfied with : for they had done all that could be in compliance to his majesty , though they knew very well he had no right to interpose in this matter , any more then they did in the behalf of the dutch in the new neatherlands , upon which point of all right ceasing , after a cession made of the soveraignty by the peace , he at large insisted . he would not pretend to tell me the particulars of the resolutions , which he said should not fail to be in my hands to day , but as far as i can gather , they amount no more than to orders for their governor , that proclamation shall be made to declare liberty given to all that desire to remove ; that they come and given in their names within a certain time , and shall have another convenient time allotted them to sell their estates ; and if they cannot find a ghapman in that time , the states will buy them at the usual prices , and the slaves at the same prices they cost , and after that they shall by the governor be furnisht with convenient shipping , and at usual rates to transport them to such parts as they desire . the debate i fell into with him upon the point of carrying off our slaves , admitted nothing new , that i remember , besides what i related to you from our former conferences ; but upon the other point of their orders , or the duplicates being carryed thither by one of the kings ships , which monsieur de witt , and the other commissioners in our former conference , had not seemed at last very averse to , i found this gentleman in quite another language , and nettled at the advice , it seems , he had received , that the king intended to send major bannister thither , and imploy him and a ship of our own in this removal . he fell into long discourses of the mischiefs the major had practised against them there , and of the reasons there had been for the states of zealand's sentence against him , and particularly that part , that he should never return thither , which he was sure they would be resolute in , and after that of the little appearance , they should suffer any of our ships to come thither , when none of their were suffered to touch at any of our colonies in those parts ; but so far from it , that they had now a complaint to make about an english ship from guiney with slaves , that was by stress of weather forced lately into surinam , and selling their slaves there , had freighted themselves with a sort of wood , that was necessary for those of the barbadoes , where as soon as this ship arrived , all the wood was immediately consiscated , because it was upon the account of some of the inhabitants of surinam . upon these points , we talkt our selves out of breath , and into very ill humour , which he would have ended , by saying , he did not doubt but when i saw the resolutions of the states , i would be satisfied with them , though i have no belief of it at this time . in all these discourses , i ever wave answering the long and bitter complaints they fall into against my lord willoughby , and the demands of reparation , so that i doubt monsieur boreel will be very ill company upon that subject , when he goes over , which is intended within a fortnight or three weeks . i heard about ten days since , that mr. st. iohns , that was chief justice in cromwell's time , was come to some place , not far from utrecht , and a son of his with him , who was lately at amsterdam . i took no notice of it , because i suppose he is free to go where he pleases ; and i know not whether i had reason to make any reflection upon a great many english landing at rotterdam , from several vessels , and passing by this place towards amsterdam , and i suppose with design of going to visit mr. st. iohns . one of them was mr. walter st. iohns , with his lady , another was sir foulke howe ; there was a sir iames too with them , whose name i could not be assured off , though the person i imploy'd told me , he heard him once call'd by it , and thought it was some such name as sir iames bagg , and that there was another whom he had often seen go in and out of the parliament house . there are about 30 in all , as i hear , with women and servants : but passing in several companies , lodging in dutch houses , and seeming to do it with a design of being private , this made me curious to enquire more of them , and send to rotterdam , to enquire how they came over . with much adoe i found the house they lodged in there , and that they came part in the dutch paquet-boat , and part in a vessel from a small creek in essex or suffolk , and two gentlemen in a ship from weymouth in dorsetshire ; that they were visited at rotterdam by desborough , helsey , one major white , and bolsprit a merchant , all men of the same strain , who were lock'd up in a room with them five or six hours , and white and helsey went away with them upon their journey towards amsterdam . i have engaged one to follow them , and give me a further account of them , if he ran , though i know not at all what such persons , their journies , or meetings can signifie : however , i thought it fit to give you notice of it , because you may by comparing circumstances , unknown to me , make perhaps other reflections . of the medals you mention , i can hear ●othing here further , than what mr. perwick wrote me last post from france , that there were such medals made there , and disperst on purpose to peak us against the dutch. for sir samuel morland's cypher , we have the key of it here , but my secretary tells me , there is something alter'd by you in the rule and use of it , since last year , so that he has been out in something . mr. perwick wrote from france for a tryal between us ; therefore i should be glad you would please to send your exact rule , as you now use it , with a good quantity of the ruled papers , by some safe hand . persons of all nations here , take part in the hopes given us by the queen , and especially the dutch , whose chief ministers seem to me very much concern'd in it , so that i can assure her majesty , it will be very ill taken abroad , if she disappoint us i am ever as becomes me , sir , your most humble , and most obedient servant , w. temple ▪ i sent my packet open as long as i 〈…〉 was possible , in a place where the times ar 〈…〉 so exact ; and just at this instant , the states resolution is brought me in dutch , with a message , that the commissioners will come to morrow or next day , to confer with me upon it ▪ t is long , and i am not dutchman enough to understand it well , nor have time to get it translated , so as you will have it at full by the next . letter xxxviii . hague , iune 18. s. n. 69. sir , i have since my last , received the ratification of the guaranty , with the paper concerning the swedish demands in a letter from you , which came to me by my wife ; with a large testimony she has given me , of the favour and assistance she received from you , in the pursuit of her business , f●r which i make you my acknowledgments ; and should do it with more circumstance , but that i see you are willing to have me in your debt , and i am desirous to come out of it , by some better way . i shall observe the directions i receive concerning the swedish pretentions , when they come again in play , which they have not done lately , monsieur mareschal having been above ten days out of town , in hopes to hear of the first payment arriving from spain , before his return ; for upon that performance , the rest of our negotiations in that business will very much depend , which makes me sorry to see nothing yet effected in it , for i doubt the sw●des within a little time , will grow weary of being entertained only with the cheap hopes and promises given them for a month or two by the spanish ambassador . i have likewise received lately one from you of iune 1st , with large reflections upon the ill returns of the states in both the affairs of the east indies and surinam , and shall take the freedom you give me , of making use of those discourses to monsieur de witt , to which purpose they are now translating . in the mean time i had not neglected discoursing with monsieur van benninghen upon both those subjects , though he will hardly allow that of surinam , to be worth speaking of , i suppose , because neither the town of amsterdam , nor the province of holland , are concerned in it . for the other , i prest him upon the necessity of the general article , with all the warmth and arguments i could possibly draw , from the considerations of the present conjuncture . he fell to the old defences , the danger of new and greater disputes upon the interpretation of any general article , the consequences such an agreement with us , might have to open their trade to all the rest of their allies , the offers of redress in all particulars that could happen , when-ever we could give the instances . upon all which , i took him at the advantage , and told him none of all those three considerations could be alledged against the particular satisfaction we demanded in the business of macassar , having a particular instance , wherein we were aggrieved , and the redress whereof , could admit no danger of interpretations , nor draw consequences to any other nation , since no other had any trade establisht there . he defended himself with arguments , monsicur de witt had used , of this treaty for sole commerce being the sole fruits of a long and dangerous war , and of vast expence , of every king or government having power to dispose of their own commodities , as sweden might contract to sell them all their copper , or portugal all their salt ; and that the article of breda , does not oblige us to comprehend one another in all such particular contracts , concerning commerce , but in those of alliance and defence : that if they made a war purposely to destroy our trade , it ought to be disown'd and redrest ; but if upon injuries from an indian king , they were forced to a war , and they succeeded to have a conquest in their power , they might use it as they pleased . i told him , all this ended in a declaration , that they could neither give us our general article for the future , nor particular redress for what was past , which was too much at a time , or between those that intend long to be friends ; and prest him so home , that at last he interrupted me , and askt me brusquement , whether , if they would restore us to our trade at macassar , i would conclude the treaty : for tho' it would lose all the fruits of their victory ; yet they could tell what that would cost , but what a general article might import , no body could compute . he said further , that if this would content us , he would endeavour it . i told him i had commission to ask no less then that restitution , and the general article too , but when they could resolve what to propose to me , i would transmit it to his majesty . he promised to consider of it , and desired we might have a joynt conference with monsieur de witt upon it , at his return to town , which is this day expected . he concluded , that though he could not promise for the rest , yet he would assure me of his endeavours , and that he hoped , his journey into england was reserved for some greater occasion . in the mean time , i thought it necessary to acquaint you with this overture , and know your reflections upon it . i confess , i could not but be inwardly pleased with it , because it lookt like something , in stead of nothing , because a redress of this kind , may bea● a construction to imply all others as due hereafter , in cases of the like nature ; but chiefly , because in one of your letters , you mentioned this business of macassar , as of more importance than what injuries we could apprehend by forts and passages : and though i cannot yet reckon upon any thing certain from this overture , yet i count it some advantage to have divided my enemies . for monsieur de witt , that stands firmly upon the justice of their treaty of macassar , as an acquisition of war with that king , declares he will endeavour the composure of some general article , tho' he is in pain how to restrain it from possibility of interpretations ; and monsieur van benninghen , who ever declar'd the most against this last , yet offers to endeavour the restitution at macassar . if this be thought worthy his majesties reflections , it may be considered how far it would extend towards our satisfaction , to have such an article for restoring our trade at macassar , inserted in the very treaty of commerce , with some such introduction ; que pour saire voir les intentions mutuelles de pune et de pautre nation d●●'empieter pas sur le commerce pun de pautre , en quelque quartier des indes qu' il soit establi , ou sous aucun pretexte de traitez , avec auc●n roys ou gouvernements , ●y d' empescher le commerce pun de pautre avec quelques nations qui ●e sont pas dans po●●upation de pautre compagn●è , il est accordè , &c. and if we can give instances of any particular fort , by which we have been of late years aggriev'd , contrary to the usual practise , the redress in that , may at the same time be insisted on , and to the words , sous aucun pretexte de traittez , ny des forts , may be added . and such a pursuit would i suppose walk upon a firmer foot , then the other of a general article , which they say is in the air , while it is not grounded upon particular instances ; and therefore so apprehended among them , that i very much doubt succeeding in it , to any other effect , then the pretences of quarrelling with them , when we find occasion . but these are sudden and undigested notions of mine , which i leave to your riper considerations , and offer them only out of an impatient desire , i have of finding some issue out of this affair , which has mortified me so long , by not being able to effect his majesties desire , and is particularly unlucky to me , in being forced to represent all the reasons they can here raise against it , by my letters into england , wherein i take no care of enlarging upon those arguments i use here to maintain it ; since it would be a repetition of what i have chiefly been furnisht with out of england ; and i know this makes it look , as if in my letters i pleaded their cause , and not our own . but till they have a minister in england , i know not how to help it . i doubt the zealanders have a mind , monsieur bor●●l should have the honour of negotiating the affair of surinam , rather than i : however , i desire to know whether his majesty resolves i shall put in another memorial to the states , upon their last answer , and upon what particulars i shall positively insist ; for that you mention at large in your ▪ last , of major bannisters person , or of his majesties sending a ship purposely for the transportation of the inhabitants , has been yet mention'd only in our private discourses , and not o●● publick papers ; and you will i hope , make that use of the failing laid to my charge , in the merchants paper of demands , to judge it necessary that my orders should be distinct . i am ever , sir , your most faithful , humble servant . w. temple . letter xxxix . hague , iune 21. s. n. 69. sir , i have this day received one from you of the 8th current , and shall as you give me leave , make the best use i can of it here , and you need not fear that the dutch ministers want being entertained by me , in the same style you have used in both your last letters , and in some others before . i had yesterday a large conference with monsieur de witt , concerning the east-india business , wherein , though he endeavour'd to maintain , they had no obligation in justice , to restore our trade at macassar , yet he said , he was very glad that monsieur van benninghen had made me such an overture , and though he fear'd much , he would find difficulty in making it good ; yet he assur'd me , he should have all his help in it . after all we could say of both sides , i desired him to take these two maxims with him , as those that would never fail him in all his negotiations with us : first , that the good or ill quarter we had with them in the east-indies , would ever have a great influence upon our alliances , and good or ill intelligence with them in europe , since we overmatch them here , as much as they did us in the indies , and so must necessarily ballance one by the other . and to make this good the second maxim i gave him , was , that how luckily soever they had escaped the danger of our last war , yet whenever a king of england should fall in frankly with the current humour of his people , for the understanding and managing any war , wherein both should take their honour and interest to be equally concerned , there was nothing which our crown was not capable of , atchieving , since the true strength of all kingdoms and states , consisted in the number of good and warlike bodies of men , that are their native subjects ; in which i believed no king in christendom could equal his majesty , considering the number and natural courage of the subjects in his several kingdoms , hesides the general riches of england , whenever they meet an occasion that would make them willing to open their purses , to any degree near what all their neighbours were forced to do every day . monsieur de witt acknowledged both these to be true , and upon the last , said , he believed france had more men than we , but we had more good men then they , and upon that subject , he fell upon extolling the bravery of our nation by many examples , and to a degree , that no english man could have said more : and for the other point , he said we might be sure by our being so much stronger here then they were , that we should never want fair quarter with them in the indies ; but he hoped we would not press them upon things that they could not grant , without endangering the ruine of all their establishments , or their alliance with us . to say truth upon all discourses of this kind , or the necessity of their preserving our alliance in this conjuncture , both monsieur de witt , and the rest of their ministers ever yielded all i can say : but on the other side , what they think is reason , they hold they must perish ▪ with it , and that when a nation once yields that point in their negotiations with any other , they must ever after treat rather as a province , then as an equal state. and therefore i doubt the fault is in me , that have not yet been able to make them acknowledge , that we have reason in what we demand , though i am not yet out of hopes , to bring our east-india business to something , as far as i can ground by monsieur de witt , and van benninghen's last discourses . and to that purpose , i resolve next week to make one step more than i have yet done , by a journey to amsterdam , which they both advise me to ; and i hear those of that town , have a good while expected it , as it seems other ambassadors have used to make them a visit in less time ; and then i shall confer with the directors all together , and the chief of the company besides , and know what i am to trust to . the day before yesterday , i conferr'd with the pensionary of zealand , who drew up the states last answer about surinam , and read him that part of your former long letter which concerned that matter . he pretended to hope , when his majesty had seen their answer , he would be better satisfied , but i soon beat him from that post , and pursued it so far , as to read him the last words of your discourse , upon both the subjects of the marine and surinam , concerning the ill consequences they were like to have , and that such as were friends to our alliance , would not be long able to resist them . he answer'd me very gravely ; first for our warranting my lord willoughby's actions by the 7th article , he would reason no more upon it , if the 6th ▪ article would not convince us by those words [ shall be restored , bona fide , in the same state and condition wherein they shall be found to be at the time , when ▪ ever it shall be known in those places , that the peace is made . ] he alledged likewise , the words in the 7th article , [ taken or gotten in places and coasts far distant after the peace is concluded , and before it be notified unto those places , ] and said , my lord willoughby's actions were not only after he knew of the peace , but after he had received orders from his majesty , for restoring that colony according to the articles of the peace . he ended , that though in compliance to his majesty , they had given the last answer ; yet they could never allow the english at surinam , to be his majesties subjects , as i called them , after that colony was delivered to them , according to the articles of breda , [ with plenary right of soveraignty and propriety ] et que si sa majesté estoit resolve de prendre c●lle petite affaire si ●aut , il ●alloit avoir patience . i had several times resolv'd , never any more to write you back any of the reasons used here against the demands i propose , and arguments i use to make them good ; because i have long sound , that it is taken by many in england , to be a pleading of their cause ; and therefore i thought never to send you any thing in this kind , but what they gave you in writing : yet i have transgress'd again for this time , because in your last , you seem to desire to know , what reply they make against my lord willoughby's being justified by the treaty of breda , which i had omitted hitherto to acquaint you with , because it was not directly a thing under my hands , though i have ever observed , that the states general , as well as those of zealand were as unsatisfied as could be , with all that part of the kings last answer to monsieur boreel , which concern'd my lord willoughby . besides i consider , that though it be the part of a good courtier to offer nothing to his prince , but what is like to please him ; yet perhaps 't is the part of a good minister upon all disputes , to be faithful in relating the reasons that are given him , and thereby to lay all fair for a judgment to be made , that so his majesty may be sure to ground his resolutions upon clear and evident reason , which is of infinite advantage to any cause . if the king would have me do otherwise , i can much easier obey him , and perhaps much better for , sir , your most faithful , humble servant , w. temple . letter xl. hague , iune 25. n. s. 69. sir , it is sit to give you some respite this post from the frequent troubles you have , of late received upon the subject of the marine and surinam , i attend his majesties orders upon the last , and shall perform them . if we must fall out with the dutch , we can never do it in more nor in better company ; for i know not whether we are more dissatisfied with them at this time , then france and spain , and sweden , and the bishops of collen and munster , the two last for particular affairs , wherein as far as i can see , the dutch use them something hardly , and might have spar'd it in this conjuncture . sweden , for refusing to secure any part of their subsidies , and spain for pressing them to secure the whole by a aypotheque of the upper quarter of gelderland . but these and several other re●entments of the two last , are supprest by their publick interests and engagements : what those of the bishop of munster will be , i know not , nor what credit is to be given to the noise he makes . i hear the states will this week fall into the consideration of giving him some satisfaction about the tussle of the countess of benthem , and the duties levyed by them upon his boats of provisions passing through the princess of ostrizes country , which i am sure you have heard of some months since , in the common papers of occuriences , and which are the only pretences he can have for breaking a peace made at our coast , and warranted by almost all the princes of the empire . yet it is agreed , the bishop has so far proceeded in his levies of late , that he is able to bring 13 or 14 thousand men into the field , though the greatest part is of his own peasants . however , these alarms have not yet prevail'd with the states , to make the recruits so long spoken of , nor will , i believe , unless the danger grows nearer . the letters this post from madrid , bring no very good account of the disorders between the queen and don iohn , but say , the last was resolv'd to come to madrid in a few days , if all was not accorded , so as by next post , some issue is expected . from poland we are assured , that senate has been forced by the equestrian order , to pass a deeree for exclusion of the prince of condè , and with so much heat , that one person who had the confidence to speak for him , escaped very hardly with his life ; so as the candidates are ●ow but two , and the last letters from warsaw , pretended not to judge which way the balance inclines , but seem to apprehend , least the assembly may fall into some great disorders , and break up without any election . i received letters this morning from the baron bonstetten , who assures me of the cantons having been much satisfied with the communication of my letters to him , qu' a la diete de seigniors a baden , ils l●y donneront une responce , ●t qu' ils sont tous a s●its incliner a tesmoigner leurs respects a sa majestè en tout sort des rencontres , which is all his letter brings me , referring me for other particulars , to the correspondent given him here by monsieur de witt , who tells me , that he assures them very positively , the cantons of baden , berne , lucerne , solerne , and two more , are disposed to enter into the tripple alliance , and that a spanish envoy was arrived there with money , to invite the seven lesser cantons : so that upon the whole , he gives great hopes of that strength being added to the alliance , which if it should happen , would so surround france on all sides , that i suppose they might thereby be induced to leave the world some time in quiet . i hold my resolutions of going to amsterdam , and making my attempt there towards the issue of our marine affairs , but would be very glad , first to see your ▪ thoughts upon the overture made by monsieur van benninghen concerning macassar . i am always as becomes me , sir , your most faithful , humble servant , w. temple . letter xli . hague , iuly 5. s. n. 69 ▪ sir , having not been able to return from amsterdam , so quietly nor so speedily as i went , by reason of the undeniable invitations i received from the towns of harlem and leyden ; i am return'd only in time , to acknowledge a letter i met of yours here the 18th past , with an enclosed paper of arguments , in both the points of the east-indies and surinam , which i shall not fail to make the best use of i can . i have had reason to believe , from my reception in the several towns , and conversation with their chief magistrates , that they all understand their interest in our alliances , as they ought , and value it as it deserves , having had it upon all occasions , exprest to me by them all equally in their discourses : but in other demonstrations , more by the town of harlem , ( who are the most averse to the princes interest ) then the rest ; and whose meeting me with all the militia of their town in great gallantry , and with great expense of powder , as i hear , was taken ill by the other towns , as an excess they ought not to have made upon any princes arrival , without having it first concerted by the states of holland . i thank god , the trouble of this journey is is well over , by which the chief thing i have learnt , is , that when they are drunk , and when they are sober , they seem still of a mind , in what concerns us and our alliance . i left them at amsterdam , in the same mind you are in your letter , that 't is time to make an end of this marine business , and monsieur van benniaghen assur'd me , that upon his coming to town here next week , he would to his utmost endeavour it , and that in the business of macassar , we should have satisfaction . for the general article , i can yet discover no disposition to it , unless it should be with such restrictions , as i doubt will not answer our merchants ends ; as for example , in that of trading with nations not in subjection , they say 't is a thing of so common right , that we have no reason to demand any particular article , but if such a thing be adjusted , it must be with a clause , that it shall not be adjudged to prejudice any rights , that one or other may have acquired by their arms , or by treaties with any princes or people in those parts . you can best judge , whether this be what our merchants mean. for my part , i am very confident that these here mean no such thing , as to endeavour our exclusion from the trade of the indies , nor to deny us the redress of any particular injuries we can complain of ; and that if we desired orders to their officers in the indies to make no innovations , which may be to our prejudice , but to carry all matters there that concerns us , in the most friendly manner that has been used between the nations , we should not be denyed them , though they are so stanch upon this general article ; believing it will be made the ground of future demands , which we will not now specifie : and all this opinion of mine , is not raised by the professions they make , nor by monsieur van benninghen's protesting , they are so far from doing us injuries , that they tremble at the very thoughts of it , and a great deal more of that kind ; but it comes from my belief , that they are a state which very well understands their own interests , and knows they can never take any good measures , but with us ; and that if necessity drives them to any other , they are such as must fail , and ruine them at last . i am always , sir , your most obedient , humble servant , w. temple . letter xlii . hague , iuly 9. s. n. 69. my lord , i ask your lordships pardon , for not acknowledging by the last post , one of iune 18 , which was then newly come to my hands , with an enclosed for the prince of tuscany , which i find was very welcome to him , by one i received yesterday from monsieur castilioni . we have now some reason to believe , the 200 dollars from spain will at length appear ; for besides the assurance given me of it by the spanish agent at amsterdam , and since by the ambassador here , i have had one coymans a merchant with me , who is the chief of the partners that have contracted in spain , for remitting that money ; and who assures me , that he had news by the last spanish post , of the contracts being perfected by his correspondent there , with the spanish ministers , and that they were negotiating likewise with them , for remitting the two following terms as they should grow due ; and he says we are not like to attend the arrival of the plate , which is to be imbarkt at cadiz , for all that , is to run upon the merchants hazard , who by the contract , are upon receipt of the value there , to draw bills upon these of amsterdam , payable at sight . so as i hope there will soon be an end of this long business . as for the concert , subsequent to the guaranty , i hope it is in such a posture , as his majesty will be pleased with ; for upon my last conference with the swedish minister , since my last return from amsterdam , we agreed , that we would neither of us begin the motion of it any further ; that if i were prest to it either by spain or sweden , i should say , his majesty was content to enter into it , when ever the crown of sweden were so too ; that if by either of the said parties , the swedish ministers shall be sollicited , they shall answer , that they are ready to enter into it , when ever either spain or holland shall propose the ways of assuring the monthly subsidies designed them , in case of a war breaking out , for as for those spoken of in time of peace , i think the pretence will cease . i send your lordship enclosed , all the fruits of my troublesom journey to amsterdam , and of my conferences since with monsieur de witt , and van benninghen : for having absolutely declared , that the restitution of our trade at macassar , would not serve turn , without a general article ; they at length consented there should be one , which they pretend is pursuant to the meaning exprest by our ministers , though not by our merchants , which is , that nothing desired , should tend to the breaking the former usages and establishments , but only to prevent new injuries , especially since we have given them no other particular instances , as they say , of our complaints , besides this of macassar . the enclosed form of all the additional articles , is what they will consent to . the last about trade with free nations , goes in latin , to avoid the translation which the other must undergo upon perfecting the treaty : they pretend the latter part of the article , which says , illibata maneant quae in usu commerciorum , armorum jure aut pactorum vi acquisita sunt , secures us in any place where our trade is already establisht , from injuries either by treaties or forts . with all this , i have not exprest any satisfaction , further then my promises of transmitting all for his majesties judgment and resolution : i only struck out the word they much insisted upon , after gentibus liberis , which were , non dependentibus , as capable of any interpretation , and so have left the definition of gentes liberae , as strict as we our selves desired it . i understood likewise by our conference , and their proposition yesterday ; that the words before mentioned should run ; illibata maneant quae usu commerciorum , armorum , &c. and not in usu ; as they have put it in the enclosed , which comes but just now to my hands ; and i think it would be stronger for us , to have that preserv'd untoucht , which we have acquired , usu commerciorum , as well as armorum jure , or pactorum vi . if you can content your merchants with the treaty , as it runs here , you may have it perfected , and your trade at macassar and factories restored , which i think i may say considently , though monsieur de witt , and van benninghen , only promise their endeavours in it , and would make us believe , 't is something very extraordinary they do for his majesties satisfaction , that those of the east-india company would sooner part with a million of money , then yield the 2d article about defining a besieged place ; which they say , will end all further conquests of theirs in the indies , since they cannot besiege them by land , and they may be relieved by sea. they say besides , that the restitution of macassar , will be such a president for redress of any injuries that we can ever receive , and justly complain of , that it imports much more then any general article could have done without it ; of all which , i leave the judgment before you . letters this day from the baron de bonstetten , give great appearance of the switzers aversion to engage in the french interest , and assure the spanish ministers , of their being provided with money , which together with their inclinations , he thinks , may make some change in their counsels , to the advantage of those ends proposed by the tripple alliance . we hear france is very ill satisfied with the late revolution in poland , and with don iohn's growing so powerful in their neighbourhood . having none of mr. secretary's now to answer , with the debt i was in to your lordship , has excused his trouble this post , and been the occasion of drawing it upon your lordship , from , my lord , your lordships most faithful , and most humble servant . vv. temple ▪ letter xliii . hague , iuly 19. s. n. 69. sir , the contrary winds have kept yours of the 26th past , some days longer upon the way , then is usual in this season ; but i shall not fail to morrow , to deliver his majesties letter to the states , which is , as you observe , in a style which shows that the king demands nothing but his right , and seeks no occasions of unkindness , or weakning his alliance with this state , as some were apt to believe . monsieur de witt seem'd satisfied in a great measure , with the last paper you sent me over , of replies to their arguments upon the business of surinam , and says , the difficulty in colonel willoughby's case , must be cleared by matter of fact ; for if the slaves he took away , were only such as belonged to his own person , he allows he had right to do it ; but not if they belong'd to any of the works upon the colony , of which in that case , he says , they were apart , and so ought to be left in the state it was found at the notice of the peace . i am extream glad , his majesty has made so fair and distinct a demand by way of letter , which takes it off from my hands , though i shall not omit all my endeavours among the ministers , to procure a good answer to it ; which the satisfaction offer'd , in case of any breach of articles by colonel willoughby , should methinks very much advance . i am glad to find you are of the opinion , that their restoring us to macassar , will signifie something towards defending us from any future injuries by treaties or forts ; and this i can assure you , that tho' monsieur de witt desends the action upon its being done in time of war , and thereby would make the restitution pass rather for an act of friendship and compliance , then of justice ; yet i have not heard him , or any else among them , offer to justifie any such action , that should be done in time of peace ; and where we had a trade establisht by preceding contracts . and by all i can observe here , i do not believe , we are likely to be much troubled about any accidents likely to happen upon their future conquests in those parts , for all the prudent men among them , confess they have more already in their hands , then they can manage with so small a stock of men , as their government consists of , which will be ever a hinderance to any great enlargements by conquest or colonies , in any part of the world. besides , the trade of the east-india is now grown so large , and so open , that 't is almost impossible those commodities should not grow to be arrant drugs , in five or six years time ! for the riches of the trade formerly grew by the dearness , and that by the scarcity of the commodities brought from thence : whereas now the dutch company , as i am assured , have left behind them in their stores , full as much as they have brought away this year ; and yet 't is a question among the merchants , whether they have not brought enough to glut the market , while besides us and portugal , now of late sweden , denmark , and hamburgh , as well as france , are falling into the trade . at least i was assured at amsterdam , that the east-india actions ( as the several shares are call'd ) fell twenty in the hundred , even after the news of their fleets being safe , and near their arrival . but these are only my conjectures , from the lights i can gather in various conversation , and ought not to hinder us in the pursuit of our rights , or prevention of any injuries we have reason to apprehend . i sent my lord arlington last post , the result of their late conferences with me upon this matter , in the restitution of macassar , and the projects of a general article , upon which i can proceed no further , till i receive new directions from you . i hope the matters of the tripple alliance , will prove firm by the sudden payment of the swedish subsidies ; but by my last conference with the spanish ambassador , and monsieur mareschall , i fear i shall be prest again upon the point of the concert . for the spanish ambassador offers an act for securing 30 m. of crowns a month to the swedes during a war , if it breaks out ; and the swedish ministers i find , expect from us and holland , a promise of paying them the other 30 m. in that case , whilst spain engages , ( as they are content ) to reimburse us . what holland will resolve to do in this case , without a hypotheque , as they have hitherto insisted , i know not yet ; if they refuse , i am not like to be prest upon any answer ; but if they should consent , it will be necessary for me to know his majesties pleasure . so soon as this matter ends , monsieur mareschall has orders to go to the prince of lunenburgh , to make them an invitation from the swedish crown , conformable to that which has already been made them by his majesty , and this state , which shews the disposition of that crown , to be both steddy and forward towards the ends of our alliance ; and i think his majesty may be confident in this present conjuncture , they will keep close to the measures that shall be taken by him in the publick concernments of christendom . i am always , sir , your most faithful , humble servant , w. temple . letter ▪ xliv . hague , iuly 23. s. n. 69. sir , i am sorry to find by yours of iuly 6th , as well as by a latter from my lord arlington , that all my endeavours towards an issue in the east-india business , are like to be never the nearer it ; for i very much doubt , if the words you mention , which they put in for security against our grounding innovations , in the course of that trasick upon this article , ( though we have not yet pretended it , as i remember ) should be left out , it would but encrease their suspicions , and leave the matter where it was . but i think the best will be , rather to make a new project , the fairest our merchants can afford ; and such an one , as can leave nothing that is past in dispute : but if we find any grievances already practised , besides macassar , to name them , and demand redress . this i think will be better , then to accept their article , and strike out those words ( for the reason aforementioned ) though they often argue , that the desire coming wholly from us , and no nation pretending right to force another to a new treaty , the wording of the article ought to be allowed them . i wish some of our east-india merchants had been at our conferences ; for i will be bound to say , this thing has been debated to the very grave , and nothing left that can be said in it , though we pretend on either side , not to be understood aright in it , what we would have . but that you may once for all , know what they go upon here , to the end of grounding your proposition the better ; i will tell you ; first , that they are firmly perswaded , our merchants chief aim in this article , is to give occasions of entring into new disputes with them , when they shall see a good conjuncture , even upon things establisht by long use , and mutual practise in the indies ; and against which , they will not now put in their exceptions , and complaints . and therefore i do not think they will ever admit an article , which shall be understood to alter the present state of things there , ( since they offer , if there be any occasion , to do that upon our complaints and instances in the particulars ) but only to prevent innovations for the future , contrary to what has been , or is now practised by mutual consent or allowance . as for example , they will not admit of an article , which shall import freedom of commerce with all free nations , unlimited by the use establisht , and the treaties acquired , unless first we tell them , what those nations are which we count free , and where notwithstanding we are by the dutch , forbidden to trade ; for they say , the nature of subjection is so various , especially in those countries , that upon such an article , we may hereafter pretend to trade in many places , where we never thought or offer'd at it before . and the same in point of forts and passes too . that which monsieur van benninghen went upon , for a foundation in the offer of this article ; was , first that we desir'd no innovation in the ancient usual and mutual practice of commerce in the indies , but rather the hindring any such innovations , that may be offer'd by them . secondly , that we pretended not by it a reddress of injuries , already offer'd against such practise , but a prevention of them for the future , and of the jealousies we had conceived of their intentions . and this they reckon upon , because they have from the beginning , ever desir'd instances of our grievances , to the end they might redress the particulars , and understand the general aim ; but we have not thought fit to give them any besides that of macassar , in which they are ready to do us reason . they ground it besides , upon the several discourses i have held them , upon those two points , wherein i am sure i have never gone farther , then what i received from my lord keeper , my lord arlington or your self , in your letters that i have by me . and upon this subject , i confess it is new to me , what you say in your last ; that to put in that clause , illibat ● maneant quae in usu commercii , armorum vi , aut pactorum jure acquisita sunt , would confirm upon us , not only all the injuries we have complain'd of by forts and passes , but even of treaties too ; and that of macassar , which they offer to abrogate . now i must confess , i remember not any of those particular injuries we have complained of , or desir'd redress in , besides that of macassar . but very well , that after my pressing several times for such instances , the merchants sent me a large paper , with very many recapitulations of what had been , and of what might be , to which the dutch replyed , that they only raked into former times and actions that had been debated , and ended in former treaties , and desired to know of us , which of those instances we thought appliable to the present question : to which i received an answer , that what we desired , was more for prevention , than remedies : and in short , have not been furnisht with other particular instances , than of cochin and cananor , which the dutch say was wholly of a different nature , and regulated by the article , that defines a besieged place . and now you have all before you , that i can think to put you in mind off , i should be glad to receive , as i said before , the fairest proposition our merchants can afford of their own ( for i am sure it will never be ended by any from hence ) and if i fail of their consent here to it , i think it will be time for me to despair of it ; and i am very glad that upon that subject , you talk of bringing it to a meeting of commissioners , which is all the way i know will be left , besides breaking it off unkindly ; the effects of which i doubt not , but both sides understand , and will cast up before they come to it . i must rectifie one thing , which i think you have not right understood me in ; which is , that by such an article as they propose , we should buy the abrogation of their treaty at macassar too dear , establishing at the same time , a right of doing the same against us for ever . for the article cannot be understood to establish future treaties , but only the past. nor do the dutch impose the article , as a price of what we demand at macassar , but are willing to re-establish us there , without any such article at all , but finishing the treaty upon those already agreed to . the illness of the king of spain is again much spoken off here , though not owned by the spanish ambassadors . the zealanders having sent the ratification of the last agreement with their province , the prince expects very shortly , to enter into the council of state. the swedish subsidies are every day expected , and i believe will not fail in a very little time . i shall fail at no time of being , sir , your most obedient , humble servant . w. temple . letter xlv . hague , iuly 30. s ▪ n. 69. sir , this last post brought me yours of the 13th , with his majesties pleasure concerning the guaranty , and concert of forces ; which you will find by my late letters , to have perfectly agreed with all i had before transacted in those matters . spain has the good luck here at this time , that though we see none of their money , yet we believe it sure ; and thereupon the swedish ministers seem better contented , than we had reason to expect , after so long delays . for the concert , i suppose it must sleep a while , till some noise from france awake it ; for spain seems not at all inclin'd to treat with the dutch , about the engagement of the places in geldre , for securing the money to be paid to the swedes , and the dutch without such security , will not engage in any kind , to advance any part of the swedish subsidies , unless it be joyntly with his majesty . i have spoken this very day with monsieur de witt , about the business of surinam ; who tells me , the kings last letter was put into commissioners hands , who have not yet made their report upon it , by reason of the states of holland sitting till within these two or three days in the mean time he desires much to see the answer , you promise to his last paper , which i find they think here , grounded upon unanswerable reasons ; and therefore finding this business drawn into slow expostulations , i have cast about for another way of ending it , by entring into new discourses about our buying that colony of the zealanders ; which i mentioned to my lord keeper several months since , and had then commands from his lordship , not to let the overture fall ; but the hand it was then in , gave me no encouragement to pursue it ; and i had some hopes the matter in dispute , would come to some issue between us . since the heat and difficulty of our debates , i have put another upon the proposal , who tells me this day , he has had letters from the principal persons in that province , to make him confident of a good disposition towards it there , in case his majesty did think fit , and will come to any reasonable terms : but before i proceeded any further in this matter , i thought sit to acquaint you with it , that i might know your thoughts upon it , and direct my self by them : in the mean time this private overture shall not hinder my pursuit of the publick satisfaction we demand , with all the earnestness i can , though i see nothing yet to make me confident of success , in the manner and time we expect . i attend your proposals on the marine treaty , and am still of opinion , that they will go very far here to satisfie us in an article which will cut off disputes , by deciding things particularly described ; but will never be brought to conclude one , which by general words may draw on new disputes or pretentions , and break into their present establishments , and course of trafick ; before we have made them understand by instances , what the cases are , we find our selves aggriev'd in . i am always as becomes me , sir , your most faithful , humble servant , w. temple . letter xlvi . hague , aug. 7. s. n. 69. sir , i was extream glad to find by yours of the 20th past , that you understood so perfectly , what i had represented to you of their intentions here as to the marine article ; that is , the general article to secure us from all injuries by any new practises to disturb our trade , and for any present injuries we lie under , they will relieve us upon our instances in particular , as now in that of macassar ; and so in any other , wherein we shall have the justice on our side , which was so directly my meaning , and theirs as i understood it , that i have repeated it in your own words ; and am pretty confident , if you keep close to that method , we shall yet see this business come to an issue : though monsieur de witt wishes often , the words last sent from the town of amsterdam , might be accepted ; because he says , they are so jealous of our implicite meaning ▪ and reach at something that may make a general breach upon their past establishments , that every new word , gives them new and unnecessary reflections , at least in his opinion ; for he often says , that he is confident he should have ended this business with me in two hours . i cannot yet make any further step in the business of surinam , the state reserving their final considerations upon it , in answer to his majesties last letter , till the deputies of zealands arrival , which was expected ten days since ; but has been hindered by the tumult happened in the town of terveer , upon occasion of their protecting l'abadie , a true fanatick preacher , against the positive orders of the states for his banishment , having gather'd a congregation of 5 or 600 people in that island , who are it seems more at his devotion , then at the states : but we look for the deputies every day , and then i shall press this matter to a sudden issue , one way or other . in the mean time monsieur de witt desires to see the answers promised to his last writing , not he says , that they shall make any difficulty to perform the articles given to the colony , as they understand to be the genuine sense of them ; but because he thinks the reasons in those papers so clear , that his majesty will accept of what they do upon his instances in it , as a respect and compliance to his majesty , and not as a thing of right , which they owe to any other , but those which are now their own subjects . he was with me on sunday , upon a message of formal thanks from the states to me , for the good issue i had brought the portugal treaty to , which is now signed ; and he said , would have hardly ever been brought to an end , without the peremptory sentence i gave in it : i told him , i was glad i could do my friends business here , but sorry i could not do my own ; and that ever since i came last over , considering what had past between spain and sweden , i was just like a man that could get children abroad , and none at home , and took that occasion , to fall into all the complaints , that could be of my hard fortune : that having finisht a treaty of the greatest importance with them in five days before , i could not end any one business with them now , in ten months . he comforted me all he could , with the assurance of the states doing all that was possible for his majesties satisfaction , even beyond reason , where the prejudices and consequences were not too great , i wish i see the proofs of it . i have at present the consolation , to see the other ambassadors more unsatisfied than i am , for the spanish is in a rage , and i doubt with some reason , at their having seized in zealand 8 or 900 pounds , which the constable sent thither t'other day , to be laid out in the equipage of three spanish men of war , which had been brought in thither by way of reprizal , for some merchant ships pretended to have been seized in spain : and besides , he is very angry that they will not yet here understand the french consiscation of the spanish subjects estates within their quarters , to be a contravention of the peace . the french ambassador is unsatisfied in the difficulties made here upon the french settlement of the post through flanders , which are come to that pass , that for a fortnight past , no letters come or go between this and france , but by express . the truth is , what has past in this matter , makes a very pleasant story . monsieur lovois makes a late agreement with count taxis for carrying all french letters by lisle , in stead of brussels , and those in this country by french posts , and twice a week , without taking any notice of these people in the matter , till all was done , and then sends a monsieur hither , who told the ministers , that monseigneur de louvois l'avoit envoyè pour voir messieurs les estates , et leur dire l'accord qu' il avoit fait avec le comte taxis ; and how they should receive no manner of prejudice by it , &c. the states refer'd it to monsieur van benninghen , with some other commissioners , who were pursued every day , for three or four days together , by this envoy , with the necessity of dispatching him immediately , car monseigneur de louvois l'avoit ordon●è de faire tout l' expedition possible , while monsieur van benninghen told him , they had sent to inform themselves in this business , of the merchants , and such other things . but at last being at no rest , when he prest for an answer , he askt him , monsieur , est ti la premiere fois que vous avez estè en hollande ? the frenchman said , yes , et bien , dit mr. v. benninghen , c'est un fort beau pais , et les estrangers viennent touts les jours le voir par curiositè : nos villes sont belles et assez près l●une de l'autre ; vous ferez bien de vous promener huit ou dix jours ; ●car en ce temps vous les verrez toutes , et nous se rons peut estre informèz en vostre affaire . the frenchman made a short leg , and went out , and told all his friends , que monsieur v. benninghen , l'avoit envoyè promener ▪ and so he would be gone ; and if they would have their letters , they should send for them , and so went his way . monsieur de witt finding the amsterdam merchants much unsatisfied with this new order of monsieur lovois in the packets , and resolv'd among other things , against having their letters twice a week , sent to know of them , who would be most prejudiced by the interruption of the posts , the merchants of these countries , or those of paris ? they answer'd those of paris : upon which he advis'd them , de tenir firme , and so the matter lies without any correspondence going . i tell you this story , for want of something better , and likewise because it gives you quelques traits of the negotiations with these people , and of the way of their two chief ministers . i kiss your hands , and am , sir , your most obedient , humble servant , vv. temple . letter xlvii . hague , april 14th , n. s. 1679. i understand that mr. d'avaux , hath again by a late memorial , press'd the bishop of liege's concern in the magistracy of mastreicht ; but i do not hear that the states have yet given him any answer . i find that the imperial and danish ministers here , are inclin'd to believe , that the french equipage is design'd against england , and that , from information which they both have , but particularly the latter ; that the fleet is victuall'd but for six weeks , which is too little for an expedition into the baltick , and that the ships are of the greater rates , and such as cannot enter into kattegat . they make an argument besides , of the garrisons which came out of the evacuated spanish towns , being all disposed about dunkirk and graveline , and suppose the french king's journey that way , finding no preparations made for it in alsatia , or the neighbouring parts . the elector of brandenburgh having sent some privateers into the elbe , to satisfie himself for quarters assigned him upon hamburg , of which the d. of zell having had the benefit , hath undertaken to discharge them . that d. hath written to the states , to complain , that whereas he hath by their example and desire of the publick quiet , made his peace , and included the town of hamburg in it ; their subjects notwithstanding taking forreign commissions , disturb the commerce of that town , which he desires they will give effectual orders to prevent . i hear that the bishop of munster by his treaty with sweden , is to retain wildshausen , till the swedes have paid him 100000 rixdollars in the hamburg bank , and the possession besides , of all other places to be restored , till the swedes are able to put sufficient garrisons into them . the princess of orange having had a sit of her ague on wednesday , but much gentler then the former ones , was well and chearful all yesterday , and this morning ; but towards one this afternoon , the cold fit came upon her again : but having not lasted above a quarter of an hour , and with little shaking , she was fallen a sleep with the beginning of the hot fit . their r. highnesses are expected here this night , or too morrow , upon ▪ a visit to the princess . the prince is also expected to morrow . monsieur odijke arriv'd last night at this place . the mareschal d'estrades returned on wednesday from amsterdam , towards nimmegen . some give out here , that the design of his journey was to make a match for his grandson , with a very rich fortune , daughter to a merchant there . letter xlviii . hague , april 11th , n. s. 1679. sir , i am here to acknowledge several successive favours from you , the last being of the 28th past ; but i must withal let you know , that the superscription both of that , and another before of the 14th , was misplaced to me , the letters being designed to monsieur chaumont , who i suppose , hath those you intended for me , which i shall claim of him , and send him his for them . i cannot but luy to heart , the unhappy constitution of affairs in england , and should be extreamly glad , if you could think fit to give me your opinion , whether the matter of my lord treasurers ' , to mr. mountague , be the chief ground of the offence taken by the commons against him . here are reports , i know not what to make of , that his royal highness is designing to remove from brassels to breda . i have nothing of it from sir r. bulstrode , or other hands ( from which i have letters ) about his highness . whatever his usage be , or is like to prove , we believe the d. of villa hermosa's stay at ghent , is for the return of an express he hath sent to madrid for instructions , which will determine it . i am with truth and respect , sir , your most humble , and faithful servant , r. meredith . letter xlix . nimeguen , feb. 1st . s. n. 1677. my last letters from england tell me , that it hath been confidently reported at my lord treasurer's table , that i am dead ; which report i observe , unluckily to happen about the end of a quarter ; and it is much , that it should be so long before they are in the right , when i consider my great age , my little health , my being put unnecessarily upon a long winter's journey , into a very cold country , where i have been separated from my baggage , during the greatest part of a very hard winter , by the ice ; and at last cannot cover my head under a 1000 l. by the year : to all which , i may truly add , that i have spent 7000 l. in this imployment of my own money 's , or rather my wives and childrens . and to compleat all , when sir ellis leighton was convicted of misdemeanors , and would have cast some of his faults upon me : the malice of some men to me have been so deep , or their capacities so shallow , as to believe , or pretend to believe a criminal in his own case , to the prejudice of an innocent man. i hear likewise , that his majesty is inform'd , that he ( sir ellis leighton ) hath made bargains in france in my name , and with my knowledge , then which nothing is more false , and doth touch me in a very tender part : and now i leave it to your consideration , whether there be much need of poyson or poignards , to dispatch a poor old man thus handled . i had almost forgot to tell you , that i have been forced to pawn my plate for 500 l. and do owe little less in this town ; so that if my lord treasurer would dispatch my extraordinaries , and my 5 th quarter , he would do nothing contrary to his majesties honour and service , in my poor opinion : i humbly beseech you to do me the favour , to mind his lordship of it ; and to pardon this trouble , from him that is with much deference and respect , honour'd sir , your most humble , and most obedient servant , j. berkley . finis . the commentaries of sr. francis vere being diverse pieces of service, wherein he had command / written by himself in way of commentary ; published by william dillingham ... vere, francis, sir, 1560-1609. 1657 approx. 338 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 128 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64847 wing v240 estc r219854 13339600 ocm 13339600 99136 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64847) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99136) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 441:17) the commentaries of sr. francis vere being diverse pieces of service, wherein he had command / written by himself in way of commentary ; published by william dillingham ... vere, francis, sir, 1560-1609. dillingham, william, 1617?-1689. dorislaus, isaac, 1595-1649. ogle, john, sir, 1569-1640. [27], 209, [2] p., [3] double leaves of plates : ill., maps, ports. printed by john field ..., cambridge : 1657. first ed. cf. dnb. errata: p. [21]. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. "an account of the last charge at newport-battel, by sir john ogle": p. 106-117; and "sir francis vere his parlie at ostend, written by sir john ogle there present": p. 143-178. "praelium nuportanum rerum fide tradebat is. dorislaus": p. 179-209. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to 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works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng vere, francis, -sir, 1560-1609. netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 john latta sampled and proofread 2002-11 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion vere's commentaries . brave vere ! who hast by deeds of arms made good what thou hadst promised by birth and bloud ; whose courage ner'e turn'd edge , being backt with wise and sober reason , sharpned with advise . look ( reader ) how from neuport hills he throws himself a thunder-bolt amongst his foes ; and what his sword indited , that his pen with like success doth here fight o're agen : what mars performed mercurie doth tell ; none e're but cesar fought and wrote so well . why may not then his book this title carry , the second part of cesar's commentary ? veri scipiadae duo fulmina belli . francisco vero , equiti aurato , galfredi f. ioannis cunitis oxoniae nepoti ▪ brieliae et portsmuthae praefecto , anglicarum copiarum in belgio ductori summo ; elizabetha uxor viro charissimo , quocum conjunctissime vixit , hoc supremuni amoris et fidei conjugalis monumentum maestissima et cum lacrymis geme . posuit . obijt xxviii di 〈…〉 salutis mdcviii et anno aetatis suae liiii sr francis vere the commentaries of sr. francis vere , being diverse pieces of service , wherein he had command , written by himself in way of commentary . published by william dillingham , d. d. vt verus in suis commentariis prodidit . camd. annal. mihi sufficit haec summatim è veri commentario annotâsse . idem ibid. cambridge : printed by iohn field , printer to the famous university . anno dom. mdclvii . to the right worshipfull horace townshend , baronet . right worshipfull , i here present you with the works , that is , with the actions and writings of your great uncle , sir francis vere ; unto which as you have a right by bloud , common to some others with you ; so have you also right by purchase , proper and peculiar to your self alone , having freely contributed to adorn the impression , wherein you have consulted as the readers delight and satisfaction , so the honour and reputation of your family . i have read of one , that used to wear his fathers picture alwaies about him , that by often looking thereon he might be reminded to imitate his vertues , and to admit of nothing unworthy the memory of such an ancestour ; now sir , i think you shall not need any other monitour then your own name , if but as often as you write it , or hear it spoken , you recall into your thoughts those your progenitours , who contributed to it ; your honoured father , sir roger townshend , and your grandfather the truly honourable and valiant the lord vere of tilbury , men famous in their generations for owning religion , not onely by profession , but also by the practise and patronage of it ; whose vertues while you shall make the pattern of your imitation , you will increase in favour with god and men , and answer the just expectations of your countrey . and that you may so do it is the earnest desire , and hearty prayer of sir , your respectfull friend , and humble servant , william dillingham . to the ingenuous reader . although this book can neither need nor admit of any letters recommendatory from so mean a hand , yet i thought it not incongruous to give thee some account of it , especially coming forth so many years after the authours death . know then , that some years since it was my good hap to meet with a copy of it in a library of a friend , which had been either transcribed from , or at least compared with another in the owning and possession of major-general skippon , which i had no sooner looked into , but i found my self led on with exceeding delight to the perusall of it . the gallantry of the action , the modesty of the authour , & the becomingness of the stile did much affect me ; and i soon resolved that such a treasure could not without ingratitude to the authour and his noble family , nor without a manifest injury to the repute of our english nation , yea and unto truth it self , be any longer concealed in obscurity . whereupon i engaged my best endeavours to bring it into the publick view ; but finding some imperfections and doubtfull places in that copy , i gave my self to further inquiry after some other copies , supposing it very improbable that they should all stumble at the same stone . and so i was favoured with another copy out of the increasing library of the right honourable the earl of westmorland , which had been transcribed immediately from the authours own ; another the honourable the lord fairfax was pleased to afford me the perusal of ; but that which was instar omnium was the original it self , written by the authours own hand , being the goods and treasure of the right honourable earl of clare ; but at present ( through his favour ) in my possession . these ( reader ) are the personages , whose favour herein i am , even upon thy account , obliged here to remember and acknowledge . i have subjoyned sir john ogles account of the last charge at neuport-battel ; whom i suppose our authour himself would have allowed , being his lieutenant-colonel , to bring up the reere . i have also inserted his account of the parly at the siege of ostend , both communicated to me by the same friendly hand , that first lent me the copy of sir francis vere . and for thy further satisfaction , i have adventured to continue the story of that siege , from the time that our authour put up his pen , to the time that he put up his sword there , having first by his example taught others the way how to defend the town . last of all , at the end of the book thou wilt meet with the history of neuport-battel , written some time since in latine by an elegant and learned pen ; which , for the consanguinity of it , is here subjoyned . but if any shall take upon them to censure him , as having translated sir francis vere , without acknowledging of him for the authour ; i have this to answer on his behalf , viz. that as he doth no where deny his translating of him , so that he did conceal it , we may very well impute it to the desire he had , both to afford sir francis vere a more ample and advantageous character , then his own modesty would permit him to assume unto himself ; and also to give in his testimony unto the truth , in a matter which others his countreymen had with too much partiality related . and this also let me further add , that whether he did translate it or not ; yet this , i suppose , will not be questioned , that very few authours , either ancient or modern , have in so narrow a compass so highly deserved of the learned and ingenious reader , as he hath done . i will not here mention any thing concerning our authours life or extraction ; the one whereof is sufficiently known ; and for the other i shall content my self with what sir robert naunton hath briefly written of him , which i have printed here before the book ; which is all but a larger commentary upon that which he hath there delivered . onely give me leave to be-moan a little our own loss , and the authours unhappiness in this , that his noble brother having been in courage equal , and in hazards undivided , should leave him here to go alone . for , as he must be allowed a great share in these actions recorded by his brother , so were his own services afterwards , when general of the english , so eminent and considerable , that they might easily have furnished another commentary , had not his own exceeding modesty proved a step-mother to his deserved praises . he was a religious , wise , and valiant commander , and ( that which quartered him in the bosome of the prince of orange ) he was always succesfull in his enterprises ; sometimes to the admiration both of friends and enemies . take an instance or two . when he took scluys , there was one strong hold first to be taken , which he found some difficulty to overcome , and that was the opinion of his friends of the impossibility of the enterprise . and for his enemies , spinola himself ( were he now alive ) would , i question not , do him the right , which he did him in his life-time , and bear witness of his gallant retreat with four thousand men from between his very fingers , when with three times that number he had grasped up the prince and his men against the sea-shore . and because the proficiencie of the scholars was ever accounted a good argument of their masters abilitie ; i shall make bold ( with their leaves ) here to give you a list of some of his . henry earl of oxford . thomas lord fairfax . s. edward vere , lieut. col. s. sim. harcourt , ser. maj. s. thom. dutton , captain . s. henry paiton , captain . s. john burroughs , capt. s. thomas gates , captain . s. john conyers , captain . s. thomas gale , captain . s. william lovelace , cap. s. rob. carey , captain . s. jacob ashley , captain . s. tho. conway , capt. s. john burlacy , captain . s. tho. winne , captain . s. ger. herbert , captain . s. edw. harwood , capt. s. mich. everid , captain . besides divers others , whose effigies do at once both guard and adorn kirby-hall in essex ; where the truly religious and honourable the lady vere doth still survive , kept alive thus long by special providence , that the present age might more then read and remember what was true godliness in eighty eight . and as for her lord and husband , who died long since , though he left no heir male behind him to bear his name , yet hath he distributed his bloud to run in the veins of many honourable and worshipfull families in england : for his daughters were , the right honourable , honourable and vertuous ; the countess of clare ; the lady townshend , now countess of westmorland ; the lady paulet ; the lady fairfax ; and mistris worstenholme . whose pardon i crave for making so bold with their names , but my hope is they will be willing to become witnesses unto their uncles book ( though a war-like birth ) and to let their names midwife it into the world . thus ( reader ) have i given thee a brief account of this piece , and so recommend me to sir francis vere . w. d. sir robert naunton in his fragmenta regalia , p. 41. vere . sir francis vere was of that ancient , and of the most noble extract of the earls of oxford , and it may be a question whether the nobility of his house , or the honour of his atchievements might most commend him ; but that we have an authentick rule : nam genus , & proavos , & quae non fecimus ipst , vix ea nostra voco , &c. for though he was an honourable slip of that ancient tree of nobility , which was no disadvantage to his vertue , yet he brought more glory to the name of vere , then he took bloud from the family . he was amongst all the queens sword-men inferiour unto none , but superiour to many ; of whom it may be said , to speak much of him were the way to leave out somewhat that might add to his praise , and to forget more that would make to his honour . i find not that he came much to the court , for he lived almost perpetually in the camp ; but when he did , none had more of the queens favour , and none less envied ; for he seldome troubled it with the noise and alarms of supplications , his way was another sort of undermining . they report that the queen , as she loved martial men , would court this gentleman as soon as he appeared in her presence , and surely he was a souldier of great worth and command , thirty years in the service of the states , and twenty years over the english in chief , as the queens general . and he that had seen the battel at neuport , might there best have taken him , and his noble brother , the lord of tilbury , to the life . the contents . bommeler-waert pag. 1. the relief of rhinbergh p. 3. the second relieving of rhinbergh p. 4. the relieving the castle of litken-hooven p. 10. the surprise of zutphen-sconse p. 17. the siege of deventer p. 18. the defeat given the duke of parma at knodsenburgh-fort p. 20. the calis-journey p. 24. the island-voyage p. 45. the government of the briel p. 68. the action at turn-hoult p. 72. the battel at neuport p. 81. sir iohn ogles account of the last charge there p. 106. clement edmonds observation p. 112. the siege of ostend p. 118. the continuation of it p. 131. praelium nuportanum , per is. dorislaum p. 179. the effigies of s. fr. vere , and then that of the lord vere before the title-page . s. fr. veres monument , next after the epistle to the reader . the mapp of the sea-coasts , and then that of the low-countreys , pag. 1. the mapp of cadiz , and the islands azores , p. 24. the action at turn-hoult , p. 72. the battel at neuport , p. 80. the effigies of s. iohn ogle , p. 106. the mapp of ostend , p. 118. errata . page 27. line 8. dele , in the. p. 32. lin . last , put the parenthesis after caletta . pag. 132. lin . 22. for spilt , read split . p. 147. l. 16. r. among the rest came that . a mappe of the sea coasts . a mappe of the lowe covntries . sr hor 〈…〉 e since baron of tilbury . the commentaries of sr. francis vere . bommeler-waert . in the year of our lord one thousand five hundred eighty and nine , the count charles mansfeldt having passed with part of his armie into the bommeler-waert , ( the rest lying in brabant over against the island of voorn ) prepared both troops to passe into the said island with great store of flat-bottomed boats , his artillerie being placed to the best advantage to favour the enterprise . the count maurice had to impeach him not above eight hundred men , the whole force that he was then able to gather together not being above fifteen hundred men , whereof the most were dispersed alongst the river of wael , fronting the bommeler-waert , to impeach the enemies passage into the betowe : of these eight hundred men six hundred were english , of which my self had the command . these seemed small forces to resist the enemy , who was then reckoned about twelve thousand men ; and therefore the count maurice and the count hollock , one day doing me the honour to come to my quarter , put it in deliberation , whether it were not best to abandon the place : whereunto when others inclined , my opinion was , that in regard of the importance of the place , and for the reputation of the count maurice ( this being the first enterprise wherein he commanded in person as chief ) it could not be abandoned ( but with much reproach ) without the knowledge and order of the states general : and that therefore they were first to be informed in what state things stood ; i undertaking in the mean time the defence of the place . which counsel was followed , and i used such industry both in the intrenching of the island , and planting artillery , that the enemie in the end desisted from the enterprise . the relief of rhinbergh . in the year of our lord one thousand five hundred eighty nine , the town of bergh upon the rhyne being besieged by the marquesse of warrenbon , and distressed for want of victuals , i was sent to the count meurs , governour of gelderland , by the states , with nine companies of english. at my coming to arnheim , where he lay in a storehouse of munitions , in giving order for things necessary for his expedition , the powder was set on fire , and he so sorely burnt , that he died within few dayes after . the states of that province called me before them , told me in what extremity the town was , the importance of the place , and facility in succouring it , desiring me to proceed in the enterprise ; which i did willingly assent unto , and they appointed seven companies of their own nation to joyn with me , which were to be left in bergh in lieu of so many other companies to be drawn out thence . to the count oversteyn ( a young gentleman , and then without any charge , as a kinsman & follower of the count of meurs ) they gave the command of twelve companies of horse . with these troops we passed to the fort caleti , made by skink over against rees , where finding the carriages appointed for that purpose ready laden with provisions , we marched towards bergh , taking our way through a heathy and open countrey , and so with diligence surprizing the enemie , who lay dispersed in their forts about the town , in full view of them put our provisions into the town , and so returned to the said fort by rees , the same way we had gone . the second relieving of rhinbergh . after some dayes refreshing , it was thought good by the states ( new provision of victuals being made ) who in the mean time had advice how things had passed , that we should with all speed put in more provisions , being advertized that the enemie gathered great forces in brabant , under the conduct of the count mansfeldt , for the streight besieging of the town ; which made us hasten , and withall take the ordinary and ready way near the rhine-side : but because it was shorter , and not so open as the other , and so more dangerous , if perchance the enemie with his full power should encounter us ; and because there were upon it certain small redoubts held by the enemie , we took along with us two small field-pieces . when we came within two english miles of bergh , at a castle called loo , which stands on the side of a thick wood within musket-shot of the way , we were to take through the said wood , being very narrow and hemmed in on both sides with exceeding thick underwoods , such ( as i guesse ) as those dangerous places of ireland , the enemy from the castle first shewed themselves , and then came out towards the place along the skirt of the wood , to gall our men and horses in their passage , with such bravery , as i might well perceive they were not of the ordinary garrison . i first sent out some few shot to beat them back , giving order to our vantguard in the mean time to enter the passage , and the dutch footmen to follow them , and the horsmen , and carriages , with orders to passe with all diligence to the other side of the place , and then to make a stand untill the rest of the troops were come up to them , keeping with my self ( who stayed in the rereward ) fiftie horse and six trumpeters , and all the english foot . in the mean time , the enemie seconded their troops of shot with to the number of four or five hundred , in so much as i was forced to turn upon greater numbers , with resolution to beat them home to their castle , which was so throughly performed , that afterwards they gave us leave to passe more quietly . when the rest of the troops were passed , i made the english enter the streight , who were divided into two troops , of which i took an hundred men , with six drums , placing them in the rereward of all ( my self with the fifty horse marching betwixt them and the rest of the english footmen ) . this streight is about a quarter of an english mile long , and hath about the middle of it another way , which cometh into it from alpen a small town not far off . when we were past this crosse way , we might hear a great shout of mens voices redoubled twice or thrice , as the spanish maner is when they go to charge ; but by reason of the narrowness and crookednesse of the place , had no sight of them . i presently caused the troops to march faster , and withall gave order to the trumpeters and drums that were with me to stand and sound a charge ; whereupon there grew a great stilnesse amongst the enemy , who ( as i afterward understood by themselves ) made a stand expecting to be charged . in the mean time we went as fast from them as we could , till we had gotten the plain ; then having rid to the head of the troops , who were then in their long and single orders ; and giving directions for the embatteling of them , and turning their faces towards the streight , and the mouths of the pieces also , and so riding along the troops of english towards the place , i might see from the plain ( which was somewhat high raised over the woods , which were not tall ) the enemy coming in great haste over a bridge some eight score within the streight with ensigns displayed , very thick thronged together , and in a trice they shewed themselves in the mouth of the streight . my hindermost troops which were then near the streight were yet in their long order , and with the suddennesse of the sight somewhat amazed , in so much that a captain well reputed , and that the very same day had behaved himself very valiantly , though he saw me directing as became me , often asked what he should do ; till shortly and roughly as his importunity and the time required , i told him that i was never lesse to seek ; that he therefore should go to his place , and do as i had commanded , till further order : and so doubting the enemie would get the plain , before my troops would be throughly ordered to go against them , i took some of the hinder ranks of the pikes , and some shot , vvith vvhich i made out to the streights mouth a great pace , vvilling the rest to follovv : vvhereupon the enemy made a stand , as it vvere doubtfull to come on ; and so i came presently to the push of pike vvith them . where at the first encounter my horse being slain under me vvith the blovv of a pike , and falling on me , so as i could not suddenly rise , i lay as betvvixt both troops , till our men had made the enemy give back , receiving a hurt in my leg , and divers thrusts vvith pikes through my garments . it vvas very hard fought on both sides , till our shot spreading themselves along the skirt of the vvood ( as i had before directed ) flanked and sore galled the enemie , so that they could no longer endure , but vvere forced to give back ; vvhich they did vvithout any great disorder in troop , and as they vvere hard follovved by our men , turned and made head manfully , vvhich they did four severall times before they broke , and at last they flang avvay their arms , and scattered asunder , thrusting themselves into the thickets ; for backvvards they could not flee , the vvay being stopped by their ovvn men . i commanded our men not to disband , but pursue them ; and passing forward easily discomfited the five hundred horsmen , who presently left their horses , & fled into the bushes ; amongst whom it was said the marquesse of warrenbon was in person : for the horse he was mounted on was then taken amongst the rest . the horsmen who fled into the thicks we followed not , but went on the straight way till we encountred with the twenty four companies of neopolitans , who discouraged with our successe , made no great resistance . we took eighteen of their ensigns , and made a great slaughter of their men , till we had recovered the bridge before mentioned of them . my troop being small of it self , made lesse by this fight , and lesser by the covetousnesse of the souldier , ( whereof a good part could no longer be kept from rifling of the enemie , and taking horses , ) i thought good not to pursue the enemie further then the said bridge ; where having made a stand till our men had taken the full spoil of all behinde us , the enemy not once so much as shewing himself , and night growing on , i made my retreat , and two hours after sun-set came with the troops into the town of bergh . this fight was begun and ended with one of the two english troops , which could not exceed four hundred men : the other , which sir oliver lambert led , onely following , and shewing it self in good order , and ready if occasion required : the netherlanders remaining in the plain with the horsmen and the count overstein . the enemy lost about eight hundred men , and by an italian lieutenant of horsmen ( who was the onely man taken alive ) i understood that the count mansfeldt was newly before this encounter arrived , and had joyned this forces with those of the marquesse of warrenbon , in which were all the spanish regiments , making two hundred and twenty ensigns , besides other forces ; so as the whole strength was supposed thirteen or fourteen thousand foot , and twelve hundred horse , of their oldest and best souldiers . they had intelligence of our coming , but expected us the way we had taken before , and made all speed to impeach us by cutting off this passage , sending those harquebuizers we first met with by the castle , to entertain us in skirmish . presently upon my coming to bergh , though in great pain with my wound , we fell to deliberation what was to be done : we knew the enemies strength , and the danger we were to abide in returning ; and to stay in the town , were to hasten the losse of it , by eating the provisions we had brought : of the two we chose rather to return ; and so giving order for the change of the garrison , and refreshing our men , and bestowing those who were hurt on the empty carriages , by the break of day the morning being very foggy and mistie , we set forward in as secret manner as we could , taking the opener and broader way , without sight of any enemy , till about noon that some troops of horse discovered themselves a far off upon a very spacious heath , and gave us onely the looking on , so that without any impeachment we arrived that night at the fort before rees . the relieving of the castle of litkenhooven . in the year of our lord one thousand five hundred and ninety , the castle of litken-hooven in the fort of recklinchusen , in which there was a garrison of the states souldiers , being besieged by the people of that countrey , aided with some good number of the duke of cleves , the bishops of colen , and patebournes souldiers , which they call hanniveers ; the states gave me order with some companies of english foot , to the number of seven or eight hundred , and five hundred horse , to go to the relief of the said castle ; which i accepted , and marching with all possible speed , in good hope to have surprized them at unawares , and arriving there one morning by break of day , i found that the chief troop was dislodged , and that they had wrought hard upon a fort before the entry of the castle , in which they had left good store of men . i did expect to have found them without any intrenchment , and therefore had brought no provision of artillery or scaling ladders , without the which it seemed very dangerous and difficult to carry it by assault , being reared of a good height with earth , and then with gabions set thereupon of six foot high , made almost unmountable : and to besiege them i had no provision of victuals , so that i was to return without making of any attempt , or to attempt in a maner against reason ; which notwithstanding i resolved to adventure . and therefore dividing the english troop into eight parts , i conveyed them as secretly as i could , so as two of these troops might readily assault every corner of the said fort , being a square of four small bulwarks ; but with a distance betwixt the two troops , to give on each corner with a signall of drums , at which the first four troops should go to the assault ; and another signall to the other four troops to second , if need required . whilst this was in doing , i sent a drum to summon them of the fort to yield , who sent me word , they would first see my artillery . i saw by their fashion there was no good to be done by entreaty ; yet to amuse them , i sent them word the artillery was not yet arrived : if they made me stay the coming of it , i would give them no conditions : they answered , that i should do my worst . at the very instant of my drums return , i gave the signal , and the troops speedily gave upon the fort , as i had appointed them : though they did their utmost endeavours , they did finde more resistance then they were able to overcome ; neverthelesse i gave them no second till i might perceive those within had spent their ready powder in their furnitures ; at what time i gave the second signal , which was well and willingly obeyed , and gave such courage to the first troops , that the assault was more eager on all hands , in so much that one souldier helping another , some got to the top of the rampires ; at which the enemy gave back , so as the way became more easie for others to climbe to the top , and so finally the place was forced , and all the men put to the sword , being in number three hundred and fifty , all chosen men , with the losse and hurting of about fourscore of my men . the place thus succoured , and my men refreshed for some few dayes , i returned homewards , and found in my way that burick a small town of cleve , and a little fort on that side the rhyne , were in the mean time surprised . the enemy then held a royall fort not far from wesel , which served to favour the passage of his forces over the rhyne . this place i understood by those of wesel to be slenderly provided of victuals , so as they had but to serve them from hand to mouth out of the town , and that their store of powder was very small . i knew the service would be acceptable to the states , if i could take that piece from the enemy , and therefore resolved to do what lay in me : and first appointed a guard of horse and foot to hinder their recourse to the town for their provisions . then passing into the town of burick , with such stuff as i could get on a sudden , and such workmen , i began to make ladders ; so as the night following i had fortie ladders in readinesse , upon which two men might go in front : for i being so weak , and the enemy having the alarm of my being abroad , i was to expect their coming ; so as it was not for me to linger upon the starving those of the fort . with this provision i resolved to give a scalado to the fort , which as it was high or rampire , so had it neither water in the ditch , nor pallisado to hinder us . the fort was spatious , capable of fifteen hundred men , and had four very royall bulwarks , upon one of which i purposed to give an attempt , and onely false alarms on the other quarters of the fort ; and to this end for avoiding confusion , both in the carriage , rearing , planting , and scaling , as also for the more speedy and round excution , i appointed eight men to every ladder to bear , plant , and mount the same , whereof four were shot and four pikes ; one of either sort to mount a front . and being come near the fort in a place convenient to range the men , they were divided into two parts , and ranged a front , with commandment upon a signall given , the one half to give upon one face of the bulwark , the other upon the other , which they did accordingly , and gave a furious attempt , mounting the ladders and fighting at the top of them , the enemy being ready to receive us ; but by reason many of the ladders which were made ( as i have said ) in haste , and of such stuff as could be gotten on a sudden , were not of sufficient strength , but broke with the weight and stirring of the men , seeing no likelihood to prevail , and the day now growing on , i caused our men to retire , and to bring away with them their ladders that were whole , with no great harm to our men , by reason the enemie being diverted by the false alarms did not flank us , neither if they had plaid from the flanks with small shot , could they have done any great hurt by reason of the distance ; the most hurt we had was with blows on the head from the place we attempted , both with weapons and stones ; for the journey being long , to ease the souldiers they brought forth no morrians . i therefore purposing not to give over this enterprise , prouided head-pieces for them in the town of wesell , and used such diligence that before the next morning i was again furnished with ladders , and in greater number : for i had perswaded the horsmen that were well armed for the purpose , with their pistols to take some ladders also , and be ready to give the scalado in the same manner , but somewhat later , for even then day began to break , which not giving us time to persevere in the attempt , was the onely hindrance of our victory : for our shot having order when they came to the top of the ladders not to enter , but taking the top of the wall for a breast , and safeguard , to shoot at the enemie fighting at the work-side , and standing in the hollow of the bulwark , till the same were cleared of defendants for to enter more assuredly ; which manner of assaulting , though it be not ordinary , yet well considered is of wonderfull advantage : for having the out-side of both the faces of the bulwark not flanked ( as i said before ) on their backs , ( which in the darkness of the night , and for the alarms given on the other parts they could not see nor intend ) and in this manner having galled & driven many of the enemy from the wall , and being in a manner ready to enter , day came upon us , and the enemie having discovered us from the other flanks , turned both small and great shot against us , so as we were forced to retire , carrying our ladders with us , with lesse losse then the day before in the fight , though more in the retreit by reason of the day light . the same day i provided more ladders , purposing the next morning to try fortune again , when in the evening the governor of the fort by a drum wrote me a letter , complaining that against the ordinary proceedings of men of war , i assaulted before i summoned ; and the drum in mine ear told me , that if i would but do them the honour to shew them any piece of ordnance , i should quickly have the fort . by which drawing of theirs i perceived they were in fear , and in discretion thought it meeter to make my advantage thereof by drawing them to yield , then to despair them to my greater losse , by further attempting to carrie them by force ; and so taking a piece out of the town of burick , i planted the same before morning , and by break of day sent a trumpet to summon them to yield , which they did assent unto , so they might passe away with their arms , which i granted , and so they came forth the same morning two companies of almains , and two half companies of italians , near as strong in number as those that attempted them : for besides the english i used none , but some few horsmen : most of their officers were hurt and slain , and of the souldiers more then of mine . this is true , and therefore let it be thought that howsoever this attempt may seem rash with the ordinary proceedings of other captains , yet notwithstanding i was confident upon a certain and infallible discourse of reason . in the place i found four double cannons , with pretty store of ammunition and victuals . the same night i and the troops were countermanded by the states , but i left the place with some guard and better store of necessaries before my departure . the surprise of zvtphen sconce . in the year of our lord one thousand five hundred ninetie one , i lying then at deesburgh with the english forces , the count maurice wrote unto me , that by a certain day he would be with his forces before zutphen to besiege the same , willing me the night before with my troops of horse and foot of that countrey to beset the town on the same side of the river it standeth . on the same those of the town held a fort , which made my lord of leycester loose many men and much time before he could get it . this fort i thought necessary to take from the enemy before he had knowledge of our purpose to besiege him , and because i wanted force to work it by open means , i put this sleight following in practise . i chose a good number of lusty and hardy young souldiers , the most of which i apparelled like the countrey women of those parts , the rest like the men , gave to some baskets , to other packs , and such burthens as the people usually carry to the market , with pistols , and short swords , and daggers , under their garments , willing them by two or three in a company , by break of day to be at the ferry of zutphen , which is just against the fort , as if they stayed for the passage boat of the town ; and bad them to sit and rest themselves in the mean time as near the gate of the fort as they could for avoiding suspition , and to seize upon the same as soon as it was opened . which took so good effect , that they possessed the entry of the fort , and held the same till an officer with two hundred souldiers ( who was laid in a covert not farre off , ) came to their seconds , and so became fully master of the place . by which means the siege of the town afterwards proved the shorter . the siege of deventer . in the siege of deventer , by reason of the shortnesse of a bridge of boats laid over the ditch for our men to go to the assault , the troops could not so roundly pass as had been requisite , and so were forced to retire with no small losse . the count maurice was so discouraged that he purposed that night to have withdrawn his ordnance . i desired that he would have patience till the next day , and resolve in the morning to begin the battery again for five or six volleys , and then to summon them , assuring him that i would guard the bridge that night , if the enemy should attempt to burn it , as they did , though in vain . the count maurice liked well of the advise , and it had good successe ; for upon the summons they yielded . their town had no flank on that part ; the wall , which was of brick without any rampire , was in a manner rased to the foundation , the town so close behinde it that they could not make any new defences ; which as they might be just causes of discouragement to the besieged , so they made me confident that with this shew of perseverance they would yield . the count herman of bergh , who commanded the town was sore bruised with a cannon . there marched of the enemy out with him seven or eight hundred able men , amongst which was an english gentleman , whom for his using unreverent and slanderous speeches of her majestie i had long held in prison , out of which he had during that siege made an escape ; he was excepted in the composition , taken from them , and executed , as he well deserved , not for his first but second offence . the defeat given to the duke of parma at knodsenbvrghfort . in the year of our lord one thousand five hundred ninetie one whilest the count maurice was busied in friezland , and with good successe took many forts , as delfziel , and others about groninghen ; the duke of parma passed with his armie into the betow , and besieged the fort on that side the river upon the ferry to nimmeghen . whereupon the states countermanded the count maurice with their forces ; who being come to arnheim incamped in the betow right over against that town . the duke still continuing his siege , the states ( who were then present at arnheim ) desirous to hinder his purpose , if it were possible , in their assembly ( to which i was called with the count maurice ) propounded the matter , and insisted to have something exploited , though we layed before them the advantage the enemy had of us in the number of his men , the strength of his encamping , as well by the site of the countrey , as intrenchments ; so as much time was spent , and the council dissolved without resolution upon any speciall enterprize ; albeit in generall the count maurice and the men of war agreed to do their utmost endeavour for the annoying and hindering of the enemy . i had observed by the enemies daily coming with good troops of horse and forcing of our scouts , that they were likely to bite at any bait that were cunningly laid for them , and therefore having informed my self of the wayes and passages to their army , and projected with my self a probable plot to do some good on them , i brake the same to the count maurice , who liked my devise well , and recommended to me the execution thereof , giving me the troops i demanded , which were one thousand two hundred foot and five hundred horse . the distance betwixt the two armies was about four or five english miles , to the which there lay two ready wayes , serving for the intercourse betwixt arnheim and nimmeghen ; the one a dike or cawsey , which was narrower and most used in winter by reason of the lownesse and myrinesse of the countrey ; the other larger : both hemd with overgrown woods and deep ditches . near half a mile from the quarter , this cawsey was to be passed to come to the other way , which led to the main quarter of the enemy where most of his horse lay . about two thirds of the way from our camp there was a bridge , to this bridge i marched early in the morning sending forthwith towards the enemies camp two hundred light and well mounted horse with order to beat the guards of the enemies horse even to their very quarter and guards of foot , to take such spoil and prisoners as lay ready in their way , and so to make their retreat , if they were followed , more speedily ; otherwise , an ordinary marching pace . in the mean time i divided my footmen into two parts , whereof one i laid near the hither side of the bridge , in a place very covert : the other a quarter of a mile behinde , and in the rereward of them the rest of my horse . if the enemy came in the tayl of our horse , whom for that purpose i had appointed ( as before said ) to come more leasurely , that the enemy might have time to get to horse ; i knew they could bring no footmen , and therefore was resolved to receive betwixt my troops of foot all the horsemen they could send ; but if they pursued not our men in the heat , i judged they would either come with good numbers of both kinde of men ordered , or not at all : and if they came with good advice , that they would rather seek to cut off my passage near home by taking the cawsey and higher way , then to follow me directly . for the better preventing whereof the count maurice himself with a choice part of the horse and foot of the army , was to attend at the crosse way to favour my retreat . my hors-men about noon gave the enemy the alarm , and according to their directions made their retreat no enemy appearing , whereupon i also retired with the rest of the troop till i came to the crosse way ; where i found the count maurice with his troops . in the head of which towards the way of the cawsey , with some distance betwixt his troops and mine , i made a stand in a little-field by the side of the way where they were at covert . we had not been here half an houre , but our scouts brought word the enemy was at hand ; which the count maurice's horsemen hearing , without any order , as every one could get formost , to the number of seven or eight hundred they made withall speed towards the enemy . i presumed and said they would return faster and in more disorder , as it fell out ; for the enemy coming as fast towards them , but in better order , put them presently in rout , and the greater the number was , the more was the amazement and confusion . thus they passed by us with the enemy at their heels laying on them . i knew not what other troops they had at hand , nor what discouragement this sight might put into the mindes of our men , and therefore whereas i purposed to have let the enemy passe , if this unlooked for disorder had not happened amongst our horsemen , i shewed my troops on their flanks and galled them both with shot and pikes ; so that they not onely left pursuing their chase , but turned their backs . which our horsemen perceiving , followed , and thus revenged themselves to the full , for they never gave over untill they had wholly defeated the troop , which was of eight hundred horse , of which they brought betwixt two and three hundred prisoners , whereof diverse were captains , as don alphonso d' aualos , fradill● , and others ; with diverse cornets and about five hundred horses . this defeat so troubled the duke of parma , that being so forward on his siege , and having filled part of the ditch of the fort , he retired his army thence , and passed the river of wael a little above nimmeghen with more dishonour then in any action that he had undertaken in these warres . the calis-journey . in the year of our lord one thousand five hundred ninetie six i was sent for into england at that time when the journey to the coast of spain was resolved on , ( which because of the taking of calis was after commonly called the calis-journey ) and returned speedily into the low countreys with letters of credence to the states from her majestie , to acquaint them with her majesties purpose , and to hasten the preparation of the shipping they had already promised to attend her majesties fleet in those seas : withall to let them know her majesties desire to have two thousand of her own subjects , as well of those in their pay , as her own , to be imployed in that action , and to be conducted by me to the earl of essex , and the lord admirall of england , generalls of that action by joynt commission . the fleet set sail shortly after , and my lord of essex leaving his own ship imbarqued himself in the rainbow with my self and some few of his ordinarie attendant servants , of purpose ( as i suppose ) to conferre with me at the full and at ease of his journey . after two dayes sailing his lordship landed at beachim near rye , with diverse other noblemen , that he had attending him so far on his journey . he took me along with him to the court , and thence dispatched me to plymmouth , whither most of the land-forces were to march , to see them lodged , provided of necessaries , and trained , and ordered , which i did accordingly , to the great contentment of the generalls , when at their coming they saw the readinesse of the men , which were then exercised before them . during this stay of the armie about plymmouth ( which by reason of the contrarietie of wind was near a moneth ) it pleased my lord of essex to give me much countenance and to have me alwayes near him , which drew upon me no small envie , in so much as some open jarres fell out betwixt sir walter raleigh then rear-admirall of the navie , and sir conniers clifford sergeant-major-generall of the armie , and my self ; which the generall qualified for the time , and ordered that in all meetings at land i should have the precedence of sir walter raleigh , and he of me at sea. sir conniers clifford , though there were grudging there could be no competition , yet being a man of a haughtie stomach , and not of the greatest government or experience in martiall discipline , lest ignorance or will might mislead him in the execution of his office , and to give a rule to the rest of the high officers ( which were chosen rather for favour then for long continuance in service ) to the better directing of them in their duties , as also for the more readinesse in the generall himself to judge and distinguish upon all occasions of controversie ; i propounded to my lord of essex as a thing most necessary , the setting down in writing , what belonged properly to every office in the field ; which motion his lordship liked well , and at severall times in the morning his lordship and my self together , he with his own hand wrote what my industrie and experience had made me able to deliver , which was afterwards copied , & delivered severally to the officers , and took so good effect that no question arose in that behalf during the journey . the wind serving and the troop shipped i imbarqued in the foresaid rainbow as vice-admirall of my lord of essex his squadron . the one and twentieth day after ( being , as i take it , the first of july ) the fleet arrived early in the in the morning before calis-malis , and shortly after came to an anchor , as near the caletta as the depth would suffer us . in the mouth of the bay , thwart of the rocks called los puercos , there lay to our judgement fortie or fiftie tall ships , whereof were four of the kings greatest and warlikest gallions , eighteen merchant ships of the west-indian fleet outward bounden , and richly laden , the rest private merchants . because it was thought these could not escape us in putting to fea , the first project of landing our men in the caletta went on , and so the troops appointed for that purpose were imbarqued in our barges and long boats : but the wind blowing hard , the landing was thought too dangerous , the rather for that the enemie shewed themselves on the shore with good troops of horse and foot . notwithstanding in hope the weather would calm , the men were still kept in the boats at the ships sterns . this day the generalls met not together , but the lord admirall had most of the sea officers aboard with him , as the lord of essex had those for land service , and sir walter raleigh was sent to and fro betwixt them with messages , so that in the end it was resolved and agreed upon to put , the next tide , into the bay , and , after the defeating of the enemies fleet , to land our men betwixt the town and puntal , without setting down any more particular directions for the execution thereof . i then told my lord of essex that mine was a floaty ship and well appointed for that service ; that therefore , if his lordship pleased , i was desirous to put in before his lordship and the other ships of greater burthen , to which his lordship answered suddenly that in any case i should not go in before him . with this i and the rest of the officers went to our ships to prepare our selves ; i took my company of souldiers out of the boats into my ship , for their more safety , and better strengthening of my ship . and because we anchored more to the north of the fleet , more a stern and to the leeward of the fleet , as the wind then blew , then any other ship ; i thought to recover these disadvantages by a speedier loosing of my anchor then the rest . and therefore , not attending the generalls signall and warning , so soon as the tide began to favour my purpose , i fell to weighing my anchor . but the wind was so great and the billow so high that the cap-stain being too strong for my men , cast them against the ships side and spoiled many of them ; so that after many attempts to wind up the anchor i was forced to cut cable in the haulse . when i was under sail , i plied onely to windward , lying off and on from the mouth of the bay to the sea , which lyeth near hand east and west , by that means gathering nearer to the fleet . the lord thomas howard vice-admirall of the fleet with some few other ships set sail also beating off and on before the mouth of the bay ; but the generall and the most of the fleet kept their anchors still . the tide being far spent ( loth to be driven again to the leeward of the fleet , and to endanger another cable , and perchance the ship it self upon that shore , which was flat and near , and the benefit of entering the bay with the first , which was not the least consideration ) i resolved to put into the mouth of the bay , as near the enemies fleet as i could , without engaging fight , and there to cast anchor by them ; which i did accordingly ; so as they made a shot or two at me ; but since i made no answer , they left shooting . i was no sooner come to anchor , but the generalls set sail , and the rest of the fleet , and bare directly toward me , where they also anchored . it was now late e're the flag of council was showen in my lord admiralls ship , whither my lord of essex and the rest of the officers repaired , and there it was resolved , the next morning with the tide to enter the bay , and board the spanish ships , if they abode it , and ships of ours were appointed to begin this service , some to keep the chanell and midst of the bay , and others more floaty to bear nearer the town to intercept the shipping that should retire that way , and hinder the gallies from beating of the flanks of our great ships . i was not allotted with my ship to any special service or attendance , my desire was great ( having till that time been a stranger to actions at sea ) to appear willing to embrace the occasions that offered themselves , and therefore wound my ship up to her anchor , to be the more ready to set sail in the morning with the beginning of the flood . the spanish ships set sail and made to the bottome of the bay rather driving then sailing , our ships following as fast as they could . as the spanish ships loosed from their anchors and made from us , their gallies seventeen in number under the favour of the town made towards us ranged in good order . my ship ( as before said ) was floaty , and stored with good ordnance , and proper for that service , which made me hasten towards them , without staying for any company . and indeed my readinesse was such , by reason of my riding with my anchor a pike , that no other ship could come near me by a great distance , so as i entered fight with them alone , making still toward them upon one board , and so galled them with my ordnance , ( which was cannon and demi-cannon ) that they gave back , keeping still in order , and in fight with me , drawing as near the town as they could , and with purpose ( as i thought ) as our ships thrust further into the bay , to have fallen upon our smaller ships in the tayl of the whole fleet , and having made a hand with them , so to have put to the sea-ward of us the better to annoy us , and save themselves from being locked up . wherein to prevent them i made toward the shore , still sounding with our leads , till the ordnance of the town might reach me , and i the shore with mine ; in so much as i put them from under the town , and took certain ships , which rode there at anchor forsaken of their men , and followed them continuing fight till they came under the fort of the puntal ; where thwart the bottome of the bay ( which was not broad ) lay their four great ships with a prettie distance betwixt them , and by spreading the breadth of the chanell came to an anchor and were now in hot fight of ordnance with our fleet . i was nearer puntal and the shore of calis by much then any ship of the fleet , and further advanced into the bay , so that now growing within shot of the fort , which lay on my right hand , and in like distance to the gallions on the left hand , and having the gallies a head me , betwixt them both was plied with shot on all sides very roundly , yet i resolved to go on , knowing i had good seconds , and that many hands would make light work . but my company either wiser , or more affraid then my self on a sudden unlookt for of me let fall the anchor , and by no means would be commanded or intreated to weigh it again . in the mean time sir walter raleigh came upon my left side with his ship ; and very little a head me cast his anchor ; as did also the generalls , and as many of the fleet as the chanell would bear , so as the shooting of ordnance was great , and they held us good talk by reason their ships lay thwart with their broad sides towards us , and most of us right a head , that we could use but our chasing pieces . i sent my boat aboard sir walter raleigh to fasten an haulse to winde my ship , which was loosed soon after my boat was put off . about me the gallions let slip cable in the haulse , and with their top sails wended and drew towards the shore on the left hand of the bay ; and the indian fleet with the rest of the shipping did the like , more within the bay. it was no following of them with our great ships , and therefore i went aboard my lord of essex , whose ship lay towards that side of the chanell , to see what further order would be given . at my coming aboard , the gallions were run on ground near the shore , and their men some swimming , others in their boats began to forsake their ships . i was then bold to say to my lord of essex that it was high time to send his small shipping to board them , for otherwise they would be fired by their own men ; which his lordship found reasonable , & presently sent his directions accordingly , and in the mean time sent sir william constable with some long boats full of souldiers ( which his lordship had towed at his stern since the first imbarquing ) to have landed in the caletta . but , notwithstanding he made all haste possible , before he could get to the gallions , two of them were set on fire , and the other two by this means saved and taken utterly forsaken of their men , who retired through the fennes to porto saint maria. the spanish fleet thus set on ground , the prosecution of that victory was committed to , and willingly undertaken with the sea-forces , by a principall officer of the fleet . and because longer delay would increase the difficulty of landing our forces by the resort of more people to calis , it was resolved forthwith to attempt the putting of our men on shore , and to that end , commandment was given that all the men appointed for that purpose should be imbarqued in the long boats , and that my lord of essex should first land with those men which could be disembarqued , and then my lord admirall to second , and repair to the generall ; who the better to be known would put out his flag in his boat . the troops that were first to land , were the regiments of the generalls , my own , that of sir christopher blunt , sir thomas gerrard , and sir conniers clifford . on the right hand in an even front , with a competent distance betwixt the boats were ranged the two regiments first named , the other three on the left , so that every regiment and company of men were sorted together with their colonels and chief officers in nimble pinnaces , some in the head of the boats , some at stern to keep good order ; the generall himself with his boat , in which it pleased him to have me attend him , and some other boats full of gentlemen-adventurers & choice men to attend his person , rowed a pretty distance before the rest ; whom , at a signall given with a drum from his boat , the rest were to follow according to the measure and time of the sound of the said drum , which they were to observe in the deeping of their oars ; and to that end there was a generall silence , as well of warlike instruments as otherwise . which order being duly followed , the troops came all together to the shore betwixt puntall and calis , and were landed , and severall regiments imbattelled at an instant , without any encounter at all ; the spaniards , who all the day before had shewed themselves with troops of horse and foot on that part , as resolved to impeach our landing , being clean retired toward the town . the number of the first disembarquing was not fully two thousand men ; for diverse companies of those regiments that had put themselves into their ships again , could not be suddenly ready , by reason the boats to land them belonged to other great ships . calis on that side was walled as it were in a right line thwart the land , so as the sea on both sides did beat on the foot of the wall ; which strength together with the populousness of the town ( in which besides the great concourse of gentlemen and others upon the discovery of our fleet and alarm of our ordnance ; there was an ordinary garrison of souldiers ) had taken from us all thought of forcing it without battery ; and therefore being landed we advanced with the troops to finde a convenient place to encamp till my lord admirall with the rest of the forces and the ordnance were landed . being advanced with the troops half the breadth of the neck of the land , which in that place is about half a mile over , we might perceive that all along the sea-shore on the other side of this neck of land men on hors-back and foot repaired to the town ; which intercourse it was thought necessary to cut off . and therefore because the greatest forces of the enemies were to come from the land , it was resolved on to lodge the better part of the army in the narrowest of the neck , which near puntall is not broader then an ordinary harque-bush-shot . to which streight sir conniers clifford was sent with three regiments , viz. his own , sir christopher blunts , and sir thomas gerrards , there to make a stand , to impeach the spaniards from coming to the town , till he received further order for the quartering and lodging of his men . which done , the lord generall with the other two regiments , and his company of adventurers ( which was of about two hundred and fifty worthy gentlemen ) in all not fully a thousand men , advanced nearer the town , the better to discover the whole ground before it . and as we approached a far off , we might perceive the enemy standing in battel under the favour of the town , with cornets and ensignes displayed , thrusting out some loose horse and foot toward us , as it were to procure a skirmish . i , marking their fashion , conceived hope of a speedier gaining the town then we intended , and were then about ; and said to his lordship , at whose elbow i attended , that those men he saw standing in battel before the town would shew , and make the way for us into the town that night , if they were well handled ; and at the instant i propounded the means , which was to carry our troops as near and covertly as might be , towards the town , and to see by some attempt if we could draw them to fight further from the town , that we might send them back with confusion and disorder , and so have the cutting them in pieces in the town-ditch , or enter it by the same way they did . his lordship liked the project , and left the handling thereof to me , i presently caused the troop to march towards the other side of the neck of land , because the ordinary and ready way to the town lay on that side low and inbayd to the foot of the hilly downs , so as troops might march very closely from the view of the town . then i chose out two hundred men , which were committed to the conduct of sir iohn wingfield , a right valiant knight , with order that he should march on roundly to the enemy where they stood in battel , and to charge and drive to their battels the skirmishers : but if the enemy in grosse profered a charge , he should make an hasty and fearfull retreat ( to their judgement ) the way he had gone , till he met with his seconds that followed him , and then to turn short , and with the greatest speed and fury he could to charge the enemy . the seconds were of three hundred men , led ( as i remember ) by sir matthew morgan , who were to follow the first troop a good distance , and so as both of them till the enemy were engaged might not at once appear to them , and to advance with all diligence , when the troop before them did retire , to meet them , charge the enemy , enter the town with them peslemesle . with the rest of the forces his lordship and i followed . the place served well for our purpose , being covert and of no advantage for their horsmen , and the directions were so well observed , that the enemy was engaged in following our first troop before they discovered the rest ; and so in hope and assurance of victory , being beyond expectation lively encountered , they fled in disorder towards the town , so nearly followed of our men , that most of the horsmen forsook their horses , and saved themselves ; some by the gates , others clambering over the walls , as did also their footmen , our men following them at the heels to the very gate , which they found shut against them , and men standing over it and upon the walls to resist us . the ditch was very hollow but dry , out of which was raised a massy rampier , with two round half bulwarks ; the one towards the one sea , the other towards the other , for height and thicknesse in their perfection , but not steeped and scarped : so as it was very mountable , lying close to the old wall of the town , which somewhat overtopped it no higher then in many places a man might reach with his hand . to the top of this rampier our men climbed , who , being for the most part old and experienced souldiers , of the bands i brought out of the low-countries , boldly attempted to climbe the wall , from which they beat with their shot the defendants , wanting no encouragements that good example of the chiefs could give them , the generall himself being as forward as any . whilest it was hard stroven and fought on that side , i sent a captain and countrey-man of mine called upsher with some few men alongst the ditch , to see what guard was held along the wall toward the bay-ward , and whether any easier entrance might be made that way or no , willing him to bring or send me word , which he did accordingly , though the messenger came not to me . he found so slender a guard that he entred the town with those few men he had , which the enemy perceiving fled from the walls , and our men entred as fast on the other side . my lord of essex was one of the first that got over the walls , followed by the souldiers , as the place would give them leave ; and such was their fury being once entred , that as they got in scatteringly so they hasted towards the town without gathering any strong and orderly body of men , as in such case is requisite , or once endeavouring to open the gate for more convenient entry for the rest of the troops . i therefore , foreseeing what might ensue of this confusion , held the third body of the men together , and with much adoe brake open the gate , by which i entred the town ; and so keeping the way that leads from the gate towards the town , joyned to my foot those men i met withall scattered here and there . not farre from the market-place i found my lord of essex at a stand with fourty or fifty men , whence i might see some few of the enemy in the market-place , which made me advance towards them without attending any commandment ; who upon my approaching , retired themselves into the town-house , whither i pursued them , broke open the gates , and after good resistance made by the spaniards in the upper rooms of the house , became master of it ; in which i left a guard and went down into the market-place , and found my lord of essex at the town-house-door . i humbly intreated his lordship to make that place good , and give me leave to scoure , and assure the rest of the town , which i did accordingly . and though i was but slackly and slenderly followed , by reason of our mens greedinesse of spoil , yet such spaniards as i found making head and coming towards the market-place , i drove back into the fort saint philip , and the abby of saint francis. those of the abby yielded , to the number of two hundred gentlemen and others ; and being disarmed were put into a chapel , and there left guarded . those of saint philip ( it being now in the evening ) cryed to us that in the morning they would render the place . before which also having put a guard , and understanding by some prisoners that there was no other place of any strength but the old town near the market-place , i repaired to my lord of essex , whom i found in the market-place , and my lord admirall with him . and after i had made report on what terms things stood , where i had been ; i went to the said old town to visit the guards which were commanded by sir edward conway with part of the forces landed with my lord admirall , and from thence to that part of the town where we entred . and thus all things in good assurance , returned to the market-place , where the rest of the forces were , being held together to be readily imployed upon all occasions . their lordships went up to the town-house , and there gave god thanks for the victory ; and afterwards all wounded and bloudy as he was , yet undressed , gave the honour of knighthood to sir samuel bagnall , for his especiall merit and valour in that dayes service . the losse was not very great on either side ; for as the spanish troops that stood ordered without the walls got into the town confusedly and disorderly before we could mingle with them ; so every one as he was counselled by fear or courage provided for his own safety ; the most flying to the old town and castle . those that made head after the first entrance , being scattered here and there , our men as they followed with more courage then order , so encountered them in the like scattering manner falling streight to hand-strokes , so as it seemed rather an inward tumult and town-fray then a fight of so mighty nations . the next day the old town and the fort of saint philip were delivered unto us , and the people that were in them , except some principall prisoners , were suffered to depart , with great courtesie shewed , especially to the women of better sort . there went out of the town gentlemen and others likely men to bear arms , betwixt four and five thousand , the brunt of this exploit was born with lesse then a thousand men . we could have no help of sir conniers clifford , who mistaking his directions went with his troops to the bridge called punto zuarro about three leagues distance . and my lord admirall , notwithstanding his lordsh. used all possible diligence in the landing his men , arrived not till we were in a manner full masters of the town . it was long disputed whether the town should be held or no. i offered with four thousand men to defend it till her majesties pleasure might be known . my lord of essex seemed to affect to remain there in person , which the rest of the council would not assent unto , but rather to abandon and set it on fire ; which we did about fourteen dayes after the taking of it . i got there three prisoners worth ten thousand ducats , one of which was a church-man and president of the contractation of the indies . the other two were ancient knights , called don pedro de herera , and don gieronymo de auallos . in the mean time , vvhether of designe and set purpose , or negligence , the indian fleet being left unseized on by those vvho had undertaken it , some of the prisoners of the tovvn dealt with the generalls to have those ships & their lading set at ransome ; vvhereupon they had vvith the generalls conference diverse times , till the said ships were set on fire by the spaniards themselves , in which was lost by their own confession to the worth of twelve millions of merchandise . the troops being imbarqued , the generalls met and consulted upon their next exploit , it was long insisted on to put to sea , and lie to intercept the west-indian fleet , which commonly at that time of the yeare arriveth upon the coast of spain . but the scarcenesse of our victuals overthrew that purpose , and resolution was taken to sail towards england , and on our way to visit the ports of that coast , and so spoil and destroy the shipping . and so first we made towards faroll a good town and bishops-see of portingall , to which by water there was no safe entrance for our shipping , the town lying better then a league from the sea , served with a narrow creek through a low and marish bottome . for the destroying of such shipping as might be in this creek , as also for the wasting the countrey adjoyning , and the town it self ( which though it were great and populous , was unfensed with walls ) it was thought meet to land the forces in a bay , some three leagues distant from the town , and so to march thither ; which was done , the town forsaken by the inhabitants , taken by us , our men sent into the countrey brought good store of provisions for the refreshing of the army ; the artillery we found , conveyed into our ships , we after five or six dayes stay returned to our ships the way we came . the regiments embattelled and marching at large in a triple front in right good order , which was so much the more strange and commendable , the men for the most part being new , and once ranged , having little further help of directions from the high officers , which were all unmounted , and for the great heat not able to perform on foot the ordinary service in such cases belonging to their charges . the troops imbarqued we made towards the groyne and looked into the bay ; but the wind blowing from the sea , it was thought dangerous to put in , and therefore ( victuals dayly growing more scant , so that in some ships there was already extream want ) it was resolved to hasten to our coast , and so about the midst of august we arrived in the dovvns near sandwich , my lord of essex , having taken land in the west parts to be with more speed at the court , left order with me for the dissolving the land-forces and shipping , and sending back of the english forces into the low-countreys . at this parting there arose much strife betwixt the mariners and the souldiers about the dividing of the spoil , for the mariners envying and repining at the souldiers , who as it fell out had gotten most , purloyned and detained their chests and packs of baggage perforce ; in so much as to satisfie the souldiers i went aboard my lord admirall to desire his lordship of redresse , who promised to take order therein , but some other principall officers of the fleet shewing themselves more partiall , asked me whether the poore mariners should have nothing , to which i answered there was no reason they should pill the poore souldiers who had fought and ventured for that little they had , and that the mariners hope , having so rich a booty as the indian fleet at their mercy , was more to be desired then the trash the landmen had gotten ; so as they had none to blame for their povertie but their officers , and their bad fortune : this answer was taken to the heart , and is not forgotten to this houre : of which i feel the smart . the troops , dissolved i went to court and there attended the most part of that winter . the island voiage . in the yeare of our lord one thousand five hundred ninetie seven , being the next yeare after the journey of calis , another journey was made by the earl of essex to the coast of spain , and the islands with a royall navie , as well of her majesties own shipping , as of her best merchants , to which also was joyned a good number of the states ships , in all about one hundred and fourty , with an armie of seven or eight thousand land-men , as well voluntary as prest ; commonly called the island voiage . to which i was called by her majesties cōmandment to attend his lordship ; as also to deal with the states , that besides the shipping which they were to send with her majesties fleet by vertue of the contract , they would suffer a thousand of her subjects in their pay , to be transported by me to her said generall , and fleet for that service . which having obtained i hastened into england , and found my lord of essex at sandwich , and his fleet in readinesse anchored in the downes . it was early in the morning , and his lordship in bed when i was brought to him , he welcomed me with much demonstration of favour , and with many circumstances of words . first he told me my lord mountjoy was to go his lieutenant generall , not of his own choice but thrust upon him by the queen , before me in place , yet that i should retain my former office of lord marshall ; which as it had been ever in english armies next the generall in authority ; so he would lay wholly the execution of that office upon me ; and as for the lieutenant generall , as he had a title without an office , so the honour must fall in effect upon them that did the service . with much more speech to this purpose , all tending to perswade me that it was not by his working , and to take away the discouragement i might conceive of it . i answered that i had partly understood before my coming out of the low-countreys , my lord mountjoys going lieutenant generall , so that i had forethought and resolved what to do . for though i was sensible as became me , who saw no cause in my self , of this recuilment and disgrace , yet my affections having been alwayes subject to the rules of obedience , since it was my princes action , and that it could not be but that my lord mountjoy was placed with her majesties consent , my sincerity would not give me leave to absent my self , and colour my stay from this action with any feigned excuse ; but counselled me to come over , both to obey my lord mountjoy , and respect him as his place ( which i had alwayes much honoured ) required , much more his lordship , which was generall to us both ; though i was not so ignorant of his lordships power , as to doubt that my lord mountjoy , or any subject of england could be thrust upon him without his desire and procurement . that therefore , as i had good cause to judge that his lordship had withdrawn much of his favour from me , so i humbly desired his lordship that as by a retrenchment of the condition i was to hold in this journey , i held it rather a resignment to his lordship again of the honour he had given me the last yeare , so farre as concerned my particular respect to his lordship unsought for of me , then a service to him ; so hereafter he would be pleased not to use me at all in any action , wherein he was to go chief : he would seem to take these speeches of mine as proceeding rather of a passionate discontentment , then of a resolution framed in cold bloud , and that it would in time be digested , and so without any sharpnesse on his part , the matter rested . the purpose and designe of this journey was to destroy the fleet that lay in faroll by the groyne and upon the rest of the spanish coasts ; & to that end to land our forces if we saw cause ; as also to intercept the indian fleet . part of our land-forces were shipped at the downs , we did put into weymouth to receive those which were to meet us there . in that place the generall called my self and sir walter raleigh before him , and for that he thought there remained some grudge of the last years falling out , would needs have us shake hands , which we did both , the willinglier because there had nothing passed betwixt us that might blemish reputation . from thence we went to plymmouth , and so towards spain . where in the height of six or seven and fourty degrees we were encountred with a storme , against which the whole navy strove obstinately , till the greater part of the ships were distressed ; amongst which the generalls , mine , and sir walter raleighs , and sir george caryes ; my main mast being in the partners rent to the very spindell , which was eleven inches deep ; in so much as to avoid the endangering of the ship , the captain and master were earnest with me to have cast it over-board , which i would not assent unto , but setting men to work brought it standing to plymmouth , and there strengthened it , so that it served the rest of the voiage . the lord thomas howard vice-admirall with some few ships got within sight of the north-cape , where having plyed off and on three or four dayes doubting that the rest of the fleet was put back , because it appeared not , he returned also to our coast. our stay at plymmouth was about a moneth , more through want of wind then unwillingnesse or unreadinesse of our ships ; which with all diligence were repaired . in the mean time our victuals consuming , it was debated in council , whether the journey could be performed or no without a further supply of victuals . it was judged extream dangerous , and on the other side as difficult to supply the army with victuals , which being to come from london and the east-parts of the realm , and be brought up at adventure , ( there being no sufficient store in readinesse ) would hardly be ministred unto us so fast as we should consume them . and therefore it was first resolved to discharge all the land-forces saving those thousand i brought out of the low-countreys with the shipping they were imbarqued in . then it was further debated in council , how to employ the fleet , the purpose of landing the army at the groyne being dissolved . a west-indian voiage was propounded , whereupon every one in particular being to give his advise , it was assented to by them all , only my self was of opinion it could not stand with the honour , profit , and safety of her majestie and the state ; the fleet being so slenderly provided of forces and provisions , that nothing could be exploited there , answerable to the expectation would be generally conceived ; and yet in the mean time through the want of her majesties royall navy , and other principall shipping of the realm , with the choice commanders both for sea and land , the state might be endangered by an attempt made by the spaniards upon our own coast ; whom we certainly knew to have then in readinesse a great power of sea and land-forces in the north-parts of spain . things thus handled , the lord generall posted to the court. after his return no more speech was had of the indian voiage , but a resolution taken to attempt the firing of the fleet at faroll , and on the rest of the coast of spain , and to intercept the indian fleet , as in our discretions we should think fittest , either when we came upon the coast of spain , or by going to the islands . with this resolution we set forwards directing our course to the north-cape with reasonable wind and weather , yet the fleet scattered , for in a manner all the squadron of sir walter raleigh , and some ships of the other squadrons followed him , who for a misfortune in his main-yard kept more to seaward . the lord generall , whilest he and the rest of the fleet lay off and on before the cape attending sir walter raleighs coming ( who with some speciall ships had undertaken this exploit of firing the fleet ) suddenly laid his ship by the lee ; which because it was his order when he would speak with other ships , i made to him to know his lordships pleasure . he spake to me from the poupe , saying i should attend and have an eye to his ship , in which at that instant there was an extream and dangerous leak , though he would not have me nor any other of the fleet know it . which leak being stopped he directed his course along the coast southward , and about ten leagues from the groyne called a council , in which it was resolved to give over the enterprise of faroll ; which as it was difficult to have been executed on a sudden , so now that we had been seen by the countrey it was held impossible ; and not to linger upon the coast of spain but to go directly to the islands , the time of the year now growing on that the indian fleet usually returned . and to advertise sir walter raleigh diverse pinnaces were sent out , that till such a day , the wind and weather serving , the generall would stay for him in such a certain height , and thence would make directly for the azores . at this council his lordship made a dispatch for england . i do not well remember where sir walter raleigh and the rest of the fleet met us , but as i take it about flores and corvo the westerliest islands of the azores , where we arrived in seven or eight dayes after we had put from the coast of spain . we stayed there some few daies and took in some refreshing of water and victuals such as they could yield , which being not so well able to supply us as the other islands , it was resolved in council to put back to them , and the squadrons for the more commodity of the fleet appointed unto severall islands . the generall with his squadron was to go to fayall ; the lord thomas with his squadron , and i with my ship were to go to graciosa ; and sir walter raleigh with his either to pico or saint george : but sir walter raleigh ( whether of set purpose , or by mistake i leave others to judge ) making with his squadron more haste then the rest of the fleet , came to fayall afore us , landed his men , and received some losse by the spaniards that kept the top of the hill , which commanded both the haven and the town . the generall with the rest of the fleet came to an anchor before the island , and hearing of sir walter raleighs landing and losse , was highly displeased , as he had cause ; it being directly and expressely forbidden upon pain of death to land forces , without order from the generall , and there wanted not about my lord that the more to incense him aggravated the matter : seeing the spanish ensigne upon the hill , his lordship prepared to land with all haste , and so about an houre before sun-set came into the town . a competent number of men were given to sir oliver lambert to guard the passages , and then it was consulted how to go on with the enterprise of forcing them . they were entrenched on the top of the hill to the number of two hundred , which was so steep , that it seemed artillery could not be drawn towards the said trench . the night growing on i desired his lordship to give me leave to go up to discover the place , which his lordship assented unto ; and so taking two hundred souldiers i set forward , the young earl of rutland , sir thomas german , and diverse other gentlemen-adventurers accompanying me . at our coming to the top of the hill finding no watch in their trenches , we entred them , and possessed the hill ; where we found some of our men slain by the spaniard . the hill was abandoned , as we supposed , in the beginning of the night , unseen or undiscovered of us , or those that were placed at the foot of the hill ; we were all very sorry they so escaped ; as was also the lord generall , for there was no following or pursuing them in that mountainous island . the captain and officers that landed with sir walter raleigh were presently committed , and before our departure thence sir walter raleigh was called to answer for himself in a full assembly of the chief officers both by sea and land , in the generalls presence . where , every one being to deliver his opinion of the crime , it was grievously aggravated by the most : for my part , no man shewed lesse spleen against him then my self . the generalls goodnesse would not suffer him to take any extream course , but with a wise and noble admonition forgave the offence ; and set also at liberty the captains that had been committed . after the fleet had taken the refreshing that island could afford , which was in some good measure , we put from thence , and for three dayes were plying off and on betwixt graciosa and the island of tercera , the ordinary way of the indian fleet ; and in the mean time certain were sent a shore by the generall at graciosa , to draw from the inhabitants some portion of monie and provisions to redeem them from spoiling . they brought word to the generall in the afternoon that from the island a great ship was discovered on the road-way from the indies , but they being sent again with some other to make a full discovery , at their return , which was sudden , it was found to be but a pinnace . i must confesse , in this point i may be ignorant of some particulars , because things were not done , as they were wont , by council , or , if they were , it was but of some few , to which i was not called . but in all likelihood there was wilfull mistaking in some to hinder us of that rich prey , which god had sent as it were into our mouths . howsoever it was , that same night , when it was dark , the generall with the fleet altered their course , and bare directly with the island of saint michael , as it was given out , to water . a pinnace coming to me in the lord generalls name told me it was his pleasure my ship and dread-nought ( in which sir nicholas parker was ) should beat off and on betwixt the islands of saint george and graciosa , for that the indian fleet was expected . the rainbow , in which was sir william monson , and the girland my lord of southamptons ship , were to lie by the like order on the north-part of graciosa : willing us if we discovered any fleet to follow them , and to shoot off now and then a piece of ordnance , which should serve for a signall to the rest of the fleet . this order , as i take it , was delivered us about ten of the clock at night . about midnight , or one of the clock , those of our ship might hear shooting , according to this direction , rather in a manner of a signall then a fight , toward that part of the island , where the other two ships were to guard ; which , as we after understood , was from the rainbow , which fell in the midst of the indian fleet ; whom in their long boat they hailed , and by the spaniards own mouths knew whence they were ; who held them in scorn , and in a great bravery told them what they were laden withall . the wind was very small , so as it scarce stirred our ship , but we directed our course as directly to the sound of the ordnance as we could , and so continued all night ; the morning was very foggy and misty , so as we could not discover farre , but still we might hear shooting of ordnance , when we listned for it . about eight or nine of the clock before noon it began to clear , and then we might see ( as we judged ) some five or six leagues off a fleet of twenty sails which was much about half way betwixt us and tercera . the wind began a little to strengthen , and we to wet our sails to improve the force of it , and somewhat we got nearer the spanish fleet , more through their stay to gather themselves together , then our own good footmanship ▪ all this while the rainbow and the girland followed the fleet so neare , that they might to our judgements at pleasure have engaged them to fight . but their fleet being of eight good gallions of the kings , the rest merchants of good force , though the booty were of great inticement , it might justly seem hard to them to come by it ; and so they onely waited on them , attending greater strength , or to gather up such as straggled from the rest . the girland overtook a little friggot of the kings laden onely with cochinell , which she spoiled , and i found abandoned and ready to sink : yet those of my ship took out of her certain small brasen pieces . the indian fleet keeping together in good order sailed still before us about two leagues , and so was got into the haven of tercera , into the which they towed their ships with the help of those of the island , before we could come up to them . it was evening when we came thither , and the wind from the land so , as with our ships there was no entering . it pleased my lord of southampton and the rest of the captains to come aboard me , where it was resolved to get as neare the mouth of the haven as we could with our ships , and to man our boats well , with direction in as secret manner as they could to enter the haven , and to attempt the cutting of the cables of the next ships ; by which means the wind , as is aforesaid , blowing from the land , might drive them upon us . this though it were a dangerous and desperate enterprise , was undertaken , but being discovered the boats returned without giving any further attempt . the same night we dispatched a small pinnace of an adventurer to saint michael , to give the lord generall advise where he should finde the indian fleet , and us to guard them from coming out . for we had determined to attend his lordships coming before the said haven , which i accordingly performed with my ship ; though forsaken of the rest the verie same night , i know not whether for want of fresh water , or what other occasion . three or four dayes after , his lordship came with the fleet , who sending into the haven two nimble pinnaces to view how the fleet lay , upon report that they were drawn so far into the haven , and so well defended from the land with artillery that no attempt could be made on them without extream hazard , and the wind blowing still from the land that no devise of fire could work any good effect , and all provisions growing scant in the fleet , especially fresh water , his lordship gave over that enterprise , and put with the whole fleet from thence to saint michael . the generall had resolved to land in this island , and therefore called a council to advise on the manner ; in which it was concluded that the greatest part of the fleet should remain before saint michael , to amuse the enemy , and that the souldiers in the beginning of the evening should be imbarqued in the least vessels , taking with us the barges and long boats , and so in the night make towards villa franca , which was some foure or five leagues off . his lordship and the rest of the chief officers of the land-forces imbarquing with him in a small ship , left the sea officers before saint michael . the next day about evening we were come near villa franca ; i moved his lordship to give me leave in a boat to discover the shore , and best landing-place , whilest his lordship gave order for the imbarquing the men into the other boats , which his lordship granted , and i performed accordingly . so as in due time his lordship was advertised of it to his contentment , and proceeded to the landing of his forces upon the sandy shore before the town ; where i could discover none to give impeachment , but a few straggling fellows , which now and then gave a shot . his lordship ( as his fashion was ) would be of the first to land , and i that had learned me of his disposition , took upon me the care of sending the boats after him . the seege was such that few of the men landed with their furniture dry . his lordship himself took great pains to put his men in order , and ( for that i perceived he took delight to do all ) in good manners and respect i gave the looking on . in the mean time some that were sent towards the town to discover , gave the alarm that the enemy were at hand : and i told his lordship it were good to send presently some good troop to possesse the town of villa franca before the enemy got thither . his lordship willed me to take with me two hundred men and to do with them what i thought good my self . i took so many of those men that were readiest , and bad them follow me , amongst which were some gentlemen of good account ; as sir iohn scot , sir william evers , which accompanied me . i went directly to the town , which i found abandoned , and leaving some guard in the church , which stood upon the market-place , i passed somewhat further towards saint michael : but neither seeing nor hearing news of any enemy thereabouts i returned to the town , to which his lordship was come with the rest of the army , making in all about two thousand , souldiers , adventurers , officers , and their trains ; all which were orderly quartered in the town , where we found good store of wheat . his lordship having thus gotten landing advised with his council , whether it were better to march to saint michael and spoil that town and water the fleet there , or to send for the rest of the fleet . the difficulties in going to saint michael were the roughnesse and unevennesse of the way , being for the most part over stony hills , in which a few men well placed might resist and impeach the passage to many ; that the people and goods of the town would be withdrawn into the castle , which was held by a garrison of spaniards , not to be forced without battery and much losse of men and time ; that till it were gotten , there were no vvatering in that part , and our generall necessity could endure no delay ; it vvas therefore resolved to send for the fleet to villa franca . in the mean time nevvs came from the fleet that a west-indian carrack , and a ship vvere come into saint michael , and rode near the castle . his lordship presently determined to go thither himself for the better ordering of things , took my lord of mountjoy vvith him , and by an especiall commission under his hand committed to my command the land and sea-forces at villa franca . before his lordship could arrive at saint michael the carrack had run her self on ground under the castle , and the other ship , vvhich vvas not great , laden vvith sugar and brasil commodities , taken by sir walter raleigh . the third day his lordship returned vvith the fleet to villa franca , and gave order presently to fall a vvatering . there vvas plenty of vvater , but the shipping it into boats vvas tedious and troublesome , for by reason of the greatnesse of the seege we vvere fain by vvading and svvimming to thrust the barrells into the sea vvhere the boats floated . this made the vvork the longer . in the mean time our victuals consumed , and grew low , though we got some little refreshing from the land , which made us content our selves with the lesse water . after some four or five dayes watering his lordship gave order to imbarque the army ; which he began early in the morning , and continued all the day , for the seege going high , the boats took in their men at a place where but one boat could lie on at once ; which together with the distance to the shipping made the lesse riddance , and dispatch . his lordship for the better expedition was most of the time at the waters side , sending still to me for men from the town , as he was ready to imbarque them . about five of the clock in the afternoon the sentinels that stood on the top of the steeple discerned troops of men on the way towards saint michael . i sent up to the steeple sir william constable and some other gentlemen then about me , to see what they could discern , who all agreed that they saw troops , and as they guessed some ensignes . i willed sir william constable to hasten to his lordship and tell him what he had seen . i had yet remaining with me about five hundred souldiers , of these i sent out sixty , whereof thirty shot were to go as covertly as they could to a chapel , a great musket-shot from the town on the way the enemy was discovered , with order upon the enemies approach to give their volley , and suddenly and in haste to retire to the other thirty that were placed half way betwixt them and the town ; and then all together in as much haste and shew of fear as they could to come to the town , where i stood ready with the rest of the men in three troops to receive them , and repulse , and chase those that should follow them . this order given , my lord of essex with the earl of southampton and some other lords and gentlemen came to the market-place , where he found me with the troops . his lordship enquired of me what i had seen , i said i had seen no enemy , but what others had seen his lordship had heard by their own report , and might , if it pleased his lordship , send to see if the sentinell continued to affirm the same . his lordship made no answer , but called for tobacco , seeming to give but small credit to this alarm , and so on horseback with those noblemen and gentlemen on foot beside him took tobacco , whilest i was telling his lordship of the men i had sent forth , and order i had given them . within some quarter of an hour we might hear a good round volley of shot betwixt the thirty men i had sent to the chapel and the enemy , which made his lordship cast his pipe from him , and listen to the shooting which continued . i told his lordship it were good to advance with the troops to that side of the town where the skirmish was , to receive our men , which his lordship liked well , and so went a good round pace expecting to encounter our men ; who unadvisedly in lieu of retiring in disorder , maintained the place , which the enemy perceiving and supposing some greater troop to be at hand to second , held aloof with his main force ( for the high-way to the town lay by the chapel , and no other passage for a troop , by reason of the strong fence and inclosure of the fields ) but sent out light men to skirmish . thus perceiving that our men held their ground we stayed our troops in covert in the end of two lanes leading directly to the high-way . those of the island ( as we were certainly enformed ) could make three thousand fighting men well armed and appointed , besides the ordinary garrison of the spaniards . of that number we supposed them , because they had sufficient time to gather their strength together , and for that they came to seek us ; and therefore as on the one side we were loth to discover our small number to them , unlesse they provoked us by some notable disorder or necessity , in the defence of our selves ; so we thought it not good to lessen our men by imbarquing of men , till the night was come , that silence and darknesse might cover our retreat . and for these reasons i opposed their heat that propounded to charge the enemy , and their haste that would needs have the men shipped without delay . in the beginning of the evening , which ended the skirmish , keeping our sentinels in the view of the enemy , his lordship began to imbarque some troops , and so continued till about midnight that the last troop was put into the boat , his lordship seeing all imbarqued before he went aboard , but those forelorn men which made the last retreat , which were committed to sir charles percy ; with whom i imbarqued without any impeachment of the enemy , or shew to have discovered our departure . his lordship made the young noblemen and some other principall gentlemen knights , as sir william evers , sir henry dockwray , sir william brown , and a dutch gentleman that accompanied me that voiage in my ship . we were no sooner aboard , but that the wind blew a stiff gale , so as some were fain to forsake their anchors , and with this wind we put for england , which continuing vehement drave us to the leeward of our course towards the coast of ireland . i got in my ship an extream leak , which kept both my pumps going without intermission many dayes and nights before i got to harbour ; wherewith my company were much wearied and discouraged even to despair ; which made me keep aloof from the other ships , lest the hope of their own safety might make them neglect that of the ship . the fleet kept no order at all , but every ship made the best haste home they could , which as it might have proved dangerous , if the spanish fleet which was then bound for our coast , had not been scattered by the same weather ; so it was in some sort profitable to us ; for some of our smaller shipping which were driven most leeward toward the coast of ireland met with two or three of the spanish ships , full of souldiers , which they took , by which we not onely understood at our coming to plymmouth their purpose to have landed at falmouth with ten thousand men , but saw the instructions and orders of the sea-fights , if they had met with us , which was so full of perfection , that i have ever since redoubted their sufficiency in sea cases . the fleet arriving thus weather-beaten at plymmouth , his lordship posted to the court , leaving my lord thomas now earl of suffolk , my lord mountjoy and the rest of the officers there ; and shortly came provision of monie with commission to the said lords , sir walter raleigh , and my self to see the same issued , and distributed by common advise , for the repairing , victualling , and sending about the fleet to chattham , and entertaining of the thousand men i had brought out of the low-countreys , which were then disposed along the coast of cornwall , and after sent into ireland . which businesse dispatched i passed by post to london , and near mary-bone-parke i met with sir william russell in his coach , who being my honourable friend then newly returned from ireland , where he had been deputy , i lighted to salute him with much duty and affection , who stepping out of his coach received me with the like favour ; with whom whilest i stood bare-headed being in a sweat i got cold , which held me so extreamly that for three weeks after i could not stirre out of my lodging . i understood my lord of essex was at his house at wanstead in great discontentment , to whose lordship i gave presently knowledge of my arrivall ; as also that i would forbear to attend his lordship til i had been at court ; which then i hoped would have been sooner then it fell out my sicknesse would permit . for i supposed at my coming to court , her majesty , after her most gracious manner , would talk and question with me concerning the late journey , and though it pleased her alwayes to give credit to the reports i made ( which i never blemished with falshood for any respect whatsoever ) yet i thought this forbearance to see my lord would make my speech work more effectually . so soon then as i was able to go abroad , i went to the court , which was then at whitehall ; and because i would use no bodies help to give me accesse to her majesty , as also that i desired to be heard more publickly , i resolved to shew my self to her majesty when she came into the garden ; where so soon as she set her gracious eye upon me , she called me to her and questioned with me concerning the journey , seeming greatly incensed against my lord of essex , laying the whole blame of the evil successe of the journey on his lordship , both for the not burning and spoiling of the fleet at faroll , and missing the indian fleet . wherein with the truth i boldly justified his lordship with such earnestnesse , that my voice growing shrill the standers by , which were many , might hear , ( for her majesty then walked ) laying the blame freely upon them that deserved it . and some there present being called to confront me , were forced to confesse the contrary of that they had delivered to her majesty , insomuch that i answered all objections against the earl , wherewith her majesty well quieted and satisfied sate her down in the end of the walk , and calling me to her fell into more particular discourse of his lordships humours and ambition ; all which she pleased then to construe so graciously that before she left me she fell into much commendation of him , who very shortly after came to the court. this office i performed to his lordship to the grieving and bitter incensing of the contrary party against me , when notwithstanding i had discovered ( as is aforesaid ) in my recuilment his lordships coldnesse of affection to me , and had plainly told my lord himself mine own resolution , in which i still persisted , not to follow his lordship any more in the warres , yet to make as full return as i could for the good favour the world supposed his lordship bare me , fearing more to incurre the opinion of ingratitude then the malice of any enemies , how great soever , which the delivery of truth could procure me . the government of the briell . i stayed the winter following in england , in which time my lord sheffeild making resignation of his government of the briell into her majesties hands , i was advised and encouraged by my good friends to make means to her majesty for that charge ; which it was long before i could hearken unto , having no friends to relie on . for , as i had good cause to doubt my lord of essex would not further me in that suit , so i was as loth to have any thing by his means in the terms i then stood in with his lordship ; mush lesse by any other persons that were known his opposers . being still urged to undertake the suit , i began at length to take some better liking of it , and to guesse there was some further meaning in it , and therefore i answered , that if i were assured that master secretary would not crosse me , i would undertake the matter , whereof having some hope given me , i took occasion one day in the chamber of presence to tell his lordship as much , who answered me , that as he would be no mover or recommender of suits for me or any other , so he would not crosse me . i desired his lordship of no further favour then might be lookt for from a man in his place for publick respects . and hereupon i resolved to have her majesty moved , which sir fulk grevill performed effectually : her majesty , as her manner was , fell to objecting , that i served the states , and that those two charges could not well stand together . my lord of essex was before this gone from court discontented because of the difficulty he found in obtaining the earl-marshalship of england ; i went therefore to wanstead to his lordship in good manners to acquaint him with what i had done , who rather discouraged me then otherwise in the pursuit . notwithstanding i waited and followed my businesse hard , and one evening in the garden moved her majesty my self , who alleadging , as before she had done to sir fulk grevill , that it could not stand with her service , that both those places should go together ; i told her majesty that i was willing ( if there were no remedy ) rather to forsake the states service then misse the place i was a suiter to her majesty for , in hers ; and so for that time her majesty left me without any discouragement . the earl of sussex was my onely competitour , and for him my lord north professed to stand earnestly , who ( as soon as i was risen from my knees ) told me that such places as i was now a suiter for were wonted to be granted onely to noblemen . i answered there were none ennobled but by the favour of the prince , and the same way i took . about this time her majesty being in hand with the states to make a transaction from the old treaty to the new ( in which the states were to take upon them the payment to her majesty yearly so much monie as would pay the ordinary garrison of the cautionary towns ) it fell in deliberation what numbers were competent for the guard of the said towns , wherein before my lords would resolve , they were pleased to call before them my lord sidney and my self , to hear our opinions , addressing their speech concerning the briell to me , whereunto i made such answer as i thought fit ; not partially , as one that pretended to have interest in that government , but as i thought meet for her majesties service . and hereupon master secretary took occasion merrily to say to my lords , that they might see what difference there was betwixt the care of sir francis vere , a neutrall man , and that of my lord sidney , that spake for his own government : but saith his lordship , he will repent it when he is governour , and then told their lordships i was suiter for the place , and that i should have for it his best furtherance . my lords gave a very favourable applause to master secretaries resolution , and severally blamed me , that i had not acquainted them with my suite , and taken the furtherance they willingly would have given me . it is true , i never made any body acquainted with my suit but sir fulk grevill and master secretary . from thence forward i addressed my self more freely to master secretary , and conceived by his fashion an assurance of good issue , though i had not a finall dispatch in two moneths after . in the mean time my lord sidney and my lord gray were labouring to succeed me in the states service ; my lord of essex had promised his assistance to my lord sidney , insomuch as when i told him at his coming to the court in what forwardnesse i was for the briell , and danger to lose my other charge , and who were competitours to succeed me , he plainly said that he had given my lord sidney his promise to procure him a regiment in the states service . i answered , that the command of the nation belonged to me by commission ; that there was as little reason for my lord to be under my authority as for me to yield my authority to him ; that in respect of his government he was as uncapable of that charge as my self . by this again i found his lordships care to hold me back , notwithstanding my lord sidney had soon made an end of his suit . but my lord gray stuck longer to it , and was earnester , insomuch as there passed speeches in heat betwixt him and me , and yet in the end such was the favour of the prince , that i enjoyed both the one and the other charge . in the same year one thousand five hundred ninety seven , about the latter end of september , i passed into the low-countreys , took and gave the oaths that are usuall betwixt those of holland the governour and townsmen of the briell , and so was established in that government . the action at tvrnhovlt . that winter ( one thousand five hundred ninety and seven ) the enemy lying at turnhoult , an open village , with four thousand foot , and six hundred horse ; one day amongst other speeches i said to mounsieur barnevelt , that they did but tempt us to beat them ; which it seemeth he marked , for shortly after the states resolved to make an attempt on them , and gave order to the count maurice to that end to gather his forces together , which at one instant shipped from their severall garrisons , arrived with great secresie at gertrudenberg , in all to the number of six thousand foot and one thousand horse , whereof some two hundred came from flushing with sr robert sidney ; which troop because he desired should march with the rest of the english , in the love and respect i professed and truly bare to him , i made offer to him to command one of the two troops the english forces were then divided into , which he refused not . the action near tvrnhovlt . the night was very cold , insomuch as the count maurice himself going up and down the quarter , with straw and such other blazing stuff made fires in some places with his own hands by the corps-du-guard . sir robert sidney and i got us into a barn thronged with souldiers to rest , because there was no sleeping by the count maurice , who was disposed to watch , whence i was also called to attend him . in the morning we set forward , and by break of day came within a faulcon-shot of turnhoult , where the troops were put in battel ; whence sending some light horse towards the town to discover , word was brought that the enemy had caused his baggage to march all night , and that now the rereward of their troops were going out of the town ; whereupon the count maurice caused our vanguard to advance to the town , with which he marched . by that time we were come to the town , the enemy was clear gone out of it , and some musket-shot off , on the way to herentalls beyond a narrow bridge , over which one man could onely go in front , they made a stand with some of their men , and galled our scouts , which followed on the track . the count maurice made a halt half way betwixt the bridge and the town , where i offered to beat the enemy from this passage , if he would give me some men , alleadging that this was onely a shew of the enemy to amuse us , whilest he withdrew the body of his forces ; and therefore this required a speedy execution . hereupon he appointed me two hundred muskettiers of his own guard , and the other dutch companies , with officers to receive my commandments , saying , that he would second me according as occasion should serve : with which i went directly towards this bridge , near which i found the count hollock , who that journey commanded the horse . he told me of an easier passage over that water , and offered me guides ; but the distance agreed not with the necessity of the haste , and therefore i excused my self of altering my way , which he took in very ill part , insomuch as not long after he wrote unto me a letter of expostulation , as if i had failed in the acknowledgment of his authority , which he pretended by an ancient commission to be lieutenant-generall of holland ; and consequently of all the forces ; which i answered in good and fitting terms to his contentment . and so placing my men in the best places of advantage to command the bridge , i made them play at the enemy , who soon forsook the bridge being so narrow as afore-said , and of a good length . i durst not adventure at the first to passe my men over it , the rather for that the countrey on the other side was very thick of wood : but after a little pause , i thrust over some few foot , and by a foard adjoyning , ( though very deep and difficult ) i sent some few horse to discover vvhat the enemy did , and causing mine own horse to be led through the said foard , went my self over the bridge , from which some half a harquebush-shot i found a small fort of pretty defence abandoned ; into which i put my footmen which were first passed , and sent for the rest to come with all diligence . in the mean time taking my horse , i rode with some few , officers and others after the enemy , whom we soon espied some whiles marching , otherwhile standing as if they had met with some impediment before them : which we thought was caused by the number of their carriages . the way they marched was through a lane of good breadth , hemmed in with thick underwoods on both sides , fit as i thought to cover the smalnesse of the number of my men . whereupon , as also on the opinion the enemy might justly conceive that the rest of our troops followed at hand , i took the boldnesse and assurance to follow them with those two hundred muskettiers , which i put into the skirts of the vvood . so as betvvixt them and the high-vvay in vvhich the enemy marched , there vvas a vvell-grovvn hedge . my self , vvith about some fifteen or sixteen horsmen of mine ovvn follovvers and servants , kept the high-vvay , advancing tovvards the enemy : giving in the mean time the count maurice advise vvhat i savv , vvhat i did , and vvhat an assured victory he had in his hands , if he vvould advance the troops . i vvas not gone tvvo musket-shot from this fort , but some choice men of the enemy , whom they had appointed to make the retreat , discharged on us , and our men again ansvvered them , and pressing upon them put them nearer to their hindermost body of pikes , under the favour of vvhich they and such as from time to time vvere sent to refresh them , maintained skirmish vvith us . when they marched , i follovved ; vvhen they stood , i stayed , and standing or marching i kept within reach , for the most part , of their body of pikes ; so as i slew and galled many of them , and in this manner held them play at the least four hours , till i came to an open heath , which was from the bridge about some five or six english miles , sending in the mean time messenger upon messenger to the count maurice and the count hollock for more troops . and it pleased sir robert sidney himself , who also came up to me , and looked on the enemy , when he saw the fair occasion , to ride back to procure more forces . but all this while none came , not so much as any principal officer of the armie , to see what i did . on the left hand of this heath ( which is little lesse then three miles over ) were woods and inclosed fields , coasting the way the enemy was to take , in distance some musket-shot and a half . along these i caused my muskettiers to advance , and , as they could , from the skirts of the heath to play upon the enemy , which was more to shew them and our men that were behinde by hearing the shot , that we had not forsaken the enemy , then for any great hurt we could do them . my self , with some thirty or fourty horse , that were come up to me to see the sport , following them aloof off . the enemy seeing no grosse troop to follow them , began to take heart , put themselves into order in four battalions ; their horsmen on their wings advancing their way easily . when we had in this manner passed half the heath , our horsmen in sixteen troops ( for they were so many ) began to appear behinde us at the entry of the heath , not the way we had passed , but more to the right hand , coasting the skirts of the heath a good round pace . this sight made the enemy mend his pace , and gave us more courage to follow them , so as now we omitted no endeavour which might hinder their way , falling again into skirmish with them . for they fearing more those that they saw afar off , then us that followed them at their heels , ( being a contemptible number to them that might see us and tell us ) mended still their pace : i therefore sent messengers to those horsmen ( for of our footmen there was no help to be expected ) to tell them , that if they came not with all speed possible , the enemy would get into the streight and fast countrey , in which there could be no good done on them . they were not above two musket-shot from the mouth of the streight , when the count maurice with six companies of horse came near unto us that followed the enemie in the tail . the other horsmen , because they fetched a greater compasse , and came more upon the front and right flank of the enemie , were further off . i sent to the count to desire him to give me those horsmen . and in the mean time to give the enemie some stay , i made a round proffer to charge the rereward , under the countenance of that second , with those horse and foot i had : which took good effect ; for they knowing no other but that all the troops were also ready to charge , made a stand , and seeing our horsmen on the right wing to grow somewhat near , put themselves into a stronger order . my messenger returning from the count maurice , told me he would speak with me ; to whom i made haste , and as the time required , in few words having delivered my minde , he gave me three companies of horse to use as i should see cause ; with which i went on the spur ; for the enemie was now marching again , and was come even into the entry of the streight . the other horsmen with the count hollock , seeing me go to charge , did the like also ; so that much about one instant he charged on the right corner of their front , and on their right flank , and i with my troops on the rereward and left flank , so roundly , that their shot after the first volley shifted for themselves , ( for their pikes being ranged in four battels , stood one in the tail of another , not well ordered , as in that case they should have been , to succour their shot , and abide the charge of the horsmen ) and so charged their pikes , not breaking through them at the first push ( as it was anciently used by the men of arms with their barded horses ) but as the long pistols delivered at hand , had made the ranks thinne ; so thereupon the rest of the horse got within them , so as indeed it was a victory obtained without fight . for till they were utterly broken and scattered ( which was after a short time ) few or none died by handy-strokes . the footmen defeated , our horsmen disordered ( as they had been in the charge and execution ) followed the chase of their horsmen and baggage , which took the way of herentalls . i foresaw that the enemies horse , that had with-drawn themselves in good order , and untouched of us at the beginning of the fight , would soon put to rout those disordered men , and therefore made all the haste that i could to the mouth of the streight there to stay them . where finding the count hollock , i told him he should do well to suffer no more to passe ; so riding forward on the other end of the streight where it opened on a champain , i overtook sir nicholas parker , who commanded the three companies of english horse under me , who had some thirty souldiers with the three cornets ; with these i stayed on a green plot just in the mouth of the streight , having on either hand a roade washy way , with purpose to gather unto me those that came after me , and relieve our men , if the enemie chased them . i had no sooner placed the troop , but i might see our men come back as fast and as disordered as they went out , passing the streight on either hand of me , not to be stayed for any intreaty . the most of our men passed , and the enemy approaching , sir nicholas parker asked me what i meant to do ; i told him , attend the enemy with our troop there . then ( saith he ) you must be gone with the rest ; and so almost with the latest , the enemy being upon us , i followed his counsel , and so all of us great and small were chased through the streight again ; where our troops gathering head , and our foot appearing we held good ; and the enemy without any further attempt made his retreat . there were taken between fourty and fifty ensignes , and slain and taken of the enemy near three thousand ; and their generall signieur de ballancy , and count de warras died on the place . the battel at nevport . a.d. 1600. the battel at newport . in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred , the enemies forces being weak and in mutinies , and his affairs in disorder , the states resolved to make an offensive warre in flanders , as the fittest place to annoy the enemy most , and to secure their own state , if they could recover the coast-towns , which was the scope of their enterprise . as this action was of great importance , so were the meetings and consultations about it many . to which ( though unworthy ) my self was called ; where amongst other things the facility of the execution coming in question , it was by most affirmed that the enemy was not able nor durst adventure to meet us in the field , which i not onely opposed in opinion , but more particularly made it appear that within fourteen dayes after our landing in flanders they might and would be with us to offer us fight , as afterwards it fell precisely out . the army imbarqued with purpose to have landed at ostend ; but finding the wind contrary , when we came into zeland , upon a new consultation it was resolved to disembarque upon the coast of flanders lying on the river of skelde : and accordingly by a small fort called the philippines , we ran our vessels ( which were flat bottomed after the manner of that countrey ) aground at a high-water , which , the ebbe coming , lay on dry ground , and so with much ease and readinesse we landed both horse and foot . our army consisted of about twelve thousand footmen and three thousand horse ; and was divided into three parts , commited to severall commanders , viz. the count ernest of nassaw , the count solmes , and my self ; my troop consisting of one thousand six hundred english men , and two thousand five hundred frisons , and ten cornets of horse : with which troop i took my turn of vanguard , battel , and rereward , as it fell out . we marched through the countrey to eckelo , and bruges , and so to oldenburgh a fort of the enemies not farre from ostend , which the enemy had abandoned , as also some other of lesse strength ; by which means the passage to ostend was open and free . the army encamped and rested there two or three dayes to refresh us with victuals , especially drink , whereof the army had suffered great want ; the water of the countrey we had passed being for the most part very troubled and moorish . it was again consulted where the army should be first imploied , either in taking the forts the enemy held in the low and broken grounds about ostend , or in the siege of newport : the latter being resolved on , the states , who had all this while marched and abode with the army , departed to ostend as the fittest place to reside in . and the count solmes with his part of the army was sent the direct way to ostend , to take in the fort albertus ; and open the passage betwixt that town and newport . the count maurice with the rest of the army leaving the fort of oldenburgh and the others , which the enemy had forsaken , well guarded , ( as was behoovefull , because without forcing them the enemy could not come to us but by fetching a great compasse ) marched by hemskerk towards a fort called the damme upon the river that goeth to newport ; but finding the countrey weak and moorish , and not able to bear the weight of our carriages and artillery , returned to a small village not farre from hemskerk and lodged there . thence we crossed through the meadows towards the sea-side , filling many ditches , and laying bridges to passe the waters , whereof , that countrey is full . and so with much adoe we got to the downs by the sea-side , and incamped about some cannon-shot from the fort albertus , which was before rendered to the count solmes . in the morning early we marched upon the sea-sands towards newport , and at the ebb waded the river on that side that maketh the haven of that town ; and so incamped , and spent two or three dayes in quartering and intrenching our selves in places of best advantage for our own safety , and the besieging of the town ; laying a stone-bridge over the narrowest of the haven for our carriages and troops to passe to and fro at all times , if occasion required . in the mean time the count was advertised from those of ostend and those of oldenburgh , that the enemy with good troops of horse and foot were come and lodged near the fort ; whereupon consulting , the opinions were diverse , the most agreeing that it was onely a bravado made of rivas , who before , we had heard , had gathered between three and four thousand men together near the sluys , to divert us from our enterprise ; and that upon our remove towards him he would make his retreat to the sluys again . but this falling out jump with the calculation i had before made , i insisted that it was the grosse of their army , and that it was needfull for us without delay to march thither with our army also , lest that fort and the rest fell into the enemies hands , who might then come and lodge at our backs , and cut off the passage to ostend , to the extream annoyance of the army : that in using diligence to prevent the enemie's taking these forts we might at once block up and besiege those the enemy held on the low and drowned lands , which enterprise had been in question , and debated as of equall importance with that of newport . notwithstanding that my reasons seemed well grounded , the count maurice was , as he is naturally , slow in resolving , so as for that time no other thing was done . the same night came messenger upon messenger , first that the enemy had cannon , then that they of the fort were summoned in the archdukes name ; after , that it was yielded upon conditions . and thrice that night was i called from my rest upon these severall alarms , which confirmed me in my former opinion , upon which i still insisted , with this change , that , whereas my first purpose was to stop the enemies passage under the savour of those forts , now , that occasion lost , we were to march to the hither mouth of the passage our selves had made through the low grounds , and to occupy the same ; which was the shortest and readiest way the enemy had to the downs and sea-side . the count maurice liked it well and resolved to send forthwith the count ernest with two thousand five hundred footmen and five hundred horsmen , with some artillery also and provision to intrench upon the same passage , saying he would follow and second them with the rest of the army in due season ; which course i could not approve nor allow of , shewing my reasons how this dividing of forces might endanger the whole ; for i knew the enemy would in all likelihood use all possible diligence to get through this passage , and might well doe it with his vanguard , and part of his forces before the arrivall of these men ; which being so few in number would not be able to make resistance ; whereas our whole army marching , if the enemy had been fully passed the low grounds , we had our forces united to give them battell , according to the resolution taken , if he sought us or came in our way : if part of his army were onely passed , which was the likeliest , ( the shortnesse of time , the hinderance of the night , and the narrownesse of the way considered ) then we had undoubted victory : if we were there before him , the passage was ours . about midnight the count had his dispatch and order to take of those troops that were with the count solmes as readiest for that service . the rest of the army was commanded to march down to the havens side , by the break of day to passe with the first ebb . it was my turn then to have the vanguard , which made me carefull not to be wanting in my duty , so as in due time my troop was at the place appointed . and because the water was not yet passable ; i went my self to the count maurice to know his further pleasure , whom i found by the bridge with most of the chief officers of the army : whither not long after news was brought unto him , that the enemy was passed the downs and marching towards us , which strook him into a dump . i told him that all possible speed must be used to passe the forces before the enemy was possessed of the other side of the haven : that therefore i would go to my troop to take the first opportunity of the tide , desiring him to give me his further order what i was to do , when i had passed the haven : he willed me to do in all things as i saw cause my self , calling to him the count lodwick of nassaw , who then commanded the horse as generall , he bad him go along with me , and follow my directions . so i left the count maurice and went to my troop , and so soon as the tide served , i passed my men as they stood in their battalions . the souldiers would have stripped themselves to have kept their clothes dry , as i had willed them when i crossed the haven first ; but then i thought it not expedient the enemy being so near at hand . and therefore willed them to keep on their clothes and not to care for the wetting of them , for they should either need none , or have better and dryer clothes to sleep in that night . when the troop of the vanguard was passed , i left the footmen standing ranged in their order betwixt the downs or sand-hills and the sea , and with the horse advanced towards the enemy , ( whom we might discover afar off coming towards us by the sea-side ) not to engage a skirmish or fight , but to choose a fit place to attend them in , which was now the onely advantage we could by industry get of the enemy ; for by the situation of the countrey that skill and dexterity we presumed to excell our enemies in , which was the apt and agile motions of our battalions , was utterly taken from us . for the space betwixt the sea and the sand-hills or downs , was commanded by the said hills , which are of many heads reared , and commanding one another , containing so much breadth in most places that our troops could not occupy the whole , and every where so confusedly packt together , so brokenly and steeply , that the troops could neither well discern what was done a stones-cast before them , nor advance forward in any order to second , if need were . and on the other side of the downs towards the firm land , if the whole breadth were not possessed , the enemy might passe to the haven of newport , where our bridge and most of our shipping yet lay on the dry ground , and spoil and burn them in our view . all which inconveniences i was to prevent . finding therefore a place where the hills and downs stood in a manner divided with a hollow bottom , the bottom narrower and the hills higher to the sea-side and north then towards the in-land and south , which ran clean thwart from the sea-sand to the in-land , the downs also there being of no great breadth so that we might conveniently occupy them with our front ; and command as well the sea-shore as the way that lay betwixt the low in-land and the foot of the downs . in that place on the hither side of that bottom , i resolved to attend the enemy , and therefore having caused my troop to advance , i drew from the whole vanguard about one thousand men , viz. two hundred and fifty english-men , the count maurice his guard , and of such other companies as usually marched with it two hundred & fifty , and of the frisons five hundred , which were all muskettiers , the other two troops consisting of shot and pikes . the english and fifty of the counts guard i placed on the top of a hill that lay more advanced then the rest , which being steep and sandy was not easily to be mounted , and in the top so hollow that the men lay covered from the hills on the other side , and might fight from it as from a parapett . just behinde this hill , about one hundred paces was another far more high , on the top of which also i placed the other two hundred men of the troop of the guard , on which also , with a little labour of the souldier , they lay at good covert . these two hills were joyned together with a ridge somewhat lower then the foremost hill , which end-wise lay east and west , and broad-wise looked towards the south , or in-land , and commanded all the ground passable ; on the out-side very steep , loose , sandy , and ill to be mounted , within hollow , in which i placed the five hundred frison-muskettiers , giving charge to the officers to bestow their shot onely to the southward , when time should serve ; which was directly on our right side and flank , as we then stood turned towards the enemy . betwixt those two hills , on the left hand or flank looking towards the sea , i placed in covert ( in places for the purpose so near the sea-sand , that they might with ease and good order in an instant break into it ) two of the four troops of the english , making about seven hundred men ranged with their faces to the northvvard , looking directly from our left flank . if the enemy adventured to passe by us to the other troops , i meant to leave them in his eie . upon the sands more easterly then the inmost of the two hills , i ranged in a front with a space betwixt them , the other two troops of the english , and a pretty distance behinde them more to the seaward , the frisons in four battalions , two in front , with a space to receive betwixt them one of the other two battalions that stood behinde them , the files and spaces betwixt the troops as close as might be conveniently , to leave the more space for the ranging the other troops , with a competent distance betwixt each troop , so as one troop shadowed not another , but all might be in the enemies eie at one instant . and thus the vanguard occupied about one third part of the downs , leaving the rest to be manned as occasion should serve by the other troops : and on the left hand uttermost to the sea , and more advanced , i placed the horsmen . i had scarce done this work , when the count maurice with the chief commanders of the army came to the head of my troops , where on hors-back and in the hearing of all standers by , which were many , he put in deliberation whether he should advance with his army towards the enemy , or abide their coming . those that spake ( as in such cases most men will not seem fearfull ) counselled to march forward , for that they thought it would daunt the enemy , and make the victory the more easie , whereas in attending him he would gather courage out of the opinion of our fear , or take the opportunity of our stay to fortifie upon the passage to ostend , to cut off our victuals and retreat . i alleadged that their army that had been gathered in haste , brought into a countrey where they intended no such war , could neither have provision of victuals with them for any time , nor any magazines in those parts to furnish them , nor other store in that wasted countrey , and in that latter end of the year to be expected ; so as fear there was none that they should seat themselves there to starve us , that had store of victuals in our shipping , and the sea open to supply us with all sailing winds . and as for the vain courage they should get by our supposed fear , ( after so long a march with climbing up and down those steep sandy hills in the extreamity of heat , wearied and spent before they could come to us , and then finding us fresh and lusty , and ready to receive them in our strength of advantage ) it would turn to their greater confusion and terrour . they persisted , and , as it were , with one voice opposed , so as in the end i was moved to say , that all the world could not make me change my counsel . the count maurice was pleased to like of it , resolving not to passe any further towards the enemy , and for the ordering of things , reposed so much trust in me , as that he believed they were well , without viewing the places or examining the reasons of my doings ; but returned to give order to the rest of the army , which as the water ebbed he enlarged to the sea-ward , next the which the horsmen were placed , and six piece of ordnance advanced into the head of the vanguard . in this order we stayed , and the enemie , though still in the eie , moved not forward for the space of two hours ; and then , rather turning from us then advancing , they crossed the downs , & rested other two hours at the foot of them towards the land ; which confirmed their opinions that held he would lodge . but we found reasons out of all their proceedings to keep us from wavering . for it was probable to us , that the enemy over-wearied & tired with that night and dayes travell , and seeing us passed the haven of newport , ( wherein to have hindered and prevented us was the greatest cause of his haste ) whilest he saw us stirring and ordering our selves , might hope that we that were fresh , now passed and engaged to fight , would advance , the rather to have the help of our troops with the count ernest , if perchance he were retired to ostend , which , the nearer the fight were to that place , might be of most use to us ; or else if we had heard of their defeat , vve vvould be dravvn on vvith revenge : but vvhen they savv that vve held our place not moving forvvard , being out of that hope , and not provided to make any long stay , for the reasons before mentioned , they might resolve to refresh themselves , and then to advance towards us ; for which that side was more convenient then the bare sea-sands . withall we considered , that their chief trust resting in their footmen , ( which were old trained souldiers , and to that day unfoiled in the field ) they would the rather attend the growing of the tide , ( which was then at the lowest ) that the scope of the sands might be lesse spacious and serviceable for horsmen . about half-floud they crossed again the downs to the sea-sands , and marched forward , sending some light-horsmen far before the troop , one of which ( as we supposed ) suffered himself to be taken , who being brought to the count maurice , told him aloud that count ernest was defeated , and that he should presently have battel , augmenting the number , bravery and resolution of their men . the losse of our men we understood before , and therefore were carefull to have few present at the hearing of the prisoner ; whose mouth being stopped by the count maurice his order , the rest that heard it bewrayed it either in vvord or countenance to the souldier . the enemy grovving nearer and nearer , and their horsmen coming in the head of their troops , in a competent distance to have been dravvn to a fight , i vvould very vvillingly have advanced the horsmen of the vanguard near to them , and vvith some choice and vvelmounted men have beaten in their carabins & skirmishers to their grosse ; vvith purpose if they had been charged again , to have retired in haste with the said vanguard of horse betwixt the sea and the vanguard of foot , and having drawn them from their foot under the mercy of our ordnance , and engaged to the rest of our horse , to have charged and followed them resolutely . this advise could not savour to that young nobleman , that was not well pleased with the power the count maurice had given me over his charge ; and therefore was not by him put into execution ; who chose rather as the enemy advanced leasurely , so he in like sort to recuil towards the foot . this counsel of mine taking no better effect , and their horsmen now come within reach of our cannon , i made the motion to have them discharged , which was well liked , and so well plied , that we made them scatter their troops , and in disorder flie for safety into the downs ; which had doubtlesse given us the victory without more adoe , if our horsmen had been ready and willing to have taken the benefit of that occasion . their footmen out of our reach kept on their way alongst the sands ; and the sooner to requite us , advanced their ordnance a good distance before them , and shot roundly at us , and did some hurt . the water now grew very high , so as both we and they were forced to streighten our front ; and the enemy , whether of purpose ( as aforesaid ) to fight with more advantage ( as he took it ) with his foot in the downs , or to avoid the shot of our ordnance ( for he could not be so carelesse as to be surprised with the tide , and so driven to this sudden change ) put all his forces , as wel horse as foot , into the downs ; which his horse crossed to the green way betwixt the low-lands and the downs . all our horsemen stood with our rereward , hereupon our vanguard altering order , our battel and rereward passed into the downs , and in the same distances backward , & sidewise as they had been on the sands , on my left hand before , ranged themselves : so as the front of the three bodies of foot filled the breadth of the downs , all the horsmen being placed on the green way betwixt the low-land and the foot of the downs , not in any large front , but one in the tail of another , as the narrownesse of the passage enforced . i found a fit place on the top of a hill , from whence the green way on the inside of the downs might be commanded with ordnance , on which by the count maurice his order two demi-cannons were presently mounted . the enemy growing very near , i told the count it was time for me to go to my charge , asking him whether he would command me any more service , he said , no , but to do as i saw cause , willing us the chiefs that stood about him , to advise him in what part of the army he should be personally ; whereunto we all answered , that for many reasons he was to keep in the rereward of all : which he yielded unto . so i went to the vanguard , and after i had viewed the readinesse and order of the severall troops , the enemy now appearing at hand , i ( the better to discover their proceedings , and for the readier direction upon all occasions , as also with my presence to encourage our men in the abiding of the first brunt ) took my place in the top of the foremost hill before mentioned ; where i resolved to abide the issue of that dayes service , as wel because the advantages of the ground we had chosen were to stand upon the defence , as also for that in that uneven ground , to stirre from place to place , as is usuall and necessary in the execution and performance of the office of a captain , where the countrey is open and plain , i should not onely have lost the view of the enemy , upon whose motions in such cases our counsels of execution depend , but of my troops , and they of me , which must needs have caused many unreasonable and confused commandments . the enemies forelorn-hope of harquebuziers , having gotten the tops of the hills , and places of most advantage on the other side of this bottom before mentioned , began from thence to shoot at us , whilest their vanguard approached ; which now growing near at hand , five hundred spanish , pikes and shot mingled without ensignes or precise order , gave upon the place where my self was , and very obstinately for the space of a great half-hour laboured to enter and force it , favoured with more store of shot from the tops of their hills , the grosse of their vanguard standing in some covert from the shot with me , on the other side of the bottom . in the mean time the vanguard of their horse advanced along the green way so often mentioned , betwixt the low-inland and the downs towards our horse , that stood more backward against the flank of our battel . our two pieces of ordnance were discharged from the top of the hill to good effect , and well plyed ; and when they came nearer and thwart our right flank , the five hundred frison-muskettiers , who ( as i have before said ) were onely destined to bestow their shot that way , did their part , and so galled them that upon the first proffer of a charge , which our horsmen made , they were put to a disordered retreat , even to their troops of foot , our horsmen following them in the tail , who were fain there to give them over . at the same instant i gave order that a hundred men should be sent from the foremost troop of foot i had layed ( as aforesaid ) in the downs , to have given upon the left flank of the enemy , if he attempted to passe by us upon the sands , and as covertly as they could to approach and give upon the right flank of those that were in fight with me . when they were come up and at hands with the enemy , i sent from the hill where i was , by a hollow descent some sixty men to charge them in front , which amazed the enemy , and put them to run , our men chasing and killing them till they had passed the bottom and came to the grosse of their vanguard ; from which were disbanded anew the like number as before , who followed our men , and seized on some heights that were in the bottom somewhat near us , covering their pikes under the shadow of the hills , and playing with the shot from the tops upon our disbanded and skirmishing men . i sent to drive them from thence ( being loth they should gain ground upon us ) one of the same troops from whence i had drawn the hundred men before mentioned , with order onely to make that place good . this was a bloudy morsell that we strave for , for whilest our men and theirs were not covered with the hanging of the hills , as they advanced or were chased , they lay open to the shot , not onely of those that were possessed of those little hills , but of the other higher , which poured in greater tempests upon them , so as the souldiers that i sent , hasted as for their safety to get the ( — ) side of the hill , and the enemy for like respect abode their coming with resolution ; so as in an instant , as the hill was round and mountable , the men came to handy-blows upon the whole semicircle of it , with much slaughter on both sides , till in the end the enemy was forced to retire . in the mean time the battel of the enemies foot were come up to the grosse of the vanguard , which as it had taken the right hand of the downs , so the battel with some distance betwixt them , though even in front , having been well welcomed with our shot from the tops of the hills , stayed in as good covert as the place would afford , sending fresh men to beat ours from those grounds of advantage in the bottom ; so as ours beginning to give back i sent a new supply to make good the place in this bottom , sometimes getting and sometimes losing ground . the fight was still maintained with new supplies on both sides , wherein i persevered , though with losse of men , because the advantage the ground gave me to beat as well upon their grosse as their loose fighting men , made the losse farre greater on their side , my design being to engage their whole force upon my handfull of men , which i employed sparingly and by piece-meal , & so to spend and waste the enemy that they should not be able to abide the sight of our other troops when they advanced . the horsmen of their battel and ours encountered , but somewhat more advanced toward the enemy , our men having gotten courage with the first successe : so as our fore-mentioned frison-muskettiers could not so well favour them , but our horsmen being put to retreat , the enemy in the pursuit being saluted by them were stopped and drew back . their rereward now come up even with the other two bodies ( for so i term them because their ensignes remained together , though most of the men were drawn from them and in fight , and the ensignes barely attended ) advanced on the left hand of the battel , and spreading the breadth of the downs they were to my troop rather on the corner of the right flank then a front ; and our battel and rereward ( upon which they directly fronted ) a musket-shot behinde my troop , toward which it seemed they intended to advance . first we gave as much to them as we could spare from our hills , but when they began to open upon my frison-muskettiers , which ( as before is said ) could onely bestow their shot on our rigthtflank , and till that time had done no service but against their horse , they were exceedingly galled , so as they staid suddenly , and amazed , or ashamed to go back seeing none to chase them , in a bottom of some small covert , bestowed themselves ; sending out some skirmishers along the southermost part of the downs , against which some loose men were sent from our bodies : but our muskettiers that shot standing , and without fear from their rests , galled them most . the horsmen of the rereward shewed themselves on both sides , and some little bickering there was , and so they retired out of the footmens reach . this was a strange and unusuall fight , for whereas most commonly in battels the successe of the foot dependeth upon that of the horse , here it was clean contrary ; for so long as the foot held good , the horse could not be beaten out of the field , though , as it fell out , they might be chased to them . all this while the fight continued without intermission hotter and hotter betwixt the other two troops of the enemies and me , both of us sending fresh supplies , as occasion required , to sustain the fight . insomuch as the whole troops of the english were engaged to a hand-fight in the foresaid bottom , saving those few that were placed on the hills ; and on the enemies part also few were idle . and now i saw was the time to give the enemy a deadly blow , his grosses being disbanded as well in occupying places of height and advantage to annoy us , as by those that were sent to dispute the places in question . for their onely strength now consisted in their loose men , which any few horse charging on a sudden in that bottom would have put to flight , and being followed pesle-mesle with our foot would never have had means to have rallied & gathered themselves together again . on the other side , i knew that without further succours their numbers would weary and eat us up in the end . i therefore at once sent to the frison-footmen of the vanguard to advance , and to the count maurice to tell him how things stood , and to desire him to send me part of the horse of the battel ; and because i saw the enemy presse & gain upon our men more and more , i sent again messenger upon messenger . in the mean time , to give our men the more courage , i went into the bottom amongst them , where riding up and down i was in their eyes both doing the office of a captain and souldier , and with much adoe we entertained the fight , though the enemy encroached and got upon us . at my first coming i got one shot through my leg , and a quarter of an hour after another through the same thigh , which i then neither complained nor bragged of , nor so much as thought of any chirurgeon ; for i knew if i left the place my men would instantly quail . i therefore chose ( not having been used to have my troops foiled ) to try the uttermost rather then to shew them the way to flee , hoping still for the coming of the frisons and the horse i sent for . but their haste was so small that my men overlaid with number forsook the place , notwithstanding my best endeavour to stay them hasting along the sands towards our cannon , the enemy following them hard . i was forced seeing them all going , to go for company , with the last , uneasily and unwillingly ( god knows ) and in the way my horse fell dead under me , and upon me that i could not stirre : i had neither officer , gentleman , nor servant about me to give me help . sir robert drury by chance came , and a gentleman , being a servant of his called higham , drew me from under the horse and set me up behinde his master ; which help came very seasonably , for the enemy being near at hand , when i fell , by this means i was saved out of their clutches . thus i rode to the ordnance , where i found my brother horace and the most of the officers that were living with some three hundred foot . i made them stand from before the ordnance , and willed the cannoniers to discharge upon the enemy that now swarmed upon the sands , and at the same instant , my own companie of horse and captain balls coming thither , i willed them to go to the charge , and my brother with the foot to advance and second them home . this small number of horse and foot made an exceeding great change on a sudden , for the enemy in hope of victory followed hard , and being upon the sands , where horse might serve upon them , were soon routed , most cut in pieces , they rest saving themselves by flight , as they could , in the downs , our men both horse and foot followed them . their battels , where their ensignes remained , began to stirre and rouse themselves , rather for defence then to revenge their followes , for they advanced not . our men from the top of the hills , who had kept their places from the beginning , having by this means a fair mark plyed them with shot : our english souldiers on all hands with new courage resorted to the fight , and finding these battels very small & thin by reason of the men they had sent to supply the fight , especially of shot , which in these uneven places were of most service , pelted them with our shot and pressing upon them made them recuile . the count maurice seeing things on these termes , caused the battel to advance , and his horsmen to make a proffer upon the enemies ; upon which sight without attending any strokes the enemy routed and was chased out of the field . in this last charge i followed not , for seeing the successe upon the sands , and knowing that my directions in the prosecution of the victory would be executed , i could easily judge that the work of that day was at an end . and therefore began to care and provide for my self , who all this while having been undressed , the bloud leaking from me at four holes , together with a dangerous disease that had long held me , had made me extream weak and faint . the enemy lost above one hundred and twenty ensignes , most of his foot slain , not many of his horse lost . on our side in a manner the whole losse fell upon english , of which near eight hundred were hurt and slain , eight captains slain , the rest all but two hurt , and most of my inferiour officers hurt and slain . in the rest of the army there was no losse at all to speak of , especially amongst the foot . i dare not take the whole honour of the victory to the poor english troop of one thousand six hundred men , but leave it to be judged by those that may give their censure with lesse suspition of partiality . i will onely affirm that they left nothing for the rest of the army to do , but to follow the chase , and that it hath not been heard of that by so small a number , in a ground so indifferent ( whereof the onely advantage was the choice and use of the same ) without help of spade or other instrument or engine of fortifying , so great and so victorious an army , as the archdukes , had been so long wrastled withall , and so far spent . yet this victory had been as assured with lesse losse and touch of reproach ( if to give ground to a stronger may be subject to a disgracefull imputation ) had the succours of horse or the foot i called for come sooner to us , wherein i will charge and accuse none , but the messengers of their slacknesse . an account of the last charge at newport-battel , by sir john ogle . sr. iohn ogle lieutenant colonel to sr. francis vere . in this retreat of ours there wanted no perswasions , as well by sir francis vere himself , as some others ▪ to move our men to stand and turn ; for we saw a kinde of faintnesse and irresolution even in those that pursued us nearest . and it is certain ( if we may call any thing certain whose effects we have not yet seen ) that if then we had turned and stood , we had prevented that storm of fortune , wherein we were after threatned , at least we had saved many of our mens lives . but such apprehensions of fear and amazement had laid hold of their spirits , as no perswasion of reason could ( for that time ) get any place with them . sir francis vere with his troop formerly mentioned , took his way towards the cannons along the sands , where he by his chirurgeon , they by their fellows might hope for succour : i being faint and weary through heat and much stirring , took some few with me , and crossed into the downs , there awhile to rest me , till i should see how the succeeding events would teach me to dispose of my self , either by direction or adventure . i was no sooner come thither , but i met with captain fairfax and young mr. gilbert , who soon after was slain near unto us : there we consulted what we should do , but the time and place affording no long deliberation , taught us to resolve , that the best expedient for our safety was , to endeavour the speedie increase of our little number which we had with us , ( i think they were thirty men : ) having brought which to a reasonable competency , our further purpose was to give a charge , when we should finde it most expedient , that so ( with our honours ) we might put an end to those uncertainties the fortune of that day had ( to our judgements ) then thrown upon us . it was not very long ere that our little body was multiplied to better then an hundred men ; for the loose and scattered begun of themselves without labour to rally unto us ; so much prevails union even in a little body : for whilest to it the broken and disbanded ones do willingly offer themselves for safetie and protection , they themselves by adding of strength to that body , not onely increase the number thereof ; but do give and take the greater security to themselves and others . we were all this while within lesse then musket-shot of a grosse of the enemy , which stood in a hollow or bottom within the downs , the hills about it giving good shelter against the drops of our shot , ( for the showers of them , as also of the enemies , were spent and fallen before ) but neither were they so high , nor so steep , that they could forbid entry and commodions passage of charging either to our horse or foot . this grosse had not many wanting of two thousand men in it , and spying ( as it should seem ) our little handfull ( which at the first they might peradventure neglect or contemn , in regard it was so small a number ) now begin to gather some bulk and strength , thought it not unfit to prevent a further growth ; and to this end sent out an hundred and fifty men with colours ( closely and as covertly as they could ) along the skirt of the downs next the inland and south-ward , with purpose to charge on the flank or back of us ; which they might very conveniently do as we then stood . these men were advanced very nigh us ere we descried them , when ( lo ) just upon the time of their discovery , and our men ready to fall upon them , comes sir horace vere on horsback from the strand ( it should seem from the pursuit of the enemy , whom the horse had scattered , mentioned by his brother sir francis vere ) and with a troop of some two hundred men , marched along the downs towards us . in this troop there were with him captain sutton , his own lieutenant-colonell lowel that commanded sir francis vere's foot-company , and some lieutenants ; morgan also came to us about the time that fairfax and i joyned unto him , and these were the officers that were afoot in the last charge . the disbanded troops of the enemy seeing us strengthened with such supplies , thought it their fittest course to hasten them the same way they came forth towards us . captain fairfax and i would have charged , but sir horace vere willed us to joyne our troops with his , and said we should go together and give one a good charge for all upon that great troop , which we saw stood firm before us . we had now with us ( our troops being joyned ) about some five ensignes , amongst which was mine own , which after was lost in the charge , but recovered again by my officer . the vigilant & judicious eie of prince maurice his excellency was ( it should seem ) upon our actions and motions all this while , for ( as i have been enformed ) he seeing us make head , said to those that stood about him , voyez voyez les anglois , qui tournent a la charge , and thereupon gave present order to dubois ( then commissary-generall for the cavallierie ) to advance some of the horse to be ready to attend and fortifie the events that might happen upon this growing charge . this i have not of knowledge , but from such hands , as it were ill beseeming me , or any man to question the credit of one of that ranke , qualitie , and reputation . our troop now , & the disbanded troop of the enemies marched both towards this grosse , almost with equal pace , saving that their haste was a little greater , according to the proportion of their danger , if they had fallen into our clutches ( being then much too strong for them ) ere they recovered the shelter of their own grosse ; yet such haste they could not make , but that we were with them before they had wholly cast themselves into their friends arms , who opening to receive them facilitated not a little of our charge the passage , who then fell in pesle-mesle together amongst them . much about this time came in the horse , namely , the troops of vere , cecill and ball , who rushing in with violence amongst them so confounded and amazed t●em , that they were presently broken and disjoynted , which being done , the slaughter was great to them on their side , as the execution easie to us on ours . this rupture also of theirs was not a little furthered by the archdukes own troop of harquebusiers , which having advanced somewhat before this grosse , on the skirt which lay betwixt the inland and the higher downs , was so encountered by cecil and his troop , ( who had as then received order by dubois from his excellency to charge ) that they were forced with confusion to seek succour amongst their foot ; cecil following them in close at their backs , vere and ball ( as i take it ) charged at the front by us , having crossed into the downs from the sands and north-side towards the sea . it should seem that having broken and scattered the enemie , who ( as sir francis vere himself relateth ) were by them driven into the downs , and seeing sir horace vere also to have taken his way thither , they thought it perhaps convenient to hover thereabouts , and to hold an eye upon ours and the enemies actions , the rather because they might discern sir horace vere now making a new head , and so seeing us charge , charged also with us , which was not disagreeable to their first directions given and mentioned by sir francis vere . and this ( by all probable conjecture ) must also be the cause why sir francis vere in his discourse maketh no mention of sir edward cecil ; for he not having his direction from him to charge , but from his excellency ( as himself hath told me ) sir francis vere being ignorant thereof , and himself likewise not at the charge in person , whereby he might take notice of any mans presence , would not ( as appears ) expose himself to interpretations , by making any further relation touching particulars , then what might receive credit , either from his own eyes , or commandments . this charge ( through the hand and favour of god ) gave us the day ; what followed is before already set down by that great and worthy captain sir francis vere . clement edmonds , that learned and judicious remembrancer of the city of london , in an observation of his on the sixth book of cesars commentary , making it his designe to draw the exact effigies of a good general , though he could not be far to seek for an exemplar , while he had cesar so nigh him ; yet found reason to borrow the best lineaments of his piece out of the actions of sir francis vere . and to say truth , the whole picture there drawn is so like him , that it does most lively represent him with at least a three-quarter-face ; which is more then the painter ( it seems ) could do . and lest you should any longer doubt whether it be his picture , you shall finde his very motto expressed in it : but because it casts so strong a reflection upon this battel of newport ( without reference to which sir robert naunton thought neither he nor his noble brother could be taken to the life ) i have thought good here to give the reader a copie of it . i have already handled this practice of a pretended fear , which the history doth so often recommend to our consideration , and have shewed the inconvenience of over-light credulity , leading such easie weeners to a disappointment of their hopes , and consequently to the hazzard of their fortune . i will now proceed to that which is further implied in this relation , and respecteth the chiefest duty of a chief commander : and that is , what specially is required of a generall in the carriage and direction of a battel . concerning which point , as there is nothing more materiall to the effecting of any businesse then opportunity of time , conveniencie of place , and an orderly disposition of the means according to time & place : so in question of encounter or waging battel , the duty of a leader may be included in these three circumstances . concerning the qualitie of the place , as the chiefest and first respected in the choice of a judicious directour , the whole scope of the romane discipline , from the time of their first kings even to the last of their emperours , did alwayes aim at the advantage of place , as a necessary help for the obtaining of victorie : which i have already noted in the helvetian action . yet forasmuch as the wisedome and experience of those times did deem it a circumstance of such importance , give me leave once again to inforce the use thereof by these examples . habetis milites ( saith labienus in this place ) quam petiistis facultatem , hostem iniquo atque impedito loco tenetis , praestate eandem nobis ducibus virtutem , quam saepenumero imperatori praestitistis : ye have , fellow-souldiers , that opportunitie which ye desired , &c. whereby he cleareth himself of all imputation of ill direction , as having performed the uttermost duty of a commander , and given such helps by the advantage of the place as are requisite to an easie victory , leaving the rest to the execution of the souldiers . cesar at the losse he received at dirrachium cleared himself to his souldiers in this sort : quod esset acceptum detrimenti , cuivis potiùs quàm suae culpae debere tribui , locum securum ad dimicandum dedisse , &c. the damage that was received was to be attributed to any body rather then him , he had chosen them a safe place of fighting , &c. and as it followeth in the seventh commentary , being imbattelled upon the side of a hill right over against the army of the galles , which stood likewise in a readinesse to entertain the romane valour , he would not suffer his men to hazzard themselves in the passage of a bogge of fifty foot in breadth lying between both the armies , but rather perswaded his souldiers , disdaining the confrontment of the enemie , to endure their contumely , rather then to buy a victory with the danger of so many worthy men , and patiently to attend some further opportunity . which passage of cesar , even in the said terms as it is there related , was urged to good purpose by sir francis vere in the year one thousand six hundred at a consultation before the battel of newport . for the army of the netherlanders being possest of the downs , which are small swelling hils rising unevenly along the sea-shore upon the coast of flanders , and the enemy making a stand upon the sands at the foot of those hils , and so cutting off the passage to ostend , it was disputed by the commanders , whether they should leave the downs , and go charge the enemy where he stood imbattelled upon the sands , or attend him in the fastnesse of the downs whereof they were possest . the whole council of war were earnestly bent to forsake the downs , and to hazzard the fight on equall terms , as impatient that their passage and retreat to ostend should be cut off . but sir francis vere well knowing how much it imported the businesse of that day to hold a place of such gain and advantage , perswaded count maurice by many reasons , and specially by this of cesar , which i last alledged , not to forgo the help of the downs , but to expect the enemy in that place , and so make use of that benefit upon the first encounter , rather then to adventure the successe of the battel in worse terms , in hope of clearing the passage : and shewing also many probable conjectures , that the enemie would not continue long in that gaze . wherein as his opinion then prevailed , so all that were present were eye-witnesses both of the truth of his conjecture , and the soundnesse of his judgement . for the enemy within a while after coming on to charge the troops of the states , was received with such a counterbuff from the hils , and were violently beaten back in such rude manner , as our men had the execution of them for the space of a quarter of a mile or more , which was no small advantage to the fortune of that day . touching the opportunity of time , which pindarus calleth the mother of worthy exploits , & oftentimes dependeth upon the circumstance of place , a general ought carefully to advise that he neither precipitate nor foreslow the occasion , which is well expressed in this particular service of labienus . for where his purpose was to draw the enemy over a river that had steep & uneasie banks , and thereby of a hard and difficult passage ▪ he would not shew his resolution until he had drawn them all over the river : for he was well assured that the romane legions would so charge the enemie upon their first encounter with the unresistable weight of their piles , that in their giving back they could not escape the danger of the river . and therefore to make the victory more absolute and compleat , he suffered them all to come over the water , that all might be endangered in their passage back again . and this is the benefit which opportunitie bringeth , which is the rather to be attended with all carefulnesse , forasmuch as non saepe , ac diu , eadem occasio est , a man hath neither often nor long the same opportunity . concerning the last circumstance , of the apt and fit disposition of the forces according to time and place , which is necessarily required in the dutie of a general ; it is referred to this end onely , that they may be ranged in such manner , that as one man is assistant to another in their severall files and ranks , so one troop may be in subsidiis , assistant to another , to the end that no part may stand naked , or fall in the singlenesse of its own strength , but that one may second another from the first to the last . c. sempronius a romane consul having fought unadvisedly , and received an overthow , julius the tribune of the people caused tempanius a horsman that was present at the battel to be called , and as livie reporteth it , coram eis , sexte tempani , inquit , arbitrerísne c. sempronium consulem , aut in tempore pugnam iniisse , aut firmâsse subsidiis aciem ? he said thus before them , sextus tempanius , do you belieue that c. sempronius the consul chose a good time to fight , or that he took order for assistant supplyes to his army ? for livie saith , he fought incautè inconsultéque , non subsidiis firmatâ acie , non equite aptè iocato , heedlessely and without good advice , neither strengthening his army with supplies , nor well placing his cavalry . and of these three circumstances consisteth the duty and office of a generall , touching the direction of a battel ; wherein whosoever faileth , doth hazzard the prerogative of his command over that army which he leadeth , according to that of cesar in the first of his commentaries , se scire , quibuscunque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit , aut malè re gestâ fortunam defuisse , aut aliquo facinore comperto , avaritiae esse convictum , that he knew well , whensoever an army refused to be obedient to their commander , it was either because upon some ill successe they saw he was unfortunate , or that by the discovery of some notorious matter they found him convict of avarice . which cesar himself needed not to fear , if we may believe plutarch , who writeth , that he was indowed by nature with an excellent promptitude and aptnesse to take opportunitie in any businesse . and in the next observation he adds ; — i will content my self with a practise of our time at the battel of newport , where after divers retreats pursuits , either side chasing the other , as it were by turn and mutuall appointment , and as it often falleth out in such confrontments : at last commandment was given to the english to make head again ; and after some pause to charge the enemie with a shout : which being accordingly performed , a man might have seen the enemie startle before they came to the stroke ; and being charged home , were so routed , that they made not head again that day . — the siege of ostend . in the year of our lord one thousand six hundred and one . the states resolving to send their army into flanders , or a good part thereof , to take those forts the enemy held about ostend , and by that means to open the passage into that countrey for the greater annoyance thereof , made choice of my self , ( though farre unfit and unworthy of so great a charge ) to command the said forces as generall . of which intent i had first but onely an inkling given me , and was by some principall persons of the state encouraged to accept the same , and to take upon me a journey into england to inform her majesty of that purpose , and , with all the necessary circumstances , to frame her liking to the enterprise , and to induce her to the yielding of the succours of three thousand bodies of her subjects to be levied , transported and paid at their own charge , and to be in the low-countreys by the tenth of may , with these speciall instructions for the manner of the enterprise . with this errand i passed into england , delivered the whole plot to her majesty , who liked and allowed thereof , and with some difficulty ( as her manner was ) granted the men to be levied and transported in ten dayes warning , for so the states desired , lest the over-timely stirring of them before their other troops were landed in flanders , might give the enemy an alarm , to the difficulting of the enterprise ; willing me ( the grant obtained ) to hasten over . before my coming into the low-countreys , the count maurice was marched towards bergh , & the enemy , that had long threatned to besiege ostend , with a good part of his forces was set down before that town ; so that it was now question rather of defending then of gaining more footing in that quarter . the states therefore dealt with me to take upon me the charge of the place , for which they gave me commission , not as governour , but as generall of the army employed in and about ostend , with very ample power , as aforesaid , whereof i accepted . and they forthwith gave order to the count maurice , to send into holland the twenty english companies he then had in the army ; with which troop i was to go into ostend . at the first he made some difficulty to send any , having engaged himself in the siege of bergh , his works for the defence of the quarter not finished , and the enemy gathering head in brabant to succour and relieve that town ; in the end with importunity he sent eight companies , with which my brother came . with these , being by the states put in good hope , the rest should follow , and that i should be liberally supplied with forces , ammunition , and all necessaries for such a service ▪ i went into the town , and landed ( as i take it ) the eleventh of july one thousand six hundred and one , on the sands against the middle of the old town . the enemy commanded the haven , so as there was no entring by it , and then the use of the geule was not known ; and this place i landed at was to be subject to their ordnance ; and the seege of the sea such , that no shipping could lie there unbroken . at my landing monsieur vandernood governour gave me the keyes . in the town i found about thirty companies of netherlanders , which made sixteen or seventeen hundred newly divided into two regiments , whereof monsieur vandernood had the one , and monsieur de utenburgh had the other , and my eight companies might make eight hundred men . the enemy had thirty pieces of cannon placed on the west-side , the most within a harquebuse-shot of the town ; and six on the east-side , with which they shot much into the town , and did great harm to the buildings and men . their army judged at twelve thousand men . the three parts on the west-side quartered near albertus , a great cannon-shot from the town , commanded by the archduke himself . the other part upon the top of the downs on the east-side next the geule . those of the town before my entrance had made a sally on the west-approaches , from which they were repulsed with the losse of three hundred men slain and hurt . the town to the land was well flanked and high rampierd , but with a sandy and mouldred earth . the old town ( supposed free from battery ) was rather strong against sudden attempts by palisadoes and such helps , then by rampier and flanks , to abide the fury of the ordnance , and force of approach ; which notwithstanding was held the strongest part of the town , as well for the reasons above-said , as for that it was hemmed in on the one side with the geule not passable , and on the other with the haven , which was passable onely some four hours in a tide . the rest of the town besides the ditch ( which was broad and deep ) of water , was environed with a royall counterscarp , with ravelines of good capacity and defence against the cannon , covering all the bulwarks of all the town , but that , which they called the peckell or east-bulwark , which needed not that help , as lying directly upon the geule and not to be assailed by any approach . upon the south , south-east and south-west of the town there is a plot of ground in the māner of an island , environed on the east-side with the geule , to the southward with a chanel that runneth into the geule from the said geule directly westward into the river , that in former times passed through the old haven , and now had his course in the furthest place from the town , not in distance above a harquebuse-shot , to the westward by the old chanel of the said river , by which it passed into the haven , which was now separated from the ditch of the counterscarp by a low dam near the poulder-bulwark . this plot of ground ( covering the town from the said bulwark to the spanish-bulwark which lieth upon the geule ) had upon the south-west angle ( which is where the chanel from the geule mingleth with that of the river to the haven ) a little redoubt open behinde , and of no force to resist the cannon . to the southward of this poulder-bulwark the countrey is broken with many creeks , not passable nor habitable for an army but by forced means , in spring-tides for the most part overflown ; on the west-side the ground for a harquebuse-shot from the river that runneth due west from the said poulder lay low , and subject to the like overflowing at the spring-tides ; but all the waters more passable having fewer and shallower creeks . from this bottom the ground towards the downs goeth higher . betwixt these west-downs , which near the town are more low and levell then the east , and the porc-espic ( which is a raveline in the counterscarp that closeth the new town on that side by which the old haven passeth into the town ) there lyeth a down on which the haven beateth on the one side , and the water of the ditch of the counterscarp on the other , being the onely place about that town by which an approach might be made on firm ground to the wall of the town , and therefore was held the most weak and dangerous place . but the cutting of the foresaid damme and letting the sea-water into the ditch of the counterscarp was held a sure and sufficient means to prevent the enemy on that side , so as indeed nothing was so much to be doubted as the enemies passing into this piece of ground before mentioned , called the poulder : by which means he might , notwithstanding our best endeavour , in short time drain the ditches of the counterscarp , and the town-ditch , and so make his way to the rampier . my first care therefore was to fortifie and secure the said poulder against the enemy , and to make a safe place for our shipping to unlade such provisions and commodities as from time to time should be brought unto us : which i readily and easily performed by opening a passage in the counterscarp near the west poulder of the spanish-raveline , by which means the water from the geule flowed into the town-ditch , in which , with their masts stricken down , i have often seen above one hundred vessels lie safe from the annoyance of the enemies great shot : which haven through the entry grew more dangerous by the enemies approaches , which in processe of time they with much cost , labour , and art advanced ; for it lay within the high water-mark , ( on which they raised new batteries ) and was used during the siege as the better in-let . albeit after to avoid the great harm the enemy did to our shipping at their going out , i made another cut betwixt the east-raveline and the mount called the moses-table , looking northward and directly into the sea , which served the turn and saved many ships . when my twelve companies , which i expected from bergh , were arrived , i began one night to entrench a piece of ground higher and firmer then the rest about it , lying nearer to the low damme before mentioned , which separated the river that by the old chanel had passed into the haven from the ditch of the counterscarp : which piece of ground ( stretched out in the form of a geometrical oblique or oblong ) towards the west had a watered ditch , such as in those parts they use for inclosures , and the whole plot of continent sufficient to receive eight or nine hundred men . this field i entrenched taking the water-ditch to advantage , without giving it any other form usuall in fortifications ( so , as for the form and seat it was called the west-square ) because the westermost face of it was well flanked from the west-bulwark , and the west-raveline ; and the face south-west from the angle of the poulder , where the chanel of the geule and the chanel of the old haven meet , but chiefly to hold as much room as i could . for i expecting large numbers of men , doubted more i should want means in that town hemmed in with so many waters and ditches , to sally and use them abroad as occasion should require ( for which purpose this place served fitly ) then bodies to guard that which i intrenched . the morning after i had begun this work , the enemy turned diverse pieces from the top of the downs upon it ; which , notwithstanding my best industry , did much hurt amongst my men , till the work was raised and thickened . this plot put in reasonable defence and part of the supplies of the men granted by her majestie now arrived , i began to cast up a redoubt upon the like piece of ground for firmnesse , but not fully half so big as the former , lying about half a harquebuse-shot southwest from the angle of the poulder close to the river that passeth from the said angle westward , which served well to covert the poulder on that side , and to flank the west-face and south-flank of the west-square . the poulder thus assured from sudden attempts , i began to raise in the said poulder a rampier to resist the cannon on the in-side of the old chanel from the ditch of the poulder-ravelin of the counterscarp to the angle aforesaid of the poulder , which broad-wayes lay due west , and end-ways north and south , and the redoubt upon the said angle i raised of a good height , & cannon-proof , in the form of a cavallier to command over the said rampier of the poulder . all this while the enemy lying still without making any approaches or intrenchments , or attempting to hinder my works otherwise then by his cannon-shot , of which he was no niggard . having , as i supposed , in this manner well provided for the safe defence of that quarter , i was desirous to draw some of the enemies from the sand-hils to dwell by us in that low watery ground to the south-west and south of the river that runneth from the west to the poulder , which i knew would cause great expence , great labour , and much losse and consumption of men , on which , besides the plots of ground i had taken , no trench , nor approach , nor lodging could be had , but such as was forced ; onely about a harquebuse-shot westward from my redoubt on that side , and upon the same river was a pretty round height of ground on which sometimes they of the town of ostend had held a redoubt to the south-west & south , environed with a plashie moor , into which by the creeks the water flowed , so as the greatest part of the tide it was not passable . from this plot of ground i could discover the back of their approaches on the downs , and from it with cannon could annoy them as wel there , as in their shipping and boats , by which their army was supplied from bruges and other ports of the countrey . if they suffered me to take this height and fortifie it , i had gotten two speciall advantages , the annoying of them , and the securing of my works on that side , which after i might have maintained with fewer men ; if i were impeached by their sudden planting of ordnance and batteries , i knew they would possesse the ground and piece-meal engage themselves more and more in those drownd lands , which was the other of my drifts . this piece of ground to move and provoke them the more , upon st. iacques day ( being the saint the spaniards as their patrone do most superstitiously reverence ) in the forenoone i first sent as it were to view and discover , and anon after i sent for men and set them on work and drew down in a readinesse under the favour of my outermost redoubt , two hundred souldiers to make head , if the enemy came down to the other side of the river to hinder my workmen with his shot . the enemy no sooner perceived my men to work , but he turned certain pieces of ordnance upon them from the downs , and shot at us , as did also those of the fort of grootendorst . but being farre of , the plot small and the men observing the shot , bowing their bodies in the hollownesse of the old trench , did little harm . their foot-men in a great rage , as it seemed to me , of themselves kindled with zeal without direction or order from their chiefs , came down towards the river side amain ; not armed men in battel and troops , but shot scatteringly as every one could first and readiliest take his furniture , others with faggots in their hands , ( whereof they had store in their approaches ) began here and there in confused manner to raise a trench from the downs to the river ; ( for other trench and covert they had none ) so as they were a fair marke for our artillery from the town , and our muskettiers from the west-square , and the south-west redoubt , which spared no powder : besides , the two hundred muskettiers i had placed with me under the favour of smal banks on the edge of the river , held them back when they came nearer hand ; so as after much shooting and hurt done ( the most of the day being spent ) they gave over molesting us . and that night i put the place into so good defence against the attempts of handy-strokes , that i left a guard in it , and workmen to add more strength to it . in the morning betimes the enemy began to batter it with two cannons , which the same night they had planted on a little height of ground on the other side of the plash directly west , and about the fourth part of the way to their fort called grootendorst , from whence they also shot with a couple of demiculvering , and thus they continued the whole day , insomuch as our new work to them-ward was laid flat , and our men forced for safeguard to make hollow trenches in the said redoubt . about an hour before sun-set troops were seen to march from albertus towards grootendorst , which i gathered was to make an attempt upon the said redoubt in the beginning of the evening before the breach could be repaired , for which purpose the water being ebbed the time served very fitly . i saw by their earnest proceeding that there was no striving to keep and maintain that plot , and therefore resolved to give way , but so as i would seem to be forced from the place . and therefore as i did set men on work in the beginning of the evening to repair the breach to have confirmed the enemy ( if he had forborn his attempt that night ) in the opinion that i would maintain the place : so i gave order to the officer i left in it with some eighty men to hold good watch on the side of the plash , if the enemy attempted to passe , to shew himself on the brink of the said-plash with his shot , and discharge upon them , leaving his pikes by the fort , with order if they advanced to make his retreat to the south-west redoubt , and there to hold good . which directions were not well observed , for the officer forthwith when he had sight of the enemies approach , ( which was about two houres within night ) leaving his pikes in the redoubt , he with the shot made for the plash-side and discharged at the enemy , who being strong in number and resolved , continued their way , the officer still retiring hard to the redoubt and skirmishing with him , as if his purpose had been rather to have drawn the enemy into some danger , then to save himself and his troop by a timely retreat . which is an errour that many in like cases fall into , to their utter destruction ; when fear to have their valour called in question , maketh them against all reason fight against a stronger enemy , and engage themselves , where they have neither purpose nor hope to obtain the victory . those of the redoubt staid the return of their men , whom the enemy pursued so hard , after he had gotten footing in the firm ground , that they both at an instant came to the redoubt , and by the way of the breach ( which yet lay open ) entred and overthrew soon our men , who so taken at unawares , thought it safer to fight then to run away : others they overtook before they could get over the palisadoes on the other side of the redoubt , so as most of our pike-men were lost , but few or none of the shot , who holpen with the darknesse of the night and their good diligence escaped . upon the alarm having given order for some troops to follow , i hasted to the south-west redoubt , near which i met with these scattered men , which i stayed and took with me into the said redoubt ; to which the enemy even now approached following their fortune , and hoping of like successe , and on the other side of the river toward the northward from under the favour of the bank , to which of purpose they had also drawn muskettiers to flank and beat in the back our men , as they should shew themselves to resist the attempt of their men on the other side of the water , so as of the supplies that came from the town , i re-inforced the guard of the said redoubt , by which means as also the difficulty they found in passing their grosse over the creeks , with some losse to us , yet much more to them , they retired to the redoubt they had gotten . a continuation of the siege of ostend . here endeth , or rather , here breakes off sir francis vere his commentary ; for he continued in his government of ostend for many moneths after ; but whether it was because he thought it needlesse to give the world any further account of it , who were all by this time become , as it were , spectatours & eie-witnesses of what he did ; or whether he thought that it being so well known to many , some other would carry on the relation , if the world should think it needfull ; or what ever else the reason was , i do not finde that his pen ever went any further : yet because there were many things afterwards performed by him worthy of observation , and because the reader may perhaps have a curiosity to see the end of the story , i shall here presume to subjoyn a brief account of the chief passages in the sequel of that action , according to what i have met with recorded by others to my hand ; that so we may bring off sir francis vere with honour from so great an engagement , and deliver him safe from the exceeding hazzard of that employment ; and this the rather , because i think this was the last action of consequence wherein he was imbarqued . generall vere had no sooner taken a sure footing to himself , & fitted the scene whereon the bloudy tragedy was afterwards to be acted , but he gave a pledge of his resolution to abide by it , refusing to quit his lodgings , notwithstanding that the enemies cannon had pierced them through with many a shot , and quite battered down a little tower belonging to them . but though his enemies cannon could not enforce him to abandon so much as his own lodging , yet did his own by shrewd mishap constrain him to withdraw himself for a time out of the town ; for on the fourteenth of august being wounded in the head with the blow of a cannon that spilt in the discharging , he removed into zeland to be cured of his hurt . the enemy having gotten intelligence hereof made no small expressions of joy and triumph , discharging many a peal of cannon , whereby if they hoped to fill the hearts of the besieged with terrour and consternation and to beat them from their former resolution , they were very much mistaken ; for the brave english souldiers observing what storms of great shot came daily rolling into the town ( the besiegers having already discharged little lesse then thirty five thousand cannon-shot against it ) and perceiving by the story , that all the houses were like ere long to be beaten about their ears , and so were likelier to endanger them by their fall , then any way to secure and protect them from the fury of the enemies artillery ; they advised themselves to take this course . there was a green plot of ground in the town commonly used for the market-place , which was something higher then the rest of the streets ; here did they earth themselves digging it hollow , and fitting themselves with cabbins and lodgings within the ground . the like did they by another void piece of ground upon the south-west ; whereby as they thought themselves secure from the enemies battery ( being confident they would not shoot mattocks and pickaxes ) so did they sufficiently testifie their own resolution rather to interre themselves in the graves which they had digged , then to quit their possession of the place unto the enemy . hereupon the besiegers shifted sails and suiting their counsels to the disposition of the english souldiers , who are sooner won by fair means then by foul , shot arrows with letters into the english quarters , promising ten stivers a day to such as would serve the archduke against the town , but these offers were slighted by the english , who hated falsnesse as much as they contemned dangers ; & this devise was looked upon by those of the town as the product of languishing counsels , which having already spent all their pouder came a begging for the conclusion . and , if the archduke had then given over the siege , i question not but the world would generally have excused him : for what should he do ? he had made his approaches as near unto sand-hill , as was possible for the haven ; which was the most probable place of doing any good upon the town , and therefore he had ever since the beginning of the siege bent the most of his great shot upon it , if it were possible to have made a breach , but all had hitherto produced no other effect then the fortifying of the sand-hill bulwark in stead of beating it down ; for by this time it was so thick stuck with bullets , that the ordnance could scarcely shoot without a tautologie and hitting its former bullets , which like an iron wall made the later fly in pieces up into the air : yea , the bullets in it were so many , that they left not room to drive in palisadoes , though pointed with iron , and some there were that would have undertaken to make the bulwark new , if they might have had the bullets for their pains . besides when ever they meant to assault it , they must resolve to force seven palisadoes made of great piles within the haven , before they could come to the foot of the bulwark , and if they were not intercepted by the springing of a mine or two , yet was the bulwark it self unmountable by armed men ; and they might easily have been conceived to have gotten intelligence that there were thirteen cannon in the counterscarp and other convenient places charged with chained shot and rusty iron to scowre sand-hill , if need should require . besides all this , all was to be done at a running-pull , for when the coming in of the tide should sound a retreat , off they must or be utterly lost ; and they easily saw that the muskettiers in the half-moon of the counterscarp were like to give them such a welcome , as would make many of them forget to return again unto the camp . notwithstanding all these great difficulties , no advice of the old captains could prevail against the obstinacy of the states of flanders , who to keep life in the siege , spared not to undertake the paiment of a million of crowns to the archduke , rather then he should draw off from the town . so that he took up a resolution not to stirre ; and ( as his fugitives reported ) once he swore , that he would not rise from the table at which he sate , before they of the town were made to serve him ; but then they on the other side laid a wager they would give it him so hot , that it should burn his fingers . not long after the lord of chastillon met with an unhappy mischance ; for , being upon the high bulwark of sand-hill with colonel utenbruch and other gentlemen , and men of command , he had his head struck off with a cannon-shot above the teeth , and his brains dasht upon the colonels left cheek . which possibly might receive its direction from the self-same hand that did more then once during this siege shoot a bullet into the mouth of a charged cannon , which because it would not be too long indebted for such a courtesie , taking fire with the blow , returned the bullet instantly back again attended with another of its own . as good a marks-man was he ( if he did it of designe ) who , when a souldier of the town having bought a loaf of bread was holding it up in a boasting way , with a shot took away the uppermost half , leaving the other in the souldiers hand , who finding that he had received no hurt , said it was a fair-conditioned bullet , for it had left him the better half behinde ; however , i believe he would rather have been contented with the lesser half , then run the hazzard of dividing again . on the nineteenth of september generall vere being cured of his hurt returned from zeland into the town , where he found two thousand english , and twenty ensignes of french , walloons , scotch and frisons , that had arrived in his absence . soon after his arrivall he took care for the thickning and strengthening of divers of the works , and uniting of those outworks on the south and west , the better thereby to secure their relief and preserve them from the injury of the waters in the winter season . which , the enemy perceiving , and that the town grew daily stronger and stronger , resolved to attempt it by treachery , taking the old verse for their warrant , dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirat ? to that purpose an english man named n. conisby ( as the french diary relates ) who had served them long in the quality of a captain of foot in their army ; returned through france into england , where he prevailed so much by means of his friends , that he obtained letters of recommendation to sir francis vere , unto whom presenting himself he desired to be admitted one of his company , which the genenerall could not refuse , he being a gentleman and so effectually recommended . this traitor having thus scrued himself into ostend , quickly began his practise , for he received letters and other things weekly from the enemy , giving them intelligence of all that passed within the town , & of the best means to annoy it ; managing his practises and projects according to the instructions which he received from them . for the better conveyance of his letters to the enemy , he carried thē into a broken boat ( which in the beginning of the siege had been sunk by the enemy , and lay upon the dry ground betwixt the town and the camp ) under the colour of gratifying nature ; and there disposed them in a place appointed , whence the enemy fetched them by night with the help of a little boat , and upon certain dayes brought him answers , and sometimes monie for his reward , which he failed not to fetch at the place appointed . when he was discovered , he had drawn four men into his conspiracy ; among others a serjeant who was the means of revealing it . this serjeant coming out of prison ( where his captain had caused him to be laid some dayes in irons ) being all malecontent chanced to meet with conisby , who told him he was glad to see him out of prison , withall asking him the reason of his so great and grievous punishment , to whom the serjeant ( railing upon his captain ) sware earnestly that he would be revenged for the wrong he had received , though it cost him his life . conisby , supposing he had found a man fit for his purpose , told him he might easily finde the means to be revenged , without losing his life , and with his own profit and advancement , and that if he would follow his counsel he should want no monie . the serjeant began to listen to his words , and seemed inclinable enough to so advantageous a designe , and ready to follow his advice . whereupon conisby ( having first made him swear secrecy ) discovered himself to him ; and presently asked him if he had the resolution to set fire on one of the magazines , for which purpose himself had prepared a certain invention of powder , lead , & match ; this the serjeant undertook to perform , which he said could not be difficult for him to do , being often sent to fetch powder for the souldiers . conisby assured him that he had practised more associates , and that when he should have made the number up twenty , he would then put the designe in execution , which was , that one of the magazines being set on fire , he would so work it as to have the guard of a sluce in a bulwark near the enemy , who should then give on and be admitted into the town . the serjeant seemed to hug the device , demanding onely of conisby some assurance under his hand that he should have his recompence , when the work should be performed ; which having once obtained , away he goes to the generall , and discovers the practise to him , whereupon conisby being apprehended , and put to the rack confessed all , and that he came to ostend with that purpose and intent , as also what instructions and promises he had received , and what complices he had made ; who were likewise apprehended and put in prison . this plot failing , the enemies onely hope of taking the town was by stopping up the haven , and so hindring the coming in of supplies ; to this purpose , the old haven on the west of the town having been made dangerous and uselesse , and the defendants constrained to make a new one out of the geule on the east-side , the enemy had now so streightened this also by their float of great planks bearing ordnance on the geule , that they of the town were fain to make a second new haven against the midst of the old town ; by which means the enemies designes were eluded , and the ships of supplies admitted into the town at pleasure . this dangerous thrust being so handsomly put by , the enemy had no other play left him but to storm , which he resolved upon , and prepared himself accordingly . but in the mean while it will not be amisse to take notice of a passage which happened in the town . a french gentleman disobeying his serjeant , and thereupon causing a great tumult , was committed to prison , and eight dayes after , condemned by a council of war to be shot to death ; but because he was descended of a good house , all the french captains interposed their earnest intreaties to generall vere , and begged his life ; which was granted , upon condition that he should ask the serjeant forgivenesse ; this when he could not by any means , or perswasion be brought unto , he had eight dayes respite granted him to resolve himself ; which being past , and he continuing still as obstinate as ever , he was brought forth unto the place of execution , and tied to a stake ; but when once he saw the harquebusiers ready to discharge , he began to be apprehensive of the horrour of death , intreating that he might be unbound , and promising to perform the sentence , & ask the serjeant forgivenesse ▪ which he forthwith did , and thereupon was released . so much easier is it for pride and rashnesse to commit a fault , then heartily to acknowledge it . a truer courage was that of another in the town during the siege . an english gentleman of about three & twenty years of age , in a sally forth had one of his arms shot off with a cannon , which taking up he brought back with him into the town unto the chirurgion , and coming into his lodging shewed it , saying , behold the arm which but at dinner did help its fellow . this he did and endured without the least fainting , or so much as reposing upon his bed . not long after on the fourth of december early in the morning , the besiegers gave a fierce and sharp assault upon the english trenches ; which take in the words of one present at it . sir francis vere having been abroad the most part of that night , was laid down to take his rest ; but hearing the alarm that the english trenches were assaulted , and knowing of how great import that work was for the defence of the town , pulling on his stockins , with his sword in his hand , he ran in all haste unbraced with some souldiers and captain couldwell , and my self into the work ; where he found his own company at push of pike upon a turn-pike with the enemie , ( who crying in french , entrez , entrez , advancez , advancez , strove to enter that way , and sought to over-turn the turn-pike with their pikes ) and some of his gentlemen , among the rest lieutenant-colonel proud ( who was afterwards slain at maestricht ) slashing off the heads of their pikes , which he took notice of , and shortly after made him a lieutenant . the enemy being repulsed and beaten off , sir francis vere ( to the end our men might give fire the better upon them from the town ▪ and bulwarks which flanked this work , both with our ordnance and sin all shot ) commanded the souldiers to take some straw from the huts within the work , and making wisps of it , to set it on fire upon the parapet of the work , and upon the heads of their pikes , by which light the enemies were discovered , so that our men gave fire bravely upon them from the town and the work , and shot into their battalions , which had fallen on , and their men that were carrying off their dead ; so that upon this attempt the enemy lost a matter of five hundred men , which lay under our work , and between their trenches . the enemy being retreated into his works , sir francis vere called me to him , and said , boy , come now pull up my stockins , and tie my points ; and so , returned home again to his rest . the next remarkable in the series of this famous siege was that memorable treatie , which generall vere intertained with the archduke ; which i know none better able to give an account of , then sir iohn ogle , who had much at stake in the businesse , and was well acquainted with the severall passages thereof : of which he hath left behinde him this following account . sir francis vere his parlie at ostend , written by sir iohn ogle there present . after the battell of newport , the archduke albert desirous to clear flanders , in the year following sate down with his army before ostend , unto which the lords the states sent sir francis vere , their generall to defend it . he having good numbers of men , thought it most serviceable for the states to employ them so , as he might keep the enemie at arms-end , and a fair distance from the town . to this purpose he possessed himself of severall advantageous pieces of ground , fortifying upon them so well as the time would give him leave ; but they were morsels as well for the enemies tooth as his , and therefore cost both bickering and bloud on both sides , till at the last , ( what with numbers , artillery , and better commodity of accesse ) he was forced to quit the most of them , and that ere he brought them to any perfection of strength , whereby to make any resistance . such as were nearest the town , and under the succour of his own power , ( as the three quarriers ( or squares ) with some few others ) he kept and maintained as long as he stayed there ; yet when by protract of time , and casualties of war , he found his numbers wasted , and himself ( the enemy creeping upon him ) so streightned as he was thrust meerly upon the defence , he saw he was not in his proper element , nor indeed was he : for the truth is , his vertues ( being great , strong , and active ) required more elbow-room , having their best lustre , where they had the largest foil to set them off . the works of battel , invasion , and the like , were the proper objects of his spirit . the limits of ostend were much too narrow for him , yet did he there many things worth the observation and reputation of so great a captain as he was . amongst the rest , that of his parley was of most eminent note ; and as most noted , so most and worst censured , and that as well by sword as gown-men ; yea , his judgement ( which even by his enemies hath often been confessed to be one of the most able that ever our nation delivered to the world in matters of his profession ) was in this action taxed ( and that in print too ) for his manner of carriage in this businesse . now because i was in some sort the onely instrument he used in the mannaging thereof , and best acquainted with all passages , i have ( for the love i owe to truth , and his memory ) thought good to set down in writing , what i have heretofore delivered ( by their commandments ) to the lords the states-generall in their council-chamber , as also sometime after that to the prince maurice of nassau and the earl william his cosen , concerning this matter . yet ere i come to the relation , it shall not be amisse to wipe away two main aspersions which i have often met withall by way of objection , and are as well in every mans mouth as in emmanuel of metteren his book . the first ( and that is the word ) it lucked well , judging the fact by the event , but reservedly condemning the purpose , for had not the shipping come ( say they ) as it did , what would have become of the town , he would have given it up . colonel utenhoven a man of note , and yet living , one of their own nation , a governour of a town , knows better , and the following treatise shall also make it appear otherwise , and that he had not the least thought of rendring the town , though succour had not come to him at all ; this point therefore shall here need no further inlargement . the second is , that he might have carried the matter otherwise , and have drawn lesse jealousie upon himself , by acquainting the captains with it sooner , considering it was done without the privity of the lords the states , nor was it fitting to bring an enemy through such secret passages . this at the first view seems to say somewhat , as borrowing strength from the common proceedings in other ordinary governours ; who , upon the point aswell of parley as article , ere they enter into either with an enemy , consult first ( as it is fit ) with the captains of the garrisons , and this ( it seems ) was likewise expected here ; but upon what reasons ? was he such a governour ? he was a generall , he had governours under him . did he intend ( as commonly others do ) to deliver the town ? he meant nothing lesse , as is partly before , and shall be hereafter largely proved . what account did the states ever require of him ? what disgrace was there given him more then a free acknowledgement of his singular carriage and judgement in the mannaging of a businesse of so great importance ? true it is , there was at first a kinde of staggering amongst the best , which the mist of some partiall information from some male volent person in ostend had brought them to ; but this was soon cleared , first by his own letters in brief , and after by me more at large , if not to the most of them , yet i dare say to the most discreet and judicious amongst them . but let us now see whether it had been either necessary or convenient that the secret of this stratageme should have been revealed sooner , either to the lords the states , or captains of the garrison . to me it seems , that it had been to the states preposterous , to the captains dangerous , nay more , repugnant to sense and common reason , and that for these reasons following . the project it self was but an embryo , and had been a meer abortive , had he delivered himself of it before the attempt of the enemy : for from thence it must receive both form and being , now that was uncertain and unknown unto him , especially the time ; he could therefore have no certain , befitting subject to write to the lords the states of this matter , till the deed were done , and the project put in practise ; which so soon as it was , be presently dispatched a messenger , giving them a due account of the cause of his proceedings , and that to their contentment . it was a stratageme whose power and vertue confisted wholy in secrecie , it was also a thread , whereon hung no lesse then the states town , his own honour , and the lives of all them that were with him , & therefore in reason did not admit the least communication : for the best pledge you can have of a mans secrecie , is not to open your thoughts unto him . lastly , if he would have forgot himself so much as to have committed a secret to the trust of many , could he yet promise himself that he should not meet with opposition ? would they instantly have been all of his minde ? would no man suspect the handling ? why did they then after ? and that when it was consummated and finished . i have heard colonel utenhoven say , that if the generall should have made the proposition , he had broken the enterprise ; and he knew best the captains inclinations , for he was the mouth betwixt the generall and them , to clear those jealousies he saw them apprehend in him . it was therefore the safest and best way that could be taken , to set this businesse abroach rather without their knowledge , then flatly against it , and to hazzard the interpretation of the action , rather then the action it self . besides , who ever yet knew the generall vere so simple or so weak , as to avoid military forms , where they were necessary or expedient ? wanted he judgement ? his enemies will not say it . had he not will ? he had too many of them too great to lay open himself to their malice ; he was a better mannager of his reputation , then to give them so palpable , so grosse an advantage to build their scandal on . it was the publick service and his own judgement that led him into this course , wherein if there were any danger for his part , it lay on my head , which he ventured for the safetie of all . it seems then that as it was not necessary , so had it been exceedingly inconvenient , that the book of this secret should have been sooner unclasped , before it was set on foot , or to the lords the states , before it was accomplished . i come now to the relation , leaving the branch in the objection , touching the bringing in of the enemie , as not worthy to receive an answer . about the twelfth of november it began to freez exceedingly , the wind being north-west , where it remained till christmasse or after , blowing for the most a stiff gale , often high and stormy : in this time no shipping came unto us , or succours out of holland or zeland , nor could they for the wind ; nor had we any for some few weeks after . our men , munition , and materials wasted daily , the sea and our enemy grew both upon us . at the spring-tide we looked still when that would decide the question touching the town betwixt us and our adversaries , so exceeding high it was , and swelling through the continuance of the north-west wind , which beat flat upon us , and brought extraordinary store of waters from the ocean into those narrow parts . hands we could set very few to work , our places of guard were so many , our numbers so small , and those over-watched . two thousand and an hundred men was our strength , the convenient competency for the town was at least four thousand : for workmen our need was more then ever ; for the whole town with the new forts therein lately begun by the generall ( who fore-saw the storm ) lay more then half-open , insomuch that in divers places with little labour both horse and foot might enter . the north-west raveline ( our champion against the sea ) was almost worn away . the porcupine ( or porc-espic ) not well defensible . at all these places could the enemy come to push of pike with us , when they list , at low water . this was our condition , neither was the enemy ignorant thereof , nor unmindfull to lay hold on his advantage , preparing all things from all parts fitting for the advancement of his purpose ; that was to assault the town . our generall saw their provision and power , and his own weaknesse ; but could prevent none of them otherwise then by practice , his industry slept not , his vigilancy appeared by his daily and nightly rounds he made about the town and works , his courage was the highest , when his forces lowest ; for even then he manifestly made it known so much , that of his store he furnished plenty to others . one day going about the walls , he began to discourse of our being pressed , and said , he cared not what the enemy could attempt upon him ; he was in one of the strongest quarters of the town when he spake this , and not unwilling that such as of themselves saw it not , should be kept ignorant of the danger that hung over their heads . the captains and the officers he commended for their care and industry in their watch and guard , more to stir them up unto it , then really to congratulate that vertue in them he said , a captain could receive no greater blow in his reputation ; then to be surprised ; divers other speeches he used tending to incouragement , disswading from security , and often amongst them interlaced the strength of the town . i , at the first perceiving not his mask , began to put him in minde of some of the former particulars , the whole towns weaknesse , and the archdukes opportunity ; but he told me quickly by his eye , he would not have their strength touched in such an audience ; so slighting my speeches , he continued his pace , and a la volée his discourse till he came to his lodging , there he called to me alone , and brake to me in these terms . i perceive you are not ignorant of our estate , and therefore i will be more open and free with you ; what think you ? are we not in a fine taking here , ha ? i will tell you , captain ogle , there was never man of my fortunes and reputation ( both which have been cleared hitherto ) plunged in greater extreamity then i am now : here we discoursed of our condition before mentioned , whereupon he inferred , that he was like a man that had both courage and judgement to defend himself , and yet must sit with his hands bound , whilest boyes and devils come and box him about the ears . yet this i will tell you too ( said he ) rather then you shall ever see the name of francis vere subscribed in the delivery of a town committed to his custody , or his hand to the least article of treaty ( though with the archdukes own person ) had i a thousand lives i would first burie them all in the rampier ; yet in the mean while judge you of the quality of this our being . i told him , that i thought if he were in his former liberty , he would bethink himself ere he suffered himself to be penned up in such a cage again : he made no reply , but addressed himself to his businesse , and i to mine . what his thoughts now were , i will not enter into , unlesse i had more strength to reach them . sure i am they wanted no stuff to work on : for the bone he had to gnaw upon , required as good teeth as any were in hannibals head to break it , and had not his been such , all the hands we had there could not have plucked it out of our own throats . not long after this the generall calls a council of the colonels and chief officers ; there he propounded these two points ; first , whether with the numbers formerly mentioned we could in time of assault sufficiently furnish all parts . secondly , or if not , whether in such an extremity we ought not to borrow the troops imployed for the guard of the quarriers to the preservation of the town . this was more to sound our judgements , then of any necessity , for him to seek allowance of his actions from them : for generalls use not to ask leave of their captains to dispose of their guards , what they are to quit , and what they are to keep . our numbers they confest were too few , yet must the quarriers at no hand be abandoned ; but how to hold them sufficiently , and to provide for those places , on which the fury of the storm was like to pour it self forth , no man gave expedient . the voyces were severally collected , and when it came to me , i said , that seeing our case standeth as it doth , our breaches many and great , our numbers few to defend them , my opinion was , that when we should see the cloud coming , we quit the quarriers : for i know they were ordained for the custody , not to endanger the losse of the town ; that of inconveniences the least must ever be chosen ; that it were ill-husbandry to hazzard the principall to save the interest , and as little discretion to let the fire run on to burn the palace , whilest we are busie preserving the lodge . the two colonels ( roone and sir horace vere ) who spake after me ( for the chief speake last ) were of the same minde , differing onely in some circumstances , not in substance of opinion . that the other were so scrupulous in this point , is to be thought proceeded rather from ignorance of our estate and danger , or else an apprehension grounded upon common opinions , which was , lose the quarriers , lose the town ; or ( it may be ) the fear of the interpretation that the lords the states would make of such an advise ; and that fear was likely to be the greater , because perhaps they were not furnished with strength of reason to maintain their opinion , or else they might finde it fittest to lay the burthen on his shoulders that was best able to bear it ( the generall himself ) . after this council there passed some few dayes till it was near christmasse . the archduke was himself in person in the camp , the assault resolved on , and the time , the preparations brought down to the approaches , and the army , they onely stayed for low water to give on . here began the generalls project to receive being , till now it had none ; neither was it now time to call the captains to a new council , either to require their advice , or to tell them his own . he had his head and his hands full ; ours had not aked now , had not his waked then more for our safeties , then ours could do for our own . he bestirred him on all sides , his powers were quick and strong within him , and those without he disposed of thus . his troops he placed most on sand-hill , porcupine ( or porc-espic ) , the north-east raveline , the forts and curtain of the old town : these were the breaches , the other guards were all furnished as was then fitting according to our numbers . the quarriers held their men till a parley was commenced , and by it they secured . the false-bray was abandoned by order , as not tenable in time of assault , the cannon in it dismounted , lest it should be spoyled by our own in helmont which flanked it , and the whole face of sand-hil . this false-bray was that dangerous passage mentioned in the objection going before , which i thought to have passed over , but am since otherwise advised . it lay at the foot of sand-hil , in the eye of the enemy , and was therefore as well known to them as to our selves and so was the way to it , for they saw daily our entry to the guard to be through a covert-gallery , forced through the bottom of the said hil : it was so narrow that two men armed were the most could passe in front ; when you were come out of it , you were presently at the havens side , and the new town , without discovering any guard , passage , or place of importance , such as might any wayes give the least advantage to an enemies observation ; and was ( in truth ) in nothing else secret , but that it was covered over-head from the eye of the heavens , otherwise there was no passage about the whole town lesse prejudiciall then that . there is a bolt of the same quiver likewise fallen into emmanuel de metterens book . there the generalls judgement is ( forsooth ) controlled ▪ and by the providence of captain sinklyer , and some others ( as they think ) much bettered . the generall all there is said to have neglected the false-bray , and that in a time when it was needfull to have defended it ; but captain sinklyer with other captains provided for it . but how provided for it ? sinklyer with six muskettiers undertook it ; the captains promised him two companies to second him , the place could contain one good one . but why muskettiers alone , and not pikes ? since they would make it good , why but six , and that against the fury of an army ? what knowledge would they teach our cannons to spare the scots , and kill the spaniards being joyned pesle-mesle ? it is ridiculous . captain sinklyer , if he lived , would be angry to have his judgement thus wronged , and printed so small , as to undertake the defence of the false-bray , when the bulwark it self was assaultable . but i leave these poore detractions that bewray onely the detractours weaknesse ; and so return to the matter . on the two bulwarks formerly mentioned ( helmont and sand hil ) with the mount flaming-burgh , he placed store of artillery and mortar , the mortars most of all at helmont , and much ordnance ; for that ( as i said before ) scowred the avenue of the enemies coming upon the sand-hil , and the old town . when he had thus ordered his affairs for defence , he began to betake him to his stratageme ( which indeed was our best shelter against that storm ) . he sent captain lewis courtier ( who spake good spanish ) into the porcupine ( or porc-espic ) the nearest place of guard to the enemy , with order to desire speech with some of them , he called twice or thrice , or more , but none answered him , so he effected nothing . the generall displeased thereat , sent me to the place on the same errand . i called , but no man answered ; beat a drum , but they would not hear ; upon that i returned to the generall , and told him they expected form ; if he would speak with any of them , i must go without the limits of our works ▪ he desired it , but fearing they would shoot at me ; i put it to an adventure . coming to the havens-side , i caused the drummer to beat , and at the second call one answered me . after a little stay , the governour of sluys ( mattheo cerano ) came to me ▪ each made his qualitie known to the other , i my errand to him , that the generall vere desired to have some qualified person of theirs sent into the town to speak with him ; he this to the archduke : i attended his return , which was speedy , and with acceptance ; he told me of his affection to our nation , bred and nourished through the good correspondency and neighbour-hood betwixt the lord governour of flushing , sir robert sidney , and him . he would take it as a courtesie that the generall vere would nominate and desire him of the archduke to be imployed in this businesse . this was performed , and at our next meeting agreed , that i should be a pledge for him , that each should bring a companion with him , that he with his should have generall veres ; i and mine don augustinoes word for our safety ; that during the treaty no hostility should be used on land ; that against low-water we should finde our selves there again at the same place . this done , we parted each to his home . i told the generall what had passed , he perswaded ( and that earnestly ) with the netherlandish , french , and captains of other nations , to have some one of them accompany me in this action ; the rather to avoid that interpretation which he fore-saw would follow being mannaged by him and his english onely ; but they all refused , notwithstanding he assured severall of them , his purpose was no other then to gain time , where my self can testifie , that coming to him almost at low-water to know his further pleasure , i found him very earnest in perswading with an old captain called nicolas de leur , to whom i heard him say , je vous asseure n'est que pour gaigner temps . i was not then so good a frenchman as that i durst say i well understood him , neither the purpose he had with him ; since i have learned both better . this man refused as well as the rest , whereupon the generall in a choler , willed to take with me whom i would my self , for he would appoint none . i took my old companion , and then familiar friend , captain fairfax . cerano and ottanes were then at the water-side , when we came ; simon anthonio and gamboletti , both colonels or maistros del campo brought them over on horsback to us ; on the other side , don juan de pantochi ajudante received us , and don augustino de mexia at the battery ; behinde which was the army ranged ready for the assault . these two brought us to the archduke , who was then come to the approaches , and accompanied as became so great a prince ; we performed those respects were fitting , he vouchsafed us the honour to move his hat , and being informed by one hugh owen ( an englishman , but a fugitive ) of our names and families , as also that i could speake spanish ; he conjured me as i was a gentleman , to tell him if there were any deceit in this handling or no ; i told him , if there were it was more then i knew : for with my knowledge i would not be used as an instrument in a work of that nature : he asked me then what instructions i had ; i told him , none ; for we were come hither onely as pledges to assure the return of them , to whom he had given his instructions ; he asked me again , whether i thought the generall meant sincerely , or not ; i told him , that i was altogether unacquainted with his purpose , but for any thing i knew , he did . upon this we were dismissed , and by don augustino ( whom don juan de pantochi ever attended ) brought to his lodging , and there honourably and kindly entertained , and visited by most of the chiefs in the army , and also by some ecclesiasticall persons . there came an advertisement from the approaches of working in the town , this was occasioned by noise of knocking in ( as they thought ) palizadoes . to give order to the contrary , we were after carried on horsback thither ; we having received answer , that it was onely a cabbin of planks set up to keep beer in , the noise of that work , and their suspition ceased together , yet we stayed some few houres at gamboletti the italian colonels guard , who at that time had the point , and conde theodoro trivulci , and some other of the cavalry accompanied us some houres ; after which we returned to the camp , and to don augustino , and our rest . in the morning we found our lodging invironed with a strong guard , and understood of the discontentments of cerano and ottanes being returned , and how they had not any speech with the generall . this startled me and fairfax , who dreamt of no such matter , nor of any such manner of proceedings : fairfax thought i had some secret instructions in particular , and desired me to tell what the fox meant to do ; i told him ( and it was truth ) i knew as little as he ; but calling then to minde the discourse he had in his lodging , and mentioned formerly in this , and comparing it with the action , i said to fairfax , that i verily believed that he meant to put a trick upon them ; but ( quoth he ) the trick is put upon us , me thinks , for we are prisoners , and in their power ▪ they at liberty , and our judges . don augustino coming to us gave an end to this discourse ; and beginning another with me apart in his own chamber , where , with a grave and settled countenance , he told me of the commissioners return , their entertainments and discontentments , as also the archdukes towards me , for abusing him , and especially he urged these two points , that i told cerano that the generall desired speech with some from his highnesse , which seemed not to be so , for he flatly refused it : that i had said to his highnesse himself , that i was not an instrument of deceit , which also appeared otherwise , and would not ( i must account ) be so slightly passed over : hereunto i answered , that the commissioners are returned without speech with the generall is as strange to me , as unexpected of them ; and i am the more sensible of this discourtesie towards them through the kinde usage i receive here of you ; but as i am not of counsel in this manner of proceedings , so i know as little how to help it , as i can reach the drift . touching the other point of his highnesse displeasure towards me , i hope so noble a prince will admit no other impression of my person or actions , then the integrity of both shall fairly deliver him : for if i have deceived him , it is more then probable i am deceived my self ; nor do i believe that his highnesse nor any of you judge me so flat , or so stupid , as upon knowledge of such a purpose , in irritating his highnesse , i would deliver my self and friend as sacrifices to make another mans attonement . it is certain then , if the generall hath fraud in this action , he borrows our persons , not our consents to work it by ; which though you have now in your power , yet will i not fear the least ill measure , so long as i have the word of don augustino for my safety . the noble gentleman moved with my confidence , took me in his arms , assured me it again , as also any courtesie else during my stay there , and was indeed as good as his word . this thus passed , he told me he would relate faithfully to the archduke what i had said ; but yet ere he went , desired to know of me what i thought was to be further done ; i told him , it could not be but there must be a mistaking on the one side or the other , that therefore to clear all doubts , i held it expedient for me to write to the generall to let him know our present condition , his highnesse discontentment upon this manner of proceeding , the danger he exposed us unto , and to understand his further purpose for our enlargement . this answer he carried presently to his highnesse , and was interpreted by owen , then sent by a messenger into the town ; and thus was this rub removed , the commissioners required and sent in , and the parley brought upon the former foot again . the generall was not a little glad of their return , for it redeemed the fear he had of ours , who ( as captain charles rassart told me after ) was not a little perplexed for me ; he would often say , what shall i do for my lieutenant-colonel , and wished he had me back again , though he payed my ransome five times over : he would sometimes comfort himself with hope of their civility and my demeanour : fearing the worst , he said , i could not suffer better then for the publick cause . the reason he hazzarded us , and handled them , was to gain so much more time , for that was precious to him for the advancement of his works in the old town , to which through the benefit of this occasion of cessation of hostility , he had now drawn most of the hands could labour , giving them shades to work , and order to have their weapons by them ready upon occasion to fight : he handled the matter so , that ere the commissioners returned again , the old town and works were stronger by a thousand men . he could not have done this ( at least so conveniently ) had he begun conference with them at their first entrie , nor avoided that first conference , had he stayed them in the town , at least ( every man hath his own wayes ) he understood it so , and it was a sure and safe course for him and his designes : for causing edward goldwell , ( a gentleman that then waited on him in his chamber ) to make an alarm at their entry , he pretended thereupon treachery on their part , and made it the cause , why he would neither let them stay in the town , nor return the way they came . this bred disputes , & messengers passed to and fro betwixt them and the generall . in the mean time the flood came in , and the water waxed so high that there was no passage that way without a boat ; whereof there was none on that side of the town , nor any brought , for that had been to crosse his own purpose . the commissioners desired earnestly to be suffered to stay , though it were upon the worst guard of the town ; but it was denied : for he must rid himself of them , he could not do his businesse so well , if their eyes and ears were so near him ; he sent them therefore to their friends on the east-side , forecasting wisely , that ere they could come there , and thence by the south to the west-side again , there to have admittance to his highnesse , and there to have the matter debated in council , he should not onely gain the whole winter-night , but most part of the next day for his advantage , which fell out according to that calculation , and beyond his expectation that it continued longer . at the commissioners return , his later entertainment to them was better then the first ; he feasted with them , drank and discoursed with them , but came to no direct overture of article , though they much pressed him ; that part of the day and the whole night was so spent , and in sleep . the like had we in the camp , except drinking , whereof there was no excesse , but of good chear and courtesie abundance . in the morning were discovered five ships out of zeland riding in the rode , they brought four hundred men , and some materials for the sea-works ; the men were landed on the strand with long boats and shallops ; the enemy shot at them with their artillery ; but did no hurt . the pretext of succour from the states the generall took to break off the treaty , which he had not yet really entred into . the commissioners were on both sides discharged in this order . cerano came first into the army , it was my right to have gone for him , but i sent captain fairfax at the earnest entreaty of don juan de pantochi and some others , who said , they desired my stay , onely to have my company so much the longer , making me believe it was agreeable to them , the rather for that i spake their language ; i was the more willing to yield , because i would not leave any other impression then that i saw they had received of my integrity in this negotiation : fairfax being in the town , ottanes made not long stay , nor i after him . the generall was not pleased that i stayed out of my turn ; but when i gave him my reasons for it , he seemed to be well contented . generall vere having now received part of the long-expected supplies , together with the assurance of more at hand , straitway broke off the treaty ; which , though ending somewhat abruptly , had ( it seems ) finished the part which was by him allotted it ; whereupon he sent the archduke this following acquittance . we have heretofore held it necessary for certain reasons to treat with the deputies which had authority from your highnesse ; but whilest we were about to conclude upon the conditions and articles , there are arrived certain of our ships of warre , by whom we have received part of that which we had need of ; so that we cannot with our honour and oath continue the treaty , nor proceed in it ; which we hope that your highnesse will not take in ill part ; and that neverthelesse , when your power shall reduce us to the like estate , you will not refuse as a most generous prince to vouchsafe us again a gentle audience . from our town of ostend , the 25 of december , 1601. signed , francis vere . now whosoever shall but consider how many and how great difficulties the archduke had struggled with to maintain the siege ; how highly concerned he was in point of honour , and how eagerly engaged in his affections ; and what assured hopes he had of taking the town ; will easily conceive that he must needs finde himself much discomposed at so unexpected a disappointment . he had already taken it with his eyes ; & , as if he had bound the leviathan for his maidens to sport withall , under the assurance of the truce he walked the infanta before the town with twenty ladyes and gentlewomen in her train ; as it were valiantly to stroke this wild beast , which he had now laid fast in the toiles ; and to look upon the out-side of the town before they entred into it . now to have his hopes thus blown up ; and to be thrown from the top of so much confidence ! wonder not if we finde him much enraged at it , and what can we now expect , but that he should let fly his rage in a sudden and furious assault upon the town ? especially considering that before the treaty began , all things were in readinesse for such a purpose . but whether it were that the treaty had unbended the souldiers resolution , or the unexpected breaking off stouned the archdukes counsels , or whether his men were discouraged at their enemies increased strength , or whatsoever the cause was , certain it is , that there was no considerable assault made upon the town for many dayes after . and we have cause to beleive that generall vere , was never a whit sorry for it , who had by this means opportunity ( though no leasure ) to repair his works ; wherein he employed above twelve hundred men for at least eight dayes together ; during which time he stood in guard in person at the time of low-water in the night , ( being the time of the greatest danger ) which conduced much to the encouragement of his men ; and having received intelligence by his scouts of the enemies preparations and resolutions within few dayes to give them a general assault , he was carefull to man the chief places helmont , sand-hill , and the rest ; and to furnish them with cannon and stones , and what else might be usefull for their defences . mean while the besiegers spared no powder , but let fly at the ships , which notwithstanding daily and nightly went into the town ; and many a bullet was interchanged between the town and the camp ; who lay all this while pelting at one another , some small hurts on both sides being given and received . but the seventh of january was the day designed by the besiegers , wherein to attempt something extraordinary . all day long without intermission did the archduke batter the bulwark of sand-hill , helmont , porc-espic , and other places near adjoyning , with eighteen cannon from two of his batteries , the one at the foot of the downs upon the catteys , and the other on the south-side thereof ; from whence were discharged ( which the cannoniers counted ) above two thousand shot on that side the town , all the bullets weighing fourty , and fourty six pounds a piece . after i was thus far engaged i happily met with an account of this bloudy assault , by henry hexham , who was present at it ; to him therefore i shall willingly resigne the story . his highnesse , the archduke , then seeing himself thus deluded by generall vere his parley , was much vexed thereat , and very angry with the chief of his council of war , who had diverted him from giving the assault upon that day when the parly was called for ; insomuch that some of them , for two or three dayes after ( as it was credibly reported ) durst not look him in the face ; others , to please him , perswaded him to give an assault upon the town . hereupon his highnesse took a resolution to revenge himself of those within the town ; saying , he would put them all to the sword ; his commanders and souldiers taking likewise an oath , that if they entred , they would not spare man , woman , nor childe in it . till that the enemy had shot upon and into the town , above an hundred sixty three thousand two hundred cannon-shot , to beat it about our ears , scarce leaving a whole house standing ; but now to pour out his wrath and fury more upon us , on the seventh of ianuary above-said , very early in the morning he began with eighteen pieces of cannon and half cannon carrying bullets of fourty and fourty eight pounds a piece , from their pile-battery , and that which stood under their cattey upon the foot of the downs , to batter sand-hil , the porc-espic , and helmont , and that day till evening he shot upon sand-hil , and the curtain of the old town above two and twenty hundred cannon-shot ; insomuch that it might rather have been called yron-hil then sand-hil : for it stuck so full of bullets , that many of them tumbled down into the false-bray , and others , striking on their own bullets , breaking in pieces flew up into the aire as high as a steeple . during this furious battery , the enemie all the day long made great preparations to assault us against night ; and to that end brought down scaling ladders , great store of ammunition , hand-granadoes , and diverse other instruments and materials of war fitting thereunto ; and withall toward evening drew down his army , and ordered his men in this manner . count farneze an italian should first give on with two thousand italians & spaniards upon sand-hil , the breach , and the curtain of the old town ; the governour of dixmunde with two thousand spaniards and other nations upon the porc-espic and helmont . another captain with five hundred men to fall on upon the west-raveline , and another captain with five hundred men more upon the south-quarriers , and the spanish serjeant-major-generall , which was an hostage in ostend , upon the west-quarriers , making in all eight thousand men to assault the west-side ; & the count of bucquoy was to have assaulted the east-side , the east-raveline , and the new-haven , as a second for them which fell on upon sand-hil , and the old town on the west-side : and thus their men , time , and place was ordered . generall vere knowing the enemies intent , that he would assault us at a low-water , slept not , but was exceeding carefull and vigilant all the day , to prepare things necessary to defend the town , and with-stand the enemie . and because there were no sparrs , beams , and palizadoes in the magazine , he caused divers houses that were shot , to be pulled down , and taking the beams and sparrs from off them , he made the carpenters make palizadoes and stockadoes of them : and at a high-water shut the west-sluces , and engrossed as much water as possibly he could into the old and new town . and toward evening drew all the men in the town , that were able to fight , into arms , and disposed of them , as followeth . to maintain sand-hil , and defend the breach , he placed his brother sir horace vere , and sir charles fairfax with twelve weak companies , whereof some were not above ten or twelve men strong , giving them double arms , a pike and a musket , and good store of ammunition . upon the curtain of the old town , between sand-hil and a redoubt called schottenburch , a most dangerous place , which he feared most , being torn and beaten down with the sea and the enemies cannon , sir francis vere stood himself with captain zeglin , with six weak companies to help to defend it . within the redoubt of schottenburch it self , he appointed captain utenhoven , and captain haughton with their two companies . from schottenburch along the curtain to the old church , which the enemy had shot down , he placed colonel lone with three hundred zelanders , that came into the town the day the parley brake off . from the old church along the curtain and the flanks to the north-part , captain zithan commanded over six weak companies . upon the redoubt called moses-table was captain montesquir de roques ( a worthy french captain , whom sir francis vere loved entirely for the worth and valour that was in him ) with two french companies . for the guarding of the north-raveline , he appointed captain charles rassart with four weak companies : the rest of the curtain ( by reason of the flanks upon the cut of the new-haven , being reasonable well defended ) were left unmanned . upon the curtain of the new town under flaming-burgh , were placed five weak companies to second moses-table , if need did require . upon flaming-burgh , two whole cannon and two field-pieces were planted to scowre the old town . upon the west-raveline two companies were likewise placed , and a whole cannon , and two half-cannons planted upon it . for the defending of the porc-espic , a place of great importance , lying under helmont , sir francis vere placed four of the strongest companies that could be found in the town . upon the bulwark called helmont , which flanked directly the breach and sand-hil , and scowred along the strand between the enemies pile-battery , the old-haven over which they were to passe to come to sand-hil , and the curtain of the old-town , which also did help to defend the porc-espic , he placed ten weak companies , whereof the generalls company was one ; and had upon it nine brasse and yron pieces , laden with chained-bullets , boxes with musket-bullets , and cartridge-shot . these ten companies were kept as a reserve , to be employed as a second where most occasion required , and were commanded by captain metkirck and serjeant-major carpenter . the rest of the bulwarks , rampiers , and the counterscarp about the town , were but slightly manned with a few men , in regard the enemie could come to attempt none of thē , till he became master of the former . here you see a great many companies thus disposed of ; but all , or the most of them , were exceeding weak , and some of them not above seven or eight men strong , which in all could not make above twelve hundred able fighting-men , to resist an armie of ten thousand men ▪ that stood ready to assault them . the ordnance and other instruments and materials of warre the generall disposed of in this sort ; upon the casement of the west-bulwark he planted two whole and two half-cannons , which flanked helmont and the porc-espic , and scowred along the old-haven , down as far as the ton-beacon , beyond their pile-battery , next to that place where they were to passe over the haven at a low-water . these ordnance were likewise charged with musket-bullets , chained-bullets , and yron-bullets . upon all these batteries , especially those which flanked the breach , and played directly upon the strand , sir francis vere disposed of the best cannoniers in the town ; among the rest an englishman called francis the gurmer , an excellent cannonier , which had been the death of many a spaniard . and because they should be sure to take their mark right upon their cog , before it grew dark he commanded them to let flie two or three cannon-bullets upon the strand , and towards the new-haven , to see for a triall where their bullets fell , that they might finde their ground the better in the night , when the enemy was to fall on . moreover , upon the top of the breach , and along the curtain of the old town were set firkins of ashes to be tumbled down the wall upon the enemie to blinde them ; also little firkins with frize-ruyters , or quadrant tenter-nails , three sticking in the ground , and one upright ; which were likewise to be cast down the rampier to prick them , when they sought to enter . then many great heaps of stones , and brick-bats , which the souldiers brought from the old church they had shot down , to throw amongst them : then we had ropes of pitch , hoops bound about with squibs and fire-works to throw among them ; great store of hand-granadoes , and clubs , which we called hercules-clubs , with heavy heads of wood , and nails driven into the squares of them . these and some others ( because the enemy had sworn all our deaths ) the generall provided to entertain and welcome them . when it began to grow darkish , a little before low-water , in the interim while the enemie was a cooling of his ordnance , which had playd all the day long upon the breach and the old town , the generall taking advantage of this precious time , commanded captain dexter and captain clark with some fiftie stout workmen , who had a rose-noble apiece for a quarter of an houres work , to get up to the top of the breach , which the enemies cannon had made very mountable , and then with all expedition to cast up a small breast-work , and drive in as many palizadoes as possibly they could , that his brother sir horace vere , and the rest of the captains and souldiers which he commanded , might have some little shelter , the better to defend the breach , and repulse the enemie when he strived to enter : which ( blessed be god ) with the losse of a few men they performed . this being done , sir francis vere went through the sally-port down into the false-bray , and it being twilight , called for an old souldier , a gentleman of his company , to go out sentinel-perdu , and to creep out to the strand between two gabions , giving him expresse command , that if he saw an enemy , he should come in unto him silently , without giving any alarm at all . he crept upon his belly as far as he could , and at last discovered count farneze , above mentioned , wading and putting over the old-haven above their pile-battery , with his two thousand italians , which were to fall on first ; and as they waded over , he drew them up into battalions and divisions ; which this gentleman having discovered , came in silently to sir francis vere ( as he had commanded him ) , who asked him , what news ? my lord ( said he ) i smell good store of gold chains , buff-jerkins , spanish-cassocks , and spanish-blades . ha , ( sayes sir francis vere ) sayest thou me so ? i hope thou shalt have some of them anon ; and giving him a piece of gold , he went up again through the sally-port to the top of sand-hil , where he gave expresse order to serjeant-major carpenter to go to helmont , and every man to his charge , and not to take any alarm , or shoot off either cannon or musket-shot till he himself gave the signall ; and then to give fire both with the ordnance and small shot , as fast as ever they could charge and discharge . when the enemy had put over his two thousand italians , he had also a signall to give notice thereof to the count of bucquoy , that they were ready to fall on , whose signal was the shot of a cannon from their pile-battery , with a hollow-holed bullet into the sea towards his quarter , which made a humming noyse . when generall vere had got them under the swoop of his cannon and small-shot , he powred a volley of cannon and musket-shot upon them , raking through their battalions , and making lanes amongst them upon the bare strand ; which did so amaze and startle them , that they were at a non-plus , whether they should fall on , or retreat back again ; yet at last taking courage , and tumbling over their dead bodies , they rallyed themselves , and came under the foot of sand-hil , and along the foot of the curtain of the old town , to the very piles that were strook under the wall ; where they began to make ready to send us a volley . which sir francis vere seeing that they were a presenting , and ready to give fire upon us , ( because indeed all the breast-work and parapet was beaten down flat to the rampier that day with their ordnance ) and we standing open to the enemies shot ; commanded all the souldiers to fall flat down upon the ground , while the enemies shot flew like a shower of hail over their heads ; which for the reasons above-said , saved a great many mens lives . this being done , our men rising saw the enemy hast●ng to come up to the breach , and mounting up the wall of the old town . sir francis vere flourishing his sword , called to them in spanish and italian vienneza , causing the souldiers as they climbed up , to cast and tumble down among them the firkins of ashes , the barrels of frize-ruyters , the hoops , stones , and brick-bats , which were provided for them . the alarm being given , it was admirable to see with what courage and resolution our men fought ; yea , the lord did as it were infuse fresh courage and strength into a company of poor snakes and sick souldiers ; which come running out of their huts up to the wall to fight their shares ; and the women with their laps full of powder to supply them , when they had shot away all their ammunition . now were the walls of ostend all on a light fire , and our ordnance thundring upon them from our bulwarks ; now was there a lamentable cry of dying men among them : for they could no sooner come up to the top of the breach to enter it , or peep up between sand-hil and schottenburch , but they were either knocked on the head with the stocks of our muskets , our hercules-clubs , or run through with our pikes and swords . twice or thrice when they strived to enter , they were beaten off , and could get no advantage upon us . the fight upon the breach and the old town continued hotter and hotter for the space of above an houre , the enemie falling on at the same instant upon the porc-espic , helmont , the west-raveline , & quarriers , were so bravely repulsed , that they could not enter a man. the enemy fainting , and having had his belly full , those on the west-side heat a dolefull retreat , while the lord of hosts ended our dispute for the town , crowned us with victory , and the roaring noise of our cannon , rending the aire , and rolling along the superficies of the water , the wind being south , and with us , carried that night the news thereof to our friends in england and holland . generall vere perceiving the enemy to fall off , commanded me to run as fast as ever i could to serjeant-major carpenter , and the auditour fleming , who were upon helmont , that they should presently open the west-slute , out of which there ran such a stream and torrent down through the chanel of the west-haven , that upon their retreat it carried away many of their sound and hurt men into the sea ; and besides , our men fell down our walls after them , slew a great many of their men as they retreated , and took some prisoners , pillaged and stript a great many , and brought in gold-chains , spanish-pistols , buff-jerkins , spanish-cassocks , blades , swords , and targets ; among the rest one , wherein was enammeled in gold the seven worthies , worth seven or eight hundred gilders ; and among the rest , that souldier , which sir francis vere had sent out to discover , with as much booty as ever he could lug , saying , that sir francis vere was now as good as his word . under sand-hil , and all along the walls of the old town , the porc-espic and west-raveline , lay whole heaps of dead carcases , fourty or fifty upon a heap , stark naked , goodly young men , spaniards and italians : among which , some ( besides other marks to know them by ) had their beards clean shaven off . there lay also upon the sand some dead horse , with baskets of hand-granadoes ; they left also behinde them their scaling-ladders , great store of spades , and showels , bills , hatchets , and axes , with other materials . here the french diary adds , that those who gave the assault upon the old town , were furnished with two or three dayes victuals , which they had brought in sacks , intending to have intrenched themselves , and maintained the place against the besieged ; if their enterprise had succeeded . also , that among the heaps of the slain was found in mans apparell the body of a yong spanish woman neer unto sand-hill , who ( as was conjectured by her wounds ) had been slain in the assault , having under her apparell a chain of gold set with precious stones , besides other jewels & silver . and that during this assault the archduke disposed of himself behinde the battery of the catteys , and the infanta remained at the fort isabella . upon the east-side also they stood in three great battalions before the town upon the gullet , but the tide coming in , they came too late ; so that they could not second those on the west-side , and fall on where they were appointed ; to wit , upon our new-haven , which lay upon the north-east-side of the town . for the water beginning to rise , it did amaze the souldiers , and they feared , if they stayed any longer , they could not be relieved by their fellows ; howsoever for their honours they would do something , and resolved to give on upon our spanish half-moon , which lay over the gullet on the south-east part of the town . but a souldier of ours falling out of it ( a police of sir francis vere ) disappointed this designe , and yielded himself prisoner unto them ; telling them that there were but fourty souldiers in the half-moon , and offered to lead them to it ; which he did , and they took it easily . for generall vere ( with great judgement ) had left it thus ill manned , to draw the enemie on the east-side thither , to separate them from their fellows on the west-side , to make them lose time ; contenting himself to guard the places of most importance , assuring himself that he should soon recover the other at his pleasure . the archdukes men having thus taken the half-moon , and being many therein , they began with spades , shovels , pick-axes , and other instruments , to turn it up against the town . but all prevailed not , for it lay open towards the town , and those of the town began to shoot at them from the south and spanish-bulwarks , both with cannon and musket-shot , with such fury , as they slew many of them ; and withall seeing the tide come in more and more , they began to faint : whereupon generall vere sent captain day with some troops to beat them out of it , who with great courage chased them out of it , with the effusion of much bloud : for the next day they told three hundred men slain in the half-moon , besides those that were drowned and hurt . in this generall assault , which on both sides of the town continued above two houres upon all the places above-mentioned , the archduke ( besides some that were carried into the sea ) lost above two thousand men . among the which there were a great number of noble-men , chiefs , and commanders . amongst the rest , the count d' imbero , an italian , who offered as much gold as he did weigh for his ransome , and yet he was slain by a private souldier ; don durango maistro del campo , or colonel ; don alvares suares knight of the order of saint jaques ; simon anthonio colonel ; the serjeant-major-generall , who had been hostage in ostend on the twenty fourth and twenty fifth of december 1601. and the lieutenant-governour of antwerp , with diverse others . on our side there were slain between thirty and fourty souldiers , and about an hundred hurt . the men of command slain were captain haughton , captain nicolas vanden lier , a lieutenant of the new geux , two english lieutenants , an ancient , and captain haughtons two serjeants , and master tedcastle , gentleman of sir francis veres horse , who was slain between sir francis vere and my self , ( his page ) with two musket-bullets chained together ; and calling to me , bad me pull off his gold ring from off his little finger , and send it to his sister as a token of his last good-night , and so commending his spirit into the hands of the lord , died . sir horace vere was likewise hurt in the leg , with a splinter that flew from a palizado . and thus much briefly of the assault , and the repulse they received in ostend , that day and night , in memorie of the heroick actions of sir francis vere ( of famous memorie ) my old master . after this bloudy shower was once over , the weather cleared up into its usual temper , and so continued , not without good store of artificial ●hunder and lightning on both sides daily , but without any remarkable alteration untill the seventh of march then next ensuing , which was in the year one thousand six hundred and two . then did generall vere , having lately repaired the poulder and west-square , resigne up his government of ostend unto others appointed by the states to succeed him ; having valiantly defended it for above eight moneths against all the archdukes power , and leaving it much better able to defend it self , then it was at his first coming thither . so the same night both he and his brother , sir horatio vere , imbarqued themselves , having sent away their horses and baggage before them ; and both carrying with them , and leaving behinde them the marks of true honour and renown . finis . praelium nuportanum rerum fide tradebat is . dorislaus . j. c. saeviebat adhuc inter liberos victósque belgas civile bellum , avidum sanguinis , pecuniae prodigum , raptis per mutuas clades tot fortibus animis , & egestis in terrae punctum veteris simul & novi orbis immensis opibus ; cùm , aerarii & stipendiorum inopiâ , hispanicas legiones seditio incessit . vetus illâ militiâ malum , initio statim secularis anni in rabiem proruperat ; orto à vexillariis per brabantiam praesidia agitantibus initio , & tractis pari vel necessitate , vel praedandi lubidine wâlonum germanorúm que numeris , qui crevekeuram , & ad mosae vahalis que confluentes s. andreae munimentum insidebant . excîverat ea res solito maturiùs , & vergente adhuc hyeme , mauritium orangii principem , properum gnarúmque occasionis . et ille quidem , non territis magìs quàm emptis seditiosorum animis , acceptísque in deditionem munimentis , clarâ in praesens victoriâ , & in posterum usui , adulto jam vere , hagam reversus est . sustulerant animos hoc successu liberi belgae ; & in ordinum conventu disserebatur , instandum coeptis & famae , dum fluxâ aerarii & militum fide , vis dolúsque adversum discordes & iratos ex aequo valerent : hispaniae regem , imminutis ob praeclusa commercia vectigalium fructubus , attenuato indiarum proventu , effusis priori anno in classem rursus angliae minacem & irritam opibus , laesâque apud italos fide , non sufficere necessitatibus belli : archiducem albertum , primo statim in belgium ingressu , imperii primordia tributis & odiis oneravisse : ab ipsis provinciis jampridem bello attritis , equitum peditúmque vim , damna & injurias aegrè tolerari : quare si acriùs ipsi incubuerint , externo simul impulsu , & interno motu ruiturum hostem . multo haec inter proceres adsensu celebrabantur ; & plerique sumptuum & pecuniae parci , verbis egregii & penè nimii erant . sed hollandi , in quos tota impendiorum moles inclinaverat , variè disserebant , de magnitudine aeris alieni , inopiâ quaestuum , & immensis civium oneribus ; desolari urbes dilapsu opisicum , mercatores exhaustos ; vires animámque reipublicae elidi praedationibus dunkerkanorum : abnuebántque ulteriores in aestatem sumptus , praeterquam pacando mari , & rapiendae praedantium sedi . in idem zelandi , & acriùs pertendebant , quantò gravioribus ob viciniam damnis afflictabantur . destinatio haec praepotentium provinciarum specie & usu omnibus magnifica , sed aspera inceptu , perfectu ardua prudentibus videbatur : ea pars , quò suspectior sollicitis , principi placebat ; cujus pulcherrimum animum difficultas operis , & patrandi per id belli gloria exstimulaverant . veruntamen cunctator naturâ , cautis potiùs quàm acribus consiliis summam expeditionis tractabat , quae crebra cum rerum bellíque prudentibus habebantur . ibi maturissimus quisque oportunitates ostendae loqui , quae praesidiis & ditione ordinum in orâ flandriae tenebatur : illâc invehi oceano exercitum , & inde planitie littoris praeter nuportum sub dunkerkam duci in promptu esse ; subfecuturâ classe cum tormentis & annonâ militari ; impulso simul terrâ , simul mari bello . instantior aliis securitatis cura ; nec imperatorium rebantur , ante captam nuportum , dunkerkam aggredi : ubi tergo consuluerint , haud magnâ mole expugnari urbem , neque situ , neque manu validam , fluxis aevo & incuriâ munimentis . praecipuum fiduciae alimentum erat seditio hispanorum , praepeditura subsidium obsessis ; & si forte motus consederint , impar equitatu & minor hostis non ausurus novissimum discrimen . aderat consilio franciscus verius ; quo nemo illâ tempestate reimilitaris callidior habebatur ille multo usu fui & hostium gnarus , pares & audentes pugnae alberti copias , incessurásque praelio intra quartum & decimum à mauritii in flandriam appulsu diem , praesagus loquebatur . erántque nonnulli consiliantium , quibus tuta magìs cum ratione quàm prospera ex casu placebant : hi modestiùs disserebant . bellum suscipi avio itinere , hostili littore , inter incerta ventorum & maris : seditiosos ad obsequium flecti ingentibus promissis , & quantulacunque stipendiorum portione : imò ruituros ultro , ut assertâ in hostem capitali urbe , uberrimos flandriae agros & opes excusatiùs rapiant in praemium & praedam : & , si rem dari in casum oporteat , frustrà equitem jactari , meliori hostium pedite , in quo praecipuum robur : modicum victoriae pretium esse commercii securitatem , subactâ urbe insidiatrice maris & raptubus infami : at fuso exercitu , cladem immensam , & nihil reliquum victis , uno praelii turbine , mari , commercio , libertate & patriâ excussis . inexcusatum viris tot per annos belli sapientiam professis praeceps consilium : haesurámque temeritatis infamiam , tunc quoque cùm pericula effugissent . salutaria haec , sed injucunda ; flagrantibus hollandorum animis in dunkerkam , exitiabilem mercaturae , & publicis aerarii fructubus gravem . ità victis tandem plurium consensu nolentibus , in flandriam decernitur exercitus ; ingentibus animis , nec minori paratu : mille navium classis in peditem equitémque distributa ; curruum & tormentorum ingens numerus ; annonae permagna vis . placebátque consilium , nè spatiis itinerum attereretur exercitus , impositos navibus militem , equos , commeatum , & extra fluminum ora in oceanum evectos , exponere in portu ostendae , ad usum belli terrâ maríque oportunae . sed bene consultis , classíque jam inter zelandiae aestuaria allabenti fortuna ventíque reflabant ; cedente in austrum coelo enavigantibus adversúm . quare , cùm prima non provenissent , quod è praesentibus uberrimum erat , subducta fuit classis ad illam flandriae oram , quam à zelandia scaldis , jam fluvii & maris ambiguus , abscindit . ibi juxta castellum , cui vocabulum philippina , incitante sese aestu , naves in vadum adactae , quae , relabente pelago , in udi mollísque soli crepidine , utpote latâ alvo , & pandis more gentico carinis , sine noxa sidebant ; adeò ut horarum quinque spatio tota belli moles haud sanè gravi labore in terram redderetur . ipsâ specie exscendentis exercitûs territi hostes , qui philippinam insederant , sese dediderunt . tum lustratae copiae equitum peditúmque : illae ter , hae duodecim millium ; dispertitaeque in tres manus , viribus & dignitate pares ; alternante inter duces , more militiae , frontis & tergi vice . harum unam ducebat ernestus , comes nassavius , vir belli egregius ; & cui nunquam ratio , nonnunquam fortuna defuit : altera everardo habebatur comiti solmensi , clarâ & veteri per germaniā nobilitate : tertiam regebat franciscus verius , domi egregiis natalibus , forìs ingentibus ausis factísque celebratus . consultor omnibus & autor aderat praeerátque mauricius orangianus , columen partium . modicis deinde itineribus , per depressum flandriae agrum , prope ekeloam & brugas inclytam olim opibus & mercimoniis advenarum , transductus exercitus apud oldenburgum , quarto ab ostenda milliari , aestu sitíque perustus conaêdit : flagrantissimis quippe solibus , ardente junio , iter fecerant ; & omnis illo tractu aqua turbida , & uligine decolor est , potúque nocens . aperuerat hoc castellum defessis hostium fuga , simúlque viam quae ostendam pertingit : unde cibariorum & cerevisiae affluenti copiâ toto sese triduo miles refecit . ibi consultatum inter militiae proceres , ecquo primùm molimine famam auspicarentur & bellum . id maximè ambigebatur , utrum ad decus usúmve potius foret ; oppugnatámne nuportum hosti eripere ; an verò exuere eundem castellis , quae fallaces inter & humentes campos veluti claustra ostendae insidebat . nuporti obsidio primò pluribus ; mox omnibus placuit . tum primores ordinum , comites itineris & consilium ducibus additi , ostendam concessêre , tutam mari , viris , murísque urbem ; ut exempti dubiis belli , summae rerum servarentur : unáque solmensis sua cum manu , quà brevissimum iter , ostendam praemissus , ut capto castello , cui nomen albertus , viam , quae ab ostenda nuportum ducit , incursu & periculis hostium exsolveret . et huic quidem sua vis & praesidii metus facilem victoriam dedêre . exinde mauritius motis ab oldenburgo castris , per interiora flandriae nuportum versùs ducebat exercitum ; rapturus in transitu dammam , castellum ignobile quidem , sed accumbens flumini , quod praetervehens nuportum sorbetur mari . at oldenburgum & vicinas arces , vacuas metu & fugâ hostium , suis ipse militibus discedens firmaverat ; nam operibus munitae erant ; ut hostem si fortè excîtum , illo viae compendio praecluderet , objectarétque labori & casubus , per longinquos circuitus nuporto obsessae subventurum . ceterùm proficiscentes jam copias putris soli labes , & curruum tormentórumque ponderi subsidens humus ab itinere destinato avertit : igitur , cùm in tenui viculo prope hemskerkam pernoctavisset exercitus , flexo in dextram & maritima itinere , per laeta & pinguia pascuorum viam moliebantur versus planitiem littoris ; oppletis passim , dum incedunt , humilioribus fossis ; & latioribus alveis , aut quibus altior gurges est , ponte junctis ; non enim alia incilibus dissectior & foecundior aquarum regio est . ità tandem perventum ad colles littori praetextos ; castráque posita prope munimentum , quod captum antè solmensi memoravimus . primâ statim luce fulsêre signa in planitie littorea ; laetóque & composito agmine nuportum ductae legiones ; fluviúmque , quo littus diffinditur , sidente aestu , vado transiêre . ardebat interim hispanorum seditio , flagrantissimâ vi illorum , qui , occupatis diestâ brabantiae & conterminis hanonniae , terrore & minis pecuniam & spolia civium , velut ex hoste praedam , convectabant . hi pernicie & lue exempli integros quoque traxerant ; egressosque ab archiduce legatos , hos irrisu & ludibrio , alios impulsu & verberibus proturbaverant ; donec isabella infans hispaniae , alberto nupta , timens dotali belgio , ire ipsa & opponere sanguinis majestatem furentibus non muliebriter constituit ; ingens animi heroina ; & virilibus sub patre philippo curis supra faeminam exercita . illa per decus hispani nominis & ante-actae militiae obtestabatur , nè se , nè maritum , hosti inultos flandriae agros rapienti in praedam relinquerent ; admonebátque milites optatae & elusae toties pugnae ; nunc montibus , mari , armis cinctum hostem : nec ullum deprensis iter , nisi quod ferro aperiant : irent , properarent culpam in decus vertere ; imponerentque triginta & quatuor annis magnum diem ▪ sed finis sermonum in promisso mercedis & praemiorum ; idque datis obsidibus firmabatur : tum preces valuêre . reversos ad obsequium cupido involat eundi in hostem , piaculum furoris : secutúsque ardorem militum albertus ▪ quantum in praesidiis copiarum est , sub signis educit : undecim millia peditum , equites mille & quadringentos , veteranum militem & expertae virtutis : rapiebátque exercitum adeò citus & praeceps , ut famam sui praeveniret : vir acer bello , & quantam modestiae famam in purpura , tantam militiâ vigoris laudem apud posteros meritus . at securus hostium orangianus exercitus loca castris apud nuportum ceperat , tuta oppugnaturis , arctatura obsessos , dispertitáque munia circummoenientibus : premendarum urbium artifice mauritii ingenio . jámque classis , dives annonae , cum omni instrumento militari appulerat : pontémque contextu navium classiarii inceperant sternendo fluvio quà is coit arctior ; ut castra & tendens in illis cis ultráque miles , viribus & usu promptiùs miscerentur : cùm , quarto quo haec properantur die , trepidi ab ostenda nuncii attulêre , hostem virium famâque ingentem prope oldenburgum consedisse . sanè rivasius , hispanus , multis stipendiis et belli gnarus , ostentandis circa slusam copiis , & rumore supra verum auctis , nuporti obsidione avertere mauritium , jam antè agitaverat . quare , vocato concilio , cùm plerique notam rivasii jactantiam spernerent , simulatione virium illudentis timori praesidiorum ; verius semper magna belli , mox ingens pars praelii , memor augurii , & tenax prioris sententiae , contrà disserebat : haud dubiè ingruere hostem cum robore exercitûs & praelio incedere ; quare repentino discrimini unum esse remedium , si , relictâ nuporto , totâ belli mole protinus occurrant , antequàm vel minando exterritis , vel vi obtritis oldenburgi & snaeskerkae praesidiis , perruptóque itineris obice , medium se ostendam inter & nuportum hostis objiciat ; posse , si universi festinaverint , simul praesidiis suis reddi salutem , & hostium castellis , inter mersa & uliginosa camporum , claudi aditum exitúmque : pretium laboris haud inglorium ; & paulò antè capturae nuporti à prudentibus aequatum . haec quidem haud frustrà moneri mauritius fatebatur ; sed cunctator naturâ , dum percoquit consilium , corrupit . sub noctem , acrioribus , & alium alio urgentibus nuntiis adferebatur ; hosti magnum & infestum agmen esse , instructúmque tormentis : mox , militi in oldenburgi praesidium agitanti ab archiducis alberti foecialibus minaciter imperatam deditionem ; neque pòst multò , impares tutelae sui imminentem perniciem tempestivâ deditione praevenisse . nox ducibus inquies erat & pervigil , turbidis nuntiorum rumoribus , et expendente rursus belli consilia principe . igitur verius , quoniam primâ consiliorum frustrà ceciderant , perruptis munimentis , inter quae sisti hostem speraverat , hortari , orare , ut motis confestim castris , arriperent insideréntque citeriorem illius itineris exitum , quod per depressa pascuorum et humida paludum , ab hemskerka adusque colles littoreos , obrutis fossis , jactúque pontium sibi transituris constraverant : non enim alium hosti in littus aditum esse , nisi flexu , et per avia circumerranti . hactenus verianae sententiae mauritius accesserat , ut ernestum nassavium cum underviginti peditum signis , equitibus quingentis , tormentis duobus , et cetero paratu militari , jusserit praemitti , fauces itineris immuniturum ; ipse cum reliqui exercitûs viribus , ubi res posceret , adfuturus . at verius carpi vires & dispergi copias abnuebat ; saepe omnes vinci , pugnantibus singulis : fas enim credi ▪ hostem , occasionum haud segnem , cum milite primi agminis ante erupturum ex anguistiis , quàm illae occupari possint ab ernestianis ; quos , numero et viribus impares , objici veterano exercitui , et successubus feroci : enimvero motis simul omnibus copiis , parem sore cum hoste congressum ; et locis aequis aequam fortunam , si totus transîerit : at si modò partem sui explicuisset è faucibus transitûs ; uti angustiae viarum et temporis , incertáque noctis persuadebant , in promptu victoriam : quòd si citi , et omnes , hosti praevertant , itineris et belli arbitrium , occupantium fore . jam adulta nox erat , cùm acceptis , utì jussum fuerat , solmensibus copiis , quae metatae ultra fluvium expeditioni promptiores erant , ernestus digreditur . sequebantur ducem signa scotorum duodecim : zelandi centuriis septem ; quinque equitum turmae : lectus miles ; et fide meliori quàm fortunâ . vixdum orto die aggerem viae ingressis , adventare hostem exploratores nuntiavêre . interfluebat in medio rivus , quem ponte mauritius junxerat ; hunc pariter & viam hosti auferre , immissis ocyùs equitibus ernestus jubet ; nam limosa circùm loca , aut paludibus incerta erant . sed invecti non minore impetu hispani pontem anteceperant . hoc irrito conatu , arma corporáque hosti objiciunt ; structâ acie in viae angustiis ; nullâ quidem boni spe , sed aemulatione obsequii , & curâ decôri exitûs . irrupit hostis ferox & iratus ; totâque exercitûs mole incubuit : at illi , numero fatoque dispares , firmati inter se , densis ordinibus excipere impetum , obniti prementibus , & inquietare victoriam . obruti adversis , & salvâ virtutis famâ cecidêre omnes contrariis vulneribus , versi in hostem : adjacentibus prope fractis hastilibus , & infelicibus armis . hoc pedites fato finivêre . at ernestum edmundiûmque scotorum tribunum , pernix equorum virtus ostendam intulit : subsecuto omni ferè equitatu , cui vitae major quàm gloriae cupido . ibi atroci nuntio perculsi ordines , & ad preces ac supplicia versi nimias spes & praeceps consilium execrabantur . verùm archidux albertus , blandiente coeptis fortunâ , cumulos super & recentia caede vestigia evectus properabat in littus : ipse praelii avidus , & seditiosorum maximè vocibus instinctus , qui , rapturi imperium nî ducerentur , occupari orangianos in transitu fluminis , & extingui reliqua belli postulabant . ceterùm , digrediente è castris ernesto , imperatum ceteris ducibus fuerat , ut , albente statim coelo , sua quisque signa ad ripam fluvii sisterent , alveum transitura simul ac aestus detumuisset . quare curam ducum studia militum aequaverant , dubiâ adhuc luce , compositis ordinibus flumini adstantium . ibi , dum opperiuntur donec sese aestus evolveret , mauritium , haud procul à cepto ponte , procerum coronâ circundatum , nuntius perculit de clade ernesti ; hostémque , jam transitis collibus , infesto agmine appropinquare in littore . substitit princeps defixus illaetabili imagine , & magnae cogitationis manifestus : obversante scilicet ingentis diei specie , quâ libertatem , decus , opes , spem reipublicae novissimam , in paucorum manubus & armis fortuna collocaverat . sed diu bello exercitus , & tristium laetorúmque sciens , nihil infracto animo unum gliscentibus periculis remedium docet , si , transmisso statim exercitu , ulteriorem ripam hosti praeripiant ; nî festinaverint , deprensis clausisque inulto sanguine pereundum . ordo ducendi agminis illo die ad verium , ritu militiae , redîerat . hunc , prioris gloriae virtutísque admonitum , ire properè , & agmen suum transmittere , unáque ludovicum nassavium , qui equitatui praeerat , promptum ausis & laudi juvenem , transgredi jubet : ut , imminente fortunâ certaminis , maturo annis & spectato bellis rectore uteretur . neque certis tamen mandaris verium mauritius instruxerat , pro re , loco , tempore , suóque belli usu , consulturum : tantâ virtutis & fidei opinione erat . neque verio cessatum , quin altiores adhuc inter undas agmen suum transduceret , per catervas & cuneos praelio compositum ; adeò properè , ut militi tegmina detracturo , nè marinâ immadescerent , tantillum morae negaverit ; addito , propinquis hostibus , inanem esse vestimenti curam ▪ suum enim cuique vel supervacuum ante noctem , vel siccum & opulentius praedae & usui futurum . ità traductos equitem peditémque : hos oceanum inter & colles subsistere jubet in aequore littoris , illos correpto spatio propiùs invehit in hostem ( eminus adhuc , tamen , ut cerni possit , incedentem in littore ) , non quidem irritando praelio ; sed legendo , si quà possit , aequiori loco , in quo impetum adventantium hostium exciperet sustentarétque : unum hoc etenim arti imperatoriae reliquum fortuna fecerat . nam lubricum illum & versatilem in omnes flexus cohortium motum , quo mauritiana militia praepollere hispanicae credebatur , inutilem fecerant genius situsque regionis . omnis enim exporrecta secundùm mare planities , imminentium collium jugis obnoxia premitur : & ipsa collium temere disjecta congeries , praeruptis undique tumulis & obliquo glomeratu inter se transversis exsurgit , ut inter anfractus nec oculis provideri , nec manu succurri laborantibus possit : plurimâque sui parte id latitudini spatium est , cui explendae insidendaeque impar esset mauritianus exercitus . unde periculum erat , ne introrsum , & quà tumor collium subsidit , per incustodita transgressus hostis haerentem vadis in navali nuportano classem incendio popularetur . nam ad meridiem , inter ima collium & impervia pascuorum , laeve virentis campi dorsum porrigitur equiti peditíque firmū juxtà & inoffensum . huic obviàm discrimini verius ibat , cùm , quatuor à nuporto passuum millibus , advertit inter colles locum , ubi tumulorum fastigia celsiùs in septentriones , in meridiem leniùs efferuntur ; simúlque universam collium molem , transverso cavae vallis interjectu diductam penitus abscindi : castigatiori ibidem latitudinis spatio , & cui occupandae non impares copiae , hinc introrsus & per campi dorsum , indè planitie littoris transiturum hostem infestis supernè telis incessiturae . hâc regione , oportunis citra vallim , quam memoravi , collium tumulis , expectare hostem & fortunam praelii constituit . igitur ex agmine suo jam procedere jusso mille virorum robora excerpsit : praetorianos mauritii ducentos & quinquaginta ; hastatos sclopetariósque : anglos paribus numero & armis : frisios duplice numero ; sed omnes sclopetarios . et anglos quidem , admistis quinquaginta praetorianis , summitati collis imposuit , qui in sinum memoratae convallis projectior ceteris excurrit , praeceps , abruptus , & ob mollitiem arenae adscensu arduus , ac vertice in tantam cavitatem depresso , ut miles ab collium adversorum ictubus tutus , è margine & labris tumuli , tanquam è vallo & lorica , propugnaret . ponè hunc collem passuum ducentorum intervallo insurgit alter , praecelso & insigni fastigio : illum insidere reliquos praetorianos jubet , suopte ingenio juxtà validum , & addito levi manuum opere , haud minùs tutum : connectit utrumque velut aggestus arenae perpetuus , paris naturae , sed depressiori fastigio , qui rectus ad orientem solem , latere in austrum obtenditur ; subjacente intrà vim & jactum telorum omni campo , quem inter infida pascuorum & collium radices pervium memoravi . hujus insessum & tutelam frisiis attribuit ; jussis , ubi res ad manus venisset , tela sua & vulnera in meridiē spargere ; quae tum coeli regio dextra erat in hostem obversis . sed ab aggestûs hujus , quem diximus , sinistra , quà oceanum spectat , inter praerupta & confusa collium , locis naturâ tutis munitísque , anglos collocat septingentos , vultu & armis versos in boream , & in vicinam subjectāque littoris planitiem , integris ordinibus , ubi usus posceret , facilè prorupturos : hos tela sua & fulgura vibrare in oculos & ora hostium jusserat , si fortè transitum in littore molirentur . secundùm hos in ipsa planitie , quam verberat oceanus , sed paulò in ortum productiùs , quicquid reliquum anglorum , & erant admodum sexcenti , explicuit gemino agmine , & aequis frontibus . modico post anglos intervallo , et propiores mari , bis mille frisii , quatuor agminibus , sed binis in frontem , astitêre . densatis arctatísque manipulorum ordinibus , ipsa agmina patentioribus spatiis discreverat , ut postremorum inter primos facili receptu , viribus & audaciâ mutuis singuli augerentur ; & interim non obumbrantibus alias aliis , universae simul copiae , majore specie sui , hostium oculos implerent . equites , signis decem , oceano proximi , & omnium in orientem primi , nudatam aestu arenam tenuêre . vixdum primoren aciem verius instruxerat , cùm mauritius , comitante totâ procerum manu , ante prima signa equo advectus , tractare palàm coepit consilia viásque praelii : circumfusos militiae principes percunctatus , num illis in vestigiis opperiri hostem , an ire cominus & ultro lacessere , constantius foret . nihil aequè indecorum viris militaribus quàm argui timoris . igitur , abruptâ consultandi morâ , duces certatim proclamant , capienda arma , ducendum in hostem , non impetu modò , sed ratione : minorem scilicet hostibus animum fore , quò majorem ipsi praetulerint ; audaciâ conciliari fortunam ; & siquae speciosiùs jactat militaris facundia : at cunctari , & summae rei discrimen trahere , propiùs formidinem esse , cujus opinione vel aliturum hostem fiduciam sui , vel usurum morâ cunctantium ad usum belli ; intercepto interim castris limite qui ostendam ducit ; unde arcti & infesti undique commeatus ; inexplicabilis receptus . ad ea verius multâ militari prudentiâ disserebat : hostem , improviso tumultu excîtum , inopem esse copiarum ; aestate jam praecipiti , inanibus horreis , & attritâ regione : quare frustrà timeri , ut positis ibi castris subsidat , moliturus famem exercitui , cui congesta in naves cibaria et apertus subvectioni oceanus : nec vereri se vanam illam fiduciam et citò defluxuram , ubi post tanta itinerum spatia , perusti solis ardoribus , et attriti inter collium arenas vestigiis infidas et arduas adscensu , fessi cum integris , turbati cum compositis congressi , non loco minùs quàm virtute pellerentur . ipsos satis citò victuros , ubi provisum foret nè vincerentur . at duces eò pervicaciùs consilium suum amplexi , clamore jam et strepitu verium obturbabant : nec sequiùs ille , animo , voce , & oculis ardens , suis se sententiâ aut loco motum iri negabat , non si totius orbis impulsu urgeretur ; donec animorum sententiarúmque discordiam , approbato verii consilio , mauritius composuio : statímque ad ordinandas ceteras acies , quae jam fluvium transîerant , revectus est : & illis quidem , resorbente aestu prout arenae nudaverant , expansis in littore , suum cuique agmini equitem affudit à cornu sinistro , quod oceano proximum . at sex tormenta in frontem veriani agminis promoveri jussit ; ingenti mox ad victoriam adjumento . sic instructi intentíque hostem eminus adstantem opperiebantur . at ille , cùm duabus horis loco non movisset , devius tandem à littore , collium impedita transverso itineris flexu pertransiit ; ad quorum radices , ubi in campos desinunt , pares iterum horas refovendo militi absumpsit . unde opinio rumórque invaluit ; hostem obsepiendo itineri castra in medio positurum : sed apud gnaros militiae , & consilia hostium ex rerum actu rimantes , inania rumorum rationibus revincebantur . ideo scilicet festinatum hosti , ut ipsos vel transitu fluminis praecluderet , vel impeditos in transitu aggrederetur : tantae spei irritum , & nocturno praelio et matutino itinere fessum substitisse in littore ; haud absurdè opinantem , ipsos ( quibus in loco necessitas , una salus in armis ) ultro incubituros ; primùm spe propioris ab ernesto auxilii , si fortè copias ostendam receperit ; mox cupidine ultionis , si cladem nuntii patefecerint : nunc compertâ ipsorum loco se tenentium constantiâ , & urgente annonae penuriâ rem da●e in casum , praetulisse squalori littoris commoditatem camporum , ad requiem militis : simul expectare , donec adlabente pelago , et stagnantibus vadis corripiatur planities , nè veteranus pedes , et nullâ praeliorum fortunâ attritus , patentibus locis equestri procellâ ●underetur . his rerum argumentis et sententiam et locum prudentes tuebantur . medio ferè intumescentis oceani aestu , hostium copiae , transmissis iterum collibus regressae in littus , incedebant praelio ; praecurrentibus haud modico ante aciem intervallo aliquot levis armaturae equitibus , quorum unus sponte tuens et praefestinans capi , protractúsque ad mauritium , clarâ voce , ernesti cladem , imminens praelium , robur et virtutem hispanorum , et cuncta in majus extollebat . et quanquam , mauritii jussu , os declamanti clauderetur , proximi ramen militum quae tristia acceperant , cumulata moerore in vicinos , et illi rursus in alios , vel voce , vel vultu enuntiabant . at princeps pugnandi certus , & tumente jam aestu , enavigare classem jubet , quò , sublatâ spe fugae , manus & arma miles respiceres , & in illis omnia . aderat illi frater henricus fredericus primâ juventâ : hunc monuit , ut ascensa navi , si quid tristius fata pararen 〈…〉 impetu velitantes hostium carabinarios retro impingeret in agmen turmarum , & nusas rursus instantèsque turmas , sponte refugus eliceret sub ictum . tormentorum , ut pilis disjectae perculsaeque totâ protinus equitum vi protererentur . verùm ludovicus nassavius dignationis anxius , aspernatus rectorem & consilium , nullo adfultu impertúque in hostem invehi ; sed turmis lentè ingruentibus cedere paulatim , & referri in suos . cùm acriter consultis exsecutio deesser ; & non ità procul abessent hostium turmae ; librari tormenta verius jubet : nec irritis libratorum ictubus mortes & vulnera toto agmine sparguntur : unde obliti dedecoris equites , trepidâ fugâ , et solutis ordinibus , vicinorum collium latebris se tuebantur : quae res maturam & incruentam victoriam nassavianis equitibus praebuisset , si prompti & alacres , fractis & obtritis hostium turmis , nudatas equitum praesidio legiones perrupissent aemulatione , & occultâ invidiâ , pulcherrimi facinoris occasio defluxit . at pedites hostium extra vim casúmque fulminum , nihil labante fiduciâ , & continuato per littus itinere , tormentis ante aciem longiùs evectis , cladem illatam non vanis ignibus ulciscebantur . dum haec geruntur , adcreverant undae , magnâque sui parte stagnabat planities ; adeò ut utriusque exercitûs miles arctioribus manipulatim ordinibus illigaretur . at hostis , inopino flexu avertens à littore , cum omnibus copiis in edita collium enitebatur : sive consilium id fuit ; ut equite minor , peditum robore inter impedita valeret ; sive metus intonantium in littore tormentorum ; certè non adeò maris ignarus erat , ut , improvisâ aestuum vice , destinatione suâ excuteretur . unde sicut agminum , ità novae consiliorum formae oriebantur . et hostium quidem equitatus , transverso per colles itinere evectus , virenti illâ , quam suprà memoravi , inter infida camporum , tumulorúmque arenas , planitie substitit . in mauritiano exercitu prima acies , mutatis leviter ordinibus , locis penitus iisdem inhaerebat : at secunduam postremámque è littore in colles subductas , paribus à latere & tergo intervallis cura ducum discreverat , quibus antea in littore distinctae steterant ; ità ut trium acierum frontibus omnis collium latitudo expleretur : equites , eâdem illâ planitie turmis hostilibus oppositi , tenui agmine , pro loci angustiis , exporrigebantur . composito jam pugnae exercitu , tormenta duo , monstrante verio , & mauritio jubente , in fastigium tumuli subvecta sunt ; quorum telis omnis illa planities , quam equitatus occupaverat , supernè infestaretur . sic omnibus ad novissimum casum paratis , digressuri ad sua quisque munia duces , gravibus sanè mauritii animum argumentis pervicerunt , ut postremam ipse aciem praesens curaret ; minoribus periculis non immixtus , majoribus non defuturus . verius ad primam advectus , ubi alacrem instinctumque militem videt ; in vertice collis , quem prominere prae ceteris in vallem , & insessum anglis praetorianísque suprà retuli , velut in specula constitit ; arduus , & vago in subjecta prospectu ; unde & hostem observaret & regeret suos . elegerat hunc , ut defensantibus oportunum & irrupturis iniquum , in quo cum fato diei transigeret : et quamvis ratio praelii frequentem totâ acie ducem posceret , qui promptos laude , labantes ope , dubios exemplo firmaret , prohibebat tamen ratio sitúsque loci , inaequali regione , ubi inter obliquos & implicatos collium anfractus , nec ipse visu hostem , nec illius imperium miles vel oculis vel auribus assequerentur . jam praecurrentes à principiis hostium sclopetarii , quos vitae prodigos & obvios morti , militari vocabulo perditos vocant , occupatis collium valli imminentium superciliis , verii militē glandium conjectu lacessere , dum prima suorum acies adventaret : quâ adpropinquante , quingenti numero hispani , non tam hastis sclopísque quàm virtute & animis armati , nullo praelato vexillo , neque certo imperio , laeti periculis , & decôris avidi , impetu in ardua facto , quanquam gravibus supernè ictubus afflictarentur , perrumpere verii collem insigni patientiâ vulnerum annitebantur . eodémque momento primae aciei eques per planiti●m erupit in mauritianos ; quos sollers ducum cura à latere medii agminis retrorsum instruxerat . statim fulminantibus è vertice tumuli tormentis , promptissimi quique proruebantur ; reliqui praeter latus veriani agminis progressi , à quingentis illis , quos suprà memoravi , frisiis in meridiem collineantibus , tam infestâ scloporum grandine verberabantur , ut perculsi turbatíque post primum mauritianorum impetum , foedâ retro fugâ in peditum agmen impingerentur . ibi fugae temperatum & caedi . majoribus animis pedites collem aggressi fatum provocabant & gloriam ; adjuti firmatíque creberrimâ vi telorum , quibus prima hispanorum acies suis è fastigiis veriani collis propugnatores superurgebat . at verius , incrudescente ferociâ hostium , ex anglis septingentis , quos in boream obversos , proximis littori jugis arcendo illàc hosti locaverat , centum signi unius milites accersiri jubet , occultis inter prominentia collium gressubus , repentino impetu in latus oppugnantium incursaturos . illi cùm impigrè paruissent imperio , majorèmque quàm pro numero terrorem inferrent , verius è summo vertice , per obtectum cavúmque collis descensum , sexaginta subsignanos in frontem praeliantium demisit . obstupefecit hostem ruentium alacritas ; pulsísque gradu , et protinus in fugam , verianus miles totâ valle inhaerebat , multâ pernicie , donec aciei primae suffugio protegerentur . indè novus iterum globus integri militis , neque numero , nec animis , nec impetu minor , suis quisque signis & ordinibus soluti , aemulatione gloriae proruunt , protrudúntque verianos , quorum acerrimus quisque sequentium , ve●●a pugnae fortunâ , fugae ultimus erat . surgebant in ipsa valle aliquot colliculi , modico tumore : hos hispani , dum cedentibus instant , arripiunt , ingenti locorum oportunitate ; obtectis dejectu laterum hastatis , & erectis in vertices sclopetariis ; unde acrior propiorque vis glandium in velitantes verii vexillarios ingruebat . ipse terram suis eripi flagitii ratus , centenos iterum ex anglis custodibus littoris , excîtos & permistos ceteris , ire ocyùs , & deturbare tumulis hostem jubet . praelium ibi atrox , varium , anceps ; his , rursus illis ; exitiabile . modò glandibus , volatili malo , saepe collato gradu , manubus , corpore , armis annixi implexíque , sternebant & sternebantur ; à fronte , à tergo ; cominus , eminus ; sed certior eminus pernicies : patenti quippe valle ; nec colliculorum modò , ad quos pugna exarserat , sed insessorum utrinque collium ignibus & procellis telorum infestâ . unde missus hinc indè in subsidium miles , festinato per vallē cursu , ruere in latera tumulorum , ubi à longinquis & inultis ictubus tuti , honestâ morte non inglorii caderent . neque segniùs qui tumulos insederant , impellere scandentes , detrudere obvios , ferire sclopis , fodere pugionibus : utrinque pudor , utrinque gloria : utrobique vulnera , sanguis , caedes , stragésque , variâ pereuntium formâ , & omni imagine mortium ; donec , obstinatis inter se verianis , labantes hispanorum copiae tumulis proturbarentur . dum in valle mutuis invicem cladibus inter primanos saevitur : media hostium acies per arduum progressa ad primam propinquaverat , eodémque , quo prima , positu , in dextra collium ad sinistram primae , levi intervallo , & adaequatâ ambarum fronte , constitit : primùm apertior , mox adversorum collium telis percussa , cautiùs , & flexis aut prominentibus jugis obumbrata magìs quàm obtecta . ex hac , foeta viris animísque , rursus in vallem , & insedentes verianos promptissimi ruebant : plerique militiae veteres , & clari bello , aucta stipendia & sua quisque decora praeferentes . neque verius cessabat suis cursu pugnâque fessis , & recentium robore impetúque inclinantibus , & impulsis , integros submittere , quorum virtute instauratum denuo praelium , & aequata pugna est . sic alternante , prout subsidia invaluerant , successu ; hi , rursus illi , pellebant et pellebantur ; dato haustóque non modico sanguine . par utrinque studium rapiendae vallis , & in tuenda non impar virtus & pertinacia : sola collium oportunitas , provisu ducis , verianis aequior erat , stabili gradu & tanquam è vallo vulnera dirigentibus in hostem , malè tectum in collibus , in valle apertum : unde crebrior in illum caedes , clades damnosior : & obstinaverat animo verius , in se & primam aciem , quamvìs diuturnitate pugnae exhaustam & infrequentem , totam hispani exercitûs molem avertere ; ut , attrito carptim hostium robore , segnis posteà & imbellior numerus , pulsu impetúque recentium exterriti , à media et postrema mauritianorum acie perrupti obtererentur . non improspere interim , aciei mediae proprius eques suo in campo ruebat in mauritianos ; qui successu prioris pugnae feroces , avidiùs quàm consultiùs , extra cohortis frisiae tutelam proruperant : sed illa labantibus et retro versis , contra vim cladémque , conjectis desuper in sequentes telis , munimento fuit : ità impetus stetit , et manubus aequis abscessum . at postrema hostium acies ad sinistram collium provecta , impetu et specie ferebatur incubiturae in mediam ultimàmque mauritianorum ; quae intrà conjectum teli ponè verianum agmen instructae , & nullâ adhuc hostium vi lacessitae fuerant : sed hi praetervecti dextrum cornu verianae manûs , ubi intectum latus frisiis , inter oportuna tumulorum collineantibus , aperuerant , atroci & improvisâ telorum tempestate consternabantur ; defixísque pudore simul & metu , neque gradum inferre , neque fugam consciscere in promptu fuit ; donec in vallem vicinam inter inaequales arenarum adgestus sinuatam descenderent . his erga partes meritis frisii , diu hostium equiti , nunc peditum agmini graves , diem & nomen decoravêre . sed è valle rursum , acerrimus quisque , & animo vel robore validus , effundebantur ; soluti signis , sparsi conglobatíve , hostis laudísque cupidine , australia collium armis & tumultu permiscebant : cum his pugnam & arma per montosa spargentibus , lecta toto mauritiano exercitu virorum robora , aequâ virtute , sed iniquis hosti locis , certabant ; in quem ex edito et occulto collium , praegrandibus scloporum tubis , tela & caedes inulta ingerebantur . minùs acri discrimine equites novissimi agminis , & parciori sanguine , fortuna collidebat : ostentatae enim hinc indè turmae , post brevem impetum , extra teli hostilis adjectum sub praesidia suorum revehebantur ; diversâ omnium , quae ferè accidunt , praeliorum facie : nam cùm pleraeque peditum fortunae equestrium pugnarum fato temperentur ; hîc è contrà , spes & equitum virtus vi & oportunitate peditum nitebantur : nec exui campis fugaríve eques poterat , quoad potens collium peditatus , armis & loco praepollebat ; tutela pulsis , & prementibus infestus . interim nihil remisso ad tumulos ardore pugnae ; primani secundaníque hostium & verianus miles , ferali invicem lanienâ , multa cum strage implicabantur . haerebátque vir viro , & pede pes ; nullóque missilibus spatio , gladiorum & hastarum mucronibus vita & sanguis praeliantium hauriebantur : adfluentibus hinc indè auxiliis , vel spe , vel metu , indomabili pertinaciâ ; donec universa anglorum cohors , praeter paucos qui summa collium insederant , discrimini immisceretur . nec sanè multi apud hostium acies laborum periculorúmque exsortes supererant ; nomen magìs legionum quàm robur : abductis cohortium viribus , et oportuna collium , vel caesorum apud tumulos vestigia occupantibus . solus hostium eques composito agmine , et frequens apud signa erat : in illo , integris adhuc ordinibus , unicum robur , sed impar , et citò defluxurum in fugam , ubi nudi suorum praesidio peditum , ab equite mauritiano , recentium legionum peditibus immisto , impellerentur . itaque verius , patefactam in hostem ratus occasionem novissimi casûs , simúlque reputans militem suum numero minorem , nî validioribus subsidiis firmetur , superante ex adverso multitudine , vel vi hostium , vel suâ lassitudine periturum , pernicibus nuntiis frisios aciei primae pedites , quos in littore instructos suprà retuli , acciri jubet ; simul mauritio , quo suae , quo res hostium loco sint , exponi ; additis precibus , submitteret properè secundi agminis equitem ; eriperétque devotam morti legionem . ac prout hosti perculsos prementi ferocia , ità nunciorum auxilia implorantium preces , acriùs intendebantur . ipse periculo suorum , summaeque rei percussus , relicto colle , quem institerat , descendit in vallem , praelióque eques occurrit : statim advecto crus glande trajicitur ; nihil vulnere territus , huc & illuc volitans , ferire hostem , hortari suos , firmare animos , minuendo metu , accendendâ spe , & omnibus belli incitamentis . ità ruenti , & aegrè sustemanti aciem , missile rursus plumbum graviori vulnere femur transadigit : sed ille supremi discriminis anxius , sui incuriosus , nec ostentationem vulneribus neque fomenta adhibuit ; certus non excedere praelio , nè fracti pugnantium animi hoc velut omine consternarentur : et sanè tot annorum stipendiis , tam durâ & exercitâ militiâ , neque ducem militis , neque milites ducis unquam poenituerat . igitur durare in vim extremam constituit ; & si fortuna contrà daret , receptum non minùs quàm arma temperare consiliis & exemplo ; adversa tolerans spe subsidiorum , quae tot nuntiis exciverat . sed illis ad pugnam inpromptis , certè non satìs properantibus , verianus miles , numeris obrutus , misceri primò & turbari , tum referre pedem , cedere loco , mox turbine irruentium impelli ▪ nullum in illa trepidatione verius ducis officium , militísve omisit . increpare paventes , retinere dubios ; retrahere fugientes ; consilio , manu , voce , insignis hosti , conspicuus suis contra fortunam obniti : sed impe●u turbatorum abreptus propulsúsque cessit ad extremum ingruenti tempestati , ultimus & invitus . cedentibus spes novissima erat in praesidio tormentorum ; itaque eluctati altinudinem arenae inter collium salebras ; illuc non effuso quidem , intento tamen per plana littoris gradii se recipiebant : impigro ad sequendum hostium equite ▪ et tergis gravi . in littore obvias habuêre frisiorum cohortes , serum et i●●ne auxilium ; quae neque turbatis constantiam addidêre , et alieni pavioris contactu in fugam auferebantur . at verii cedentis equut pluribus in pugna vulneribus suffossus , multâ tandem morte procumbens , pondere herum & toto cadavere implicuitineque militum quis neque famulorum praestò erat ferendae opi ; & propè hostis aberat ferociâ ardens & successu . insignem dies illa virum vidit thomain highamium ; domo non obscurum ; sed civis ducisque servati gloriâ nobilem ; is è familia roberti drurii equitis angli , & inter palantes domino suo comes , simul equo & hosti incumbentibus subreptum ducem imposuit in tergum equi , quo drurius vehebatur . sic advectus sub tormenta verius , fratrem ibi reperie horatium non indecorem fratri , & multis in bello belgico palmis saepe memorandum . adstabant cum illo centuriones angli lanienae superstites , & accisae reliquiae pedites trecenti lo●o certè , nondum spe & animis excussi ; ●rma quippe , suprema victis solati● , 〈◊〉 hos immoto gradu consistere p●o tormentis ; & ipsa in hostem toto ●am ●ittore ●olita● ▪ tem explodi verius jubet . veoterat huo for●●●a ferme eodem momen●o duas equi●●m ●urmas ▪ quarum una proprius verii miles ; al●eram balenius decurio praesens regebat , acer & clarus militiâ : his imperat prorumpere in hostem pilarum turbine ●●●onirum ▪ misso statim fratre , qui equestrem impe●um , pedestri impressione subsequeretur . redîerat jam fortuna virtúsque victis ; tantâque vi pedi●um equitumque manus , numero exigua , animas ingens , incubuit in hostem ; ut quantò ferociùs ille fiduciâ victoriae accurrerat , tantò acriùs pulsus in fugam disjiceretur : ingens ibi strages , & plurimum sanguinis , persultante planitiem equite , & ardente in caedem ; haerentésque fugacium tergis victores in fuffugia collium irrupêre ; planáque & edita pari terrore & exitio permiscebant . at hostium acies , quae sub signis vexillísque summa collium , expertes praelii , insederant , admonitae periculis excitabantur : nec ulturorum commilitones ille motus erat ; sed consulentium fibi ; debántque se incautos & indefensos telis verianorum , qui fastigiis suis immoti , in hostem apertum & expofitum atroci procellâ detonabant . simul ceteri anglorum , excîti prospero clamore , & insigni ferociâ victoriae se miscentes , incursabant nutantes hostium acies impellebántque , fulgentes quidem signis , sed nudatas & infrequentes milite , abducto jam antè & attrito in subsidia pugnae sclopetariorum robore , quorum locis inaequalibus praecipuus usus est . inclinatâ demum spe hostium sēcundam aciem , equitem juxtà peditémque , in consternatos invehi mauritius jubet . at hostis fugam circumspectans , pulsu , sonitúque , & nube ipsâ invadentium superfundebatur . tum verò atrox ubique spectaculum ; fugere , capi , vulnerare , trucidari : passim arma & corpora , & laceri artus , & cruenta humus . fortissimus quisque ex hispanis , quantum peditum erat , funduntur . rapta signa vexilláque centum & viginti , modico equitum sanguine . apud mauritianos dispari fato , cruentati equites : duae peditum acies propè illaesae . asperrima anglorum fortuna fuit , octingenti milites in pugna occisi ; trucidati octo centuriones , reliqui , duobus exceptis , vulnerati : et ferè nemo in illis cohortibus , vel ordine , vel animo ante vulgus fuit , quem non dies ista sicuti virtute , sic teste virtutis vulnere insigniverit . finis . adde this , page 161. after line 21. concerning what was done within the town during the treaty , henry hexham gives us this further account upon his own knowledge . the next day towards evening the enemies commissioners , cerano and ottanes , returned again : generall vere his last entertainment of them was better then his first ; for he then feasted them , made them the best chear he could , drank many healths , as the queen of england's , the king of spain's , the archduke's , prince maurice's , and divers others , and discoursed with them at the table before his brother sir horace vere , and the chief officers of the town , whom he had invited to keep them companie ; and having drunk freely led them into his own chamber , and laid them in his own bed to take their rests . the commissioners going to bed , the generall took his leave of them , and presently after went to the old town , where he found captain dexter , and captain clark with their men silently at work , and having been with them an houre or two to give them directions what they should do , returning to his lodging , he laid him down upon his quilt , and gave me charge , that an houre before day i should go to ralph dexter and command him from him , not to draw off his men till the dawning of the day , but that they should follow their work lustily . and coming to him at the time appointed , according to my lords command , after the break of day we looked out towards the sea , and espied five men of war come out of zeland , riding in the rode , which had brought foure hundred men , and some materials for the sea-works ; and coming home , i wakened my master , and told him the first news of it . he presently sent for the captain of the shallops and long-boats , which lancing out landed them on the strand , by our new middle-haven : and notwithstanding the enemy shot mightily upon them with their cannon from their foure batteries on the east and west-side to sink them , and hinder their landing , yet did they no other harm , but onely hurt three mariners . these pieces of ordnance rouzed cerano from his naked bed , who knocking asked me , what was the reason of this shooting : i answered him in french , il y avoit quelque gens d' armes des nostres entres dans la ville ; whereat he was much amazed , and would hardly give credit to it , till captain potley , who came with these ships , and whom he knew well , was brought before him , and assured him it was so . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64847-e800 in the mapp of the low-countreys the graver hath set the fort of mardyck on the wrong side of dunkerk . in the epistle to the reader an . 8. read in the. notes for div a64847-e16320 1600. observations upon the united provinces of the netherlands by sir william temple ... temple, william, sir, 1628-1699. 1673 approx. 317 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 146 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a64324 wing t656 estc r19998 11766930 ocm 11766930 48787 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64324) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48787) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 552:4) observations upon the united provinces of the netherlands by sir william temple ... temple, william, sir, 1628-1699. [14], 255 [i.e. 271] p. printed by a. maxwell for sa. gellibrand ..., london : 1673. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands -history -1648-1714. 2004-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion observations upon the united provinces of the netherlands . by sir william temple of shene , in the county of surrey , baronet , ambassador at the hague , and at aix la chappellè , in the year 1668. london , printed by a. maxwell for sa. gellibrand at the golden ball in st. paul's church-yard , 1673. the preface . having lately seen the state of the united provinces , after a prodigious growth in riches , beauty , extent of commerce , and number of inhabitants , arrived at length to such a heighth ( by the strength of their navies , their fortified towns and standing-forces , with a constant revenue proportion'd to the support of all this greatness ) , as made them the envy of some , the fear of others , and the wonder of all their neighbours . we have this summer past , beheld the same state , in the midst of great appearing safety , order , strength , and vigor , almost ruin'd and broken to pieces in some few days and by very few blows ; and reduced in a manner to its first principles of weakness and distress ; exposed , opprest , and very near at mercy . their inland-provinces swallowed up by an invasion , almost as sudden and unresisted , as the inundations to which the others are subject . and the remainders of their state rather kept alive by neglect or disconcert of its enemies , than by any strength of nature , or endeavours at its own recovery . now because such a greatness , and such a fall of this state , seem revolutions unparallel'd in any story , and hardly conceived even by those who have lately seen them ; i thought it might be worth an idle man's time , to give some account of the rise and progress of this commonwealth , the causes of their greatness , and the steps towards their fall : which were all made by motions perhaps little taken notice of by common eyes , and almost undiscernable to any man that was not placed to the best advantage , and something concerned , as well as much enclin'd to observe them . the usual duty of employments abroad , imposed not only by custom , but by orders of state , made it fit for me to prepare some formal account of this countrey and government , after two years ambassy , in the midst of so great conjunctures and negotiations among them . and such a revolution as has since happen'd there , though it may have made these discourses little important to his majesty , or his council ; yet it will not have render'd them less agreeable to common eyes , who , like men that live near the sea , will run out upon the cliffs to gaze at it in a storm , though they would not look out of their windows to see it in a calm . besides , at a time when the actions of this scene take up so generally the eyes and discourses of their neighbours ; and the maps of their countrey grow so much in request : i thought a map of their state and government would not be unwelcome to the world , since it is full as necessary as the others , to understand the late revolutions and changes among them . and as no man's story can be well written till he is dead ; so the account of this state could not be well given till its fall , which may justly be dated from the events of last summer ( whatever fortunes may further attend them ) , since therein we have seen the sudden and violent dissolution of that more popular government , which had continued and made so much noise for above twenty years in the world , without the exercise or influence of the authority of the princes of orange , a part so essential in the first constitutions of their state. nor can i wholly lose my pains in this adventure , when i shall gain the ease of answering this way at once , those many questions i have lately been used to upon this occasion : which made me first observe and wonder , how ignorant we were generally in the affairs and constitutions of a countrey so much in our eye , the common road of our travels , as well as subject of our talk ; and which we have been of late not only curious , but concerned to know . i am very sensible how ill a trade it is to write , where much is ventur'd , and little can be gain'd ; since whoever does it ill , is sure of contempt , and the justliest that can be , when no man provokes him to discover his own follies , or to trouble the world . if he writes well , he raises the envy of those wits that are possest of the vogue , and are jealous of their preferment there , as if it were in love , or in state ; and have found , that the nearest way to their own reputation , lyes right , or wrong , by the derision of other men . but however , i am not in pain : for 't is the affectation of praise , that makes the fear of reproach ; and i write without other design than of entertaining very idle men , and among them my self . for i must confess , that being wholly useless to the publique , and unacquainted with the cares of encreasing riches ( which busie the world ) : being grown cold to the pleasures of younger or livelier men ; and having ended the entertainments of building and planting ( which use to succeed them ) ; finding little taste in common conversation ; and trouble in much reading , from the care of my eyes ( since an illness contracted by many unnecessary diligences in my employments abroad ) : there can hardly be found an idler man than i ; nor consequently one more excusable for giving way to such amusements as this : having nothing to do , but to enjoy the ease of a private life and fortune ; which as i know no man envies , so ( i thank god ) no man can reproach . i am not ignorant , that the vein of reading never run lower than in this age ; and seldom goes further than the design of raising a stock to furnish some calling or conversation . the desire of knowledg being either laught out of doors by the wit that pleases the age ; or beaten out by interest , that so much possesses it : and the amusement of books giving way to the liberties or refinements of pleasure , that were formerly less known , or less avowed than now . yet some there will always be found in the world , who ask no more at their idle hours , than to forget themselves . and whether that be brought about by drink or play , by love or business , or by some diversions as idle as this , 't is all a case . besides , it may possibly fall out , at one time or other , that some prince or great minister may not be ill pleased in these kind of memorials ( upon such a subject ) , to trace the steps of trade and riches , of order and power in a state ; and those likewise of weak or violent counsels , of corrupt or ill conduct , of faction or obstinacy , which decay and dissolve the firmest governments : that so by reflections upon forreign events , they may provide the better and the earlier against those at home , and raise their own honour and happiness by equal degrees with the prosperity and safety of the nations they govern . for under favour of those who would pass for wits in our age , by saying things which david tells us the fool said in his ; and set up with bringing those wares to market , which ( god knows ) have been always in the world , though kept up in corners , because they used to mark their owners , in former ages , with the names of buffoons , prophane or impudent men . who deride all form and order , as well as piety and truth ; and under the notion of fopperies , endeavour to dissolve the very bonds of all civil society ; though by the favour and protection thereof , they themselves enjoy so much greater proportions of wealth and of pleasures , than would fall to their share if all lay in common , as they seem to design ( for then such possessions would belong of right to the strongest and bravest among us ) . vnder favour of such men , i believe it will be found at one time or other , by all who shall try , that whilst human nature continues what it is , the same orders in state , the same discipline in armies , the same reverence for things sacred , and respect of civil institutions , the same virtues and dispositions of princes and magistrates , derived by interest or imitation into the customs and humours of the people , will ever have the same effects upon the strength and greatness of all governments , and upon the honour and authority of those that rule , as well as the happiness and safety of those that obey . nor are we to think princes themselves losers , or less entertain'd , when we see them employ their time and their thoughts in so useful speculations , and to so glorious ends : but that rather thereby they attain their true prerogative of being happier , as well as greater than subjects can be . for all the pleasures of sense that any man can enjoy , are within the reach of a private fortune , and ordinary contrivance ; grow fainter with age , and duller with use ; must be revived with intermissions , and wait upon the returns of appetite , which are no more at call of the rich , than the poor . the slashes of wit and good humour that rise from the vapours of wine , are little different from those that proceed from the heats of blood in the first approaches of fevers or frenzies ; and are to be valued but as ( indeed ) they are the effects of distemper . but the pleasures of imagination , as they heighten and refine the very pleasures of sense , so they are of larger extent , and longer duration . and if the most sensual man will confess there is a pleasure in pleasing , he must likewise allow , there is good to a man's self in doing good to others . and the further this extends , the higher it rises , and the longer it lasts . besides , there is beauty in order ; and there are charms in well-deserved praise : and both are the greater , by how much greater the subject ; as the first appearing in a well-framed and well-governed state ; and the other arising from noble and generous actions . nor can any veins of good humour be greater than those that swell by the success of wise counsels , and by the fortunate events of publique affairs ; since a man that takes pleasure in doing good to ten thousand , must needs have more , than he that takes none but in doing good to himself . but these thoughts lead me too far , and to little purpose : therefore i shall leave them for those i had first in my head concerning the state of the united provinces . and whereas the greatness of their strength and revenues , grew out of the vastness of their trade , into which , their religion , their manners and dispositions , their scituation , and the form of their government , were the chief ingredients . and this last had been raised partly upon an old foundation , and partly with materials brought together by many and various accidents ; it will be necessary for the survey of this great frame , to give some account of the rise and progress of their state , by pointing out the most remarkable occasions of the first , and periods of the other . to discover the nature and constitutions of their government in its several parts , and the motions of it from the first and smallest wheels . to observe what is peculiar to them in their scituation or dispositions , and what in their religion . to take a survey of their trade , and the causes of it ; of the forces and revenues which composed their greatness ; and the circumstances ▪ and conjunctures which conspired to their fall. and these are the heads that shall make the order and arguments in the several parts of these observations . the contents . chap. i. of the rise and progress of their state. chap. ii. of their government . chap. iii. of their scituation . chap. iv. of their people and dispositions . chap. v. of their religion . chap. vi. of their trade . chap. vii . of their forces and revenues chap. viii . of the causes of their fall in 1672. the printer to the reader . the author having not concerned himself in the publication of these papers ; it has happen'd that for want of his care in revising the impression , several faults are slipt in , and some such as alter the sense ; for which i am to ask the reader 's pardon , and desire his trouble in correcting such as occur to me , according to the following errata . page 20. l 20. r. retaining , p. 25. l. 26. r executions , p. 46. l. 6. r. goes on , p. 61. l. 2. r. forming , p. 66. l. 9. r. eluded , p. 90. l. 23. r. gecommitteerde , p. 91. l. 20. dele either , p. 124. l. 28. r. being so much , p. 173. l. 17. r. seemed . chap. i. of the rise and progress of the united provinces . whoever will take a view of the rise of this commonwealth , must trace it up as high as the first commotions in the seventeen provinces , under the dutchess of parma's government ; and the true causes of that more avowed and general revolt in the duke of alva's time . and to find out the natural springs of those revolutions , must reflect upon that sort of government under which the inhabitants of those provinces lived for so many ages past , in the subjection of their several dukes or counts ; till by marriages , successions , or conquest , they came to be united in the house of burgundy , under philip surnamed the good : and afterwards in that of austria , under philip father of charles the fifth : and lastly , in the person of that great emperor incorporated with those vast dominions of germany and spain , italy and the indies . nor will it be from the purpose upon this search , to run a little higher into the antiquities of these countries : for though most men are contented only to see a river as it runs by them , and talk of the changes in it as they happen ; when 't is troubled , or when clear ; when it drowns the countrey in a flood , or forsakes it in a drowth : yet he that would know the nature of the water , and the causes of those accidents ( so as to guess at their continuance or return ) , must find out its source , and observe with what strength it rises , what length it runs , and how many small streams fall in , and feed it to such a height , as make it either delightful or terrible to the eye , and useful or dangerous to the countrey about it . the numbers and fury of the northern nations under many different names , having by several inundations broken down the whole frame of the roman empire , extended in their provinces as far as the rhine ; either gave a birth , or made way for the several kingdoms and principalities that have since continued in the parts of europe on this side that river , which made the ancient limits of the gaul and german nations . the tract of land which we usually call the low-countreys , was so wasted by the invasions or marches of this raging people ( who past by them to greater conquests ) , that the inhabitants grew thin ; and being secure of nothing they possest , fell to seek the support of their lives rather by hunting , or by violence , than by labour and industry : and thereby the grounds came to be uncultivated , and in the course of years turned either to forrest , or marshes ; which are the two natural soyls of all desolated lands in the more temperate regions . for by soaking of frequent showrs , and the course of waters from the higher into lower grounds , when there is no issue that helps them to break out into a channel , the flat land grows to be a mixture of earth and water , and neither of common use nor passage to man or beast , which is call'd a marsh. tho higher , and so the dryer parts , moistned by the rain , and warm'd by the sun , shoot forth some sorts of plants , as naturally as bodies do some sorts of hair ; which being preserved by the desolateness of a place untrodden , as well as untill'd , grow to such trees or shrubs as are natural to the soyle ; and those in time producing both food and shelter for several kind of beasts , make the sort of countrey we call a forest. and such was flanders for many years before charlemaign's time , when the power of the francs having raised and establisht a great kingdom of their own upon the entire conquest of gaul , began to reduce the disorders of that countrey to the form of a civil , or ( at least ) military government ; to make divisions and distributions of lands and jurisdictions , by the bounty of the prince , or the services of his chief followers and commanders ; to one of whom , a great extent of this land was given , with the title of forester of flanders . this office continued for several descents , and began to civilize the countrey , by repressing the violence of robbers and spoylers , who infested the woody and fast-places , and by encouraging the milder people to fall into civil societies , to trust to their industry for subsistence , to laws for protection , and to their arms united under the care and conduct of their governours , for safety and defence . in the time of charlemaigne , as some write ; or as others , in that of charles the bald , flanders was erected into a county , which changed the title of forester for that of count , without interrupting the succession . vvhat the extent of this county was at first , or how far the jurisdiction of foresters reached , i cannot affirm ; nor whether it only bordered upon , or included the lower parts of the vast vvoods of ardenne , which in charlemaign's time was all forest as high as aix and the rough countrey for some leagues beyond it , and was used commonly by that emperor for his hunting : this appears by the ancient records of that city , which attribute the discovery , or at least retrieving the knowledg of those hot baths , to the fortune of that prince while he was hunting : for his horse poching one of his legs into some hollow ground , made way for the smoaking water to break out , and gave occasion for the emperors building that city , and making it his usual seat , and the place of coronation for the following emperors . holland being an island made by the dividing-branches of the ancient rhyne , and called formerly batavia , was esteemed rather a part of germany , than gaul ( between which it was seated ) , in regard of its being planted by the catti , a great and ancient people of germany , and was treated by the romans rather as an allied than subjected province ; who drew from thence no other tribute besides bands of soldiers , much esteemed for their valour , and joined as auxiliaries to their legions in their gallick , german , and british vvars . 't is probable this island changed in a great measure inhabitants and customs , as well as names , upon the inroads of the barbarous nations , but chiefly of the normans and danes , from whose countreys and language the names of holland and zealand seem to be derived . but about the year 860 , a son of the count of frize , by a daughter of the emperor lewis the second , was by him instituted count of holland , and gave beginning to that title ; which running since that time through so many direct or collateral successions and some usurpations , ended at last in philip the second , king of spain , by the defection of the united provinces . under these first foresters , and counts , who began to take those wasted countreys and mixed people into their care , and to intend the growth , strength and riches of their subjects , which they esteemed to be their own ; many old and demolisht castles were re-built , many new ones erected , and given by the princes to those of their subjects or friends whom they most loved or esteemed , with large circuits of lands for their support , and seigneurial jurisdiction over the inhabitants . and this upon several easie conditions , but chiefly of attendance on their prince at the necessary times of either honouring him in peace , or serving him in vvar. nay possibly , some of these seigneuries and their jurisdictions , may , as they pretend , have been the remains of some old principalities in those countreys among the gallick and german nations , the first institutions whereof were lost in the immensity of time that preceded the roman discoveries or conquest , and might be derived perhaps from the first paternal dominion or concurrence of loose people into orderly neighbourhoods , with a deference , if not subjection to the wisest or bravest among them . under the same counts were either founded or restored many cities and towns ; of which the old had their ancient freedoms and jurisdictions confirmed , or others annexed ; and the new had either the same granted to them by example of the others ; or great immunities and priviledges for the encouragement of inhabitants to come and people in them : all these constitutions agreeing much in substance perhaps by imitation , or else by the agreeing-nature of the people for whom or by whom they were framed ; but differing in form according to the difference of their original , or the several natures , customs and interests of the princes , whose concessions many of them were , and all their permissions . another constitution which entered deep into their government , may be derived from another source . for those northern nations whose unknown language and countrey perhaps made them be called barbarous ( though indeed almost all nations out of italy and greece were stiled so by the romans ) , but whose victories in obtaining new seats , and orders in possessing them , might make us allow them for a better polici'd people than they appeared by the vastness of their multitude , or the rage of their battels . vvherever they past , and seated their colonies and dominions , they left a constitution which has since been called in most european languages , the states ; consisting of three orders , noble , ecclesiastical , and popular , under the limited principality of one person , with the stile of king , prince , duke , or count. the remainders at least , or traces hereof , appear still in all the principalities founded by those people in italy , france , and spain ; and were of a piece with the present constitutions in most of the great dominions on t'other side the rhyne : and it seems to have been a temper first introduced by them between the tyranny of the eastern kingdoms , and the liberty of the grecian or roman commonwealths . 't is true , the goths were gentiles when they first broke into the roman empire , till one great swarm of this people , upon treaty with one of the roman emperors , and upon concessions of a great tract of land to be a seat for their nation , embraced at once the christian faith. after which , the same people breaking out of the limits had been allowed them , and by fresh numbers bearing all down where they bent their march ; as they were a great means of propagating religion in many parts of europe where they extended their conquests ; so the zeal of these new proselytes , warmed by the veneration they had for their bishops and pastors , and enriched by the spoyls and possessions of so vast countreys , seem to have been the first that introduced the maintenance of the churches and clergy , by endowments of lands , lordships and vassals , appropriated to them : for before this time the authority of the priesthood in all religions seemed wholly to consist in the peoples opinion of their piety , learning and virtues , or a reverence for their character and mystical ceremonies and institutions ; their support , or their revenues , in the voluntary oblations of pious men , the bounty of princes , or in a certain share out of the labours and gains of those who lived under their cure , and not in any subjection of mens lives or fortunes , which belonged wholly to the civil power : and ammianus , though he taxes the luxury of the bishops in valentinian's time ; yet he speaks of their riches which occasioned or fomented it , as arising wholly from the oblations of the people . but the devotion of these new christians introducing this new form of endowing their churches ; and afterwards pepin and charlemaign , king of the franks , upon their victories in italy , and the favour of the roman bishop to their title and arms , having annexed great territories and jurisdictions to that see ; this example or custom was followed by most princes of the northern races through the rest of europe , and brought into the clergy great possessions of lands , and by a necessary consequence a great share of temporal power , from the dependances of their subjects or tenants ; by which means they came to be generally one of the three orders that composed the assembly of the states in every countrey . this constitution of the states had been establisht from time immemorial in the several provinces of the low-countreys , and was often assembled for determining disputes about succession of their princes , where doubtful or contested ; for deciding those between the great towns ; for raising a milice for the defence of their countreys in the wars of their neighbours ; for advice in time of dangers abroad , or discontents at home ; but always upon the new succession of a prince , and upon any new impositions that were necessary on the people . the use of this assembly was another of those liberties whereof the inhabitants of these provinces were so fond and so tenacious . the rest , besides those ancient priviledges already mentioned of their towns , were concessions and graces of several princes , in particular exemptions or immunities , jurisdiction both in choice and exercise of magigistracy and civil judicature within themselves ; or else in the customs of using none but natives in charges and offices , and passing all weighty affairs by the great council composed of the great lords of the countrey , who were in a manner all temporal , there being but three bishops in all the seventeen provinces , till the time of philip the second of spain . the revenues of these princes consisted in their ancient demesnes , in small customs ( which yet grew considerable by the greatness of trade in the maritime towns ) , and in the voluntary contributions of their subjects , either in the states , or in particular cities , according to the necessities of their prince , or the affections of the people . nor were these frequent ; for the forces of these counts were composed of such lords who either by their governments , or other offices ; or by the tenure of their lands , were obliged to attend their prince on horse-back , with certain numbers of men , upon all his wars : or else of a milice , which was call'd les gens d' ordonnance , who served on foot , and were not unlike our train-bands ; the use , or at least stile whereof , was renewed in flanders upon the last vvar with france in 1667 , when the count egmont was made by the governour , general de gens d' ordonnance . these forces were defrayed by the cities or countreys , as the others were raised by the lords when occasion required ; and all were licensed immediately when it was past , so that they were of little charge to the prince . his wars were but with other princes of his own size , or competitors to his principality ; or sometimes with the mutineys of his great towns : short , though violent ; and decided by one battel or siege ; unless they fell into the quarrels between england and france , and then they were engaged but in the skirts of the vvar , the gross of it being waged between the two kings , and these smaller princes made use of for the credit of alliance , or sometimes the commodiousness of a diversion , rather than for any great weight they made in the main of the affair . the most frequent vvars of the counts of holland , were with the frisons , a part of the old saxons ; and the fiercest battels of some of the counts of flanders , were with the normans , who past that way into france , and were the last of those nations that have infested the more southern parts of europe . i have sometimes thought , how it should have come to pass , that the infinite swarm of that vast northern-hive , which so often shook the world like a great tempest , and overflowed it like a great torrent ; changing names , and customs , and government , and language , and the very face of nature , wherever they seated themselves ; which upon record of story , under the name of gauls , pierced into greece and italy , sacking rome , and besieging the capitol in camillus his time ; under that of the cimbers , marcht through france to the very confines of italy , defended by marius ; under that of huns or lombards , visigoths , goths , and vandals , conquered the whole forces of the roman empire , sackt rome thrice in a small compass of years ; seated their kingdoms in spain and africk , as well as lombardy ; and under that of danes or normans , possest themselves of england , a great part of france , and even of naples and sicily : how ( i say ) these nations , which seemed to spawn in every age , and at some intervals of time discharged their own native countreys of so vast numbers , and with such terror to the world , should about seven or eight hundred years ago leave off the use of these furious expeditions , as if on a sudden they should have grown barren , or tame , or better contented with their own ill climates . but i suppose we owe this benefit wholly to the growth and progress of christianity in the north ; by which , early and undistinguisht copulation , or multitude of vvives , were either restrained or abrogated ; by the same means learning and civility got footing among them in some degree , and enclosed certain circuits of those vast regions , by the distinctions and bounds of kingdoms , principalities , or commonalties . men began to leave their wilder lives , spent without other cares or pleasures than of food , or of lust ; and betook themselves to the ease and entertainment of societies : vvith order and labour , riches began , and trade followed ; and these made way for luxury , and that for many diseases or ill habits of body , which , unknown to the former and simpler ages , began to shorten and weaken both life and procreation . besides , the divisions and circles of dominion , occasioned vvars between the several nations , though of one faith ; and those of the poles , hungarians , and muscovites , with the turks or tartars , made greater slaughters ; and by these accidents i suppose the numbers of those fertil broods have been lessened , and their limits in a measure confined ; and we have had thereby for so long together in these parts of the world , the honour and liberty of drawing our own blood , upon the quarrels of humour or avarice , ambition or pride , without the assistance or need of any barbarons nations to destroy us . but to end this disgression , and return to the low-countreys , where the government lasted in the form and manner described ( though in several principalities ) , till philip of burgundy , in whom all the seventeen provinces came to be united . by this great extent of a populous countrey , and the mighty growth of trade in bruges , gant , and antwerp , attributed by comines to the goodness of the princes , and ease and safety of the people ; both philip and his son charles the hardy , found themselves a match for france , then much weakned , as well by the late wars of england , as the factions of their princes . and in the wars with france , was the house of burgundy under charles and maximilian of austria ( who married his daughter and heir ) , and afterwards under charles the fifth , their grandchild , almost constantly engaged ; the course , successes , and revolutions whereof are commonly known . philip of burgundy , who began them , was a good and wise prince , lov'd by his subjects and esteemed by his enemies ; and took his measures so well , that upon the declining of the english greatness abroad , by their dissentions at home , he ended his quarrels in france , by a peace with safety and honour . so that he took no pretence from his greatness , or his vvars , to change any thing in the forms of his government : but charles the hardy , engaged more rashly against france and the switzers , began to ask greater and frequent contributions of his subjects ; which gain'd at first by the credit of his father's government and his own great designs , but spent in an unfortunate vvar , made his people discontented and him disesteemed , till he ended an unhappy life , by an untimely death , in the battel of nancy . in the time of maximilian , several german-troops were brought down into flanders for their defence against france ; and in that of charles the fifth , much greater forces of spaniards and italians , upon the same occasion ; a thing unknown to the low-countrey-men in the time of their former princes . but through the whole course of this emperor's reign , who was commonly on the fortunate hand , his greatness and fame encreasing together , either diverted or suppressed any discontents of his subjects upon the encrease of their payments , or the grievance of so many forreign troops among them . besides , charles was of a gentle and a generous nature ; and being born in the low-countreys , was naturally kind and easie to that people , whose customs and language he always used when he was among them , and employed all their great men in the charges of his court , his government , or his armies , through the several parts of his vast dominions ; so that upon the last great action of his life , which was the resignation of his crowns to his son and brother , he left to philip the second , the seventeen provinces , in a condition as peaceable , and as loyal , as either prince or subjects could desire . philip the second coming to the possession of so many and great dominions , about the year 1556 , after some trial of good and ill fortune in the war with france ( which was left him by his father like an encumbrance upon a great estate ) , restored by the peace of cambrey not only the quiet of his own countreys , but in a manner of all christendom , which was in some degree or other engaged in the quarrel of these princes . after this he resolved to return into spain , and leave the low-countreys under a subordinate government , which had been till charles the fifth's time the constant seat of their princes , and shar'd the presence of that great emperor with the rest of his dominions . but philip a spaniard born , receiving from the climate or education of that countrey , the severeness and gravity of the nation , which the flemings called reservedness and pride ; conferring the offices of his house , and the honour of his council and confidence , upon spaniards , and thereby introducing their customs , habits , and language , into the court of flanders . continuing , after the peace , those spanish and italian forces , and the demand of supplies from the states , which the war had made necessary , and the easier supported ; he soon left off being lov'd , and began to be feared by the inhabitants of those provinces . but philip the second thought it not agreeing with the pomp and greatness of the house of austria , already at the head of so mighty dominions ; nor with his designs of a yet greater empire , to consider the discontents or grievances of so small a countrey ; nor to be limited by their ancient forms of government : and therefore at his departure for spain , and substitution of his natural sister the dutchess of parma , for governess of the low-countreys , assisted by the ministry of granvell ; he left her instructed to continue the forreign troops , and the demand of money from the states for their support , which was now by a long course of war grown customary among them , and the sums only disputed between the prince and the states : to establish the fourteen bishops , he had agreed with the pope , should be added to the three that were anciently in the low-countreys , to revive the edicts of charles the fifth against luther , publish't in a diet of the empire about the year 1550 , but eluded in the low-countreys even in that emperor's time ; and thereby to make way for the inquisition with the same course it had received in spain ; of which the lutherans here , and the moors there , were made an equal pretence . and these points , as they came to be owned and executed , made the first commotions of mens minds in the provinces . the hatred of the people against the spaniards , and the insolencies of those troops , with the charge of their support , made them look't upon by the inhabitants in general , as the instruments of their oppression and slavery , and not of their defence , when a general peace had left them no enemies : and therefore the states began here their complaints , with a general consent and passion of all the nobles , as well as towns and countrey . and upon the delays that were contrived , or fell in ; the states first refused to raise any more moneys either for the spaniards pay , or their own standing-troops ; and the people run into so great despair , that in zealand they absolutely gave over the working at their digues , suffering the sea to gain every tide upon the countrey ; and resolving ( as they said ) rather to be devoured by that element , than by the spanish soldiers : so that after many disputes and intrigues between the governess and the provinces , the king upon her remonstrances was induced to their removal ; which was accordingly performed with great joy and applause of the people . the erecting of fourteen new bishops sees , raised the next contest . the great lords lookt upon this innovation as a lessening of their power , by introducing so many new men into the great council . the abbots ( out of whose lands they were to be endowed ) pleaded against it as a violent usurpation upon the rights of the church , and the will of the dead , who had given those lands to a particular use . the commons murmured at it as a new degree of oppression upon their conscience or liberty , by the erecting so many new spiritual courts of judicature , and so great a number of judges , being seventeen for three , that were before in the countrey ; and those depending absolutely upon the pope , or the king. and all men declaimed against it as a breach of the kings oath at his accession to the government , for the preserving the church and the laws in the same state he found them . however , this point was gain'd intirely by the governess , and carried over the head of all opposition , though not without leaving a general discontent . in the midst of these ill humours stirring in flanders , the wars of religion breaking out in france , drove great numbers of calvinists into all those parts of the low-countreys that confine upon france , as the troubles of germany had before of lutherans into the provinces about the rhyne ; and the persecutions under queen mary , those of the church of england into flanders and brabant , by the great commerce of this kingdom with bruges and antwerp . these accidents and neighbourhoods filled these countreys in a small tract of time with swarms of the reformed professors : and the admiration of their zeal , the opinion of their doctrine and piety , the compassion of their sufferings , the infusion of their discontents , or the humour of the age , gain'd them every day many proselytes in the low-countreys , some among the nobles , many among the villages , but most among the cities , whose trade and riches were much encreased by these new inhabitants ; and whose interest thereby , as well as conversation , drew them on to their favour . this made work for the inquisition , though moderately exercised by the prudence and temper of the governess , mediating between the rigor of granvell , in straining up to the highest his master's authority and the execution of his commands upon all occasions ; and the resoluteness of the lords of the provinces , to temper the king's edicts , and protect the liberties of their countrey against the admission of this new and arbitrary judicature , unknown to all ancient laws and customs of the countrey ; and for that , not less odious to the people , than for the cruelty of their executions . for before the inquisition , the care of religion was in the bishops ; and before that , in the civil magistrates throughout the provinces . upon angry debates in council , but chiefly upon the universal ministry of granvell , a burgundian of mean birth , grown at last to be a cardinal ; and more famous for the greatness of his parts , than the goodness of his life . the chief lords of the countrey ( among whom the prince of orange , counts egmont and horn , the marquess of bergen and montigny , were most considerable ) grew to so violent and implacable a hatred of the cardinal ( whether from passion or interest ) , which was so universally spread through the whole body of the people , either by the causes of it , or the example ; that the lords first refused their attendance in council , protesting , not to endure the sight of a man so absolute there , and to the ruin of their countrey : and afterwards petitioned the king in the name of the whole countrey , for his removal : upon the delay whereof and the continuance of the inquisition , the people appeared upon daily occasions and accidents , heated to that degree , as threatned a general combustion in the whole body , when ever the least flame should break out in any part . but the king at length consented to granvell's recess , by the opinion of the dutchess of parma , as well as the pursuit of the provinces : whereupon the lords reassumed their places in council ; count egmont was sent into spain to represent the grievances of the provinces ; and being favourably dispatcht by the king , especially by remitting the rigor of the edicts about religion , and the inquisition ; all noise of discontent and tumult was appeased , the lords were made use of by the governess in the council , and conduct of affairs ; and the governess was by the lords both obeyed and honoured . in the beginning of the year 1565 , there was a conference at bayonne between katharine queen-mother of france , and her son charles the ninth ( though very young ) , with his sister isabella queen of spain : in which no other person but the duke of alva interven'd , being deputed thither by philip , who excused his own presence , and thereby made this enterview pass for an effect or expression of kindness between the mother and her children . whether great resolutions are the more suspected , where great secresie is observed ; or it be true , what the prince of orange affirmed to have by accident discovered , that the extirpation of all families which should profess the new religion in the french or spanish dominions , was here agreed on , with mutual assistance of the two crowns ; 't is certain , and was owned , that matters of religion were the subject of that conference ; and that soon after , in the same year , came letters from king philip to the dutchess of parma , disclaiming the interpretation which had been given to his letters by count egmont ; declaring , his pleasure was , that all hereticks should be put to death without remission : that the emperor's edicts , and the councel of trent , should be published and observed ; and commanding , that the utmost assistance of the civil power should be given to the inquisition . when this was divulged , at first , the astonishment was great throughout their provinces ; but that soon gave way to their rage , which began to appear in their looks , in their speeches , their bold meetings and libels ; and was encreased by the miserable spectacles of so many executions upon account of religion . the constancy of the sufferers , and compassion of the beholders , conspiring generally to lessen the opinion of guilt or crime , and highten a detestation of the punishment and revenge , against the authors of that counsel , of whom the duke of alva was esteemed the chief . in the beginning of the year 1566 , began an open mutiny of the citizens in many towns , hindring executions , and forcing prisons and officers ; and this was followed by a confederacy of the lords , never to suffer the inquisition in the low-countreys , as contrary to all laws , both sacred and prophane , and exceeding the cruelty of all former tyrannies . upon which all resolutions of force or rigor grew unsafe for the government , now too weak for such a revolution of the people ; and on the other side , brederode in confidence of the general favour , came in the head of two hundred gentlemen , thorow the provinces to brussels , and in bold terms petitioned the governess for abolishing the inquisition , and edicts about religion ; and that new ones should be fram'd by a convention of the states . the governess was forced to use gentle remedies to so violent a disease ; to receive the petition without show of the resentment she had at heart , and to promise a representation of their desires to the king ; which was accordingly done : but though the king was startled with such consequences of his last commands , and at length induced to recall them ; yet whether by the slowness of his nature , or the forms of the spanish court , the answer came too late : and as all his former concessions , either , by delay or testimonies of ill-will or meaning in them , had lost the good grace ; so this lost absolutely the effect , and came into the low-countreys when all was in flame by an insurrection of the meaner people through many great towns of flanders , holland , and utrecht ; who fell violently upon the spoyl of churches , and destruction of images , with a thousand circumstances of barbarous and brutish fury ; which with the institution of consistories and magistrates in each town among those of the reformed profession , with publike confederacies and distinctions , and private contributions agreed upon for the support of their common cause , gave the first date in this year of 1566 , to the revolt of the low-countreys . but the nobility of the countrey , and the richest of the people in the cities , though unsatisfied with the government , yet feeling the effects , and abhorring the rage of popular tumults , as the worst mischief that can befall any state ; and encouraged by the arrival of the king's concessions , began to unite their councels and forces with those of the governess , and to employ themselves both with great vigor and loyalty , for suppressing the late insurrections that had seized upon many , and shaked most of the cities of the provinces ; in which the prince of orange , and count egmont , were great instruments , by the authority of their great charges ( one being governour of holland and zealand , and the other of flanders ) ; but more by the general love and confidence of the people ; till by the reducing valenciens , maestricht , and the burse , by arms ; the submission of antwerp and other towns ; the defection of count egmont from the councels of the confederate lords ( as they were called ) ; the retreat of the prince of orange into germany ; and the death of brederode , with the news and preparations of king philip's sudden journey into the low-countreys , as well as the prudence and moderation of the dutchess in governing all these circumstances ; the whole estate of the provinces was perfectly restored to its former peace , obedience , and at least appearance of loyalty . king philip , whether having never really decreed his journey into flanders , or diverted by the pacification of the provinces , and apprehension of the moors rebelling in spain , or a distrust of his son prince charles his violent passions and dispositions , or the expectation of what had been resolved at bayonne , growing ripe for execution in france , gave over the discourse of seeing the low-countreys ; but at the same time took up the resolution for dispatching the duke of alva thither at the head of an army of ten thousand veterane spanish , and italian troops , for the assistance of the governess , the execution of the laws , the suppressing and punishment of all who had been authors or fomentors of the late seditions . this result was put suddenly in execution , though wholly against the advice of the dutchess of parma in flanders , and the duke of feria ( one of the chief ministers ) in spain : who thought the present peace of the provinces ought not to be invaded by new occasions ; nor the royal authority lessened , by being made a party in a war upon his subjects ; nor a minister employed where he was so professedly both hating and hated , as the duke of alva in the low-countreys . but the king was unmovable ; so that in the end of the year 1567 , the duke of alva arrived there with an army of ten thousand , the best spanish and italian soldiers , under the command of the choicest officers which the wars of charles the fifth , or philip the second , had bred up in europe ; which with two thousand germans the dutchess of parma had raised in the last tumults ; and under the command of so old and renowned a general as the duke of alva , made up a force , which nothing in the low-countreys could look in the face with other eyes , than of astonishment , submission , or despair . upon the first report of this expedition , the trading-people of the towns and countrey began in vast numbers to retire out of the provinces ; so as the dutchess wrote to the king , that in few days above a hundred thousand men had left the countrey , and withdrawn both their money and goods , and more were following every day : so great antipathy there ever appears between merchants and soldiers ; whilst one pretends to be safe under laws , which the other pretends shall be subject to his sword and his will. and upon the first action of the duke of alva after his arrival , which was the seizing count egmont and horn , as well as the suspected death of the marquess of berghen , and imprisonment of montigny in spain ( whither some months before , they had been sent with commission and instructions from the dutchess ) , she immediately desired leave of the king to retire out of the low-countreys . this was easily obtained , and the duke of alva invested in the government , with powers never given before to any governour : a council of twelve was erected for tryal of all crimes committed against the king's authority , which was called by the people the council of blood. great numbers were condemned and executed by sentence of this council , upon account of the late insurrections ; more by that of the inquisition , against the parting-advice of the dutchess of parma , and the exclamations of the people at those illegal courts . the towns stomached the breach of their charters , the people of their liberties , the knights of the golden-fleece the charters of their order , by these new and odious courts of judicature ; all complain of the disuse of the states , of the introduction of armies , but all in vain : the king was constant to what he had determined ; alva was in his nature cruel and inexorable ; the new army was fierce and brave , and desirous of nothing so much as a rebellion in the countrey ; the people were enraged , but awed and unheaded ; all was seizure and process , confiscation , and imprisonment , blood and horror , insolence and dejection , punishments executed , and meditated revenge : the smaller branches were lopt off apace ; the great ones were longer a hewing down . count egmont and horne , lasted several months ; but at length in spight of all their services to charles the fifth , and to philip ; as well as of their new merits in the quieting of the provinces , and of so great supplications and intercessions as were made in their favour both in spain and in flanders , they were publikely beheaded at brussels , which seemed to break all patience in the people ; and by their end , to give those commotions a beginning , which cost europe so much blood , and spain a great part of the low-countrey-provinces . after the process of egmont and horne , the prince of orange , who was retired into germany , was summoned to his trial for the same crimes of which the others had been accused ; and upon his not appearing , was condemned , proclaimed traytor , and his whole estate ( which was very great in the provinces , and in burgundy ) seized upon as forfeited to the king. the prince treated in this manner while he was quiet and unarmed in germany , employs all his credit with those princes engaged to him by alliance , or by common fears of the house of austria ; throws off all obedience to the duke of alva , raises forces , joyns with great numbers flocking to him out of the provinces ; all enraged at the duke of alva's cruel and arbitrary government , and resolved to revenge the count egmont's death ( who had ever been the darling of the people ) . with these troops he enters freizland , and invades the outward parts of brabant , receives succours from the protestants of france then in arms under the prince of conde : and after many various encounters and successes , by the great conduct of alva and valour of his veterane army , being hindred from seizing upon any town in brabant ( which both of them knew would shake the fidelity of the provinces ) , he is at length forced to break up his army , and to retire into germany . hereupon alva returns in triumph to brussels ; and , as if he had made a conquest instead of a defence , causes out of the cannon taken from lewis of nassau , his statue to be cast in brass , treading and insulting upon two smaller statues that represented the two estates of the low-countreys ; and this to be erected in the cittadel he had built at antwerp for the absolute subjecting of that rich , populous , and mutinous town . nothing had raised greater indignation among the flemings , than the publique sight and ostentation of this statue ; and the more , because they knew the boast to be true , finding their ancient liberties and priviledges ( the inheritance of so many ages , or bounty of so many princes ) all now prostrate before this one man's sword and will , who from the time of charles the fifth had ever been esteemed an enemy of their nation , and author of all the counsels for the absolute subduing their countrey . but alva mov'd with no rumours , terrifi'd with no threats from a broken and unarmed people , and thinking no measures nor forms were any more necessary to be observed in the low-countreys ; pretends greater sums are necessary for the pay and reward of his victorious troops , than were annually granted upon the king's request , by the states of the provinces : and therefore demands a general tax of the hundredth part of every man's estate in the low-countreys , to be raised at once : and for the future , the twentieth of all immovables , and the tenth of all that was sold. the states with much reluctancy consent to the first as a thing that ended at once ; but refused the other two , alledging the poverty of the provinces , and the ruin of trade . upon the duke's persisting , they petition the king by messengers into spain , but without redress ; draw out the year in contests , sometimes stomachful , sometimes humble with the governour ; till the duke impatient of further delay , causes the edict , without consent of the states , to be published at brussels . the people refuse to pay , the soldiers begin to levy by force ; the townsmen all shut up their shops ; the people in the countrey forbear the market , so as not so much as bread or meat is to be bought in the town . the duke is enraged , and calls the soldiers to arms , and commands several of the inhabitants , who refused the payments , to be hanged that very night upon their sign-posts ; which nothing moves the obstinacy of the people . and now the officers and the guards are ready to begin the executions , when news comes to town of the taking of the briel by the geusses , and of the expectation that had given of a sudden revolt in the province of holland . this unexpected blow struck the duke of alva ; and foreseeing the consequences of it , because he knew the stubble was dry , and now he found the fire was fallen in , he thought it an ill time to make an end of the tragedy in brabant , whilst a new scene was ready in holland ; and so giving over for the present his taxes and executions , applies his thoughts to the suppression of this new enemy that broke in upon him from the sea ; and for that reason the bottom and reach of the design as well as the nature and strength of their forces , were to the duke the less known , and the more suspected . now because this seizure of the briel began the second great commotion of the low-countreys in 1570 ; and that which indeed never ended but in the loss of those provinces , where the death of the spanish and royal government , gave life to a new commonwealth ; it will be necessary to know what sort of men , and by what accidents united , and by what fears or hopes emboldned , were the first authors of this adventure . upon brederod's delivering a petition to the dutchess of parma , against the inquisition , and for some liberty in point of religion ; those persons which attended him , looking mean in their clothes and their garb , were called by one of the courtiers at their entrance into the palace , gueses , which signifies beggars ; a name though raised by chance or by scorn , yet affected by the party as an expression of humility and distress , and used ever after by both sides as a name of distinction , comprehending all who dissented from the roman church , how different soever in opinion among themselves . these men spread in great numbers through the whole extent of the provinces , by the accidents and dispositions already mentioned ; after the appeasing of their first sedition , were broken in their common counsels ; and by the cruelty of the inquisition , and rigor of alva , were in great multitudes forced to retire out of the provinces , at least such as had means or hopes of subsisting abroad : many of the poorer and more desperate , fled into the woods of the upper countreys ( where they are thick and wild ) , and liv'd upon spoil ; and in the first descent of the prince of orange his forces , did great mischiefs to all scatter'd parties of the duke of alva's troops in their march through those parts . but after that attempt of the prince ended without success , and he was forced back into germany ; the count of marcke ; a violent and implacable enemy to the duke of alva and his government , with many others of the broken troops ( whom the same fortune and disposition had left together in friezland ) , mann'd out some ships of small force , and betook themselves to sea ; and with commissions from the prince of orange , began to prey upon all they could master , that belonged to the spaniards . they sometimes sheltered and watered , and sold their prizes in some crekes or small harbours of england , though forbidden by queen elizabeth ( then in peace with spain ) ; sometimes in the river ems , or some small ports of friezland ; till at length , having gain'd considerable riches by these adventures ; whether to sell , or to refresh ; whether driven by storm , or led by design ( upon knowledg of the ill blood which the new taxes had bred in all the provinces ) they landed in the island of the briel , assaulted and carried the town , pull'd down the images in the churches , professed openly their religion , declared against the taxes and tyranny of the spanish government , and were immediately followed by the revolt of most of the towns of holland , zealand , and west-friezland , who threw out the spanish garrisons , renounced their obedience to king philip , and swore fidelity to the prince of orange . the prince returned out of germany with new forces ; and making use of this fury of the people , contented himself not with holland and zealand , but marcht up into the very heart of the provinces , within five leagues of brussels , seizing upon mechlin , and many other towns , with so great consent , applause , and concourse of people , that the whole spanish dominions seemed now ready to expire in the low-countreys , if it had not been revived by the massacre of the protestants at paris ; which contrived by joynt councels with king philip ▪ and acted by a spanish party in the court of france , and with so fatal a blow to the contrary faction , encouraged the duke of alva , and dampt the prince of orange in the same degree ; so that one gathers strength enough to defend the heart of the provinces , and the other retires into holland , and makes that the seat of the war. this countrey was strong by its nature and seat among the waters that encompass and divide it ; but more by a rougher sort of people at that time , less softned by trade , or by riches ; less used to grants of money and taxes ; and proud of their ancient fame recorded in the roman stories , of being obstinate defenders of their liberties , and now most implacable haters of the spanish name . all these dispositions were encreased and hardened in the war that ensued under the duke of alva's conduct , or his sons ; by the slaughter of all innocent persons and sexes , upon the taking of naerden , where the houses were burnt , and the walls levelled to the ground ; by the desperate defence of haerlem for ten months , with all the practises and returns of ignominy , cruelty , and scorn on both sides ; while the very women listed themselves in companies , repaired breaches , gave alarms , and beat up quarters , till all being famisht , four hundred burgers ( after the surrender ) were kill'd in cold blood , among many other examples of an incensed conqueror ; which made the humour of the parties grow more desperate , and their hatred to spain and alva incurable . the same army broken and forced to rise from before alcmaer , after a long and fierce siege in alva's time ; and from before leyden in the time of requisenes ( where the boors themselves opened the sluyces , and drown'd the countrey , resolving to mischief the spaniards at the charge of their own ruin ) , gave the great turn to affairs in holland . the king grows sensible of danger , and apprehensive of the total defection of the provinces ; alva weary of his government , finding his violent counsels and proceedings had raised a spirit , which was quiet before he came , and was never to be laid any more . the duke is recalled , and the war goes under requisenes ; who dying suddenly , and without provisions made by the king for a successor ; the government , by customs of the countrey , devolved by way of interim upon the great council , which lasted some time by the delay of don john of austria's coming , who was declared the new governour . but in this interim the strength of the disease appears ; for upon the mutiny of some spanish troops for want of their pay , and their seizing alost , a town near brussels , the people grow into a rage , the trades-men give over their shops , and the countrey-men their labour , and all run to arms ; in brussels they force the senate , pull out those men they knew to be most addicted to the spaniards , kill such of that nation as they meet in the streets , and all in general cry out for the expulsion of forreigners out of the low-countreys , and the assembling of the states ; to which the council is forced to consent . in the mean time the chief persons of the provinces enter into an agreement with the prince of orange , to carry on the common affairs of the provinces by the same counsels ; so as when the estates assembled at ghent , without any contest they agreed upon that act which was called the pacification of ghent , in the year 1576 , whereof the chief articles were , the expulsion of all forreign soldiers out of the provinces ; restoring all the ancient forms of government ; and referring matters of religion in each province to the provincial estates ; and that for performance hereof the rest of the provinces should for ever be confederate with holland and zealand . and this made the first period of the low-countrey troubles , proving to king philip a dear experience how little the best conduct and boldest armies are able to withstand the torrent of a stubborn and enraged people , which ever bears all down before it , till it comes to be divided into different channels by arts or by chance ; or till the springs , which are the humours that fed it , come to be spent , or dry up of themselves . the forreign forces refusing to depart , are declared rebels ; whereupon the spanish troops force and plunder several towns , and antwerp among the rest ( by advantage of the cittadel ) , with equal courage and avarice ; and defend themselves in several holds from the forces of the states , till don john's arrival at luxenburgh , the only town of the provinces where he thought himself safe , as not involved in the defection of the rest . the estates refuse to admit him without his accepting and confirming the pacification of ghent ; which at length he does by leave from the king , and enters upon the government with the dismission of all forreign troops , which return into italy . but soon after don john , whether out of indignation to see himself but a precarious governour , without force or dependance ; or desiring new occasions of fame by a war ; or instructed from spain upon new councels ; he takes the occasion of complementing queen margaret upon her journey out of france to the spaw , and on a sudden seizes upon the castle of namur . whereupon the provinces for the third time throw off their obedience , call the prince of orange to brussels , where he is made protector of brabant by the states of that province , and preparations are made on both sides for the war ; while spain is busie to form new armies , and draw them together in namur and luxenburgh , the only provinces obedient to that crown ; and all the rest agree to elect a governour of their own , and send to matthias the emperors brother , to offer him the charge . at this time began to be formed the malecontent-party in the low-countreys ; which though agreeing with the rest in their hatred to the spaniards , and defence of their liberties and laws ; yet were not inclin'd to shake off their allegiance to their prince , nor change their old and establisht religion : and these were headed by the duke of areschot , and several great men ; the more averse from a general defection , by emulation or envy of the prince of orange his greatness , who was now grown to have all the influence and credit in the counsels of the league . by the assistance of this party after don john's sudden death , the duke of parma succeeding him , gain'd strength and reputation upon his coming to the government , and an entrance upon that great scene of glory and victory , which made both his person so renowned , and the time of his government signallized by so many sieges and battels , and the reduction of so great a part of the body of the provinces to the subjection of spain . upon the growth of this party , and for distinction from them , who pursuing a middle and dangerous councel , were at length to become an accession to one of the extreams ; the seven northern provinces meeting by their deputies at utrecht , in the year 1579 , framed that act or alliance , which was ever after called the union of utrecht ; and was the original constitution and frame of that common-wealth , which has since been so well known in the world by the name of the united provinces . this union was grounded upon the spaniards breach of the pacification of ghent , and new invasion of some towns in gelderland ; and was not pretended to divide these provinces from the generality , nor from the said pacification ; but to strengthen and pursue the ends of it , by more vigorous and united counsels and arms. the chief force of this union consists in these points drawn out of the instrument it self . the seven provinces unite themselves so , as if they were but one province , and so as never to be divided by testament , donation , exchange , sale , or agreement : reserving to each particular province and city , all priviledges , rights , customs and statutes ; in adjudging whereof , or differences that shall arise between any of the provinces , the rest shall not intermeddle further , than to intercede towards an agreement . they bind themselves to assist one another with life and fortunes against all force and assault made upon any of them , whether upon pretence of royal majesty , of restoring catholique religion , or any other whatsoever . all frontier-towns belonging to the union , if old , to be fortified at the charge of the province where they lye ; if new , to be erected at the charge of the generality . all imposts and customs from three months to three months , to be offered to them that bid most ; and with the incomes of the royal majesty , to be employed for the common defence . all inhabitants to be listed and trained within a month , from 18 to 60 years old . peace and war not to be made without consent of all the provinces ; other cases that concern the management of both , by most voices . differences that shall arise upon the first , between the provinces , to be submitted to the stadtholders . neighbouring-princes , lords , lands , and cities , to be admitted into the union by consent of the provinces . for religion , those of holland and zealand to act in it as seems good unto themselves . the other provinces may regulate themselves according to the tenor establisht by matthias , or else as they shall judg to be most for the peace and welfare of their particular provinces ; provided every one remain free in his religion , and no man be examined or entrapped for that cause , according to the pacification of ghent . in case of any dissention or differences between provinces , if it concern one in particular , it shall be accommodated by the others ; if it concern all in general , by the stadtholders ; in both which cases , sentence to be pronounced within a month , and without appeal or revision . the states to be held as has been formerly used ; and the mint in such manner as shall hereafter be agreed by all the provinces . interpretation of these articles to remain in the states ; but in case of their differences , in the stadtholders . they bind themselves to fall upon , and imprison any that shall act contrary to these articles ; in which case no priviledg nor exemption to be valid . this act was signed by the deputies of gelderland , zutphen , holland , zealand , utrecht , and the omlands of frize , jan. 23 , 1579 ; but was not signed by the prince of orange till may following ; and with this signification , judging that by the same the superiority and authority of arch-duke matthias is not lessened . in the same year this union was enter'd and signed by the cities of ghent , nimmegue , arnhem , leewarden , with some particular nobles of frizeland , venlo , ypers , antwerp , breda , and bruges . and thus these provinces became a commonwealth , but in so low and uncertain a state of affairs , by reason of the various motions and affections of mens minds , the different ends and interests of the several parties , especially in the other provinces ; and the mighty power and preparations of the spanish monarchy to oppress them , that in their first coyn they caused a ship to be stamped , labouring among the waves without sails or oars ; and these words : incertum quo fata ferant . i thought so particular a deduction necessary to discover the natural causes of this revolution in the low-countreys , which has since had so great a part , for near a hundred years , in all the actions and negotiations of christendom ; and to find out the true incentives of that obstinate love for their liberties , and invincible hatred for the spanish nation and government , which laid the foundation of this common-wealth : and this last i take to have been the stronger passion , and of the greater effect , both in the bold counsels of contracting their union , and the desperate resolutions of defending it . for not long after , the whole councel of this new state being prest by the extremities of their affairs , passing by the form of government in the way of a commonwealth , made an earnest and solemn offer of the dominion of these provinces both to england and france ; but were refused by both crowns : and though they retain'd the name of a free people , yet they soon lost the ease of the liberties they contended for , by the absoluteness of their magistrates in the several cities and provinces , and by the extream pressure of their taxes , which so long a war with so mighty an enemy made necessary for the support of their state. but the hatred of the spanish government under alva , was so universal , that it made the revolt general through the provinces , running through all religions , and all orders of men , as appeared by the pacification of ghent ; till by the division of the parties , by the powers of so vast a monarchy as spain at that time , and by the matchless conduct and valour of the duke of parma , this humour , like poyson in a strong constitution , and with the help of violent physick , was expell'd from the heart , which was flanders and brabant ( with the rest of the ten provinces ) into the outward members ; and by their being cut off , the body was saved . after which , the most enflamed spirits being driven by the arms of spain , or drawn by the hopes of liberty and safety , into the united provinces out of the rest , the hatred of spain grew to that heighth , that they were not only willing to submit to any new dominion , rather than return to the old ; but when they could find no master to protect them , and their affairs grew desperate , they were once certainly upon the counsel of burning their great towns , wasting and drowning what they could of their countrey , and going to seek some new seats in the indies . which they might have executed , if they had found shipping enough to carry off all their numbers , and had not been detained by the compassion of those which must have been left behind , at the mercy of an incensed and conquering master . the spanish and italian writers content themselves to attribute the causes of these revolutions to the change of religion , to the native stubbornness of the people , and to the ambition of the prince of orange : but religion without mixtures of ambition and interest , works no such violent effects ; and produces rather the examples of constant sufferings , than of desperate actions . the nature of the people cannot change of a sudden , no more than the climate which infuses it ; and no countrey hath brought forth better subjects , than many of these provinces , both before and since these commotions among them : and the ambition of one man could neither have designed nor atchieved so great an adventure , had it not been seconded with universal discontent : nor could that have been raised to so great a heighth and heat , without so many circumstances as fell in from an unhappy course of the spanish counsels , to kindle and foment it . for though it had been hard to head such a body , and give it so strong a principle of life , and so regular motions , without the accident of so great a governour in the provinces , as prince william of orange ; a man of equal abilities in council and in arms ; cautious and resolute , affable and severe , supple to occasions , and yet constant to his ends ; of mighty revenues and dependance in the provinces , of great credit and alliances in germany ; esteemed and honoured abroad , but at home infinitely lov'd and trusted by the people , who thought him affectionate to their countrey , sincere in his professions and designs , able and willing to defend their liberties , and unlikely to invade them by any ambition of his own . yet all these qualities might very well have been confin'd to the duty and services of a subject , as they were in charles the fifth's time ; without the absence of the king , and the peoples opinion of his ill-will to their nation and their laws ; without the continuance of forreign troops after the wars were ended ; the erecting of the new bishops sees , and introducing the inquisition ; the sole ministry of granvell , and exclusion of the lords from their usual part in counsels and affairs ; the government of a man so hated as the duke of alva ; the rigour of his prosecutions , and the insolence of his statue : and lastly , without the death of egmont , and the imposition of the tenth and twentieth part , against the legal forms of government in a countrey , where a long derived succession had made the people fond and tenacious of their ancient customs and laws . these were the seeds of their hatred to spain ; which encreasing by the course of about threescore years , war , was not allay'd by a long succeeding peace , but will appear to have been an ingredient into the fall , as it was into the rise of this state ; which having been thus planted , came to be conserved and cultivated by many accidents and influences from abroad ; but those having had no part in the constitution of their state , nor the frame of their government . i will content my self to mention only the chief of them , which most contributed to preserve the infancy of this commonwealth , and make way for its growth . the causes of its succeeding greatness and riches being not to be sought for in the events of their wars , but in the institutions and orders of their government , their customs and trade , which will make the arguments of the ensuing chapters . when don john threw off the conditions he had at first accepted of the pacification of ghent , and by the surprize of namur broke out into arms ; the estate of the provinces offer'd the government of their countrey to matthias brother to the emperor , as a temper between their return to the obedience of spain , and the popular government which was moulding in the northern provinces . but matthias arriving without the advice or support of the emperor , or credit in the provinces ; and having the prince of orange given him for his lieutenant-general , was only a cypher , and his government a piece of pageantry , which past without effect , and was soon ended ; so that upon the duke of parma's taking on him the government , some new protection was necessary to this infant-state , that had not legs to support it against such a storm as was threatned upon the return of the spanish and italian forces , to make the body of a formidable army , which the duke of parma was framing in namur and luxenburgh . since the conference of bayonne between the queen-mother of france , and her daughter queen of spain ; those two crowns had continued in the reign of francis and charles , to assist one another in the common design there agreed on , of prosecuting with violence those they called the hereticks , in both their dominions . the peace held constant , if not kind , between england and spain ; so as king philip had no wars upon his hands in christendom during these commotions in the low-countreys ; and the boldness of the confederates in their first revolt and union , seemed greater at such a time , than the success of their resistances afterwards , when so many occasions fell in to weaken and divert the forces of the spanish monarchy . for henry the third coming to the crown of france , and at first only fetter'd and control'd by the faction of the guises , but afterwards engaged in an open war ( which they had raised against him upon pretext of preserving the catholique religion , and in a conjunction of councels with spain ) was forced into better measures with the hugonots of his kingdom , and fell into ill intelligence with philip the second , so as queen elizabeth having declined to undertake openly the protection of the low-countrey provinces , it was by the concurring-resolution of the states , and the consent of the french court , devolved upon the duke of alencon , brother to henry the third . but this prince entered antwerp with an ill presage to the flemings , by an attempt which a biscainer made the same day upon the prince of orange's life , shooting him , though not mortally , in the head ; and he continued his short government with such mutual distasts between the french and the flemings ( the heat and violence of one nation agreeing ill with the customs and liberties of the other ) that the duke attempting to make himself absolute master of the city of antwerp by force , was driven out of the town , and thereupon retired out of the countrey with extream resentment of the flemings , and indignation of the french ; so as the prince of orange being not long after assasin'd at delph , and the duke of parma encreasing daily in reputation and in force , and the malecontent party falling back apace to his obedience , an end was presaged by most men to the affairs of the confederates . but the root was deeper , and not so easily shaken : for the united provinces , after the unhappy transactions with the french under the duke of alencon , reassumed their union in 583 ; binding themselves , in case by fury of the war any point of it had not been observed , to endeavour from that time to see it effected , in case any doubt had happened , to see it clear'd , and any difficulties , composed : and in regard the article concerning religion had been so fram'd in the union , because in all the other provinces besides holland and zealand , the romish religion was then used , but now the evangelical ; it was agreed by all the provinces of the union , that from this time in them all , the evangelical reformed religion should alone be openly preached and exercised . they were so far from being broken in their designs by the prince of orange's death , that they did all the honour that could be to his memory , substituted prince maurice his son , though but sixteen years old , in all his honours and commands , and obstinately refused all overtures that were made them of peace ; resolving upon all the most desperate actions and sufferings , rather than return under the spanish obedience . but these spirits were fed and heighthen'd in a great degree , by the hopes and countenance given them about this time from england : for queen elizabeth , and philip the second , though they still preserved the name of peace , yet had worn out in a manner the effects as well as the dispositions of it , whilst the spaniard fomented and assisted the insurrections of the irish , and queen elizabeth the new commonwealth in the low-countreys ; though neither directly , yet by countenance , money , voluntary troops , and ways that were equally felt on both sides , and equally understood . king philip had lately encreased the greatness of his empire , by the inheritance or invasion of the kingdoms of portugal , upon king sebastian's loss in africa ; but i know not whether he had encreast his power , by the accession of a kingdom , with disputed title , and a discontented people , who could neither be used like good subjects and governed without armies ; nor like a conquered nation and so made to bear the charge of their forced obedience ; but this addition of empire , with the vast treasure flowing every year out of the indies , had without question raised king philip's ambition to vaster designs ; which made him embrace at once the protection of the league in france against henry the third and fourth , and the donation made him of ireland by the pope , and so embarque himself in a war with both those crowns , while he was bearded with the open arms and defiance of his own subjects in the low-countreys . but 't is hard to be imagined how far the spirit of one great man goes in the fortunes of any army or state. the duke of parma coming to the government without any footing in more than two of the smallest provinces , collecting an army from spain , italy , germany , and the broken troops of the countrey left him by don john , having all the other provinces confederated against him , and both england and france beginning to take open part in their defence ; yet by force of his own valour , conduct , and the discipline of his army , with the dis-interessed and generous qualities of his mind , winning equally upon the hearts and arms of the revolted countreys , and piercing through the provinces with an uninterrupted course of successes , and the recovery of the most important towns in flanders ; at last by the taking of anwerp and groningue , reduced the affairs of the union to so extream distress , that being grown destitute of all hopes and succours from france ( then deep engaged in their own civil wars ) , they threw themselves wholly at the feet of queen elizabeth , imploring her protection , and offering her the soveraignty of their countrey . the queen refused the dominion , but enter'd into articles with their deputies in 585 , obliging her self to very great supplies of men and of moneys , lent them upon the security of the briel , flussing , and ramekins ; which were performed , and sir john norrice sent over to command her forces ; and afterwards in 87 , upon the war broken out with spain , and the mighty threats of the spanish armada , she sent over yet greater forces under the earl of leicester , whom the states admitted , and swore obedience to him , as governour of their united provinces . but this government lasted not long , distastes and suspition soon breaking out between leicester and the states ; partly from the jealousie of his affecting an absolute dominion and arbitrary disposal of all offices ; but chiefly , of the queen's intentions to make a peace with spain ; and the easie loss of some of their towns by governours placed in them by the earl of leicester , encreased their discontents . notwithstanding this ill intercourse , the queen re-assures them in both those points , disapproves some of leicester's proceedings , receives franc and hearty assistances from them in her naval preparations against the spaniards ; and at length upon the disorders encreasing between the earl of leicester and the states , commands him to resign his government , and release the states of the oath they had taken to obey him . and after all this had past , the queen easily sacrificing all particular resentments to the interest of her crown , continued her favour , protection , and assistances to the states , during the whole course of her reign , which were return'd with the greatest deference and veneration to her person , that was ever paid by them to any forreign prince , and continues still to her name in the remembrance , and frequently in the mouths of all sorts of people among them . after leicester's departure , prince maurice was by the consent of the union chosen their governour , but with a reservation to queen elizabeth ; and enter'd that command with the hopes , which he made good in the execution of it for many years ; proving the greatest captain of his age , famous particularly in the discipline and ordonance of his armies , and the ways of fortification by him first invented or perfected , and since his time imitated by all . but the great breath that was given the states in the heat of their affairs , was by the sharp wars made by queen elizabeth upon the spaniards at sea in the indies , and the expeditions of lisbon and cadiz , and by the declining-affairs of the league in france , for whose support philip the second was so passionately engaged , that twice he commanded the duke of parma to interrupt the course of his victories in the low-countreys , and march into france , for the relief of roan and paris ; which much augmented the renown of this great captain , but as much impaired the state of the spanish affairs in flanders . for in the duke of parma's absence , prince maurice took in all the places held by the spaniard on t'other side the rhine , which gave them entrance into the united provinces . the succession of henry the fourth to the crown of france , gave a mighty blow to the designs of king philip ; and much greater , the general obedience and acknowledgment of him upon his change of religion . with this king the states began to enter a confidence and kindness , and the more by that which interceded between him and the queen of england , who had all their dependance during her life ; but after her death , king henry grew to have greater credit than ever in the united provinces ; though upon the decay of the spanish power under the ascendent of this king , the states fell into very early jealousies of his growing too great and too near them in flanders . with the duke of parma died all the discipline , and with that , all the fortunes of the spanish arms in flanders ; the frequent mutinies of their soldiers , dangerous in effect and in example , were more talkt of , than any other of their actions , in the short government of manstsield , ernest , and fuentes . till the old discipline of their armies began to revive , and their fortune a little to respire under the new government of cardinal albert , who came into flanders both governour and prince of the low-countreys , in the head of a mighty army drawn out of germany and italy , to try the last effort of the spanish power , either in a prosperous war , or at least in making way for a necessary peace . but the choice of the arch-duke and this new authority , had a deeper root and design than at first appear'd : for that mighty king , philip the second , born to so vast possessions , and to so much vaster desires ; after a long dream of raising his head into the clouds , found it now ready to lye down in the dust : his body broken with age and infirmities , his mind with cares and distemper'd thoughts , and the royal servitude of a sollicitous life , he began to see in the glass of time and experience , the true shapes of all human greatness and designs ; and finding to what airy figures he had hitherto sacrificed his health , and ease , and the good of his life , he now turn'd his thoughts wholly to rest and quiet , which he had never yet allowed either the world or himself : his designs upon england , and his invincible armada , had ended in smoak ; those upon france , in events the most contrary to what he had proposed ; and instead of mastering the liberties , and breaking the stomach of his low-countrey subjects , he had lost seven of his provinces , and held the rest by the tenure of a war , that cost him more than they were worth . he had made lately a peace with england , and desir'd it with france ; and though he scorn'd it with his revolted subjects in his own name , yet he wisht it in another's ; and was unwilling to entail a quarrel upon his son , which had crost his fortunes , and busied his thoughts all the course of his reign . he therefore resolved to commit these two designs to the management of arch-duke albert , with the stile of governour and prince of the low-countreys ; to the end that if he could reduce the provinces to their old subjection , he should govern them as spanish dominions ; if that was once more in vain attempted , he should by a marriage with clara isabella eugenia ( king philip's beloved daughter ) receive those provinces as a dowry , and become the prince of them , with a condition only of their returning to spain , in case of isabella's dying without issue . king philip believed that the presence of a natural prince among his subjects ; that the birth and customs of arch-duke albert , being a german ; the generous and obliging dispositions of isabella , might gain further upon this stubborn people , than all the force and rigor of his former counsels : and at the worst ; that they might make a peace , if they could not a war , and without interessing the honour and greatness of the spanish crown . in pursuit of this determination , like a wise king , while he intended nothing but peace , he made preparations as if he design'd nothing but war ; knowing that his own desires of peace would signifie nothing , unless he could force his enemies to desire it too . he therefore sent the arch-duke into flanders , at the head of such an army , that believing the peace with france must be the first in order , and make way for either the war or peace afterward in the low-countreys , he marcht into france , and took amiens the chief city of picardy , and thereby gave such an alarm to the french court , as they little expected , and had never received in the former wars . but while albert bent the whole force of the war upon france , till he determin'd it in a peace with that crown , prince maurice who had taken groningue in the time of ernest , now mastered linghen , groll , and other places in overyssel , thereby adding those provinces intire , to the body of the union ; and at albert's return into flanders , entertain'd him with the battel of newport , won by the desperate courage of the english under sir francis vere , where albert was wounded and very near being taken . after this loss the arch-duke was yet comforted and relieved , by the obsequious affections and obedience of his new subjects , so far as to resolve upon the siege of ostend ; which having some time continued , and being almost disheartned by the strength of the place , and invincible courage of the defendants ; he was recruited by a body of eight thousand italians under the marquess spinola , to whom the prosecution of this siege was committed : he took the place after three years siege , not by any want of men or provisions within ( the haven and relief by sea being open all the time ) ; but perfectly for want of ground , which was gain'd foot by foot , till not so much was left , as would hold men to defend it ; a great example how impossible it is to defend any town that cannot be relieved by an army strong enough to raise the siege . prince maurice , though he could not save ostend , made yet amends for its loss , by the taking of grave and sluyce ; so as the spaniards gain'd little but the honour of the enterprise : and philip the second being dead about the time of the arch-dukes and dutchesses arrival in flanders , and with him the personal resentment of that war , the arch-duke by consent of the spanish court , began to apply his thoughts wholly to a peace ; which another circumstance had made more necessary than any of those already mentioned . as the dutch commonwealth was born out of the sea , so out of the same element it drew its first strength and consideration , as well as afterwards its riches and greatness : for before the revolt , the subjects of the low-countreys , though never allowed the trade of the indies , but in the spanish fleets , and under spanish covert ; yet many of them had in that manner made the voyages , and become skilful pilots , as well as verst in the ways , and sensible of the infinite gains of that trade . and after the union , a greater confluence ▪ of people falling down into the united provinces , than could manage their stock , or find employment at land ; great multitudes turn'd their endeavours to sea ; and having lost the trade of spain and the streights , fell not only into that of england , france , and the northern seas , but ventur'd upon that of the east-indies , at first with small forces and success ; but in course of time , and by the institution of an east-india company , this came to be pursued with so general application of the provinces , and so great advantage , that they made themselves masters of most of the collonies and forts planted there by the portuguesses ( now subjects of spain ) . the dutch sea-men grew as well acquainted with those vast seas and coasts , as with their own ; and holland became the great magazine of all the commodities of those eastern regions . in the west-indies their attempts were neither so frequent nor prosperous , the spanish plantations there being too numerous and strong ; but by the multitude of their shipping set out with publique or private commissions , they infested the seas , and began to wait for , and threaten the spanish indian fleets , and sometimes to attempt their coasts in that new world ( which was to touch spain in the most sensible part ) , and gave their court the strongest motives to endeavour a peace , that might secure those treasures in their way , and preserve them in spain , by stopping the issue of those vast sums which were continually transmitted to entertain the low-countrey wars . these respects gave the first rise to a treaty of peace , the proposal whereof came wholly from the spaniards ; and the very mention of it could hardly at first be fast'ned upon the states ; nor could they ever be prevail'd with to make way for any negotiation by a suspension of arms , till the arch-duke had declared , he would treat with them as with free provinces , upon whom neither he nor spain had any pretence . however , the affair was pursued with so much art and industry on the arch-dukes part , and with so passionate desires of the spanish court , to end this war , that they were content to treat it at the hague , the seat of the states-general ; and for the greater honour and better conduct of the whole business , appointed the four chief ministers of the arch-dukes , their commissioners to attend and pursue it there ; who were , their camp-master-general spinola , the president of the council , and the two secretaries of state and of war in flanders . on the other side , in holland , all the paces towards this treaty were made with great coldness and arrogance , raising punctillious-difficulties upon every word of the arch-dukes declaration of treating them as free provinces , and upon spain's ratification of that form ; and forcing them to send expresses into spain upon every occasion , and to attend the length of those returns . for the prosperous success of their arms at land , in the course of above thirty years war ; and the mighty growth of their naval power , and ( under that protection ) of their trade , had made the whole body of their militia both at land and sea , averse from this treaty , as well as the greatest part of the people ; whose inveterate hatred against spain , was still as fierce as ever ; and who had the hopes or dispositions of raising their fortunes by the war , of which they had so many and great examples among them . but there was at the bottom , one forreign and another domestick consideration , which made way for this treaty , more than all those arguments that were the common theams , or than all the offices of the neighbour-princes , who concerned themselves in this affair , either from interest of their own , or the desires of ending a war which had so long exercised in a manner the arms of all christendom upon the stage of the low-countreys . the greatness of the spanish monarchy , so formidable under charles the fifth and philip the second , began now to decline by the vast designs and unfortunate events of so many ambitious counsels : and on the other side the affairs of henry the fourth of france were now at the greatest height and felicity , after having atchieved so many adventures with incredible constancy and valour , and ended all his wars in a peace with spain . the dutch imagin'd that the hot spirits of the french could not continue long without some exercise ; and that to prevent it at home , it might be necessary for that king to give it them abroad ; that no enterprise lay so convenient for him , as that upon flanders , which had anciently been part of the gallick nation , and whose first princes derived and held of the kings of france . besides , they had intimations that henry the fourth was taken up in great preparations of war , which they doubted would at one time or other fall on that side , at least if they were invited by any greater decays of the spanish power in flanders : and they knew very well , they should lye as much at the mercy of such a neighbour as france , as they had formerly done of such a master as spain . for the spanish power in flanders was fed by treasures that came by long and perillous voyages out of spain ; by troops drawn either from thence , or from italy or germany , with much casualty , and more expence : their territory of the ten provinces was small , and awed by the neighbourhood and jealousies both of england and france . but if france were once master of flanders , the body of that empire would be so great , and so intire ; so abounding in people , and in riches , that whenever they found or made an occasion of invading the united provinces , they had no hopes of preserving themselves by any opposition or diversion : and the end of their mighty resistances against spain , was to have no master ; and not to change one for another , as they should do in this case : therefore the most intelligent among their civil ministers thought it safest , by a peace to give breath to the arch-duke's and spanish power , and by that means to lessen the invitation of the arms of france into flanders under so great a king. for what was domestique , the credit and power of prince maurice built at first upon that of his father , but much raised by his own personal virtues and qualities , and the success of his arms ; was now grown so high ( the prince being governour or stadtholder of four of the provinces , and two of his cousins of the other three ) , that several of the states , headed by barnevelt , pensioner of holland , and a man of great abilities and authority among them , became jealous of the prince's power , and pretended to fear the growth of it to an absolute dominion : they knew it would encrease by the continuance of a war , which was wholly managed by the prince ; and thought that in a peace it would diminish , and give way to the authority of civil power : which disposed this whole party to desire the treaty , and to advance the progress and issue of it by all their assistances . and these different humours stirring in the heart of the states , with almost equal strength and vigour ; the negotiation of a peace came to be ended after long debates and infinite endeavours ; breaking in appearance upon the points of religion , and the indian trade : but yet came to knit again and conclude in a truce of twelve years , dated in the year 1609 , whereof the most essential points were , the declaration of treating with them as free provinces : the cessation of all acts of hostility on both sides during the truce : the enjoyment , for that space , of all that each party possest at the time of the treaty . that no new fortification should be raised on either side ; and that free commerce should be restored on all parts in the same manner as it was before the wars . and thus the state of the united provinces came to be acknowledged as a free commonwealth by their ancient master , having before been treated so by most of the kings and princes of europe , in frequent ambassies and negotiations . among which , a particular preference was given to the english crown , whose ambassador had session and vote in their council of state , by agreement with queen elizabeth , and in acknowledgment of those great assistances , which gave life to their state when it was upon the point of expiring : though the dutch pretend that priviledg was given to the ambassador by virtue of the possession this crown had of the briel , flussingue , and ramekins ; and that it was to cease upon the restitution of those towns , and repayment of those sums lent by the queen . in the very time of treating this truce , a league was concluded between henry the fourth of france , and the states , for preserving the peace , if it came to be concluded ; or in case of its failing , for assistance of one another , with ten thousand men on the kings part , and five thousand on the states . nor did that king make any difficulty of continuing the two regiments of foot and two hundred horse in the states service , at his own charge , after the truce , which he had maintained for several years before it ; omitting no provisions that might tye that state to his interests , and make him at present arbiter of the peace , and for the future of the war , if the truce should come to be broken , or to expire of it self . by what has been related , it will easily appear , that no state was ever born with stronger throws , or nurst up with harder fare , or inur'd to greater labours or dangers in the whole course of its youth ; which are circumstances that usually make strong and healthy bodies : and so this has proved , having never had more than one disease break out , in the space of ninety three years , which may be accounted the age of this state , reckoning from the union of utrecht , enter'd by the provinces in 1579 : but this disease , like those of the seed or conception in a natural body , though it first appear'd in barnevelt's time , breaking out upon the negotiations with spain , and seemed to end with his death ( who was beheaded not many years after ) ; yet has it ever since continued lurking in the veins of this state , and appearing upon all revolutions , that seem to favour the predominancy of the one or other humour in the body ; and under the names of the prince of orange's , and the arminian party , has ever made the weak side of this state ; and whenever their period comes , will prove the occasion of their fall. the ground of this name of arminian was , that whilst barnevelt's party accused those of the prince of orange's , as being careless of their liberties , so dearly bought , as devoted to the house of orange , and disposed to the admission of an absolute principality , and in order thereunto as promoters of a perpetual war with spain : so those of the princes party , accused the others , as leaning still , and looking kindly upon their old servitude , and relishing the spaniard both in their politicks , by so eagerly affecting a peace with that crown ; and in their religion , by being generally arminians ( which was esteemed the middle part between the calvinist and the roman religion ) . and besides these mutual reproaches , the two parties have ever valued themselves upon the asserting , one of the true and purer reformed religion ; and the other , of the true and freer liberties of the state. the fortunes of this commonwealth , that have happened in their wars or negotiations , since the truce with spain , and what circumstances or accidents both abroad and at home , serv'd to cultivate their mighty growth , and conspired to the greatness wherein they appear'd to the world in the beginning of the year 1665 , being not only the subject of the relations , but even the observations of this present age ; i shall either leave as more obvious , and less necessary to the account i intend of the civil government of this commonwealth ; or else reserve them till the same vein of leasure or humour invite me to continue this deduction to the present time , the affairs of this state having been complicated with all the variety and memorable revolutions both of actions and counsels , that have since happened in the rest of christendom . in the mean time , i will close this relation with an event , which arrived soon after the conclusion of the truce , and had like to have broken it within the very year , if not prevented by the offices of the neighbour princes , but more by a change of humour in the united states , conspiring to the conservation of the new-restored peace in these parts of the world. in the end of the year 1609 , dyed the duke of cleves and juliers , without heir-male , leaving those dutchies to the pretensions of his daughters , in whose right the duke of brandenburgh and nieuburgh possessed themselves of such parts of those territories as they first could invade ; each of them pretending right to the whole inheritance . brandenburgh seeks protection and favour to his title , from the united provinces ; nieuburgh from arch-duke albert , and from spain . the arch-duke newly respiring from so long a war , had no desire to interess himself in this quarrel , further than the care that the dutch should not take advantage of it ; and under pretext of assisting one of the parties , seize upon some of those dominions lying contiguous to their own . the dutch were not so equal , nor content to lose so fair an occasion , and surprized the town of juliers ( though pretending only to keep it till the parties agreed ) . and believing that spain , after having parted with so much in the late truce , to end a quarrel of their own , would not venture the breach of it upon a quarrel of their neighbours . but the arch-duke , having first taken his measures with spain , and foreseeing the consequence of this affair , resolved to venture the whole state of flanders in a new war , rather than suffer such an encrease of power and dominion to the states . and thereupon first in the behalf of the duke of nieuburgh , requires from them the restitution of juliers ; and upon their artificious and dilatory answers , immediately draws his forces together , and with an army under the command of spinola , marches towards juliers ( which the states were in no care of , as well provided for a bold defence ) ; but makes a sudden turn , and sits down before wesel , with such a terror and surprise to the inhabitants , that he carries the town before the dutch could come in to their assistance . wesel was a strong town upon the rhine , which the duke of brandenburgh pretended to , as belonging to the dutchy of cleve ; but the citizens held it at this time as an imperial town , and under protection of the dutch ; who amazed at this sudden and bold attempt of spinola , which made him master of a pass that lay fair for any further invasion upon their provinces ( especially those on t'other side the rhine ) , engage the offices of both the english and french crowns , to mediate an agreement , which at length they conclude , so as neither party should upon any pretence draw their forces into any part of these dutchies . thus the arch-duke having by the fondness of peace , newly made a truce upon conditions imposed by the dutch ; now by the resolution of making war , obtains a peace upon the very terms proposed by himself , and by spain . an event of great instruction and example , how dangerous it ever proves for weak princes to call in greater to their aid , which makes them a prey to their friend , instead of their enemy ; how the only time of making an advantageous peace , is when your enemy desires it , and when you are in the best condition of pursuing a war : and how vain a counsel it is , to avoid a war by yeilding any point of interest or honour ; which does but invite new injuries , encourage enemies , and dishearten friends . chap. ii. of their government . it is evident by what has been discoursed in the former chapter concerning the rise of this state ( which is to be dated from the union of utrecht ) , that it cannot properly be stiled a commonwealth , but is rather a confederacy of seven soveraign provinces united together for their common and mutual defence , without any dependance one upon the other . but to discover the nature of their government from the first springs and motions , it must be taken yet into smaller pieces , by which it will appear , that each of these provinces is likewise composed of many little states or cities , which have several marks of soveraign power within themselves , and are not subject to the soveraignty of their province ; not being concluded in many things by the majority , but only by the universal concurrence of voices in the provincial-states . for as the states-general cannot make war or peace , or any new alliance , or levies of money , without the consent of every province ; so cannot the states-provincial conclude any of those points without the consent of each of the cities , that by their constitution has a voice in that assembly . and though in many civil causes there lies an appeal from the common judicature of the cities , to the provincial courts of justice ; yet in criminals there lies none at all ; nor can the soveraignty of a province exercise any judicature , seize upon any offender , or pardon any offence within the jurisdiction of a city , or execute any common resolution or law , but by the justice and officers of the city it self . by this a certain soveraignty in each city is discerned , the chief marks whereof are , the power of exercising judicature , levying of money , and making war and peace : for the other of coining money , is neither in particular cities or provinces , but in the generalty of the union by common agreement . the main ingredients therefore into the composition of this state , are the freedom of the cities , the soveraignty of the provinces , the agreements or constitutions of the union , and the authority of the princes of orange ; which make the order i shall follow in the account intended of this government . but whereas the several provinces in the union , and the several cities in each province , as they have in their orders and constitutions some particular differences , as well as a general resemblance ; and the account of each distinctly would swell this discourse out of measure , and to little purpose ; i shall confine my self to the account of holland , as the richest , strongest , and of most authority among the provinces ; and of amsterdam , as that which has the same preheminencies among the cities . the soveraign authority of the city of amsterdam , consists in the decrees or results of their senate , which is composed of six and thirty men , by whom the justice is administred , according to ancient forms , in the names of officers and places of judicature . but moneys are levied by arbitrary resolutions and proportions , according to what appears convenient or necessary upon the change or emergency of occasions . these senators are for their lives , and the senate was anciently chosen by the voices of the richer burghers or free-men of the city , who upon the death of a senator met together either in a church , a market , or some other place spacious enough to receive their numbers ; and there made an election of the person to succeed , by the majority of voices . but about a hundred and thirty or forty years ago , when the towns of holland began to encrease in circuit , and in people , so as these frequent assemblies grew into danger of tumuit and disorders upon every occasion , by reason of their numbers and contention ; this election of senators came by the resolution of the burghers , in one of their general assemblies , to be devolved for ever upon the standing-senate at that time ; so as ever since , when any one of their number dyes , a new one is chosen by the rest of the senate , without any intervention of the other burghers ; which makes the government a sort of oligarchy , and very different from a popular government , as it is generally esteemed by those who passing or living in these countreys , content themselves with common observations or inquiries . and this resolution of the burghers , either was agreed upon , or followed by general consent or example , about the same time , in all the towns of the province , though with some difference in number of their senators . by this senate are chosen the chief magistrates of the town , which are the burgomasters and the eschevins : the burgomasters of amsterdam are four , whereof three are chosen every year ; so as one of them stays in office two years ; but the three last chosen , are called the reigning-burgomasters for that year , and preside by turns , after the first three months ; for so long after a new election , the burgomaster of the year before presides ; in which time it is supposed the new ones will grow instructed in the forms and duties of their office , and acquainted with the state of the city's affairs . the burgomasters are chosen by most voices of all those persons in the senate who have been either burgomasters or eschevins ; and their authority resembles that of the lord mayor and aldermen in our cities . they represent the dignity of the government , and do the honour of the city upon all occasions : they dispose of all under-offices that fall in their time ; and issue out all moneys out of the common stock or treasure , judging alone what is necessary for the safety , convenience , or dignity of the city . they keep the key of the bank of amsterdam ( the common treasure of so many nations ) , which is never open'd without the presence of one of them ; and they inspect and pursue all the great publique works of the city , as the ramparts and stadt-house , now almost finished with so great magnificence , and so vast expence . this office is a charge of the greatest trust , authority , and dignity ; and so much the greater , by not being of profit or advantage , but only as a way to other constant employments in the city that are so . the salary of a burgomaster of amsterdam , is but five hundred gilders a year , though there are offices worth five thousand in their disposal ; but yet none of them known to have taken money upon such occasions , which would lose all their credit in the town , and thereby their fortunes by any publique employments . they are obliged to no sort of expence , more than ordinary modest citizens , in their habits , their attendance , their tables , or any part of their own domestique . they are upon all publique occasions waited on by men in salary from the town ; and whatever feasts they make upon solemn days , or for the entertainment of any princes or forreign ministers , the charge is defrayed out of the common treasure ; but proportioned by their own discretion . at other times they appear in all places with the simplicity and modesty of other private citizens . when the burgomaster's office expires , they are of course disposed into the other charges or employments of the town , which are very many and beneficial ; unless they lose their credit with the senate , by any want of diligence or fidelity in the discharge of their office , which seldom arrives . the eschevins are the court of justice in every town . they are at amsterdam nine in number ; of which seven are chosen annually ; but two of the preceding year continue in office . a double number is named by the senate , out of which the burgomasters now chuse , as the prince of orange did in the former constitution . they are soveraign judges in all criminal causes . in civil , after a certain value , there lyes appeal to the court of justice of the province . but they pass sentence of death upon no man , without first advising with the burgomasters ; though after that form is past , they proceed themselves , and are not bound to follow the burgomasters opinion , but are left to their own : this being only a care or favour of supererogation to the life of man , which is so soon cut off , and never to be retrieved or made amends for . under these soveraign magistrates , the chief subordinate officers of the town are the treasurers , who receive and issue out all moneys that are properly the revenues or stock of the city : the scout , who takes care of the peace , seizes all criminals , and sees the sentences of justice executed , and whose authority is like that of a sheriff in a county with us , or a constable in a parish . the pensioner , who is a civil-lawyer , verst in the customs , and records , and priviledges of the town , concerning which he informs the magistracy upon occasion , and vindicates them upon disputes with other towns ; he is a servant of the senate and the burgomasters , delivers their messages , makes their harangues upon all publique occasions , and is not unlike the recorder in one of our towns. in this city of amsterdam is the famous bank , which is the greatest treasure , either real or imaginary , that is known any where in the world. the place of it is a great vault under the stadthouse , made strong with all the circumstances of doors and locks , and other appearing cautions of safety , that can be : and 't is certain , that whoever is carried to see the bank , shall never fail to find the appearance of a mighty real treasure , in barrs of gold and silver , plate and infinite bags of metals , which are supposed to be all gold and silver , and may be so for ought i know . but the burgomasters only having the inspection of this bank , and no man ever taking any particular account of what issues in and out , from age to age , 't is impossible to make any calculation , or guess what proportion the real treasure may hold to the credit of it . therefore the security of the bank lies not only in the effects that are in it , but in the credit of the whole town or state of amsterdam , whose stock and revenue is equal to that of some kingdoms ; and who are bound to make good all moneys that are brought into their bank ; the tickets or bills hereof , make all the usual great payments that are made between man and man in the town ; and not only in most other places of the united provinces , but in many other trading-parts of the world. so as this bank is properly a general cash , where every man lodges his money , because he esteems it safer , and easier paid in and out , than if it were in his coffers at home : and the bank is so far from paying any interest for what is there brought in , that money in the bank is worth something more in common payments , than what runs current in coyn from hand to hand ; no other money passing in the bank , but in the species of coyn the best known , the most ascertain'd , and the most generally current in all parts of the higher as well as the lower germany . the revenues of amsterdam arise out of the constant excise upon all sorts of commodities bought and sold within the precinct : or out of the rents of those houses or lands that belong in common to the city : or out of certain duties and impositions upon every house , towards the uses of charity , and the repairs , or adornments , or fortifications of the place : or else out of extraordinary levies consented to by the senate , for furnishing their part of the publique charge that is agreed to by their deputies in the provincial-states , for the use of the province : or by the deputies of the states of holland in the states-general , for support of the union . and all these payments are made into one common stock of the town , not as many of ours are into that of the parish ; so as attempts may be easier made at the calculations of their whole revenue : and i have heard it affirmed , that what is paid of all kinds to publique uses of the states-general , the province , and the city in amsterdam , amounts to above sixteen hundred thousand pounds sterling a year . but i enter into no computations , nor give these for any thing more than what i have heard from men who pretended to make such enquiries , which i confess i did not . 't is certain that in no town , strength , beauty , and convenience , are better provided for , nor with more unlimited expence , than in this , by the magnificence of their publique buildings , as stadthouse and arsenals ; the number and spaciousness , as well as order and revenues of their many hospitals ; the commodiousness of their canals running through the chief streets of passage ; the mighty strength of their bastions and ramparts ; and the neatness as well as convenience of their streets , so far as can be compassed in so great a confluence of industrious people : all which could never be atchieved without a charge much exceeding what seems proportioned to the revenue of one single town . the senate chuses the deputies , which are sent from this city to the states of holland ; the soveraignty whereof is represented by deputies of the nobles and towns , composing nineteen voices ; of which the nobles have only the first , and the cities eighteen , according to the number of those which are called stemms ; the other cities and towns of the province having no voice in the states . these cities were originally but six , dort , haerlem , delf , leyden , amsterdam , and tergo● . but were encreased by prince william of nassaw , to the number of eighteen , by the addition of rotterdam , gorcum , schedam , schonoven , briel , alcmaer , horne , enchusen , edam , moninckdam , medenblick , and permeren . this makes as great an inequality in the government of the province , by such a small city as permeren having an equal voice in the the provincial-states with amsterdam ( which pays perhaps half of all charge of the province ) , as seems to be in the states-general by so small a province as overyssel having an equal voice in the states-general with that of holland , which contributes more than half to the general charge of the union . but this was by some writers of that age interpreted to be done by the prince's authority , to lessen that of the nobles , and balance that of the greater cities , by the voices of the smaller , whose dependances were easier to be gained and secured . the nobles , though they are few in this province , yet are not represented by all their number , but by eight or nine , who as deputies from their body have session in the states-provincial ; and who , when one among them dyes , chuse another to succeed him . though they have all together but one voice equal to the smallest town ; yet are they very considerable in the government , by possessing many of the best charges both civil and military , by having the direction of all the ecclesiastical revenue that was seized by the state upon the change of religion ; and by sending their deputies to all the councils both of the generalty and the province , and by the nomination of one councellor in the two great courts of justice . they give their voice first in the assembly of the states , and thereby a great weight to the business in consultation . the pensioner of holland is seated with them , delivers their voice for them , and assists at all their deliberations before they come to the assembly . he is properly , but minister or servant of the province , and so his place or rank is behind all their deputies ; but has always great credit , because he is perpetual , or seldom discharged ; though of right he ought to be chosen or renewed every third year . he has place in all the several assemblies of the province , and in the states proposes all affairs , gathers the opinions , and forms or digests the resolutions ; pretending likewise a power not to conclude any very important affair by plurality of voices , when he judges in his conscience he ought not to do it , and that it will be of ill consequence or prejudice to the province . the deputies of the cities are drawn out of the magistrates and senate of each town : their number is uncertain and arbitrary , according to the customs or pleasure of the cities that send them , because they have all together but one voice , and are all maintained at their cities charge : but commonly one of the burgomasters and the pensioner are of the number . the states of holland have their session in the court at the hague , and assemble ordinarily four times a year , in february , june , september , and november . in the former sessions they provide for the filling up of all vacant charges , and for renewing the farms of all the several taxes , and for consulting about any matters that concern either the general good of the province , or any particular differences arising between the towns. but in november they meet purposely to resolve upon the continuance of the charge which falls to the share of their province the following year , according to what may have been agreed upon by the deputies of the states-general , as necessary for the support of the state or union . for extraordinary occasions , they are convoked by a council called the gecommi heerde raeden , or the commissioned councellors , who are properly a council of state of the province , composed of several deputies ; one from the nobles ; one from each of the chief towns ; and but one from three of the smaller towns , each of the three chusing him by turns . and this council sits constantly at the hague , and both proposes to the provincial-states at their extraordinary assemblies , the matters of deliberation ; and executes their resolutions . in these assemblies , though all are equal in voices , and any one hinders a result ; yet it seldom happens , but that united by one common bond of interest , and having all one common end of publique good , they come after full debates to easie resolutions ; yeilding to the power of reason where it is clear and strong ; and suppressing all private passions or interests , so as the smaller part seldom contests hard or long , what the greater agrees of . when the deputies of the states agree in opinion , they send some of their number to their respective towns , proposing the affair and the reasons alledged , and desiring orders from them to conclude ; which seldom fails , if the necessity or utility be evident : if it be more intricate , or suffers delay , the states adjourn for such a time , as admits the return of all the deputies to their towns ; where their influence and interest , and the impressions of the debates in their provincial assemblies , make the consent of the cities easier gain'd . besides the states and council mention'd , the province has likewise a chamber of accounts , who manage the general revenues of the province : and besides this trust , they have the absolute disposition of the ancient demesne of holland , without giving any account to the states of the province . only at times , either upon usual intervals , or upon a necessity of money , the states call upon them for a subsidy of two or three hundred thousand crowns , or more , as they are prest , or conceive the chamber to be grown rich , beyond what is proportioned to the general design of encreasing the ease and fortunes of those persons who compose it . the states of holland dispose of these charges to men grown aged in their service , and who have passed through most of the employments of state with the esteem of prudence and integrity ; and such persons find here an honourable and profitable retreat . the provinces of holland and zealand , as they used formerly to have one governour in the time of the house of burgundy and austria ; so they have long had one common judicature , which is exercised by two courts of justice , each of them common to both the provinces . the first is composed of twelve councellors , nine of holland , and three of zealand , of whom the governour of the provinces is the head ; by the old constitution used to preside whenever he pleased , and to name all the councellors except one , who was chosen by the nobles . this court judges without appeal in all criminal causes ; but in civil there lyes appeal to the other court , which is called the high council , from which there is no appeal but only by petition to the states of the province for a revision : when these judg there is reason for it , they grant letters-patents to that purpose , naming some syndiques out of the towns , who being added to the councellors of the two former courts , revise and judg the cause in the last resort . and this course seems to have been instituted by way of supply or imitation of the chamber of mechlyn , to which , before the revolt of the provinces , there lay an appeal by way of revision , from all or most of the provincial courts of justice , as there still does in the spanish provinces of the netherlands . the union is made up of the seven soveraign provinces before named , who chuse their respective deputies , and send them to the hague , for the composing of three several colledges , called , the states-general , the council of state , and the chamber of accounts . the soveraign power of this united-state , lyes effectively in the assembly of the states-general , which used at first to be convoked upon extraordinary occasions , by the council of state ; but that seldom , in regard they usually consisted of above eight hundred persons , whose meeting together in one place from so many several parts , gave too great a shake to the whole body of the union ; made the debates long , and sometimes confused ; the resolutions slow , and upon sudden occasions out of time . in the absence of the states-general , the council of state represented their authority , and executed their resolutions , and judged of the necessity of a new convocation : till after the earl of leicester's departure from the government , the provincial-states desired of the general , that they might by their constant respective deputies , continue their assemblies under the name of states-general , which were never after assembled but at bergen ap zoom , for ratifying with more solemn form and authority , the truce concluded with duke albert and spain . this desire of the provinces was grounded upon the pretences , that the council of state convoked them but seldom , and at will ; and that being to execute all in their absence , they thereby arrogated to themselves too great an authority in the state. but a more secret reason had greater weight in this affair , which was , that the english ambassador had by agreement with queen elizabeth , a constant place in their council of state ; and upon the distasts arising between the provinces and the earl of leicester , with some jealousies of the queen's disposition to make a peace with spain , they had no mind that her ambassador should be present any longer in the first digestion of their affairs , which was then usually made in the council of state. and hereupon they first framed the ordinary council , called the states-general , which has ever since passed by that name , and sits constantly in the court at the hague , represents the soveraignty of the union , gives audience and dispatches to all forreign ministers ; but yet is indeed only a representative of the states-general , the assemblies whereof are wholly disused . the council of state , the admiralty , and the treasury are all subordinate to this council ; all which are continued in as near a resemblance as could be , to the several councils used in the time when the provinces were subject to their several principalities ; or united under one in the houses of burgundy and austria : only the several deputies ( composing one voice ) now succeeding the single persons employed under the former governments : and the hague , which was the ancient seat of the counts of holland , still continues to be so of all these councils ; where the palace of the former soveraigns , lodges the prince of orange as governour , and receives these several councils as attending still upon the soveraignty , represented by the states-general . the members of all these councils are placed and changed by the several provinces , according to their different or agreeing customs . to the states-general every one sends their deputies in what number they please ; some two , some ten or twelve ; which makes no difference , because all matters are carried not by the votes of persons , but of provinces ; and all the deputies from one province , how few or many soever , have one single vote . the provinces differ likewise in the time fixed for their deputation ; some sending for a year , some for more , and others for life . the province of holland send to the states-general one of their nobles , who is perpetual ; two deputies chosen out of their eight chief towns ; and one out of north-holland ; and with these , two of their provincial council of state , and their pensioner . neither stadtholder , or governour , or any person in military-charge , has session in the states-general . every province presides their week in turns , and by the most qualified person of the deputies of that province : he sits in a chair with arms , at the middle of a long table , capable of holding about thirty persons ; for about that number this council is usually composed of . the greffier , who is in nature of a secretary , sits at the lower end of the table : when a forreign minister has audience , he is seated at the middle of this table , over-against the president : who proposes all matters in this assembly ; makes the greffier read all papers ; puts the question ; calls the voices of the provinces ; and forms the conclusion . or if he refuses to conclude according to the plurality , he is obliged to resign his place to the president of the ensuing week , who concludes for him . this is the course in all affairs before them , except in cases of peace and war , of forreign alliances , of raising or coining of moneys , or the priviledges of each province or member of the union . in all which , all the provinces must concur , plurality being not at all weighed or observed . this counsel is not soveraign , but only represents the soveraignty ; and therefore though ambassadors are both received and sent in their name ; yet neither are their own chosen , nor forreign ministers answered , nor any of those mentioned affairs resolved , without consulting first the states of each province by their respective deputies , and receiving orders from them ; and in other important matters , though decided by plurality , they frequently consult with the council of state. nor has this method or constitution ever been broken since their state began , excepting only in one affair , which was in january 1668 , when his majesty sent me over to propose a league of mutual defence with this state , and another for the preservation of flanders from the invasion of france , which had already conquered a great part of the spanish provinces , and left the rest at the mercy of the next campania . upon this occasion i had the fortune to prevail with the states-general to conclude three treaties , and upon them draw up and sign the several instruments , in the space of five days ; without passing the essential forms of their government by any recourse to the provinces , which must likewise have had it to the several cities ; there , i knew , those forreign ministers whose duty and interest it was to oppose this affair , expected to meet and to elude it , which could not have failed in case it had run that circle , since engaging the voice of one city , must have broken it . 't is true , that in concluding these alliances without commission from their principals , the deputies of the states-general ventur'd their heads if they had been disowned by their provinces ; but being all unanimous , and led by the clear evidence of so direct and so important an interest ( which must have been lost by the usual delays ) , they all agreed to run the hazzard ; and were so far from being disowned , that they were applauded by all the members of every province ; having thereby changed the whole face of affairs in christendom , and laid the foundation of the triple-alliance , and the peace of aix ( which were concluded about four months after ) . so great has the force of reason and interest ever proved in this state , not only to the uniting of all voices in their assemblies , but to the absolving of the greatest breach of their original constitutions ; even in a state whose safety and greatness has been chiefly founded upon the severe and exact observance of order and method in all their counsels and executions . nor have they ever used at any other time any greater means to agree and unite the several members of their union in the resolutions necessary , upon the most pressing occasions , than for the agreeing-provinces to name some of their ablest persons to go and confer with the dissenting , and represent those reasons and interests , by which they have been induced to their opinions . the council of state is composed of deputies from the several provinces , but after another manner than the states-general , the number being fixed . gelderland sends two , holland three , zealand and utrecht two a piece , friezland , overyssel and groninghen , each of them one , making in all twelve . they vote not by provinces , but by personal voices ; and every deputy presides by turns . in this council the governour of the provinces has session , and a decisive voice ; and the treasurer-general , session , but a voice only deliberative ; yet he has much credit here , being for life ; and so is the person deputed to this council from the nobles of holland , and the deputies of the province of zealand . the rest are but for two , three , or four years . the council of state executes the resolutions of the states-general ; consults and proposes to them the most expedient ways of raising troops , and levying moneys , as well as the proportions of both , which they conceive necessary in all conjunctures and revolutions of the state : superintends the milice , the fortifications , the contributions out of enemies countrey , the forms and disposal of all passports , and the affairs , revenues , and government of all places conquered since the union ; which being gain'd by the common arms of the state , depend upon the states-general , and not upon any particular province . towards the end of every year , this council forms a state of the expence they conceive will be necessary for the year ensuing ; presents it to the states-general , desiring them to demand so much of the states-provincial , to be raised according to the usual proportions , which are of 100000 g rs . gelderland 3612 g rs 05 st 00 d holland 58309 g rs 01 st 10 d zealand 9183 g rs 14 st 02 d utrecht 5830 g rs 17 st 11 d friezland 11661 g rs 15 st 10 d overyssel 3571 g rs 08 st 04 d groningue 5830 g rs 17 st 11 d this petition , as 't is called , is made to the states-general in the name of the governour and council of state , which is but a continuance of the forms used in the time of their soveraigns , and still by the governours and council of state in the spanish netherlands : petition signifying barely asking or demanding , though implying the thing demanded to be wholly in the right and power of them that give . it was used by the first counts only upon extraordinary occasions and necessities ; but in the time of the houses of burgundy and austria , grew to be a thing of course , and annual , as it is still in the spanish provinces . the council of state disposes of all sums of money destin'd for all extraordinary affairs , and expedites the orders for the whole expence of the state , upon the resolutions first taken in the main , by the states-general . the orders must be signed by three deputies of several provinces , as well as by the treasurer-general , and then registred in the chamber of accounts , before the receiver-general pays them , which is then done without any difficulty , charge , or delay . every province raises what moneys it pleases , and by what ways or means ; sends its quota , or share of the general charge , to the receiver-general , and converts the rest to the present use , or reserves it for the future occasions of the province . the chamber of accounts was erected about sixty years ago , for the ease of the council of state , to examine and state all accounts of all the several receivers , to controul and register the orders of the council of state , which disposes of the finances : and this chamber is composed of two deputies from each province , who are changed every three years . besides these colledges , is the council of the admiralty ; who , when the states-general by advice of the council of state , have destin'd a fleet of such a number and force to be set out , have the absolute disposition of the marine affairs , as well in the choice and equipage of all the several ships , as in issuing the moneys allotted for that service . this colledg is subdivided into five , of which three are in holland , viz. one in amsterdam , another at rotterdam , and the third at horn : the fourth is at middlebourgh in zealand , and the fifth at harlinguen in friezland . each of these is composed of seven deputies ; four of that province where the colledg resides ; and three named by the other provinces . the admiral , or in his absence the vice-admiral , has session in all these colledges , and presides when he is present . they take cognizance of all crimes committed at sea ; judg all pirates that are taken , and all frauds or negligences in the payment or collections of the customs ; which are particularly affected to the admiralty , and appliable to no other use . this fond being not sufficient in times of wars , is supplied by the states with whatever more is necessary from other fonds ; but in time of peace , being little exhausted by other constant charge , besides that of convoys to their several fleets of merchants in all parts , the remainder of this revenue is applied to the building of great ships of war , and furnishing the several arsenals and stores with all sorts of provision necessary for the building and rigging of more ships than can be needed by the course of a long war. so soon as the number and force of the fleets designed for any expedition , is agreed by the states-general , and given out by the council of state to the admiralty ; each particular colledg furnishes their own proportion , which is known as well as that of the several provinces , in all moneys that are to be raised . in all which , the admiral has no other share or advantages , besides his bare salary , and his proportion in prizes that are taken . the captains and superior officers of each squadron are chosen by the several colledges ; the number of men appointed for every ship : after which , each captain uses his best diligence and credit to fill his number with the best men he can get , and takes the whole care and charge of victualling his own ship for the time intended for that expedition , and signifi'd to him by the admiralty ; and this at a certain rate of so much a man. and by the good or ill discharge of his trust , as well as that of providing chirurgeons medicines , and all things necessary for the health of the men , each captain grows into good or ill credit with the sea-men , and by their report with the admiralties ; upon whose opinion and esteem , the fortune of all sea-officers depends : so as in all their expeditions there appears rather an emulation among the particular captains who shall treat his sea-men best in these points , and employ the moneys allotted for their victualling , to the best advantage , than any little knavish practises , of filling their own purses by keeping their men's bellys empty , or forcing them to corrupted unwholsome diet : upon which , and upon cleanliness in their ships , the health of many people crowded up into so little rooms , seems chiefly to depend . the salaries of all the great officers of this state , are very small : i have already mentioned that of a burgo-master's of amsterdam to be about fifty pounds sterling a year : that of their vice-admiral ( for since the last prince of orange's death , to the year 1670 , there had been no admiral ) is five hundred , and that of the pensioner of holland two hundred . the greatness of this state seems much to consist in these orders , how confused soever , and of different pieces they may seem : but more in two main effects of them , which are the good choice of the officers of chief trust in the cities , provinces , and state : and the great simplicity and modesty in the common port or living of their chiefest ministers ; without which , the absoluteness of the senates in each town , and the immensity of taxes throughout the whole state , would never be endured by the people with any patience ; being both of them greater than in many of those governments which are esteemed most arbitrary among their neighbours . but in the assemblies and debates of their senates , every man's abilities are discovered , as their dispositions are , in the conduct of their lives and domestick , among their fellow-citizens . the observation of these , either raises or suppresses the credit of particular men , both among the people and the senates of their towns ; who to maintain their authority with less popular envy or discontent , give much to the general opinion of the people in the choice of their magistrates : by this means it comes to pass , that though perhaps the nation generally be not wise , yet the government is , because it is composed of the wisest of the nation , which may give it an advantage over many others , where ability is of more common growth , but of less use to the publique , if it happens that neither wisdom nor honesty are the qualities which bring men to the management of state-affairs , as they usually do in this commonwealth . besides , though these people , who are naturally cold and heavy , may not be ingenious enough to furnish a pleasant or agreeable conversation , yet they want not plain down-right sence to understand and do their business both publique and private , which is a talent very different from the other ; and i know not whether they often meet : for the first proceeds from heat of the brain , which makes the spirits more aiery and volatile , and thereby the motions of thought lighter and quicker , and the range of imagination much greater than in cold heads , where the spirits are more earthy and dull ; thought moves slower and heavier , but thereby the impressions of it are deeper , and last longer : one imagination being not so frequently nor so easily effaced by another , as where new ones are continually arising . this makes duller men more constant and steddy , and quicker men more inconstant and uncertain ; whereas the greatest ability in business , seems to be the steddy pursuit of some one thing till there is an end of it , with perpetual application and endeavour not to be diverted by every representation of new hopes or fears , of difficulty or danger , or of some better design . the first of these talents cuts like a razor , the other like a hatchet : one has thinness of edg , and fineness of metal and temper , but is easily turn'd by any substance that is hard , and resists . t'other has toughness and weight , which makes it cut thorough , or go deep , wherever it falls ; and therefore one is for adornment , and t'other for use. it may be said further , that the heat of the heart commonly goes along with that of the brain ; so that passions are warmer where imaginations are quicker : and there are few men ( unless in case of some evident natural defect ) but have sence enough to distinguish in gross between right and wrong , between good and bad , when represented to them ; and consequently have judgment enough to do their business , if it be left to it self , and not swayed nor corrupted by some humour or passion , by anger or pride , by love or by scorn , ambition or avarice , delight or revenge ; so as the coldness of passions seems to be the natural ground of ability and honesty among men , as the government or moderation of them the great end of philosophical and moral instructions . these speculations may perhaps a little lessen the common wonder , how we should meet with in one nation so little show of parts and of wit , and so great evidence of wisdom and prudence , as has appeared in the conduct and successes of this state for near a hundred years ; which needs no other testimony than the mighty growth and power it arrived to from so weak and contemptible seeds and beginnings . the other circumstance i mentioned as an occasion of their greatness , was the simplicity and modesty of their magistrates in their way of living ; which is so general , that i never knew one among them exceed the common frugal popular air ; and so great , that of the two chief officers in my time , vice-admiral de ruiter , and the pensioner de wit ( one , generally esteemed by forreign nations , as great a sea-man , and the other as great a states-man , as any of their age ) , i never saw the first in clothes better than the commonest sea-captain , nor with above one man following him , nor in a coach : and in his own house , neither was the size , building , furniture , or entertainment , at all exceeding the use of every common merchant and trades-man in his town . for the pensioner de wit , who had the great influence in the government , the whole train and expence of his domestique went very equal with other common deputies or ministers of the state ; his habit grave , and plain , and popular ; his table what only serv'd turn for his family , or a friend ; his train ( besides commissaries and clerks kept for him in an office adjoining to his house , at the publique charge ) was only one man , who performed all the menial service of his house at home ; and upon his visits of ceremony , putting on a plain livery-cloak , attended his coach abroad : for upon other occasions , he was seen usually in the streets on foot and alone , like the commonest burger of the town . nor was this manner of life affected , or used by these particular men , but was the general fashion or mode among all the magistrates of the state : for i speak not of the military officers , who are reckon'd their servants , and live in a different garb , though generally modester than in other countreys . thus this stomachful people , who could not endure the least exercise of arbitrary power or impositions , or the sight of any forreign troops under the spanish government ; have been since inured to all of them , in the highest degree , under their own popular magistrates ; bridled with hard laws ; terrified with severe executions ; environ'd with forreign forces ; and opprest with the most cruel hardship and variety of taxes , that was ever known under any government . but all this , whilst the way to office and authority lyes through those qualities which acquire the general esteem of the people ; whilst no man is exempted from the danger and current of laws ; whilst soldiers are confin'd to frontier-garrisons ( the guard of inland or trading-towns being left to the burghers themselves ) ; and whilst no great riches are seen to enter by publique payments into private purses , either to raise families , or to feed the prodigal expences of vain , extravagant , and luxurious men ; but all publique moneys are applied to the safety , greatness , or honour of the state , and the magistrates themselves bear an equal share in all the burthens they impose . the authority of the princes of orange , though intermitted upon the untimely death of the last , and infancy of this present prince ; yet as it must be ever acknowledged to have had a most essential part in the first frame of this government , and in all the fortunes thereof , during the whole growth and progress of the state : so has it ever preserved a very strong root , not only in six of the provinces , but even in the general and popular affections of the province of holland it self , whose states have for these last twenty years so much endeavoured to suppress or exclude it . this began in the person of prince william of nassaw , at the very birth of the state ; and not so much by the quality of being governour of holland and zealand in charles the fifth's , and philip the second's time ; as by the esteem of so great wisdom , goodness and courage , as excell'd in that prince , and seems to have been from him derived to his whole race , being indeed the qualities that naturally acquire esteem and authority among the people in all governments . nor has this nation in particular , since the time perhaps of civilis , ever been without some head , under some title or other ; but always a head subordinate to their laws and customs , and to the soveraign power of the state. in the first constitution of this government , after the revolt from spain , all the power and rights of prince william of orange , as governour of the provinces , seem to have been carefully reserved . but those which remain'd inherent in the soveraign , were devolved upon the assembly of the states-general , so as in them remained the power of making peace and war , and all forreign alliances , and of raising and coining of moneys . in the prince , the command of all land and sea-forces , as captain-general and admiral , and thereby the disposition of all military commands ; the power of pardoning the penalty of crimes ; the chusing of magistrates upon the nomination of the towns ; for they presented three to the prince , who elected one out of that number . originally the states-general were convoked by the council of state , where the prince had the greatest influence : nor since that change , have the states used to resolve any important matter without his advice . besides all this , as the states-general represented the soveraignty , so did the prince of orange the dignity of this state , by publique guards , and the attendance of all military officers ; by the application of all forreign ministers , and all pretenders at home ; by the splendour of his court , and magnificence of his expence , supported not only by the pensions and rights of his several charges and commands , but by a mighty patrimonial revenue in lands , and soveraign principalities and lordships , as well in france , germany , and burgundy , as in the several parts of the seventeen provinces ; so as prince henry was used to answer some that would have flattered him into the designs of a more arbitrary power , that he had as much as any wise prince would desire in that state ; since he had all indeed , besides that of punishing men , and raising money ; whereas he had rather the envy of the first should lye upon the forms of the government ; and he knew the other could never be supported without the consent of the people , to that degree which was necessary for the defence of so small a state against so mighty princes as their neighbours . upon these foundations was this state first establisht , and by these orders maintained , till the death of the last prince of orange ; when by the great influence of the province of holland amongst the rest , the authority of the princes came to be shared among the several magistracies of the state ; those of the cities assumed the last nomination of their several magistrates ; the states-provincial , the disposal of all military commands in those troops which their share was to pay ; and the states-general , the command of the armies , by officers of their own appointment , substituted and changed at their will. no power remain'd to pardon what was once condemned by rigor of law ; nor any person to represent the port and dignity of a soveraign state ; both which could not fail of being sensibly missed by the people , since no man in particular can be secure of offending , or would therefore absolutely despair of impunity himself , though he would have others do so ; and men are generally pleased with the pomp and splendor of a government , not only as it is an amusement for idle people , but as it is a mark of the greatness , honour and riches of their countrey . however these defects were for near twenty years supplied in some measure , and this frame supported by the great authority and riches of the province of holland , which drew a sort of dependance from the other six ; and by the great sufficiency , integrity and constancy of their chief minister , and by the effect of both in the prosperous successes of their affairs : yet having a constitution strained against the current vein and humour of the people , it was always evident , that upon the growth of this young prince , the great virtues and qualities he derived from the mixture of such royal and such princely blood , could not fail in time of raising his authority to equal at least , if not to surpass that of his glorious ancestors . chap. iii. of their scituation . holland , zealand , friezland , and groninguen , are seated upon the sea , and make the strength and greatness of this state : the other three , with the conquered towns in brabant , flanders , and cleve , make only the out-works or frontiers , serving chiefly for safety and defence of these . no man can tell the strange and mighty changes that may have been made in the face and bounds of maritime countreys , at one time or other , by furious inundations , upon the unusual concurrence of land-floods , winds and tides ; and therefore no man knows whether the province of holland may not have been in some past ages , all wood and rough unequal ground , as some old traditions go ; and level'd to what we see , by the sea 's breaking in and continuing long upon the land ; since recovered by its recess , and with the help of industry . for it is evident , that the sea for some space of years , advances continually upon one coast , retiring from the opposite ; and in another age , quite changes this course , yeilding up what it had seized , and seizing what it had yeilded up , without any reason to be given of such contrary motions . but i suppose this great change was made in holland , when the sea first parted england from the continent , breaking through a neck of land between dover and calais ; which may be a tale , but i am sure is no record . it is certain , on the contrary , that sixteen hundred years ago , there was no usual mention or memory of any such changes ; and that the face of all these coasts , and nature of the soil , especially that of holland , was much as it is now , allowing only the improvements of riches , time , and industry ; which appears by the description made in tacitus both of the limits of the isle of batavia , and the nature of the soil as well as the climate , and the very names of rivers still remaining . 't is likely the changes arrived since that age in these countreys , may have been made by stoppages grown in time , with the rolling of sands upon the mouths of three great rivers , which disimbogued into the sea through the coasts of these provinces ; that is , the rhine , the mose , and the scheld . the ancient rhyne divided where skencksconce now stands , into two rivers ; of which , one kept the name , till running near leyden , it fell into the sea at catwick ; where are still seen at low tides , the foundations of an ancient roman castle that commanded the mouth of this river : but this is wholly stopt up , though a great canal still preserves the name of the old rhine . the mose running by dort and rotterdam , fell as it now does , into the sea at the briel , with mighty issues of water ; but the sands gather'd for three or four leagues upon this coast , makes the haven extream dangerous , without great skill of pilots , and use of pilot-boats , that come out with every tide to welcome and secure the ships bound for that river ; and it is probable that these sands having obstructed the free course of the river , has at times caused or encreased those inundations , out of which so many islands have been recovered , and of which that part of the countrey is much composed . the scheld seems to have had its issue by walcheren in zealand , which was an island in the mouth of that river , till the inundations of that and the mose seem to have been joyned together by some great helps or irruptions of the sea , by which the whole countrey was overwhelmed , which now makes that inland-sea that serves for a common passage between holland , zealand , flanders and brabant . the sea for some leagues from zealand , lyes generally upon such banks of sand as it does upon the mouth of the maze , though separated by something better channels than are found in the other . that which seems likeliest to have been the occasion of stopping up wholly one of these rivers , and obstructing the others , is the course of westerly-winds , which drive upon this shore so much more constant and violent than the east : for taking the seasons and years one with another , i suppose there will be observed three parts of westerly for one of easterly winds ; besides that these last generally attend the calm frosts and fair weather , and the other the stormy and foul . and i have had occasion to make experiment of the sands rising and sinking before a haven , by two fits of these contrary winds , above four foot . this i presume is likewise the natural reason of so many deep and commodious havens found upon all the english side of the channel , and so few ( or indeed none ) upon the french and dutch : an advantage seeming to be given us by nature , and never to be equal'd by any art or expence of our neighbours . i remember no mention in ancient authors of that which is now call'd the zudder-sea ; which makes me imagine , that may have been form'd likewise by some great inundation breaking in between the tessel-islands and others that lye still in a line contiguous , and like the broken remainders of a continued coast. this seems more probable from the great shallowness of that sea , and flatness of the sands upon the whole extent of it ; from the violent rage of the waters breaking in that way , which threaten the parts of north-holland about medenblick and enchusen , and brave it over the highest and strongest digues of the province upon every high-tide , and storm at north-west . as likewise from the names of east and west-friezland , which should have been one continent till divided by this sea ; and in the time of the first counts of holland , their great and almost continual wars were against the frizons ; which could not have been , if separated by this sea , or if the frizons were only the inhabitants of north-holland . whatever it was , whether nature or accident , and upon what occasion soever it arrived , the soil of the whole province of holland is generally flat like the sea in a calm , and looks as if after a long contention between land and water , which it should belong to , it had at length been divided between them : for to consider the great rivers , and the strange number of canals that are found in this province , and do not only lead to every great town , but almost to every village , and every farm-house in the countrey ; and the infinity of sails that are seen every where coursing up and down upon them ; one would imagine the water to have shar'd with the land ; and the people that live in boats , to hold some proportion with those that live in houses . and this is one great advantage towards trade , which is natural to the scituation , and not to be attained in any countrey where there is not the same level and softness of soil , which makes the cutting of canals so easie work as to be attempted almost by every private man ; and one horse shall draw in a boat more than fifty can do by cart , whereas carriage makes a great part of the price in all heavy commodities : and by this easie way of travelling , an industrious man loses no time from his business , for he writes , or eats , or sleeps while he goes ; whereas the time of labouring or industrious men , is the greatest native commodity of any countrey . there is besides , one very great lake of fresh water still remaining in the midst of this province , by the name of harlem maer , which might as they say be easily drained , and would thereby make a mighty addition of land to a countrey , where nothing is more wanted ; and receive a great quantity of people , in which they abound , and who make their greatness and riches . much discourse there has been about such an attempt , but the city of leyden having no other way of refreshing their town , or renewing their canals with fresh water , but from this maer , will never consent to it . on the other side , amsterdam will ever oppose the opening and cleansing of the old channel of the rhine , which they say might easily be compassed , and by which the town of leyden would grow maritime , and share a great part of the trade now engrossed by amsterdam . there is in north-holland a great essay made at the possibility of draining these great lakes , by one of about two leagues broad having been made firm land , within these forty years ; this makes that part of the countrey called the bemster , being now the richest soil of the province , lying upon a dead flat , divided with canals , and the ways through it distinguisht with ranges of trees , which make the pleasantest summer-landschip of any countrey i have seen of that sort . another advantage of their scituation for trade , is made by those two great rivers of the rhyne and mose , reaching up , and navigable so mighty a length into so rich and populous countreys of the higher and lower germany ; which as it brings down all the commodities from those parts to the magazines in holland , that vent them by their shipping into all parts of the world where the market calls for them ; so with something more labour and time , it returns all the merchandizes of other parts into those countreys that are seated upon these streams . for their commodious seat as to the trade of the streights , or baltique , or any parts of the ocean , i see no advantage they have of most parts of england ; and they must certainly yeild to many we possess , if we had other equal circumstances to value them . the lowness and flatness of their lands , makes in a great measure the richness of their soil , that is easily overflowed every winter , so as the whole countrey at that season seems to lye under water , which in spring is driven out again by mills . but that which mends the earth , spoils the air , which would be all fog and mist , if it were not clear'd by the sharpness of their frosts , which never fail with every east-wind for about four months of the year , and are much fiercer than in the same latitude with us , because that wind comes to them over a mighty length of dry continent ; but is moistned by the vapours , or softned by the warmth of the seas motion , before it reaches us . and this is the greatest disadvantage of trade they receive from their scituation , though necessary to their health ; because many times their havens are all shut up for two or three months with ice , when ours are open and free . the fierce sharpness of these winds , makes the changes of their weather and seasons more violent and surprising than in any place i know ; so as a warm faint air turns in a night to a sharp frost , with the wind coming into the north-east ; and the contrary with another change of wind. the spring is much shorter , and less agreeable than with us ; the winter much colder , and some parts of the summer much hotter ; and i have known more than once , the violence of one give way to that of the other , like the cold fit of an ague to the hot , without any good temper between . the flatness of their land exposes it to the danger of the sea , and forces them to infinite charge in the continual fences and repairs of their banks to oppose it ; which employ yearly more men than all the corn of the province of holland could maintain ( as one of their chief ministers has told me ) . they have lately found the common sea-weed to be the best material for these digues , which fastens with a thin mixture of earth , yeilds a little to the force of the sea , and returns when the waves give back : whether they are thereby the safer against water , as they say houses that shake are against wind ; or whether , as pious naturalists observe , all things carry about them that which serves for a remedy against the mischiefs they do in the world . the extream moisture of the air , i take to be the occasion of the great neatness in their houses , and cleanliness in their towns. for without the help of those customs , their countrey would not be habitable by such crowds of people , but the air would corrupt upon every hot season , and expose the inhabitants to general and infectious diseases ; which they hardly escape three summers together , especially about leyden , where the waters are not so easily renewed ; and for this reason i suppose it is that leyden is found to be the neatest and cleanest kept of all their towns. the same moisture of air makes all metals apt to rust , and wood to mould ; which forces them by continual pains of rubbing and scouring , to seek a prevention or cure : this makes the brightness and cleanness that seems affected in their houses , and is call'd natural to them , by people who think no further . so the deepness of their soil , and wetness of seasons , which would render it unpassable , forces them not only to exactness of paving in their streets , but to the expence of so long cawsies between many of their towns , and in their high-ways . as indeed most national customs are the effect of some unseen or unobserved natural causes or necessities . chap. iv. of their people and dispositions . the people of holland may be divided into these several classes : the clowns or boors ( as they call them ) , who cultivate the land. the mariners or schippers , who supply their ships and inland-boats . the merchants or traders , who fill their towns. the renteeners , or men that live in all their chief cities upon the rents or interest of estates formerly acquired in their families : and the gentlemen and officers of their armies . the first are a race of people diligent rather than laborious ; dull and slow of understanding , and so not dealt with by hasty words , but managed easily by soft and fair ; and yeilding to plain reason , if you give them time to understand it . in the countrey and villages not too near the great towns , they seem plain and honest , and content with their own ; so that if in bounty you give them a shilling for what is worth but a groat , they will take the current price , and give you the rest again ; if you bid them take it , they know not what you mean , and sometimes ask if you are a fool. they know no other good , but the supply of what nature requires , and the common encrease of wealth . they feed most upon herbs , roots , and milks ; and by that means i suppose neither their strength nor vigor seems answerable to the size or bulk of their bodies . the mariners are a plain , but much rougher people ; whether from the element they live in , or from their food , which is generally fish and corn , and heartier than that of the boors . they are surly and ill-manner'd , which is mistaken for pride ; but i believe is learnt , as all manners are , by the conversation we use . now theirs lying only among one another , or with winds ▪ and waves , which are not mov'd or wrought upon by any language , or observance ; or to be dealt with , but by pains and by patience ; these are all the qualities their mariners have learnt ; their valour is passive rather than active ; and their language is little more than what is of necessary use to their business . the merchants and trades-men , both the greater and mechanick , living in towns that are of great resort , both by strangers and passengers of their own ; are more mercurial ( wit being sharpned by commerce and conversation of cities ) , though they are not very inventive , which is the gift of warmer heads ; yet are they great in imitation , and so far , many times , as goes beyond the originals : of mighty industry , and constant application to the ends they propose and pursue . they make use of their skill and their wit , to take advantage of other men's ignorance and folly they deal with : are great exacters where the law is in their own hands . in other points , where they deal with men that understand like themselves , and are under the reach of justice and 〈◊〉 , they are the plainest and best dealers in the world ; which seems not to grow so much from a principle of conscience or morality , as from a custom or habit introduced by the necessity of trade among them , which depends as much upon common-honesty , as war does upon discipline ; and without which , all would break up , merchants would turn pedlars , and soldiers thieves . those families which live upon their patrimonial estates in all the great cities , are a people differently bred and manner'd from the traders , though like them in the modesty of garb and habit , and the parsimony of living . their youth are generally bred up at schools , and at the universities of leyden or utrecht , in the common studies of human learning , but chiefly of the civil law , which is that of their countrey , at least as far as it is so in france and spain . ( for , as much as i understand of those countreys , no decisions or decrees of the civil law , nor constitutions of the roman emperors , have the force or current of law among them , as is commonly believed , but only the force of reasons when alledged before their courts of judicature , as far as the authority of men esteemed wise , passes for reason : but the ancient customs of those several countreys , and the ordonnances of their kings and princes , consented to by the estates , or in france verified by parliaments , have only the strength and authority of law among them . ) where these families are rich , their youths after the course of their studies at home , travel for some years , as the sons of our gentry use to do ; but their journeys are chiefly into england and france , not much into italy , seldomer into spain , nor often into the more northern countreys , unless in company or train of their publique ministers . the chief end of their breeding , is to make them fit for the service of their countrey in the magistracy of their towns , their provinces , and their state. and of these kind of men are the civil officers of this government generally composed , being descended of families who have many times been constantly in the magistracy of their native towns for many years , and some for several ages . such were most or all of the chief ministers , and the persons that composed their chief councils , in the time of my residence among them , and not men of mean or mechanick trades , as it is commonly received among forreigners , and makes the subject of comical jests upon their government . this does not exclude many merchants , or traders in gross , from being often seen in the offices of their cities , and sometimes deputed to their states ; nor several of their states , from turning their stocks in the management of some very beneficial trade by servants , and houses maintained to that purpose . but the generality of the states and magistrates are of the other sort ; their estates consisting in the pensions of their publique charges , in the rents of lands , or interest of money upon the cantores , or in actions of the east-indy company , or in shares upon the adventures of great trading-merchants . nor do these families , habituated as it were to the magistracy of their towns and provinces , usually arrive at great or excessive riches ; the salaries of publique employments and interest being low , but the revenue of lands being yet very much lower , and seldom exceeding the profit of two in the hundred . they content themselves with the hohour of being useful to the publique , with the esteem of their cities or their countrey , and with the ease of their fortunes ; which seldom fails , by the frugality of their living , grown universal by being ( i suppose ) at first necessary , but since honourable among them . the mighty growth and excess of riches is seen among the merchants and traders , whose application lyes wholly that way , and who are the better content to have so little share in the government , desiring only security in what they possess ; troubled with no cares but those of their fortunes , and the management of their trades , and turning the rest of their time and thought to the divertisement of their lives . yet these , when they attain great wealth , chuse to breed up their sons in the way , and marry their daughters into the families of those others most generally credited in their towns , and versed in their magistracies ; and thereby introduce their families into the way of government and honour , which consists not here in titles , but in publique employments . the next rank among them , is that of their gentlemen or nobles , who in the province of holland ( to which i chiefly confine these observations ) are very few , most of the families having been extinguished in the long wars with spain . but those that remain , are in a manner all employ'd in the military or civil charges of the province or state. these are in their customs , and manners , and way of living , a good deal different from the rest of the people ; and having been bred much abroad , rather affect the garb of their neighbour-courts , than the popular air of their own countrey . they value themselves more upon their nobility , than men do in other countreys , where 't is more common ; and would think themselves utterly dishonoured by the marriage of one that were not of their rank , though it were to make up the broken fortune of a noble family , by the wealth of a plebean . they strive to imitate the french in their meen , their clothes , their way of talk , of eating , of gallantry , or debauchery ; and are , in my mind , something worse than they would be , by affecting to be better than they need ; making sometimes but ill copies , whereas they might be good originals , by refining or improving the customs and virtues proper to their own countrey and climate . they are otherwise an honest , well-natur'd , friendly , and gentlemanly sort of men , and acquit themselves generally with honour and merit , where their countrey employs them . the officers of their armies live after the customs and fashions of the gentlemen ; and so do many sons of the rich merchants , who returning from travel abroad , have more designs upon their own pleasure , and the vanity of appearing , than upon the service of their countrey ; or if they pretend to enter into that , it is rather by the army than the state. and all these are generally desirous to see a court in their countrey , that they may value themselves at home , by the qualities they have learnt abroad ; and make a figure which agrees better with their own humour , and the manner of courts , than with the customs and orders that prevail in more popular governments . there are some customs or dispositions that seem to run generally through all these degrees of men among them ; as great frugality , and order in their expences . their common riches lye in every man's having more than he spends ; or to say it more properly , in every man's spending less than he has coming in , be that what it will : nor does it enter into men's heads among them , that the common port or course of expence , should equal the revenue ; and when this happens , they think at least they have liv'd that year to no purpose ; and the train of it discredits a man among them , as much as any vicious or prodigal extravagance does in other countreys . this enables every man to bear their extream taxes , and makes them less sensible than they would be in other places : for he that lives upon two parts in five of what he has coming in , if he pays two more to the state , he does but part with what he should have laid up , and had no present use for ; whereas he that spends yearly what he receives , if he pays but the fiftieth part to the publique , it goes from him like that which was necessary to buy bread or clothes for himself or his family . this makes the beauty and strength of their towns , the commodiousness of travelling in their countrey by their canals , bridges , and cawseys ; the pleasantness of their walks , and their grafts in and near all their cities ; and in short , the beauty , convenience , and sometimes magnificence of all publique works , to which every man pays as willingly , and takes as much pleasure and vanity in them , as those of other countreys do in the same circumstances , among the possessions of their families , or private inheritance . what they can spare , besides the necessary expence of their domestique , the publique payments , and the common course of still encreasing their stock , is laid out in the fabrick , adornment , or furniture of their houses : things not so transitory , or so prejudicial to health , and to business , as the constant excesses and luxury of tables ; nor perhaps altogether so vain as the extravagant expences of clothes and attendance ; at least these end wholly in a man's self , and the satisfaction of his personal humour ; whereas the other make not only the riches of a family , but contribute much towards the publique beauty and honour of a countrey . the order in casting up their expences , is so great and general , that no man offers at any undertaking , which he is not prepared for , and master of his design before he begins ; so as i have neither observed nor heard of any building publique or private , that has not been finished in the time designed for it . so are their canals , cawseys , and bridges ; so was their way from the hague to skeveling , a work that might have become the old romans , considering how soon it was dispatcht . the house at the hague , built purposely for casting of cannon , was finisht in one summer , during the heat of the first english war , and lookt rather like a design of vanity in their government , than necessity or use. the stadthouse of amsterdam has been left purposely to time , without any limitation in the first design , either of that , or of expence ; both that the diligence and the genius of so many succeeding magistrates , should be employ'd in the collection of all things that could be esteemed proper to encrease the beauty or magnificence of that structure ; and perhaps a little to reprieve the experiment of a current prediction , that the trade of that city should begin to fall the same year the stadthouse should be finisht , as it did at antwerp . charity seems to be very national among them , though it be regulated by orders of the countrey , and not usually moved by the common objects of compassion . but it is seen in the admirable provisions that are made out of it for all sorts of persons that can want , or ought to be kept in a government . among the many and various hospitals that are in every man's curiosity and talk that travels their countrey , i was affected with none more than that of the aged sea-men at enchusyen , which is contrived , finished , and ordered , as if it were done with a kind intention of some well-natur'd man , that those who had past their whole lives in the hardships and incommodities of the sea , should find a retreat stor'd with all the eases and conveniences that old-age is capable of feeling and enjoying . and here i met with the only rich man that i ever saw in my life : for one of these old sea-men entertaining me a good while with the plain stories of his fifty years voyages and adventures , while i was viewing their hospital , and the church adjoining ; i gave him at parting a piece of their coin about the value of a crown ; he took it smiling , and offer'd it me again ; but when i refused it , he askt me what he should do with money ? for all that ever they wanted , was provided for them at their house . i left him to overcome his modesty as he could ; but a servant coming after me , saw him give it to a little girl that open'd the church-door , as she past by him ; which made me reflect upon the fantastick calculation of riches and poverty that is current in the world , by which a man that wants a million , is a prince ; he that wants but a groat is a beggar ; and this was a poor man that wanted nothing at all . in general , all appetites and passions seem to run lower and cooler here , than in other countreys where i have converst . avarice may be excepted . and yet that should not be so violent , where it feeds only upon industry and parsimony , as where it breaks out into fraud , rapine , and oppression . but quarrels are seldom seen among them , unless in their drink , revenge rarely heard of , or jealousie known . their tempers are not aiery enough for joy , or any unusual strains of pleasant humour ; nor warm enough for love. this is talkt of sometimes among the younger men , but as a thing they have heard of , rather than felt ; and as a discourse that becomes them , rather than affects them . i have known some among them that personated lovers well enough but none that i ever thought were at heart in love ; nor any of the women that seem'd at all to care whether they were so or no. whether it be that they are such lovers of their liberty , as not to bear the servitude of a mistris , any more than that of a master ; or that the dulness of their air renders them less susceptible of more refined passions ; or that they are diverted from it by the general intention every man has upon his business whatever it is ; ( nothing being so mortal an enemy of love , that suffers no rival , as any bent of thought another way ) . the same causes may have had the same effects among their married women , who have the whole care and absolute management of all their domestique ; and live with very general good fame ; a certain sort of chastity being hereditary and habitual among them , as probity among the men. the same dulness of air may dispose them to that strange assiduity and constant application of their minds , with that perpetual study and labour upon any thing they design and take in hand . this gives them patience to pursue the quest of riches by so long voyages and adventures to the indies , and by so long parsimony as that of their whole lives . nay i have ( for a more particular example of this disposition among them ) known one man that employ'd four and twenty years about the making and perfecting of a globe , and another above thirty about the inlaying of a table . nor does any man know how much may have been contributed towards the great things in all kinds , both publique and private , that have been atchieved among them by this one humour of never giving over what they imagine may be brought to pass , nor leaving one sent to follow another they meet with ; which is the property of the lighter and more ingenious nations ; and the humour of a government being usually the same with that of the persons that compose it , not only in this , but in all other points ; so as where men that govern , are wise , good , steady and just , the government will appear so too ; and the contrary where they are otherwise . the same qualities in their air , may encline them to the entertainments and customs of drinking , which are so much laid to their charge , and for ought i know may not only be necessary to their health ( as they generally believe it ) , but to the vigour and improvement of their understandings , in the midst of a thick foggy air , and so much coldness of temper and complexion . for though the use or excess of drinking , may destroy men's abilities who live in better climates , and are of warmer constitutions ; wine to hot brains , being like oyl to fire , and making the spirits by too much lightness , evaporate into smoak , and perfect aiery imaginations ; or by too much heat , rage into frenzy , or at least into humours and thoughts that have a great mixture of it ; yet on the other side , it may improve men's parts and abilities of cold complexions , and in dull air ; and may be necessary to thaw and move the frozen or unactive spirits of the brain ; to rowse sleepy thought , and refine grosser imaginations , and perhaps to animate the spirits of the heart , as well as enliven those of the brain : therefore the old germans seem'd to have some reason in their custom , not to execute any great resolutions which had not been twice debated , and agreed at two several assemblies , one in an afternoon , and t'other in a morning ; because they thought their counsels might want vigour when they were sober , as well as caution when they had drunk . yet in holland i have observed very few of their chief officers or ministers of state vicious in this kind ; or if they drunk much , 't was only at set-feasts , and rather to acquit themselves , than of choice or inclination ; and for the merchants and traders , with whom it is customary , they never do it in a morning , nor till they come from the exchange , where the business of the day is commonly dispatcht ; nay , it hardly enters into their heads , that 't is lawful to drink at all before that time ; but they will excuse it if you come to their house , and tell you how sorry they are you come in a morning when they cannot offer you to drink ; as if at that time of day it were not only unlawful for them to drink themselves , but so much as a stranger to do it within their walls . the afternoon , or at least the evening is given to whatever they find will divert them ; and is no more than needs , considering how they spend the rest of the day , in thought , or in cares ; in toils , or in business . for nature cannot hold out with constant labour of body , and as little with constant bent or application of mind : much motion of the same parts of the brain either weary and waste them too fast for repair , or else ( as it were ) fire the wheels , and so end either in ge●eral decays of the body , or distractions of the mind ( for these are usually occasion'd by perpetual motions of thought about some one object ; whether it be about ones self in excesses of pride , or about another in those of love , or of grief ) . therefore none are so excusable as men of much care and thought , or of great business , for giving up their times of leisure to any pleasures or diversions that offend no laws , nor hurt others or themselves : and this seems the reason that in all civil constitutions , not only honours , but riches are annexed to the charges of those who govern , and upon whom the publique cares are meant to be devolved ; not only that they may not be distracted from these by the cares of their own domestique or private interests ; but that by the help of esteem , and of riches , they may have those pleasures and diversions in their reach , which idle men neither need nor deserve , but which are necessary for the refreshment or repair of spirits exhausted with cares and with toil , and which serve to sweeten and preserve those lives that would otherwise wear out too fast , or grow too uneasie in the service of the publique . the two characters that are left by the old roman writers , of the ancient batavi or hollanders , are , that they were both the bravest among the german nations , and the most obstinate lovers and defenders of their liberty ; which made them exempted from all tribute by the romans , who desir'd only soldiers of their nation to make up some of their auxiliary-bands , as they did in former ages of those nations in italy that were their friends and allies . the last disposition seems to have continued constant and national among them ever since that time , and never to have more appeared than in the rise and constitutions of their present state. it does not seem to be so of the first , or that the people in general can be said now to be valiant , a quality of old so national among them , and which by the several wars of the counts of holland ( especially with the frizons ) , and by the desperate defences made against the spaniards by this people in the beginnings of their state , should seem to have lasted long , and to have but lately decayed ; that is , since the whole application of their natives has been turn'd to commerce and trade , and the vein of their domestique lives so much to parsimony ( by circumstances which will be the subject of another chapter ) ; and since the main of all their forces , and body of their army has been composed and continually supplied out of their neighbour-nations . for soldiers and merchants are not found by experience to be more incompatible in their abode , than the dispositions and customs seem to be different that render a people sit for trade and for war. the soldier thinks of a short life and a merry . the trader reckons upon a long and a painful . one intends to make his fortunes suddenly by his courage , by victory , and spoil : the t'other slower , but surer , by craft , by treaty , and by industry . this makes the first franc and generous , and throw away upon his pleasures what has been gotten in one danger , and may either be lost or repaired in the next . the other wary and frugal , and loath to part with in a day , what he has been labouring for a year , and has no hopes to recover , but by the same paces of diligence and time. one aims only to preserve what he has , as the fruit of his father's pains ; or what he shall get , as the fruit of his own : t'other thinks the price of a little blood is more than of a great deal of sweat ; and means to live upon other men's labours , and possess in an hour what they have been years in acquiring : this makes one love to live under stanch orders and laws ; while t'other would have all depend upon arbitrary power and will. the trader reckons upon growing richer , and by his account better , the longer he lives ; which makes him careful of his health and his life , and so apt to be orderly and temperate in his diet ; while the soldier is thoughtless or prodigal of both ; and having not his meat ready at hours , or when he has a mind to it , eats full and greedily whenever he gets to it ; and perhaps difference of diet may make greater difference in men's natural courage , than is commonly thought of . for courage may proceed in some measure from the temper of air , may be form'd by discipline , and acquir'd by use , or infus'd by opinion ; but that which is more natural , and so more national in some countreys than in others , seems to arise from the heat or strength of spirits about the heart , which may a great deal depend upon the measure and the substance of the food men are used to . this made a great physician among us say , he would make any man a coward with six weeks dietting ; and prince maurice of orange call for the english that were newly come over , and had ( as he said ) their own beef in their bellies , for any bold and desperate action . this may be one reason why the gentry in all places of the world are braver than the peasantry , whose hearts are depressed not only by slavery , but by short and heartless food , the effect of their poverty . this is a cause why the yeomanry and commonalty of england are generally braver than in other countreys , because by the plenty and constitutions of the kingdom , they are so much easier in their rents and their taxes , and fare so much better and fuller than those of their rank in any other nation . their chief , and indeed constant food , being of flesh ; and among all creatures , both the birds and the beasts , we shall still find those that feed upon flesh , to be the fierce and the bold ; and on the contrary , the fearful and faint-hearted to feed upon grass , and upon plants . i think there can be pretended but two exceptions to this rule , which are rhe cock , and the horse ; whereas the courage of the first is noted no where but in england , and there , only in certain races : and for the other , all the courage we commend in them , is the want of fear ; and they are observed to grow much fiercer , whenever by custom or necessity they have been used to flesh . from all this may be inferr'd , that not only the long disuse of arms among the native hollanders ( especially at land ) , and making use of other nations chiefly in their milice ; but the arts of trade , as well as peace , and their great parsimony in diet , and eating so very little flesh ( which the common people seldom do above once a week ) , may have helpt to debase much the ancient valour of the nation , at least in the occasions of service at land. their sea-men are much better ; but not so good as those of zealand , who are generally brave ; which i suppose comes by these having upon all occasions turn'd so much more to privateering , and men of war ; and those of holland being generally employ'd in trading and merchant-ships ; while their men of war are man'd by mariners of all nations , who are very numerous among them , but especially those of the east-land coasts of germany , suedes , danes , and norwegians . 't is odd , that veins of courage should seem to run like veins of good earth in a countrey , and yet not only those of the province of hainault among the spanish , and of gelderland among the united provinces , are esteemed better soldiers than the rest ; but the burghers of valenciennes among the towns of flanders , and of nimmeguen among those of the lower gelder , are observed to be particularly brave . but there may be firmness and constancy of courage from tradition , as well as of belief : nor methinks should any man know how to be a coward , that is brought up with the opinion , that all of his nation or city have ever been valiant . i can say nothing of what is usually laid to their charge about their being cruel , besides what we have so often heard , of their barbarous usage to some of our men in the east-indies , and what we have so lately seen of their savage murther of their pensioner de wit ; a person that deserv'd another fate , and a better return from his countrey after eighteen years spent in their ministry , without any care of his entertainments or ease , and little of his fortune . a man of unwearied industry , inflexible constancy , sound , clear , and deep understanding , and untainted integrity ; so that whenever he was blinded , it was by the passion he had for that which he esteemed the good and interest of his state. this testimony is justly due to him from all that practised him ; and is the more willingly paid , since there can be as little interest to flatter , as honour to reproach the dead . but this action of that people may be attributed to the misfortune of their countrey ; and is so unlike the appearance of their customs and dispositions , living as i saw them under the orders and laws of a quiet and setled state , that one must confess mankind to be a very various creature , and none to be known that has not been seen in his rage , as well as his drink . they are generally not so long-liv'd as in better airs ; and begin to decay early , both men and women , especially at amsterdam ; for at the hague ( which is their best air ) i have known two considerable men a good deal above seventy , and one of them in very good sense and health : but this is not so usual as it is in england and in spain . the diseases of the climate seem to be chiefly the gout and the scurvy ; but all hot and dry summers bring some that are infectious among them , especially into amsterdam and leyden : these are usually fevers that lye most in the head , and either kill suddenly , or languish long before they recover . plagues are not so frequent , at least not in a degree to be taken notice of , for all suppress the talk of them as much as they can , and no distinction is made in the registry of the dead , nor much in the care and attendance of the sick : whether from a belief of predestination , or else a preference of trade , which is the life of the countrey , before that of particular men . strangers among them are apt to complain of the spleen , but those of the countrey seldom or never : which i take to proceed from their being ever busie , or easily satisfied . for this seems to be the disease of people that are idle , or think themselves but ill entertain'd ; and attribute every sit of dull humour , or imagination , to a formal disease , which they have found this name for ; whereas such fits are incident to all men , at one time or other , from the fumes of indigestion , from the common alterations of some insensible degrees in health and vigor * ; or from some changes or approaches of change in winds and weather , which affect the finer spirits of the brain , before they grow sensible to other parts ; and are apt to alter the shapes or colours of whatever is represented to us by our imaginations whilst we are so affected . yet this effect is not so strong , but that business , or intention of thought , commonly either resists or diverts it ; and those who understand the motions of it , let it pass , and return to themselves . but such as are idle , or know not from whence these changes arise , and trouble their heads with notions and schemes of general happiness or unhappiness in life ; upon every such fit begin reflections on the condition of their bodies , their souls , or their fortunes ; and ( as all things are then represented in the worst colours ) they fall into melancholy apprehensions of one or other , and sometimes of them all : these make deep impression in their minds , and are not easily worn out by the natural returns of good humour , especially if they are often interrupted by the contrary ; as happens in some particular constitutions , and more generally in uncertain climates , especially if improved by accidents of ill health , or ill fortune . but this is a disease too refin'd for this countrey and people , who are well , when they are not ill ; and pleas'd , when they are not troubled ; are content , because they think little of it ; and seek their happiness in the common eases and commodities of life , or the encrease of riches ; not amusing themselves with the more speculative contrivances of passion , or refinements of pleasure . to conclude this chapter : holland is a countrey where the earth is better than the air , and profit more in request than honour ; where there is more sense than wit ; more good nature than good humour ; and more wealth than pleasure ; where a man would chuse rather to travel , than to live ; shall find more things to observe than desire , and more persons to esteem than to love . but the same qualities and dispositions do not value a private man and a state , nor make a conversation agreeable , and a government great : nor is it unlikely that some very great king might make but a very ordinary private gentleman , and some very extraordinary gentleman might be capable of making but a very mean prince . chap. v. of their religion . i intend not here to speak of religion at all as a divine , but as a meer secular man , when i observe the occasions that seem to have establisht it in the forms , or with the liberties wherewith it is now attended in the united provinces . i believe the reformed religion was introduced there , as well as in england , and the many other countreys where it is profess'd , by the operation of divine will and providence ; and by the same , i believe the roman-catholique was continued in france : where it seemed by the conspiring of so many accidents in the beginnings of charles the ninth's reign , to be so near a change . and whoever doubts this , seems to question not only the will , but the power of god. nor will it at all derogate from the honour of a religion , to have been planted in a countrey by secular means , or civil revolutions , which have , long since , succeeded to those miraculous operations that made way for christianity in the world . 't is enough that god almighty infuses belief into the hearts of men , or else ordains it to grow out of religious enquiries and instructions ; and that wherever the generality of a nation come by these means to be of a belief , it is by the force of this concurrence introduced into the government , and becomes the establisht religion of that countrey . so was the reformed profession introduced into england , scotland , sueden , denmark , holland , and many parts of germany . so was the roman-catholique restored in france and in flanders ; where notwithstanding the great concussions that were made in the government by the hugonots and the gueuses , yet they were never esteemed in either of those countreys to amount further than the seventh or eighth part of the people . and whosoever designs the change of religion in a countrey , or government , by any other means than that of a general conversion of the people , or the greatest part of them , designs all the mischiefs to a nation that use to usher in or attend the two greatest distempers of a state , civil war , or tyranny ; which are , violence , oppression , cruelty , rapine , intemperance , injustice , and in short , the miserable effusion of human blood , and the confusion of all laws , orders , and virtues among men . such consequences as these , i doubt are something more than the disputed opinions of any man , or any particular assembly of men can be worth ; since the great and general end of all religion , next to mens happiness hereafter , is their happiness here ; as appears by the commandments of god , being the best and greatest moral and civil , as well as divine precepts , that have been given to a nation ; and by the rewards proposed to the piety of the jews throughout the old testament , which were the blessings of this life , as health , length of age , number of children , plenty , peace , or victory . now the way to our future happiness , has been perpetually disputed throughout the world , and must be left at last to the impressions made upon every man's belief and conscience , either by natural or supernatural arguments and means ; which impressions men may disguise or dissemble , but no man can resist . for belief is no more in a man's power , than his stature or his feature ; and he that tells me , i must change my opinion for his , because 't is the truer and the better , without other arguments , that have to me the force of conviction , may as well tell me , i must change my gray eyes for others like his that are black , because these are lovelier , or more in esteem . he that tells me , i must inform my self ; has reason , if i do it not : but if i endeavour it all that i can , and perhaps more than he ever did , and yet still differ from him ; and he , that it may be is idle , will have me study on , and inform my self better , and so to the end of my life ; then i easily understand what he means by informing , which is in short , that i must do it till i come to be of his opinion . if he that perhaps pursues his pleasures or interests as much or more than i do ; and allows me to have as good sense as he has , in all other matters ; tells me i should be of his opinion , but that passion or interest blinds me ; unless he can convince me how , or where this lies , he is but where he was , only pretends to know me better than i do my self , who cannot imagine why i should not have as much care of my soul , as he has of his . a man that tells me my opinions are absurd or ridiculous , impertinent or unreasonable , because they differ from his , seems to intend a quarrel instead of a dispute ; and calls me fool or mad-man with a little more circumstance ; though perhaps i pass for one as well in my senses as he , as pertinent in talk , and as prudent in life : yet these are the common civilities , in religious argument , of sufficient and conceited men , who talk much of right reason , and mean always their own ; and make their private imagination the measure of general truth . but such language determines all between us , and the dispute comes to end in three words at last , which it might as well have ended in at first , that he is in the right , and i am in the wrong . the other great end of religion , which is our happiness here , has been generally agreed on by all mankind , as appears in the records of all their laws , as well as all their religions , which come to be establisht by the concurrence of men's customs and and opinions ; though in the latter , that concurrence may have been produced by divine impressions or inspirations . for all agree in teaching and commanding , in planting and improving , not only those moral virtues which conduce to the felicity and tranquillity of every private man's life ; but also those manners and dispositions that tend to the peace , order , and safety of all civil societies and governments among men . nor could i ever understand , how those who call themselves , and the world usually calls religious men , come to put so great weight upon those points of belief which men never have agreed in , and so little upon those of virtue and morality , in which they have hardly ever disagreed . nor why a state should venture the subversion of their peace , and their order , which are certain goods , for the propagation of uncertain or contested opinions . one of the great causes of the first revolt in the low-countreys , appeared to be , the oppression of men's consciences , or persecution in their liberties , their estates , and their lives , upon pretence of religion . and this at a time , when there seemed to be a conspiring-disposition in most countreys of christendom , to seek the reformation of some abuses , grown in the doctrine and discipline of the church , either by the rust of time , by negligence , or by human inventions , passions and interests . the rigid opposition given at rome to this general humour , was followed by a defection of mighty numbers in all those several countreys , who professed to reform themselves according to such rules as they thought were necessary for the reformation of the church . these persons , though they agreed in the main of disowning the papal power , and reducing belief from the authority of tradition to that of the scripture ; yet they differ'd much among themselves in other circumstances , especially of discipline , according to the perswasions and impressions of the leading-doctors in their several countreys . so the reformed of france became universally calvinists : but for those of germany , though they were generally lutherans , yet there was a great mixture both of calvinists and anabaptists among them . the first persecutions of these reformed , arose in germany in the time of charles the fifth , and drove great numbers of them down into the seventeen provinces , especially holland and brabant , where the priviledges of the cities were greater , and the emperor's government was less severe , as among the subjects of his own native countreys . this was the occasion that in the year 1566 , when upon the first insurrection in flanders , those of the reformed profession began to form consistories , and levy contributions among themselves , for support of their common cause ; it was resolved upon consultation among the heads of them , that for declining all differences among themselves , at a time of common exigence , the publique profession of their party should be that of the lutherans , though with liberty and indulgence to those of different opinions . by the union of utrecht concluded in 579 , each of the provinces was left to order the matter of religion as they thought fit and most conducing to the welfare of their province ; with this provision , that every man should remain free in his religion , and none be examined or entrapped for that cause , according to the pacification at gant. but in the year 583 , it was enacted by general agreement , that the evangelical religion should be only professed in all the seven provinces : which came thereby to be the establisht religion of this state. the reasons which seem to induce them to this settlement , were many , and of weight ; as first , because by the persecutions arrived in france , ( where all the reformed were calvinists ) multitudes of people had retired out of that kingdom into the low countreys ; and by the great commerce and continual intercourse with england , where the reformation agreed much with the calvinists in point of doctrine , though more with the lutherans in point of discipline , those opinions came to be credited and propagated more than any other among the people of these provinces , so as the numbers were grown to be greater far in the cities , of this , than of any other profession . secondly , the succours and supplies both of men and money , by which the weak beginnings of this commonwealth were perserved and fortified , came chiefly , from england , from the protestants of france , ( when their affairs were successful ) , and from the calvinist princes of germany , who lay nearest , and were readiest to relieve them . in the next place , because those of this profession seem'd the most contrary and violent against the spaniards , who made themselves heads of the roman-catholiques throughout christendom , and the hatred of spain and their dominion , was so rooted in the hearts of this people , that it had influence upon them in the very choice of their religion . and lastly , because by this profession , all rights and jurisdiction of the clergy or hierarchy being suppressed , there was no ecclesiastical authority left to rise up and trouble or fetter the civil power ; and all the goods and possessions of churches and abbies , were seized wholly into the hands of the state , which made a great encrease of the publique revenue , a thing the most necessary for the support of their government . there might perhaps be added one reason more , which was particular to one of the provinces : for whereas in most , if not all other parts of christendom , the clergy composed one of the three estates of the countrey , and thereby shar'd with the nobles and commons in their influences upon the government ; that order never made any part of the estates in holland , nor had any vote in their assembly , which consisted only of the nobles and the cities , and this province bearing always the greatest sway in the councils of the union , was most enclined to the settlement of that profession , which gave least pretence of power or jurisdiction to the clergy , and so agreed most with their own ancient constitutions . since this establishment , as well as before , the great care of this state has ever been , to favour no particular or curious inquisition into the faith or religious principles of any peaceable man , who came to live under the protection of their laws , and to suffer no violence or oppression upon any mans conscience , whose opinions broke not out into expressions or actions of ill consequence to the state. a free form of government either making way for more freedom in religion , or else having newly contended so far themselves for liberty in this point , they thought it the more unreasonable for them to oppress others . perhaps while they were so threatened and endanger'd by forreign armies , they thought it the more necessary to provide against discontents within , which can never be dangerous where they are not grounded or fathered upon oppression in point either of religion or liberty , but in those two cases the flame often proves most violent in a state , the more 't is shut up , or the longer concealed . the roman-catholique religion was alone excepted from the common protection of their laws , making men ( as the states believed ) worse subjects than the rest , by the acknowledgment of a forreign and superior jurisdiction ; for so must all spiritual power needs be , as grounded upon greater hopes and fears than any civil , at least wherever the perswasions from faith are as strong as those from sense , of which there are so many testimonies recorded by the martyrdoms , penances or conscientious restraints and severities , suffered by infinite persons in all sorts of religion . besides , this profession seemed still a retainer of the spanish government , which was then the great patron of it in the world : yet such was the care of this state to give all men ease in this point , who askt no more than to serve god , and save their own souls , in their own way and forms ; that what was not provided for by the constitutions of their government , was so , in a very great degree , by the connivence of their officers , who upon certain constant payments from every family , suffer the exercise of the roman-catholique religion in their several jurisdictions , as free and easie , though not so cheap and so avowed as the rest . this i suppose has been the reason , that though those of this profession are very numerous in the countrey , among the peasants , and considerable in the cities ; yet they seem to be a found piece of the state , and fast jointed in with the rest ; and have neither given any disturbance to the government , nor exprest any inclinations to a change , or to any forreign power , either upon the former wars with spain , or the latter invasions of the bishop of munster . of all other religions , every man enjoys the free exercise in his own chamber , or his own house , unquestioned and unespied : and if the followers of any sect grow so numerous in any place , that they affect a publique congregation , and are content to purchase a place of assembly , to bear the charge of a pastor or teacher , and to pay for this liberty to the publique ; they go and propose their desire to the magistrates of the place where they reside , who inform themselves of their opinions , and manners of worship ; and if they find nothing in either , destructive to civil society , or prejudicial to the constitutions of their state , and content themselves with the price that is offer'd for the purchase of this liberty , they easily allow it ; but with the condition , that one or more commissioners shall be appointed , who shall have free admission at all their meetings , shall be both the observers and witnesses of all that is acted or preached among them , and whose testimony shall be received concerning any thing that passes there to the prejudice of the state ; in which case the laws and executions are as severe as against any civil crimes . thus the jews have their allowed synagogues in amsterdam and rotterdam ; and in the first , almost all sects that are known among christians , have their publique meeting-places ; and some , whose names are almost worn out in all other parts , as the brownists , familists , and others . the arminians , though they make a great name among them , by being rather the distinction of a party in the state , than a sect in the church ; yet are , in comparison of others , but few in number , though considerable by the persons , who are of the better quality , the more learned and intelligent men , and many of them in the government . the anabaptists are just the contrary , very numerous , but in the lower ranks of people , mechanicks and sea-men , and abound chiefly in north-holland . the calvinists make the body of the people , and are possessed of all the publique churches in the dominions of the state , as well as of the only ministers or pastors who are maintained by the publique ; but these have neither lands , nor tythes , nor any authorized contributions from the people , but certain salaries from the state , upon whom they wholly depend : and though they are often very bold in taxing and preaching publiquely against the vices , and sometimes the innocent entertainments of persons most considerable in the government , as well as of the vulgar ; yet they are never heard to censure or controul the publique actions or resolutions of the state : they are in general , throughout the countrey , passionate friends to the interests of the house of orange ; and during the intermission of that authority , found ways of expressing their affections to the person and fortunes of this prince , without offending the state , as it was then constituted . they are fierce enemies of the arminian party , whose principles were thought to lead them in barnevelt's time towards a conjunction , or at least compliance with the spanish religion and government ; both which , the house of orange in the whole course of the war , endeavoured to make irreconcilable with those of the state. it is hardly to be imagined how all the violence and sharpness , which accompanies the differences of religion in other countreys , seems to be appeased or softned here , by the general freedom which all men enjoy , either by allowance or connivence ; nor how faction and ambition are thereby disabled to colour their interessed and seditious designs , with the pretences of religion , which has cost the christian world so much blood for these last hundred and fifty years . no man can here complain of pressure in his conscience , of being forced to any publique profession of his private faith ; of being restrained from his own manner of worship in his house , or obliged to any other abroad : and whoever asks more in point of religion , without the undisputed evidence of a particular mission from heaven , may be justly suspected , not to ask for god's sake , but for his own ; since pretending to soveraignty instead of liberty in opinion , is indeed pretending the same in authority too , which consists chiefly in opinion ; and what man or party soever , can gain the common and firm belief , of being most immediately inspired , instructed , or favoured of god , will easily obtain the prerogative of being most honour'd and obey'd by men . but in this commonwealth , no man having any reason to complain of oppression in conscience ; and no man having hopes by advancing his religion , to form a party , or break in upon the state , the differences in opinion make none in affections , and little in conversation , where it serves but for entertainment and variety . they argue without interest or anger ; they differ without enmity or scorn , and they agree without confederacy . men live together like citizens of the world , associated by the common ties of humanity , and by the bonds of peace , under the impartial protection of indifferent laws , with equal encouragement of all art and industry , and equal freedom of speculation and enquiry ; all men enjoying their imaginary excellencies and acquisitions of knowledg , with as much safety , as their more real possessions and improvements of fortune . the power of religion among them , where it is , lies in every man's heart ; the appearance of it , is but like a piece of humanity , by which every one falls most into the company or conversation of those whose customs and humours , whose talk and disposition they like best : and as in other places , 't is in every man's choice , with whom he will eat or lodg , with whom go to market , or to court ; so it seems to be here , with whom he will pray or go to church , or associate in the service and worship of god ; nor is any more notice taken , or more censure past , of what every one chuses in these cases , than in the other . i believe the force of commerce , alliances , and acquaintance , spreading so far as they do in small circuits ( such as the province of holland ) may contribute much to make conversation , and all the offices of common life , so easie , among so different opinions , of which so many several persons are often in every man's eye ; and no man cheeks or takes offence at faces , or customs , or ceremonies he sees every day , as at those he hears of in places far distant , and perhaps by partial relations , and comes to see late in his life , and after he has long been possest by passion or prejudice against them . however it is , religion may possibly do more good in other places , but it does less hurt here ; and where-ever the invisible effects of it are the greatest and most advantageous , i am sure the visible are so in this countrey , by the continual and undisturbed civil peace of their government for so long a course of years ; and by so mighty an encrease of their people , wherein will appear to consist chiefly the vast growth of their trade and riches , and consequently the strength and greatness of their state. chap. vi. of their trade . 't is evident to those who have read the most , and travel'd farthest , that no countrey can be found either in this present age , or upon record of any story , where so vast a trade has been managed , as in the narrow compass of the four maritime provinces of this commonwealth : nay it is generally esteemed , that they have more shipping belongs to them , than there does to all the rest of europe . yet they have no native commodities towards the building or rigging of the smallest vessel ; their flax , hemp , pitch , wood , and iron , coming all from abroad , as wool does for cloathing their men , and corn for feeding them . nor do i know any thing properly of their own growth , that is considerable either for their own necessary use , or for traffique with their neighbours , besides butter , cheese , and earthen wares . for havens , they have not any good upon their whole coast : the best are helversluys , which has no trade at all ; and flussingue , which has little in comparison of other towns in holland : but amsterdam , that triumphs in the spoils of lisbon and antwerp ( which before engrost the greatest trade of europe and the indies ) seems to be the most incommodious haven they have , being seated upon so shallow waters , that ordinary ships cannot come up to it without the advantage of tides ; nor great ones without unlading . the entrance of the tessel , and passage over the zudder-sea , is more dangerous than a voyage from thence to spain , lying all in blind and narrow channels ; so that it easily appears , that 't is not a haven that draws trade , but trade that fills a haven , and brings it in vogue . nor has holland grown rich by any native commodities , but by force of industry ; by improvement and manufacture of all forreign growths ; by being the general magazine of europe , and furnishing all parts with whatever the market wants or invites ; and by their sea-men being , as they have properly been call'd , the common carriers of the world. since the ground of trade cannot be deduced from havens , or native commodities ( as may well be concluded from the survey of holland , which has the least and the worst ; and of ireland , which has the most and the best , of both ) ; it were not amiss to consider , from what other source it may be more naturally and certainly derived : for if we talk of industry , we are still as much to seek what it is that makes people industrious in one countrey , and idle in another . i conceive the true original and ground of trade , to be great multitude of people crowded into small compass of land , whereby all things necessary to life become deer , and all men who have possessions , are induced to parsimony ; but those who have none , are forced to industry and labour , or else to want . bodies that are vigorous , fall to labour ; such as are not , supply that defect by some sort of inventions or ingenuity . these customs arise first from necessity , but encrease by imitation , and grow in time to be habitual in a countrey ; and wherever they are so , if it lies upon the sea , they naturally break out into trade , both because whatever they want of their own that is necessary to so many mens lives , must be supply'd from abroad ; and because by the multitude of people , and smallness of countrey , land grows so deer , that the improvement of money that way is inconsiderable , and so turns to sea , where the greatness of the profit makes amends for the venture . this cannot be better illustrated , than by its contrary , which appears no where more than in ireland ; where by the largeness and plenty of the soil , and scarcity of people , all things necessary to life are so cheap , that an industrious man , by two days labour , may gain enough to feed him the rest of the week ; which i take to be a very plain ground of the laziness attributed to the people : for men naturally prefer ease before labour , and will not take pains if they can live idle ; though , when by necessity they have been inured to it , they cannot leave it , being grown a custom necessary to their health , and to their very entertainment : nor perhaps is the change harder , from constant ease , to labour , than from constant labour to ease . this account of the original of trade , agrees with the experience of all ages , and with the constitutions of all places where it has most flourished in the world , as tyre , carthage , athens , syracuse , agrigentum , rhodes , venice , holland ; and will be so obvious to every man , that knows and considers the scituation , the extent and the nature of all those countreys , that it will need no enlargement upon the comparisons . by these examples , which are all of commonwealths , and by the decay or dissolution of trade in the six first , when they came to be conquered or subjected to arbitrary dominions , it might be concluded , that there is something in that form of government proper and natural to trade in a more peculiar manner . but the heighth it arrived to at bruges and antwerp , under their princes , for four or five descents of the house of burgundy , and two of austria , shows it may thrive under good princes and legal monarchies , as well as under free states . under arbitrary and tyrannical power , it must of necessity decay and dissolve , because this empties a countrey of people , whereas the others fill it ; this extinguishes industry , whilst men are in doubt of enjoying themselves what they get , or leaving it to their children ; the others encourage it , by securing men of both : one fills a countrey with soldiers , and the other with merchants ; who were never yet known to live well together , because they cannot trust one another : and as trade cannot live without mutual trust among private men ; so it cannot grow or thrive to any great degree , without a confidence both of publique and private safety , and consequently a trust in the government , from an opinion of its strength , wisdom , and justice ; which must be grounded either upon the personal virtues and qualities of a prince , or else upon the constitutions and orders of a state. it appears to every mans eye who hath travel'd holland , and observed the number and vicinity of their great and populous towns and villages , with the prodigious improvement of almost every spot of ground in the countrey , and the great multitudes constantly employ'd in their shipping abroad , and their boats at home , that no other known countrey in the world , of the same extent , holds any proportion with this in numbers of people ; and if that be the great foundation of trade , the best account that can be given of theirs , will be , by considering the causes and accidents that have served to force or invite so vast a confluence of people into their countrey . in the first rank may be placed , the civil-wars , calamities , persecutions , oppressions , or discontents , that have been so fatal to most of their neighbours , for some time before as well as since their state began . the persecutions for matter of religion , in germany under charles the fifth , in france under henry the second , and in england under queen mary , forced great numbers of people out of all those countreys , to shelter themselves in the several towns of the seventeen provinces , where the ancient liberties of the countrey , and priviledges of the cities , had been inviolate under so long a succession of princes , and gave protection to these oppressed strangers , who fill'd their cities both with people and trade , and raised antwerp to such a heighth and renown , as continued till the duke of alva's arrival in the low-countreys . the fright of this man , and the orders he brought , and armies to execute them , began to scatter the flock of people that for some time had been nested there ; so as in very few months , above a hundred thousand families removed out of the countrey . but when the seven provinces united , and began to defend themselves with success , under the conduct of the prince of orange , and the countenance of england and france , and the persecutions for religion began to grow sharp in the spanish provinces , all the professors of the reformed religion , and haters of the spanish dominion , retir'd into the strong cities of this commonwealth , and gave the same date to the growth of trade there , and the decay of it at antwerp . the long civil-wars , at first of france , then of germany , and lastly of england , serv'd to encrease the swarm in this countrey , not only by such as were persecuted at home , but great numbers of peaceable men , who came here to seek for quiet in their lives , and safety in their possessions or trades ; like those birds that upon the approach of a rough winter-season , leave the countreys where they were born and bred , flye away to some kinder and softer climate , and never return till the frosts are past , and the winds are laid at home . the invitation these people had , to fix rather in holland than in many better countreys , seems to have been at first , the great strength of their towns , which by their maritime scituation , and the low flatness of their countrey , can with their sluces overflow all the ground about them at such distances , as to become inaccessible to any land-forces . and this natural strength has been improv'd , especially at amsterdam , by all the art and expence that could any ways contribute towards the defence of the place . next was the constitution of their government , by which , neither the states-general nor the prince have any power to invade any man's person or property within the precincts of their cities . nor could it be fear'd that the senate of any town should conspire to any such violence ; nor if they did , could they possibly execute it , having no soldiers in their pay , and the burgers only being employ'd in the defence of their towns , and execution of all civil justice among them . these circumstances gave so great a credit to the bank of amsterdam ; and that was another invitation for people to come , and lodg here what part of their money they could transport , and knew no way of securing at home . nor did those people only lodg moneys here , who came over into the countrey ; but many more who never left their own ; though they provided for a retreat , or against a storm , and thought no place so secure as this , nor from whence they might so easily draw their money into any parts of the world. another circumstance , was the general liberty and ease , not only in point of conscience , but all others that serve to the commodiousness and quiet of life ; every man following his own way , minding his own business , and little enquiring into other mens ; which i suppose happen'd by so great a concourse of people of several nations , different religions and customs , as left nothing strange or new ; and by the general humour , bent all upon industry , whereas curiosity is only proper to idle men . besides , it has ever been the great principle of their state , running through all their provinces and cities , even with emulation , to make their countrey the common refuge of all miserable men ; from whose protection , hardly any alliance , treaties , or interests , have ever been able to divert or remove them . so as during the great dependance this state had upon france , in the time of henry the fourth , all the persons disgraced at that court , or banisht that countrey , made this their common retreat ; nor could the state ever be prevail'd with , by any instances of the french ambassadors , to refuse them the use and liberty of common life and air , under the protection of their government . this firmness in the state , has been one of the circumstances that has invited so many unhappy men out of all their neighbourhood , and indeed from most parts of europe , to shelter themselves from the blows of justice , or of fortune . nor indeed does any countrey seem so proper to be made use of upon such occasions , not only in respect of safety , but as a place that holds so constant and easie correspondencies with all parts of the world ; and whither any man may draw whatever money he has at his disposal in any other place ; where neither riches expose men to danger , nor poverty to contempt ; but on the contrary , where parsimony is honourable , whether it be necessary or no ; and he that is forced by his fortune to live low , may here alone live in fashion , and upon equal terms ( in appearance abroad ) with the chiefest of their ministers , and richest of their merchants : nor is it easily imagin'd how great an effect this constitution among them , may in course of time have had upon the encrease both of their people and their trade . as the two first invitations of people into this countrey , were the strength of their towns , and nature of their government ; so two others have grown with the course of time , and progress of their riches and power . one is the reputation of their government , arising from the observation of the success of their arms , the prudence of their negotiations , the steddiness of their counsels , the constancy of their peace and quiet at home , and the consideration they hereby arrived at among the princes and states of christendom . from all these , men grew to a general opinion of the wisdom and conduct of their state ; and of its being establisht upon foundations that could not be shaken by any common accidents , nor consequently in danger of any great or sudden revolutions ; and this is a mighty inducement to industrious people to come and inhabit a countrey , who seek not only safety under laws from injustice and oppression , but likewise under the strength and good conduct of a state , from the violence of forreign invasions , or of civil commotions . the other , is the great beauty of their countrey ( forced in time , and by the improvements of industry , in spight of nature ) , which draws every day such numbers of curious and idle persons to see their provinces , though not to inhabit them . and indeed their countrey is a much better mistress than a wife ; and where few persons who are well at home , would be content to live ; but where none that have time and money to spare , would not for once be willing to travel ; and as england shows in the beauty of the countrey , what nature can arrive at ; so does holland in the number , greatness , and beauty of their towns , whatever art can bring to pass . but these and many other matters of speculation among them , filling the observations of all common travellers , shall make no part of mine , whose design is rather to discover the causes of their trade and riches , than to relate the effects . yet it may be noted hereupon , as a piece of wisdom in any kingdom or state , by the magnificence of courts , or of publique structures ; by encouraging beauty in private buildings , and the adornment of towns with pleasant and regular plantations of trees ; by the celebration of some noble festivals or solemnities ; by the institution of some great marts or fairs ; and by the contrivance of any extraordinary and renowned spectacles , to invite and occasion , as much and as often as can be , the concourse of busie or idle people from the neighbouring or remoter nations , whose very passage and intercourse is a great encrease of wealth and of trade , and a secret incentive of people to inhabit a countrey where men may meet with equal advantages , and more entertainments of life , than in other places . such were the olimpick and other games among the grecians ; such the triumphs , trophees , and secular plays of old rome , as well as the spectacles exhibited afterwards by the emperors , with such stupendious effects of art and expence , for courting or entertertaining the people ; such the jubilees of new rome ; the justs and tournaments formerly used in most of the courts of christendom ; the festivals of the more celebrated orders of knighthood ; and in particular towns , the carnavals and faires ; the kirmeshes which run through all the cities of the netherlands , and in some of them , with a great deal of pageantry , as well as traffique , being equal baits of pleasure and of gain . having thus discover'd what has laid the great foundations of their trade , by the multitude of their people , which has planted and habituated industry among them , and by that , all sorts of manufacture ; as well as parsimony , and thereby general wealth : i shall enumerate very briefly , some other circumstances , that seem , next to these , the chief advancers and encouragers of trade in their countrey . low interest , and deerness of land , are effects of the multitude of people , and cause so much money to lye ready for all projects , by which gain may be expected , as the cutting of canals , making bridges and cawsies , leveling downs , and draining marshes , besides all new essays at forreign trade , which are proposed with any probability of advantage . the use of their banks , which secures money , and makes all payments easie , and trade quick . the sale by registry , which was introduced here and in flanders in the time of charles the fifth , and makes all purchases safe . the severity of justice , not only against all thefts , but all cheats , and counterfeits of any publique bills ( which is capital among them ) , and even against all common beggars , who are disposed of either into work-houses , or hospitals , as they are able or unable to labour . the convoys of merchant-fleets into all parts , even in time of peace , but especially into the streights ; which give their trade security against many unexpected accidents , and their nation credit abroad , and breeds up sea-men for their ships of war. the lowness of their customs , and easiness of paying them , which , with the freedom of their ports , invite both strangers and natives to bring commodities hither , not only as to a market , but as to a magazine , where they lodg till they are invited abroad to other and better markets . order and exactness in managing their trade , which brings their commodities in credit abroad . this was first introduced by severe laws and penalties , but is since grown into custom . thus there have been above thirty several placarts about the manner of curing , pickling , and barreling herrings . thus all arms made at utrecht , are forfeited if sold without mark , or marked without trial . and i observed in their indian-house , that all the pieces of scarlet , which are sent in great quantities to those parts , are marked with the english arms , and inscriptions in english ; by which they maintain the credit gain'd to that commodity , by our former trade to parts where 't is now lost or decay'd . the government manag'd either by men that trade , or whose families have risen by it , or who have themselves some interest going in other men's traffique , or who are born and bred in towns , the soul and beeing whereof consists wholly in trade , which makes sure of all favour that from time to time grows necessary , and can be given it by the government . the custom of every towns affecting some particular commerce or staple , valuing it self thereupon , and so improving it to the greatest heighth , as flussingue by that of the west-indies , middleburgh of french-wines , terveer by the scotch staple , dort by the english staple and rhenish-wines , rotterdam by the rnglish and scotch trade at large , and by french-wines ; leyden by the manufacture of all sorts of stuffs , silk , hair , gold and silver ; haerlem by linnen , mixt-stuffs , and flowers ; delf by beer and dutch-purcelane ; surdam by the built of ships ; enchusyen and mazlandsluys , by herring-fishing ; friezland by the greenland-trade , and amsterdam by that of the east-indies , spain , and the streights . the great application of the whole province to the fishing-trade , upon the coasts of england and scotland , which employs an incredible number of ships and sea-men , and supplies most of the southern parts of europe with a rich and necessary commodity . the last i shall mention , is the mighty advance they have made towards engrossing the whole commerce of the east-indies , by their successes against the porteguesses , and by their many wars and victories against the natives , whereby they have forced them to treaties of commerce , exclusive to all other nations , and to the admission of forts to be built upon streights and passes that command the entrances into the traffique of such places . this has been atchieved by the multitude of their people and mariners , that has been able to furnish every year so many great ships for such voyages , and to supply the loss of so many lives as the changes of climate have cost , before they learnt the method of living in them : by the vastness of the stock that has been turn'd wholly to that trade ; and by the conduct and application of the east-indy company , who have managed it like a commonwealth rather than a trade ; and thereby raised a state in the indies , governed indeed by the orders of the company , but otherwise appearing to those nations like a soveraign state , making war and peace with their greatest kings , and able to bring to sea forty or fifty men of war , and thirty thousand men at land , by the modestest computations . the stock of this trade , besides what it turns to in france , spain , italy , the streights , and germany , makes them so great masters in the trade of the northern parts of europe , as muscovy , poland , pomerania , and all the baltique ; where the spices , that are an indian-drug , and europaean-luxury , command all the commodities of those countreys , which are so necessary to life , as their ●ora ; and to navigation , as hemp , pitch , masts , planks , and iron . thus the trade of this countrey is discover'd to be no effect of common contrivances , of natural dispositions or scituations , or of trivial accidents ; but of a great concurrence of circumstances , a long course of time , force of orders and method , which never before met in the world to such a degree , or with so prodigious a success , and perhaps never will again . having grown ( to sum up all ) from the scituation of their countrey , extended upon the sea , divided by two such rivers as the rhyne and the mose , with the vicinity of the ems , weser , and elve ; from the confluence of people out of flanders , england , france , and germany , invited by the strength of their towns , and by the constitutions and credit of their government ; by the liberty of conscience , and security of life and goods ( subjected only to constant laws ) ; from general industry and parsimony , occasion'd by the multitude of people , and smalness of countrey ; from cheapness and easiness of carriage by convenience of canals ; from low use , and deerness of land , which turn money to trade ; the institution of banks ; sale by registry ; care of convoys ; smalness of customs ; freedom of ports ; order in trade ; interest of persons in the government ; particular traffique affected to particular places ; application to the fishery ; and acquisitions in the east-indies . it is no constant rule , that trade makes riches ; for there may be a trade that impoverishes a nation : as it is not going often to market that enriches the countrey-man ; but on the contrary , if every time he comes there , he buys to a greater value than he sells , he grows the poorer the oftner he goes : but the only and certain scale of riches arising from trade in a nation , is the proportion of what is exported for the consumption of others , to what is imported for their own . the true ground of this proportion lies in the general industry and parsimony of a people , or in the contrary of both . industry encreases the native commodity , either in the product of the soil , or the manufactures of the countrey , which raises the stock for exportation . parsimony lessens the consumption of their own , as well as of forreign commodities ; and not only abates the importation by the last , but encreases the exportation by the first ; for of all native commodities , the less is consumed in a countrey , the more is exported abroad ; there being no commodity , but at one price or other will find a market , which they will be masters of , who can afford it cheapest : such are always the most industrious and parsimonious people , who can thrive by prices upon which the lazy and expensive cannot live . the vulgar mistake , that importation of forreign wares , if purchased abroad with native commodities , and not with money , does not make a nation poorer ; is but what every man that gives himself leisure to think , must immediately rectifie , by finding out , that upon the end of an account between a nation and all they deal with abroad whatever the exportation wants in value to balance that of the importation , must of necessity be made up with ready money . by this we find out the foundation of the riches of holland , as of their trade by the circumstances already rehearsed . for never any countrey traded so much , and consumed so little : they buy infinitely , but 't is to sell again , either upon improvement of the commodity , or at a better market . they are the great masters of the indian spices , and of the persian silks ; but wear plain woollen , and feed upon their own fish and roots . nay , they sell the finest of their own cloath to france , and buy coarse out of england for their own wear . they send abroad the best of their own butter into all parts , and buy the cheapest out of ireland , or the north of england , for their own use . in short , they furnish infinite luxury , which they never practise ; and traffique in pleasures which they never taste . the gentlemen and officers of the army change their clothes and their modes like their neighbours . but among the whole body of the civil magistrates , the merchants , the rich traders , and citizens in general , the fashions continue still the same ; and others as constant among the sea-men and boors : so that men leave off their clothes only because they are worn out , and not because they are out of fashion . their great forreign consumption , is french-wine and brandy ; but that may be allow'd them , as the only reward they enjoy of all their pains , and as that alone which makes them rich and happy in their voluntary poverty , who would otherwise seem poor and wretched in their real wealth . besides , what they spend in wine , they save in corn to make other drinks , which is bought from forreign parts . and upon a pressure of their affairs , we see now for two years together , they have deni'd themselves even this comfort , among all their sorrows , and made up in passive fortitude whatever they have wanted in the active . thus it happens , that much going constantly out either in commodity , or in the labour of seafaring-men ; and little coming in to be consumed at home ; the rest returns in coin , and fills the countrey to that degree , that more silver is seen in holland among the common hands and purses , than brass either in spain or in france ; though one be so rich in the best native commodities , and the other drain all the treasures of the west-indies . by all this account of their trade and riches , it will appear , that some of our maxims are not so certain as they are current in our common politicks . as first , that example and encouragement of excess and luxury , if employ'd in the consumption of native commodities , is of advantage to trade : it may be so to that which impoverishes , but is not to that which enriches a countrey ; and is indeed less prejudicial if it lie in native than in forreign wares . but the custom or humour of luxury and expence , cannot stop at certain bounds : what begins in native , will proceed in forreign commodities ; and though the example arise among idle persons , yet the imitation will run into all degrees , even of those men by whose industry the nation subsists . and besides , the more of our own we spend , the less we shall have to send abroad ; and so it will come to pass , that while we drive a vast trade , yet by buying much more than we sell , we shall come to be poor : whereas when we drove a very small traffique abroad , yet by selling so much more than we bought , we were very rich in proportion to our neighbours . this appear'd in edward the third's time , when we maintain'd so mighty wars in france , and carri'd our victorious arms into the heart of spain ; whereas in the 28 year of that king's reign , the value and custom of all our exported commodities amounted to 294184 l. — 17 s. — 2 d. and that of our imported , but to 38970 l. — 03 s. — 06 d. so as there must have enter'd that year into the kingdom in coin or bullion ( or else have grown a debt to the nation ) 255214 l. — 13 s. — 08 d. and yet we then carri'd out our wools unwrought , and brought in a great part of our clothes from flanders . another common maxim is , that if by any forreign invasion or servitude , the state , and consequently the trade of holland should be ruin'd , the last would of course fall to our share in england . which is no consequence : for it would certainly break into several pieces , and shift either to us , to flanders , to the hans-towns , or any other parts , according as the most of those circumstances should any where concur to invite it ( and the likest to such ) , as appear to have formerly drawn it into holland , by so mighty a confluence of people , and so general a vein of industry and parsimony among them . and whoever pretends to equal their growth in trade and riches , by other ways than such as are already enumerated , will prove , i doubt , either to deceive , or to be deceived . a third is , that if that state were reduced to great extremities , so as to become a province to some greater power , they would chuse our subjection rather than any other , or those at least that are the maritime and the richest of the provinces . but it will be more reasonably concluded from all the former discourses , that though they may be divided by absolute conquests , they will never divide themselves by consent , but all fall one way , and by common agreement make the best terms they can for their countrey as a province , if not as a state : and before they come to such an extremity , they will first seek to be admitted as a belgick-circle in the empire ( which they were of old ) ; and thereby receive the protection of that mighty body , which ( as far as great and smaller things may be compar'd ) seems the likest their own state in its main constitutions , but especially in the freedom or soveraignty of the imperial cities . and this i have often heard their ministers speak of , as their last refuge , in case of being threatned by too strong and fatal a conjuncture . and if this should happen , the trade of the provinces would rather be preserved or encreased , than any way broken or destroy'd by such an alteration of their state , because the liberties of the countrey would continue what they are , and the security would be greater than now it is . the last i will mention , is of another vein ; that if the prince of orange were made soveraign of their country , though by forreign arms , he would be a great prince , because this now appears to be so great a state. whereas , on the contrary , those provinces would soon become a very mean countrey . for such a power must be maintain'd by force , as it would be acquir'd , and as indeed all absolute dominion must be in those provinces . this would raise general discontents ; and those , perpetual seditions among the towns , which would change the orders of the countrey , endanger the property of private men , and shake the credit and safety of the government : whenever this should happen , the people would scatter , industry would faint , banks would dissolve , and trade would decay to such a degree , as probably in course of time , their very digues would be no longer maintain'd by the defences of a weak people against so furious an invader ; but the sea would break in upon their land , and leave their chiefest cities to be fisher-towns , as they were of old . without any such great revolutions , i am of opinion , that trade has for some years ago past its meridian , and begun sensibly to decay among them : whereof there seem to be several causes ; as first , the general application that so many other nations have made to it , within these two or three and twenty years . for since the peace of munster , which restor'd the quiet of christendom in 1648 , not only sueden and denmark , but france and england , have more particularly than ever before , busied the thoughts and counsels of their several governments , as well as the humours of their people , about the matters of trade . nor has this happen'd without good degrees of success ; though kingdoms of such extent , that have other and nobler foundations of greatness , cannot raise trade to such a pitch as this little state , which had no other to build upon ; no more than a man , who has a fair and plentiful estate , can fall to labour and industry , like one that has nothing else to trust to for the support of his life . but however , all these nations have come of late to share largely with them ; and there seem to be grown too many traders for trade in the world , so as they can hardly live one by another . as in a great populous village , the first grocer or mercer that sets up among them , grows presently rich , having all the custom ; till another , encouraged by his success , comes to set up by him , and share in his gains ; at length so many fall to the trade , that nothing is got by it ; and some must give over , or all must break . not many ages past , venice and florence possest all the trade of europe ; the last by their manufactures ; but the first by their shipping : and the whole trade of persia and the indies , whose commodities were brought ( those by land , and these by the arabian-sea ) to egypt , from whence they were fetcht by the venetian fleets , and dispersed into most of the parts of europe : and in those times we find the whole trade of england was driven by venetians , florentines , and lombards . the easterlings , who were the inhabitants of the hans-towns , as dantzic , lubeick , hamburgh , and others upon that coast , fell next into trade , and managed all that of these northern parts for many years , and brought it first down to bruges , and from thence to antwerp . the first navigations of the portuguesses to the east-indies , broke the greatness of the venetian trade , and drew it to lisbon ; and the revolt of the netherlands , that of antwerp to holland . but in all this time , the other and greater nations of europe concern'd themselves little in it ; their trade was war ; their counsels and enterprizes were busied in the quarrels of the holy land , or in those between the popes and the emperors ( both of the same forge , engaging all christian princes , and ending in the greatness of the ecclesiastical state throughout christendom ) : sometimes in the mighty wars between england and france , between france and spain : the more general , between christian and turks ; or more particular quarrels between lesser and neighbouring-princes . in short , the kingdoms and principalities were in the world like the noblemen and gentlemen in a countrey ; the free-states and cities , like the merchants and traders : these at first despised by the others ; the others serv'd and rever'd by them ; till by the various course of events in the world , some of these came to grow rich and powerful by industry and parsimony ; and some of the others poor , by war and by luxury : which made the traders begin to take upon them , and carry it like gentlemen ; and the gentlemen begin to take a fancy of falling to trade . by this short account it will appear no wonder , either that particular places grew so rich and so mighty , while they alone enjoyed almost the general trade of the world ; nor why not only the trade in holland , but the advantage of it in general , should seem to be lessen'd by so many that share it . another cause of its decay in that state , may be , that by the mighty progress of their east-indy company , the commodities of that countrey are grown more than these parts of the world can take off ; and consequently the rates of them must needs be lessened , while the charge is encreast by the great wars , the armies , and forts , necessary to maintain or extend the acquisitions of that company in the indies . for instead of five or six east-indy ships , which used to make the fleet of the year , they are now risen to eighteen or twenty ( i think two and twenty came in one year to the united provinces ) . this is the reason why the particular persons of that company in holland , make not so great advantage of the same stock , as those of ours do in england ; though their company be very much richer , and drives a far greater trade than ours , which is exhausted by no charge of armies , or forts , or ships of war : and this is the reason that the dutch are forced to keep so long and so much of those commodities in their magazines here , and to bring them out , only as the markets call for them , or are able to take off ; and why they bring so much less from the indies , than they were able to do , if there were vent enough here : as i remember one of their sea-men , newly landed out of their east-indy fleet in the year 69 , upon discourse in a boat between delf and leyden , said he had seen , before he came away , three heaps of nutmegs burnt at a time , each of which was more than a small church could hold , which he pointed at in a village that was in sight . another cause may be the great cheapness of corn , which has been for these dozen years or more , general in all these parts of europe , and which has a very great influence upon the trade of holland . for a great vent of indian commodities ( at least the spices , which are the gross of them ) used to be made into the northern parts of europe , in exchange for corn , while it was taken off at good rates by the markets of flanders , england , france , spain , or italy ; in all which countreys it has of late years gone so low , as to discourage the import of so great quantities as used to come from poland and prussia , and other parts of the north. now the less value those nations receive for corn , the less they are able to give for spice , which is a great loss to the dutch on both sides , lessening the vent of their indian ware in the northern , and the traffique of corn in the southern parts . the cause of this great cheapness of corn , seems to be , not so much a course of plentiful and seasonable years , as the general peace that has been in europe since the year 59 or 60 ; by which so many men and so much land have been turned to husbandry , that were before employ'd in the wars , or lay wasted by them in all the frontier-provinces of france and spain , as well as throughout germany , before the peace of munster ; and in england , during the actions or consequences of a civil war ; and plenty grows not to a heighth , but by the succession of several peaceful as well as seasonable years . the last cause i will mention , is the mighty enlargement of the city of amsterdam , by that which is called the new town ; the extent whereof is so spacious , and the buildings of so much greater beauty and cost than the old , that it must have employ'd a vast proportion of that stock which in this city was before wholly turned to trade . besides , there seems to have been growing on for these later years , a greater vie of luxury and expence among many of the merchants of that town , than was ever formerly known ; which was observed and complained of , as well as the enlargement of their city , by some of the wisest of their ministers , while i resided among them , who designed some regulations by sumptuary laws ; as knowing the very foundations of their trade would soon be undermined , if the habitual industry , parsimony , and simplicity of their people , came to be over-run by luxury , idleness , and excess . however it happen'd , i found it agreed by all the most diligent and circumspect enquiries i could make , that in the years 69 and 70 , there was hardly any forreign trade among them , besides that of the indies , by which the traders made the returns of their money without loss ; and none , by which the gain was above two in the hundred . so as it seems to be with trade , as with the sea ( its element ) , that has a certain pitch , above which it never rises in the highest tides ; and begins to ebb as soon as ever it ceases to flow ; and ever loses ground in one place , proportionably to what it gains in another . chap. vii . of their forces and revenues . the strength and forces of a kingdom or state , were measured in former ages by the numbers of native and warlike subjects , which they could draw into the field upon any war with their neighbours . national quarrels were decided by national armies , not by stipendiary forces ( raised with money , or maintained by constant pay ) . in the several kingdoms and principalities of europe , the bodies of their armies were composed , as they are still in poland , of the nobility and gentry , who were bound to attend their princes to the wars , with certain numbers of armed men , according to the tenure and extent of the several lordships and lands they held of the crown : where these were not proportionable to the occasion , the rest were made up of subjects drawn together by love of their prince or their countrey ; by desire of conquest and spoils , or necessity of defence ; held together by allegiance or religion ; and spirited by honour , revenge , or avarice ( not of what they could get from their leaders , but from their enemies ) . a battel or two , fairly fought , decided a war ; and a war ended the quarrel of an age , and either lost or gain'd the cause or countrey contended for : till the change of times and accidents brought it to a new decision ; till the virtues and vices of princes made them stronger or weaker , either in the love and obedience of their people , or in such orders and customs as render'd their subjects more or less warlike or esseminate . standing-forces or guards in constant pay , were no where used by lawful princes in their native or hereditary countreys , but only by conquerors in subdued provinces , or usurpers at home ; and were a defence only against subjects , not against enemies . these orders seem first to have been changed in europe by the two states of venice and holland ; both of them small in territories at land , and those extended in frontier upon powerful neighbours : both of them weak in number of native subjects ; and those less warlike at land , by turning so much to traffique , and to sea : but both of them mighty in riches and trade ; which made them endeavour to balance their neighbours strength in native subjects , by forreign stipendiary bands ; and to defend their frontiers by the arts of fortification , and strength of places , which might draw out a war into length by sieges , when they durst not venture it upon a battel ; and so make it many times determine by force of money , rather than of arms. this forced those princes , who frontier'd upon these states , to the same provisions ; which have been encreast by the perpetual course of wars , upon the continent of europe , ever since the rise of this state , until the peace of the pirenees , between princes bordering one upon the other ; and so , ready for sudden inroads or invasions . the force therefore of these provinces is to be measur'd , not by the number or dispositions of their subjects , but by the strength of their shipping , and standing-troops , which they constantly maintain , even in time of peace ; and by the numbers of both which , they have been able to draw into the field , and to sea , for support of a war : by their constant revenue to maintain the first ; and by the temporary charge they have been able to furnish for supply of the other . i will not enumerate their frontier-towns ( which is a common theam ) , or the forces necessary for the garrisons of them . nor the nature and variety of their taxes and impositions ; though i have an exact list of them by me , expressing the several kinds , rates , and proportions , upon every province and town ; but this would swell a discourse with a great deal of tedious matter , and to little purpose . i shall therefore be content only to observe , what i have informed my self of their forces and revenues in general , from persons among them the best able to give that account . the ordinary revenue of this state , consists either in what is levied in the conquered towns , and countrey of brabant , flanders , or the rhine ; which is wholly administred by the council of state : or else the ordinary fonds which the seven provinces provide every year , according to their several proportions , upon the petition of the council of state , and computation of the charge of the ensuing year , given in by them to the states-general . and this revenue commonly amounts to about one and twenty millions of gilders a year ; every million making about ninety thousand pounds sterling , intrinsick value . the chief fonds out of which this rises , is the excise , and the customs : the first is great , and so general , that i have heard it observed at amsterdam , that when in a tavern , a certain dish of fish is eaten with the usual sawce , above thirty several excises are paid , for what is necessary to that small service . the last are low , and applied particularly to the admiralty . out of this revenue , is supplied the charge of the whole milice , of all publique officers of the state , and ambassadors or ministers abroad , and the interest of about thirteen millions owing by the states-general . the standing-forces in the year 70 , upon so general a peace , and after all reformations , were twenty six thousand two hundred men , in ten regiments of horse , consisting of fifty troops ; and nineteen of foot , consisting of three hundred and eighty companies . the constant charge of these forces stood them in six millions one hundred and nineteen thousand gilders a year . their admiralties , in time of peace , maintain between thirty and forty men of war , employ'd in the several convoys of their merchants fleets , in a squadron of eight or ten ships to attend the algerines and other corsairs in the mediterranean ; and some always lying ready in their havens for any sudden accidents , or occasions of the state. the common expence of the admiralties in this equipage , and the built of ships , is about six millions a year . besides the debt of the generalty , the province of holland owes about sixty five millions , for which they pay interest at four in the hundred ; but with so great ease and exactness both in principal and interest , that no man ever demands it twice ; they might take up whatever money they desired . whoever is admitted to bring in his money , takes it for a great deal of favour ; and when they pay off any part of the principal , those it belongs to , receive it with tears , not knowing how to dispose of it to interest with such safety and ease . and the common revenue of particular men , lies much in the cantores either of the generalty , or the several provinces , which are the registries of these publique debts . of the several imposts and excises , those that are upon certain and immovable possessions ( as houses and lands ) are collected by the magistrates of the several places , and by them paid in to the receivers , because both the number and value of them are constant , and easily known . those which arise out of uncertain consumptions , are all set out to farm , and to him that bids most , some every three months , some every six , and some yearly . the collection , receit , and distribution of all publique moneys , are made without any fee to officers , who receive certain constant salaries from the state , which they dare not encrease by any private practises or extortions ; so as whoever has a bill of any publique debt , has so much ready money in his coffers , being paid certainly at call , without charge or trouble ; and assign'd over in any payment , like the best bill of exchange . the extraordinary revenue is , when upon some great occasions or wars , the generalty agrees to any extraordinary contributions ; as sometimes the hundredth penny of the estates of all the inhabitants ; pole , or chimney-money ; or any other subsidies and payments , according as they can agree , and the occasions require ; which have sometimes reached so far , as even to an imposition upon every man that travels in the common ways of their countrey , by boat , or in coach ; in wagon , or on horseback . by all these means , in the first year of the english war in 1665 , there were raised in the provinces forty millions , of which twenty two in the province of holland . and upon the bishop of munster's invading them at the same time by land , they had in the year 66 , above threescore thousand land-men in pay ; and a fleet of above a hundred great men of war at sea. the greatness of this nation at that time , seems justly to have raised the glory of ours ; which during the years 65 and 66 , maintained a war , not only against this powerful state , but against the crowns of france and denmark in conjunction with them : and all at a time , when this kingdom was forced to struggle at home with the calamitous effects of a raging plague , that in three months of the first year , swept away incredible numbers of people ; and of a prodigious fire , that in three days of the second , laid in ashes that ancient and famous city of london ( the heart and center of our commerce and riches ) , consuming the greatest part of its buildings , and an immense proportion of its wealth . yet in the midst of these fatal accidents , those two summers were renowned with three battels of the mightiest fleets that ever met upon the ocean ; whereof two were determined by entire and unquestion'd victories , and pursuit of our enemies into their very havens . the third having begun by the unfortunate division of our fleet , with the odds of ninety of their ships against fifty of ours ; and in spight of such disadvantages , having continued , or been renewed for three days together ( wherein we were every morning the aggressors ) , ended at last by the equal and mutual weakness or weariness of both sides , the maims of ships and tackling , with want of powder and ammunition ; having left undecided the greatest action that will perhaps appear upon record of any story . and in this battel , monsieur de witt confest to me , that we gain'd more honour to our nation , and to the invincible courage of our sea-men , than by the other two victories . that he was sure , their men could never have been brought on the two following days , after the disadvantages of the first ; and he believed no other nation was capable of it , but ours . i will not judg , how we came to fail of a glorious peace in the six months next succeeding , after the fortune of our last victory , and with the honour of the war : but as any rough hand can break a bone , whereas much art and care are required to sett it again , and restore it to its first strength and proportion ; so 't is an easie part in a minister of state , to engage a war ; but 't is given to few to know the times , and find the ways of making peace . yet when after the sensible events of an unfortunate negligence , an indifferent treaty was concluded at breda in 67 ; within six months following , by an alliance with this state in january 68 ( which was received with incredible joy and applause among them ) , his majesty became the unquestioned arbiter of all the affairs of christendom ; made a peace between the two great crowns , at aix la chapelle , which was avowed by all the world to be perfectly his own ; and was received with equal applause of christian princes abroad , and of his subjects at home ; and for three years succeeding , by the unshaken alliance and dependance of the united states , his majesty remained absolute master of the peace of christendom , and in a posture of giving bounds to the greatest , as well as protection to the weakest of his neighbours . chap. viii . the causes of their fall in 1672. it must be avowed , that as this state in the course and progress of its greatness for so many years past , has shined like a comet ; so in the revolutions of this last summer , it seem'd to fall like a meteor , and has equally amazed the world by the one and the other : when we consider such a power and wealth as was related in the last chapter , to have fallen in a manner prostrate within the space of one month : so many frontier towns , renowned in the sieges and actions of the spanish wars , enter'd like open villages by the french troops , without defence , or almost denial : most of them without any blows at all ; and all of them with so few : their great rivers , that were esteemed an invincible security to the provinces of holland and utrecht , passed with as much ease , and as small resistances , as little fords : and in short , the very hearts of a nation so valiant of old against rome , so obstinate against spain ; now subdued , and in a manner abandoning all before their danger appeared : we may justly have our recourse to the secret and fixed periods of all human greatness , for the account of such a revolution : or rather to the unsearchable decrees , and unresistable force of divine providence ; though it seems not more impious to question it , than to measure it by our scale ; or reduce the issues and motions of that eternal will and power , to a conformity with what is esteemed just , or wise , or good , by the usual consent , or the narrow comprehension of poor mortal men . but as in the search and consideration even of things natural and common , our talent , i fear , is to talk rather than to know ; so we may be allowed to enquire and reason upon all things , while we do not pretend to certainty , or call that undeniable truth , which is every day denied by ten thousand ; nor those opinions unreasonable , which we know to be held by such as we allow to be reasonable men . i shall therefore set down such circumstances as to me seem most evidently to have conspired in this revolution ; leaving the causes less discernable , to the search of more discerning persons . and first , i take their vast trade , which was an occasion of their greatness , to have been one likewise of their fall , by having wholly diverted the genius of their native subjects and inhabitants , from arms to traffique , and the arts of peace ; leaving the whole fortune of their later wars , to be managed by forreign and mercenary troops ; which much abased the courage of their nation ( as was observed in another chapter ) , and made the burghers of so little moment towards the defence of their towns ; whereas in the famous sieges of harlem , alemar , and leyden , they had made such brave and fierce defences , as broke the heart of the spanish armies , and the fortune of their affairs . next was the peace of munster , which had left them now , for above twenty years , too secure of all invasions or enemies at land ; and so turn'd their whole application to the strength of their forces at sea ; which have been since exercised with two english wars in that time , and enlivened with the small yearly expeditions into the streights against the algerines , and other corsairs of the mediterranean . another was their too great parsimony in reforming so many of their best forreign officers and troops , upon the peace of munster ; whose valour and conduct had been so great occasions of inducing spain to the counsels and conclusions of that treaty . but the greatest of all others that concur'd to weaken , and indeed break the strength of their land-milice , was the alteration of their state , which happen'd by the perpetual edict of holland and west-friezland , upon the death of the last prince of orange , for exclusion of the power of stadtholder in their province , or at least the separation of it from the charge of captain-general . since that time , the main design and application of those provinces , has been to work out by degrees all the old officers both native and forreign , who had been formerly sworn to the prince of orange , and were still thought affectionate to the interest of that family ; and to fill the commands of their army with the sons or kinsmen of burgomasters , and other officers or deputies in the state , whom they esteemed sure to the constitutions of their popular government , and good enough for an age where they saw no appearance of enemy at land to attaque them . but the humour of kindness to the young prince , both in the people and army , was not to be dissolved or dispersed by any medicines or operations either of rigor or artifice ; but grew up insensibly with the age of the prince , ever presaging some revolution in the state , when he should come to the years of aspiring , and managing the general affections of the people : being a prince , who joined to the great qualities of his royal blood , the popular virtues of his countrey ; silent and thoughtful ; given to hear , and to enquire ; of a sound and steddy understanding ; much firmness in what he once resolves , or once denies ; great industry and application to his business ; little to his pleasures : piety in the religion of his countrey , but with charity to others ; temperance unusual to his youth , and to the climate ; frugal in the common management of his fortune , and yet magnificent upon occasion : of great spirit and heart , aspiring to the glory of military actions : with strong ambition to grow great , but rather by the service than the servitude of his countrey . in short , a prince of many virtues , without any appearing mixture of vice. in the english war begun the year 65 , the states disbanded all the english troops that were then left in their service , dispersing the officers and soldiers of our nation who staid with them , into other companies or regiments of their own . after the french invasion of flanders , and the strict alliance between england and holland in 68 : they did the same by all the french that were remaining in their service . so as the several bodies of these two nations , which had ever the greatest part in the honour and fortune of their wars , were now wholly dissolved , and their standing-milice composed in a manner all of their own natives , enervated by the long uses and arts of traffique and of peace . but they were too great a match for any of the smaller princes their neighbours in germany ; and too secure of any danger from spain , by the knowledg of their forces , as well as dispositions ; and being strictly allied both with england and sweden , in two several defensive leagues , and in one common tripple alliance ; they could not foresee any danger from france , who they thought would never have the courage or force to enter the lists with so mighty confederates ; and who were sure of a conjunction , whenever they pleased , both with the emperor and spain . besides , they knew that france could not attaque them without passing through flanders , or germany : they were sure spain would not suffer it through the first , if they were backt in opposing it , as foreseeing the inevitable loss of flanders upon that of holland : and they could hardly believe the passage should be yeilded by a german prince , contrary to the express will and intentions of the emperor , as well as the common interests of the empire : so that they hoped the war would at least open in their neighbours provinces , for whose defence they resolved to employ the whole force of their state. and would have made a mighty resistance , if the quarrel had begun at any other doors but their own . they could not imagine a conjunction between england and france for the ruin of their state ; for , being unacquainted with our constitutions , they did not foresee how we should find our interest in it , and measured all states by that which they esteemed to be their interest . nor could they believe that other princes and states of europe would suffer such an addition to be made to the power of france , as a conquest of holland . besides these publique considerations , there were others particular to the factions among them ; and some of their ministers were neither forward nor supple enough to endeavour the early breaking or diverting such conjunctures as threatned them ; because they were not without hopes , they might end in renewing their broken measures with france ; which those of the commonwealth-party were more enclin'd to , by foreseeing the influence that their alliances with england must needs have in time towards the restoring of the prince of orange's authority : and they thought at the worst , that whenever a pinch came , they could not fail of a safe bargain in one market or other , having so vast a treasure ready to employ upon any good occasion . these considerations made them commit three fatal oversights in their forreign negotiations : for they made an alliance with england , without engaging a confidence and friendship : they broke their measures with france , without closing new ones with spain : and they reckon'd upon the assistances of sweden , and their neighbour-princes of germany , without making them sure by subsidiary advances , before a war began . lastly , the prince of orange was approaching the two and twentieth year of his age , which the states of holland had , since their alliance with his majesty in 68 , ever pretended , should be the time of advancing him to the charge of captain-general , and admiral of their forces , though without that of stadtholder . but the nearer they drew to this period , which was like to make a new figure in their government ; the more desirous some of their ministers seemed either to decline , or to restrain it . on the other side , the prince grew confident upon the former promises , or at least intimations of holland , and the concurring dispositions of the other six provinces to his advancement : and his party , spirited by their hopes , and the great qualities of this young prince ( now grown ripe for action , and for enterprise ) , resolved to bring this point to a sudden decision ; against which , the other party prepared and united all their defences ; so as this strong disease that had been so long working in the very bowels of the state , seem'd just upon its crisis , when a conjunction of two mighty kings brought upon them a sudden and furious invasion by land and sea , at the same time , by a royal fleet of above fourscore ships , and an army of as many thousand men . when the states saw this cloud ready to break upon them ( after a long belief that it would blow over ) , they began not only to provide shelter at home , with their usual vigor ; but to look out for it abroad , though both too late . of the princes that were their allies , or concern'd in their danger , such as were far off , could not be in time ; the nearer , were unwilling to share in a danger they were not enough prepar'd for ; most were content to see the pride of this state humbled ; some , the injuries they had received from them , revenged ; many would have them mortified , that would not have them destroyed ; and so all resolved to leave them to weather the storm as they could for one campania ; which they did not believe could go far towards their ruin , considering the greatness of their riches , number of their forces , and strength of their places . the state , in the mean time , had encreased their troops to seventy thousand men , and had begun to repair the fortifications of their frontier-towns : but so great a length of their countrey lay open to the french invasion by the territories of colen and liege ; and to the bishop of munster ( their inveterate enemy ) by westphalia , that they knew not where to expect or provide against the first danger : and while they divided their forces and endeavours towards the securing of so many garrisons , they provided for none to any purpose but maestricht ; which the french left behind them , and fell in upon the towns of the rhine , and the heart of their provinces . besides , those ministers who had still the direction of affairs , bent their chief application to the strength and order of their fleet , rather than of their army : whether more peckt at england than france , upon the war , and manner of entering into it ; or believing that a victory at sea would be the way to a peace with this crown ; or hoping their towns would not fall so fast , but that before three or four were lost , the business at sea would be decided ; or perhaps content that some ill successes should attend the prince of orange at his first entrance upon the command of their armies , and thereby contribute to their designs of restraining the authority , while they were forced to leave him the name of captain-general . this indeed was not likely to fail , considering the ill constitution of their old army , the hasty levies of their new , and the heighth of the factions now broken out in the state ; which left both the towns and the troops in suspence , under whose banners they fought , and by whose orders they were to be govern'd , the prince's , or the states . there happen'd at the same time , an accident unusual to their climate , which was a mighty drowth in the begining of the summer , that left their waters fordable in places where they used to be navigable for boats of greatest burthen . and this gave them more trouble and distraction in the defence , as their enemies more facility in the passage of those great rivers , which were esteemed no small security of their countrey . and in this posture were the affairs of this commonwealth when the war broke out , with those fatal events , that must needs attend any kingdom or state , where the violence of a forreign invasion happens to meet with the distraction of a domestique sedition or discontent , which , like ill humours in a body , make any small wound dangerous , and a great one mortal . they were still a great body , but without their usual soul ; they were a state , but it was of the disunited provinces . their towns were without order ; their burgers without obedience ; their soldiers without discipline ; and all without heart : whereas in all sieges , the hearts of men defend the walls , and not walls the men : and indeed , it was the name of england joining in the war against them , that broke their hearts , and contributed more to the loss of so many towns , and so much countrey , than the armies of munster , or of france . so that upon all circumstances consider'd , it seems easier to give an account , what it was that lost them so much , than what sav'd them the rest . no man at play sees a very great game either in his own , or another's hand , unexpectedly lost , but he is apt to consider , whether it could have been saved , and how it ought to have been play'd . the same enquiry will be natural upon the fall of this state , and very difficult to resolve . after the mighty growth of the french , and decay of the spanish power , which drew on the invasion of flanders in 1667 , this state had a very hard game to play ; either they must see flanders wholly lost , and france grown to confine upon them ( whom they liked as an ally , but dreaded as a neighbour ) ; or else they must join with france to divide flanders between them ; but they knew what it was to share with the lion : or they must join with spain to defend flanders against france ; that is , with their old enemy , against their old friend : or lastly , they must join with england for the defence of flanders , neither breaking with france , nor closing with spain ; and frame an arbitrage , but of something a rough nature ; rather prescribing than mediating a peace , and threatning a war upon that crown that refused it . they chose the last , and wisely , as all men thought ; but though this alliance was happily planted , yet it was unhappily cultivated , and so the fruit came to fall , and the root to wither upon the first change of seasons , in such a manner , and to such a degree , as we have lately seen . whether they could have prevented a conjunction of england with france , shall be no part of my subject ; for i pretend not to know , or to tell secrets of state ; and intend these , not for the observations of an ambassador , but of a private man as i am , and such as any gentleman might easily have made , who had resided above two years as i did in holland ; and had been , as i was , a little enclined to observe . i shall only say , that the conjunction of england with france , was to this state like one of those diseases which the physicians say , are hard to discern , while they are easie to cure ; but when once they come to be plainly discovered , they are past remedy . but as holland had ever defended it self against spain , by england and france ; so it ought to have done against france , by england and spain , and provided early against their own danger , as well as ▪ that of flanders , by improving and advancing their confederate-league with england and sweden , into a strict defensive-alliance with spain , as a principal in the league ; and by agreeing with that crown , to furnish between them some constant subsidiary payments to sweden , for the support of their standing-forces , even in time of peace . this was the desire of spain , the interest of all that meant to secure the peace of christendom ; and the opinion of some of the dutch ministers , though not of the chiefest , till it was too late ; and the omission of this , was the greatest fault ever committed in their politicks ; and proceeded in a great measure from their ancient animosity to spain ; which as it was the beginning , so , by this effect , it almost prov'd the end of their state. when the war began in the midst of the conjunctures related , 't is hard to say what could have defended them ; but as men in a town , threatned with a mighty siege , abandon their suburbs , and slight those out-works which are either weak of themselves , or not well defensible for want of men ; and resolve only to make good those posts which they are able fully to man , and easily to relieve ; because the loss of every small outwork does not only weaken the number , but sink the courage of the garrison within . so this state , which came to be in a manner besieged by the mighty and numerous armies of france and of munster ; ought , in my opinion , to have left themselves but three out-works to maintain ( i mean , three posts standing without the lines , that enclosed the main body of their provinces ) ; these should have been , mastricht , wesel , and coeverden . they should have slighted all the rest of their places that lay without these upon the rhyne , or in overyssel ; and drawn the men into these towns , so as to have left them rather like camps , than garrisons ; that is , eight thousand foot , and two thousand horse in maestricht , as many in wesel , and half the number in coeverden , if the place would contain them ; if not , they might have formed and fortified a camp with something a greater number , upon the next pass into friezland and groninguen . of the rest of their horse ( which were i suppose about five thousand ) , with at least fifteen thousand foot , they should have formed a great standing camp , within their rivers , somewhere near arnhem ; fortifi'd it with canon , and all the art that could be ; furnisht it with the greatest care , and plenty of provisions . the remainder of their infantry would have been enough for the rest of their garrisons ; of which the towns upon the yssel , doesburgh , zutphen , doventer , and swoll , would have been in a manner flankt ( though at some distance ) by the strong garrisons of wesel and coeverden ; and breasted by the main camp. if with this disposition of their forces , they had provided well for the strength and defence of skinksconce , nimmeguen , and grave ( which would likewise have lien all within the cover of these out-posts ) ; they might , for ought i know , have expected the war , without losing the heart and steddiness of their counsels , and not without probability of making a defence worthy the former greatness and atchievements of their state. for a siege of maestricht or wesel ( so garrison'd and resolutely defended ) might not only have amused , but endanger'd the french armies ; as coeverden might have done that of munster . the resistance of one of these towns , would have encreased the strength of all the rest : for the fortune of battels and sieges , turns upon the hearts of men , as they are more or less capable of general confidences or fears , which are very much raised by accidents and opinions . it would not have been within any common rules , to march so far into the countrey , as to attaque the burse or breda , nimmeguen or grave , leaving such camps behind as those at wesel and maestricht , and having so much a greater before them , as that about arnhem . if any of these three posts had been lost , yet it could not have happen'd without good conditions , and so retiring the men to strengthen either the more inward garrisons , or the main camp , which would have lien ready to defend the passes of their rivers . and if at the worst they had fail'd in this , yet the french army must afterwards , either have attaqued a fortifi'd camp of twenty thousand men , or left such an army behind them when they marcht towards utrecht , and into the heart of the provinces ; both of which would have been attempts , that i think have hardly been enterprised with success upon any invasion . there seems at least some appearance of order and conduct in this scheam of defence ; whereas there was none in theirs : but perhaps the greatness of the tempest from abroad , and of the factions at home , either broke the heart , or distracted the course of their counsels . and besides , such old sea-men in so strong a ship that had weathered so many storms without loss , could not but think it hard to throw over-board so much of their lading before this began . after all , i know very well , that nothing is so hard , as to give wise counsel before events ; and nothing so easie , as after them , to make wise reflections . many things seem true in reason , and prove false in experience : many that are weakly consulted , are executed with success . therefore , to conclude , we must all acknowledg , that wisdom and happiness dwell with god alone ; and among mortal men ( both of their persons and their states ) , those are the wisest that commit the fewest follies ; and those the happiest that meet with the fewest misfortunes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64324-e9750 government of the city of amsterdam . government of the province of holland ▪ government of the united provinces . the authority of the princes of orange . notes for div a64324-e12180 rhenus apud principium agri batavi velut ín duos amnes dividitur , ad gallicam ripam latior & placidior verso cognomento vahalem accola dicuut , mox id quoque vocabulum mutat mosâ flumine , ejusque immenso ore eundem in oceanum effunditur . cum interim flexu autumni & crebris imbribus superfusus amnis palust●●m humil●mque insulam in faciem stag●i opplevit . notes for div a64324-e13060 queruntur ( fabii valentis ) legiones orbari se fortissimorum virorum auxilio veteres illos & tot bellorum auctores non abrumpendos ut corpori validissimos artus . tacit. * vbi tempestas & coeli mobilis humor mu●avere vias , & jupiter humidus austris , d●nsat , erant quae rara modo , & quae densa relaxat ●●●tuntur species animorum , & pectora motus 〈◊〉 alios , alios dum nubila ventus agebat ●●●cipiunt , hinc ille avium concentus in agris et 〈◊〉 pecudes , & ovantes gutture corvi . virg. geor. notes for div a64324-e14180 fiunt diversae respublicae ex civium moribus qui quocunque fluxerint , caetera secum rapiunt . plat. de rep. notes for div a64324-e15100 magister artis ingeniique largitor venter . pers. notes for div a64324-e18050 crevit occulto velut arbor ●aevo , fama marcelli . a justification of the present war against the united netherlands wherein the declaration of his majesty is vindicated, and the war proved to be just, honourable and necessary, the dominion of the sea explained, and his majesties rights thereunto asserted, the obligations of the dutch to england, and their continual ingratitude : illustrated with sculptures : in answer to a dutch treatise entituled, considerations upon the present state of the united netherlands / by an english man. stubbe, henry, 1632-1676. 1672 approx. 260 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 48 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61883) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101738) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 852:25) a justification of the present war against the united netherlands wherein the declaration of his majesty is vindicated, and the war proved to be just, honourable and necessary, the dominion of the sea explained, and his majesties rights thereunto asserted, the obligations of the dutch to england, and their continual ingratitude : illustrated with sculptures : in answer to a dutch treatise entituled, considerations upon the present state of the united netherlands / by an english man. stubbe, henry, 1632-1676. [8], 80 p., [2] leaves of plates : 2 ill. printed for henry hills and john starkey ..., london : 1672. written by henry stubbe. cf. dnb. caption title: impartial and seasonable reflections upon a late book entituled considerations upon the present state of the united netherlands. errata: p. [8] reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng considerations upon the present state of the affairs of the united netherlands. netherlands -history -1648-1714. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. netherlands -foreign relations -england. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a justification of the present war against the united netherlands . wherein the declaration of his majesty is vindicated , and the war proved to be iust , honourable , and necessary ; the dominion of the sea explained , and his majesties rights thereunto asserted ; the obligations of the dutch to england , and their continual ingratitude : illustrated with sculptures . in answer to a dutch treatise entituled , considerations upon the present state of the united netherlands . by an english man. cicero ad atticum , lib. x. ep. 7. pompeij omne consilium themistocleum est : existimat enim , qui mare teneat , eum necesse rerum potiri . lucius florus . pudebat nobilem populam ablato mari , raptis insulis , dare tributa quae jubere consueverat . london . printed for henry hills and iohn starkey , and are to be sold at the bell in st. pauls chuch-yard and the mitre within temple-bar , 1672. the authour unto the reader . since the author of the considerations is pleased to conceal his name , and suffer his book to pass as the work of a private person ; it seems requisite , that i do declare this ensuing treatise to proceed from an hand not less private , if not more ; and this i am the more obliged to own , lest by any mistake of mine through haste , ignorance , or mis-information , some prejudice might be created against the just and unquestionable rights of his majesty . the interests of princes are not proper subjects for ordinary pens : yet in this juncture of our affairs , in these times of universal danger , i hope my attempt shall not be liable to mis-construction , since it hath no other sourse and original , than the service of my king and native country : and i do profess that i have not , to my best knowledge , made use of any officious untruths , nor in any allegation , or asseveration , imposed upon the credulous reader ; nor have i asserted the less probable opinions at any time , out of compliance with the present exigencies of state , in opposition to those which are strengthned with greater authority and reason . i have throughly convinced my self in the first place , and therefore hope the discourse may prove more satisfactory unto all others . the infant republick of the united netherlands , after that it had got some considerable strength by the assistance of england , began to be sensible of the advantages they drew from navigation , and how necessary it was for them not only to open the commerce unto both indies , but to secure themselves of the fishing in the british seas ▪ the death of queen elizabeth ( who would otherwise have been jealous of their growing power , and tender of her own rights ) together with the peaceable disposition of king james , seemed to make way for their ambitious designs , and the cabal of holland ( whereof grotius was one ) did publish an anonymous treatise , called mare liberum , wherein the freedom of the sea to navigate , or fish in , was maintained as a due right of mankind , according to the law of nature , and nations : which foundation they esteemed more suitable to their ends , then if they should depend upon a revocable priviledge , or tacit permission . the book was the less resented at that time , because it was in appearance levelled against the spanish indies , and the prohibition of commerce there ; and then all europe was willing to see the pride and power of spain abated by any means . howsoever king james was angry at the pretended liberty of fishing , and his embassador carleton complained thereof to the states ; but they never avowed the principles , but owned the rights of king james , though in deed slighted them , and usurped upon the fishing , in such manner as i have shewed in this treatise . that single book hath occasioned a multitude of discourses upon that subject ; mr. selden defended the english dominion over the british seas : others that of venice , and genoa : the dutch advocates undermining by their writings all the regalities of princes , as their masters have done by their actions . after that the troubles of scotland and england had disabled king charles the first from attending unto the dominion of the sea , according as he most generously purposed , the dutch thought that the english , being weakned with the civil wars , and distracted with intestine factions , by reason of the alteration of the government , could not resist their ambition , should they usurp the universal dominion of the seas ; and to secure themselves therein , they sent van tromp to destroy the english navy , without declaring any war ; but neither did that attempt , nor the war ensuing thereupon , prosper as they hoped they would . but ever since that fierce war , they have determined upon the ruining the english navigation , and not only to exclude the english from the east-india trade , but to expel them from ▪ and deprive them of the dominion of the british seas . it is a received aphorism amongst the hollanders , that the flourishing condition of england is a diminution of their glory ; also , that trade and the repute of strength are inseparably linked together ; and hereupon they have so many ways contributed to the embroiling of our kingdoms , and omitted nothing that might represent us as ridiculous and contemptible unto foreign princes . after they had usurped the fishery , they began to assume a freedom to act all manner of hostilities upon our allies ( if at enmity with them ) not only upon our seas , but in our ports ; and hereof there are many instances besides the destruction of the spanish fleet in 1639. after this , their pride increasing with their power , they refused to strike sail to our ships of war : now they will allow it to be but a ceremony and civility , and dispute the paying thereof , unless we come up to such terms as are insupportable . thus by degrees they have reduced this nation to the present weakness and contempt ; nor can any concessions , any indulgence satisfie their arrogance and covetousness : they who covet all , will not acquiesce in any grants that are not answerable to their desires , how unjust or vast soever they be : and their friendship is sooner purchased by a brisk opposition , than complaisance . if we look upon the number and quality of the injuries which we have received from the dutch , the turks of algiers and tunis are less offensive , and less perfidious . if we consider the courses by which the dutch attacque us , the algerines are the more supportable to an english spirit , since they act by force , and open piracy , what the hollanders do by finess and deceipt : and since it is our unhappiness to have so ill neighbours , that we must either fall by a lingring and inglorious death , or hazard by war a more precipitate end ; i think hi● majesty hath made that choice which is most conformable to the genius and temperament of his subjects ; and instigated by his honour , justice , and necessity , put into the hands of the english , an opportunity at least of perishing bravely . but as we ought not in a righteous cause to distrust the mercy of god , so upon so auspicious a beginning as the lord of hosts hath favoured us with , under the conduct of our undaunted admiral ; we may hope for a prosperous success over our treacherous and ungrateful enemies . it becomes the nation now to express their generous resolution and courage , whereby the first advantages may be timely and vigorously pursued . it is true , war is expensive ; yet 't is not to be esteemed so , when the effects of peace will be more fatal and cost us more : it is expensive , yet in the beginnings of war even prodigality is wisdom ; and he that lays out most lays out least . small supplies may foment and continue a war , but great ones put a speedy end thereunto . let us then shew our selves unanimous , and resolute ; let us add to our usual boldness all that fury which despair infuseth : our circumstances are such as admit of no after-game : either we must be the distressed kingdom of england , or they once more the distressed states of holland ; and 't will be more insupportable for us to fall into a condition we never yet understood , than for them who return only to their primitive estate . the dutch presume not so much upon their own strength , as upon our divisions , animosities , and poverty . let us undeceive them in these surmises ; let us convince them , that the english have yet much to give , as well as all to lose ; and that they can abandon all private emulations and jealousies where the publick is so highly endangered ; and either totally extinguish them , or lay them aside till they have a more fitting time to resume them . if we can form our minds to such sentiments as these , we may have in a short space , what peace we desire ; if we act by other principles , we can have no peace , but what pleaseth the insolent and enraged hollander . errata . pag. 10. lin . 31 : for soveraigners read soveraigns , p. 21. l. 25. blot out being now in , p. 62. l. 36. for vénd r. read . the second cut is to be inserted pag. 40. impartial and seasonable reflections upon a late book , entituled , considerations upon the present state of the united netherlands . when i perused the treatise , entituled , considerations upon the present state of the united netherlands , i could not but recal to minde that raillery of charles the fifth ; who , when he adjusted the usefulness of several european languages , said , that the dutch was fittest to be used unto an horse . certainly the expressions they use against his sacred majesty , the present king of great britain , are so rude and barbarous ; the suggestions so palpably false , that in a controversie betwixt private persons , such a procedure were intolerable in any part of the civil world : how much more then ought we to resent it , where the dignity and honor of our prince ( upon whose reputation abroad , and at home , not onely the national renown , and general commerce , but the welfare and being of each particular man is suspended ) is concerned ? i do not endeavor to serve the present juncture by this high insinuation of what importance it is , that the majesty of our soveraign be upheld : i do not act any thing of the courtier herein ; 't is a document of the best politicians , and the experience of all ages , doth confirm it for a truth : it is no vain or empty design , for a prince to preserve that credit and renown which appertains unto his quality ; 't is hereby , that he shall ensure himself of those that waver in their friendship or allegiance ; 't is hereby , that he shall retain his armies in discipline and courage ; 't is hereby , that he shall continue in his other subjects , their due reverence and respect . in fine , the reputation of a prince is all in all : and that being once lost , the most powerful and prudent remedies become ineffectual to the support of his crown , and tranquility of his dominions . neither do i upbraid the dutch with the violation of those edicts , whereby christianity regulates men so in their deporments , as not to speak evil of dignities ; not to blaspheme the gods , or magistrates ; being reviled , not so much as to revile again ; whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are of good report , if there be any praise , if there be any glory , to think thereof : no , no , i should injure christendom to reckon the vnited netherlands a part thereof ; such are their practises , that 't is a crime in them to profess that religion , and a great mistake in those that entitle them thereunto : i know not , whether i do not speak too mildly concerning those deluded persons , since 't is a wilful error in them that imagine so ; the dutch themselves have avowed it , and those that managed their trade in iapan , when the christians there ( at the instigation of the dutch ) were all by horrible tortures put to death , and every hous-keeper enjoyned to declare in writing , that he neither was a christian , nor retained any christians in his family , melchior à santvoort , and vincentius romeyn , subscribed themselves , that they were hollanders : most impiously for lucre's sake declining that profession of christianity , to which christ and his apostles oblige them . if they were ashamed or afraid to acknowledge christ then , i know what our saviour will do to them hereafter ; and if we be ashamed to own them now , or positive in denying them to be christians now , we are justified by an infallible authority . i would willingly palliate the matter , by casting the scandal upon a few particular persons , who might be surprised with the imminent danger at that time : but their reputation is not to be salved so ; for the conditions , upon which the trade continues to be managed there , with the knowledge and approbation of the states-general , and of the provincials of holland , are these ; they are at their first arrival , faithfully to deliver up all the books which they bring along with them to japan , ( not a bible , or prayer-book , is reserved ) which are not to be restored till their departure again . they are to refrain from all manner of outward profession of christianity in word or deed amongst the japanners ; in so much , that it is death and confiscation of their ships and goods , if they do so much as verbally give god thanks for the meat they eat , or by any motion of their hands or eyes testifie any inclination thereunto . upon these terms the emperor permitted them to trade thither ; the conditions were sent into holland to be approved of there , it being added in the close of the letter , that if they did make any of the least show , that they were christians , they should not obtain any favor at the hands of the emperor . and the dutch have so exactly submitted to these conditions , and do so absolutely in word and deeds dissemble their christianity , that not onely the common people , but the rulers and magistrates of iapan do really believe that they are as perfect heathens as themselves . what would those ancient christians do to these irreligious hollanders ? what sentiments would they entertain against these practises , who proceeded so severely against such of their number heretofore , as did ( amidst a fierce persecution ) deliver up the sacred scriptures into the hands of the paynims ? with what zeal would they exterminate these traditores , these gnosticks out of the church , and sacred society of christians ? i cannot parallel th●se actions with any exorbitancies of the primitive hereticks , how detestable soever they were . but it is most manifest , that by their rigor against those traditores , &c. they would have ejected the hollanders out of the number of christians , and anathematised them above any upon record , since the dutch act that for gain , which no terrours could excuse under a dioclesian , or maximianus . whatsoever may be alledged in behalf of vincentius romeyn and his associates , ( if any thing can be said ) extends not to the subsequent traders : and even before the persecution in iapan , the hollanders demeaned themselves no otherwise then afterwards , for amongst the motives which induced the emperour of iapan to allow them to trade , it is expresly said , that he permitted them this liberty , because that during all the precedent years in which they traded thither , he never observed that they intended the propagation of their religion , or seemed at all concerned for it . one would think that any professing christianity would not demean themselves thus unworthily : but these men proclaim and publish to the world their impiety , without remorse , or shame . the director of their factory there , francis caron , printed this in his description of iapan , and varenius upon strict enquiry found it to be really true . their books were printed at amsterdam . and let who can , style them christians , reformed churches , or protestants , i am sure none can communicate with such publicans and heathens ; and had an hollander been bishop of carthage , then donatisme had been no schisme . an hollander ! this is the name of a people that esteem nothing sacred , but their own profit , and live under no obligations of honour , morality , or religion , but interest . i must ravage over africk ( so fam'd for monstrous productions ) and in the most inhumane parts thereof seek a parallel for these european monsters : they are not to be ranked amongst the tolerable paynims : old rome would have taught them that there are certain laws of war , as well as peace , and those such as cannot be silenced by the noise of canons : and i will from athens borrow an expostulation against them . " we do not complain that being enemies , they act as enemies : there are some conditions and laws of war , which may be equitably practised on both sides ; to harrasse the fields , plunder towns , kill , slay , and take captives , how miserable soever these things be to those that suffer them , yet are they not unjust actions : we do complain that these netherlanders , who , even in the treatise which i now animadvert upon , do so highly pretend to piety and protestancy , should violate all divine and humane rules of civility , that they rail instead of fighting , that they attacque us with contumelious language , and aggravate their unjust enmity with an insolence that is not to be endured . i am as much perplexed to find out the rules of their politicks herein , as i am elsewhere to seek for those of their religion , seeing that this deportment must needs exasperate all mankind against them , and common humanity obligeth every one to endeavor their extirpation : provocations of this kind , injuries of this nature , admit of no composition , and render the most bloody wars to be most just . the indignities done to our king do extend unto all princes , and become examples of what they universally must expect in time to suffer from the continuance of their high and mighties : but these affronts particularly and most sensibly touch the subjects of the king of great britain , and turn their just anger into implacable fury . as the dutch are to the english , such were the veientes to the romans , they were a vexatious rather than terrible enemy , and irritated them more by their contumelies , than their armies : but it is observable , that there never was a fiercer or more cruel war , and the romans did never testifie so high resentments , as for those indignities : and from such like considerations arose that cautelous advice of scipio ammiratus and macchiavell ( no dutchmen ) that men ought to be cautious how they irritate an enemy by contumelious language and other indignities ; since the impressions thereof are more violent and durable in the minds of men , then what are occasioned by common , and even grievous injuries . i smiled when i read the high commendations which they bestow upon their countrey and government . oh! the rare situation of it ! 't is a canaan ; but seated in a bogge , and overflows with water , instead of honey . 't is a canaan , in which there are many iews , but scarce one israelite without guile . no espials yet have informed me of those prodigious grapes , such as the israelitish discoverers met with in canaan ; and these cheating hollanders obtrude upon us turneps for pomegranates . yet do they assure us their land is a true canaan : but 't is more true , which they adde , that 't is a land of promise ; for all europe and the east-indies do complain there is nothing of performances there . they magnifie their excellent government ; which is an anarchy : they subsist not by any wise reiglement , but combination of interest , and sense of common danger . they have been an hundred times in danger of a total rupture ; each province is soveraigne and independent of the rest , and can send embassies , contract leagues , and otherwise negotiate with foreign princes , without the privity of the others : never was there sheaf of arrows so ill made up into a bundle . their liberty ( whereof they boast ) consists in paying more taxes then any prince in the world exacts : and in be●ng subjected to the most arbitrary proceedings as to life , exile , and imprisonment , that ever i read of : and if i am deceived , grotius in his apologetic ( who suffered thereby , with many others ) deluded me into that sentiment . but though these canaanites do live under an ill government , in a bad countrey , upon pickled herrings , groot , butter , and cheese ; yet they enjoy for their souls , that immortal part , as much as from god they can desire , namely the food of his word , which nourisheth them to life eternal . — and this is the celestial diet of all the iews , socinians , anabaptists , papists , &c. that a bound there . the states general have nothing to do with religion : the several provinces , and towns can onely intermeddle therewith ; and that they so do , that the ecclesiastics can neither preach otherwise than what the magistrates please , nor exercise any church-discipline as they ought . upon these terms the ministers are pastours , and feed them with heavenly food ▪ being servants rather of the burgomasters and of mammon , than god. were our nonconformists there imployed they would find it unlaw●ul to 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 minist●rii ●vangelici , and they would be banished should they discourse there about the duty of magistrats , and power of ministers , as they do in england . these zealous protestants have declared that 't was indifferent to them what religion any province or city were of , so they would but vnite with them . the league at vtrecht ( which is the foundation of their vnion ) doth run thus , and grotius shall justifie all i say . they say , they have alwayes highly interessed themselves in the friendship of his majesty : and to preserve his friendship , they made all those ignominious pictures , medals , and monuments ; they refused him the honour of the flagge , and informed his majesty , that the dominion of the sea is an usurpation , and that upon god almighty ; to whom alone this state attributes it . they say , their great interest consists in the peace and tranquility of christendome . oh! happy interest of a christian state. — i believe their interest now consists in the peace of christendome ; because that war menaceth them , which they would have turned upon england ; and i believe they did not swerve from their interest , when they formerly sowed divisions betwixt the swedes and danes , and other german princes ; and of late endeavored to embroil all europe in wars , thereby to counterpoise france . i might reflect upon their confining their interest to the peace of christendome ; whereas they place it otherwise in the east-indies , embroiling those parts as much as they can in wars , and destroying our merchants upon all occasions : but it is very observable , that the real interest of these most amicable dutch , consists in europe , in doing all those things which may justly incense princes to make war upon them , and yet in cajolling them into a tame and dishonourable acquiescence . such passages as these , i confesse did adde to my divertisement upon the reading ▪ but a different passion seised when i met with those insolent expressions with which they affront our soveraigne , who not onely by reason of his personal excellencies , but by the right of his english crown , is ranked amongst the reges superillustres . had his majesty been of a lesser quality , yet since his ancestors have by their favor , protection , and vast expence of men and money , raised the dutch into a republick , ordinary gratitude might have engaged them to civiler language . to give the lye to any man , is reputed a just cause of quarrel ; and if we allow princes but equal concerns for their honor , this alone authenticates the war. they charge him with injustice , dissimulation , and piracy : they call his courtiers a company of stupid fellows , and say , his majesty can as little adhere to reason , as with reasonable offers he will be satisfied . they say , that the war hath no other prospect , then the limits of an unlimited ambition , endless covetousness , and a spirit of revenge not to be glutted . that his mind is misled and obnubilated with a desire of war , the most accursed and unruly of all desires . that his declaration contains plain untruths , malicious interpretations , and gross impertinencies . that no precedents of violated faith , out of any chronicles can be produced , which in this case can parallel the example of the said king. these , and many other such like passages , occur frequently in this treatise : i should not have presumed to repeat them , but that i am confident they will be efficacious to animate all the subjects of his majesty to vindicate the honor of their injur'd prince , especially when they shall understand how undeservedly he is aspersed by these ignoble , ingrateful , arrogant and perfidious netherlanders . behold , how unfortunate his majesty is to contend with a mean and ungenerous adversary ! how civil and prince-like was the king of great britain in his declaration ! what was there that could exasperate , besides the truth of his allegations ? let any man impartially consider the motives whereupon his majesty proceeds ; let him forget himself a little while that he is a subject , thereby to judge the better of the actions of his soveraign , and i am assured he will concur with me in opinion , that the present war with the dutch , is honorable , iust , and necessary : and consequently , if his majesties loving subjects do value , either their allegiance to their king , ( which is not to be doubted ) or the honor and prosperity of the nation , and of each particular member thereof ( all being involved in this contest , and depending upon the issue of it ) they will unanimously assist his majesty in the present juncture , as far as their prayers , lives , and fortunes can advantage him. i acknowledge my self to have been of the number of those , who by reason of their ignorance of private negotiations , and the real transactions of state ; together with that epidemical jealousie of court-designs , did believe that this war was needless , and unseasonable : that it was projected by some courtiers , and others , who sought to advantage themselves by the publick calamities , or by pensions from the crown of france ; that the dutch were so humble and submissive , that it was our obstinacy to refuse all satisfaction , not any perversness and pride in them so as to deny us any : i was jealous of the groweth of popery , and thought it to be the interest of this kingdom , not to weaken or destroy a republick pretending to protestancy , and for the erection whereof so many of our progenitors had hazarded and lost their lives . i brought with me all those surmises and misapprehensions which any netherlander or english male-content could wish infused into me : but when i came to a better intelligence concerning affairs ; when i had seriously inquired into the transactions betwixt the dutch and vs , how condescending his majesty had been , and with what insolence the netherlanders had deported themselves ; when i found the reality of his majesties pretensions , and that the declaration was so penned , that the contents were capable of much higher aggravations , but no way to be extenuated or invalidated : then did i begin detest the petulant humor of this age , whereby every one is prone to examine the actions , and censure the prudence of his governors , without understanding the prospect those elevated spirits have concerning such affairs , or the grounds and circumstances by which they regulate their councils ; and most commonly we not being able to determine of matters , were every punctilio and intrigue represented unto us . i thought the times happy , when men employed themselves in other discourses , and practised obedience , rather then disputes : when they believed that prudent and solid doctrine of the casuistical divines : that it was onely for the counsell●rs of kings to debate and examine the utility and prejudices , the justice and injustice of wars ; the other subjects not being to expect an ample account of all the motives and inducements by which their king is swayed , nor to be so infatuated , as to think they can debate or decide such matters , without any better cognisance then what ariseth from a vulgar brain , a narrow prospect of things , and popular reports and suggestions : but to presume so well of their superiors , as to imagine they understand what is right or wrong , honorable and dishonorable , advantagious and inutile ; and that they have so much of common sense as to understand , that the welfare of the people is the grand interest of the prince , and that the king is the greatest sufferer in the ruinating of his kingdoms . to the end that others may be undeceived , as well as my self , and fortified against all mis-apprehensions , which either their own ignorance , or the clandestine artifices of these ingrateful and most malicious netherlanders may subject them unto , i shall represent unto the world , the most important passages , whereby they endeavor to elude or refute the most just and sincere declaration of his majesty , and evince unto the most suspicious or prejudicate persons , that it is incumbent upon the subjects of his majesty , and there is an unavoidable necessity of reducing these insolent and treacherous dutchmen into such a posture , as they may not onely pay their due submissions ( with reparations of honor ) unto our king ; but be obliged to continue them for the future . they are a nation , with whom no league can take effect any longer then their advantage leads them thereunto , or want of strength and opportunity doth restrain them : it is impossible for any civilian to fetter them by a treaty : if they cannot evade it by equivocations , mental reservations , common elusions , and such artifices as become not soveraigners ; these hollanders will impudently deny all such matters as enterfere with their designs , and supply the injustice of their actions by violence and fraud . they have no honor to loose , no conscience to stain , no certain principles to recede from . the tartars and moors prove the sincerer confederates , and humanity it self is concerned , that there should not be any longer upon earth so fatal an instance , that there are not in men naturally such seeds of morality , such inclinations to civil society , such laws of nature and of nations , as those authors teach us who never thorowly understood an hollander . i might give evident proofs of this so heinous a charge several ways , but i shall confine my discourse to what these dutch considerations lead me unto ; and it is from thence , that i will manifest to the most ordinary capacities , and the most prepossessed judgments , that these adversaries are not injured by this character ; and to make the case more plain , i will write their words . considerations upon the present state of the affairs of the vnited netherlands . published by a lover of his countrey , for the encouragement of his countreymen in these troublesome times . whosoever looks upon the first beginning of the state of the united netherlands with a curious eye , and serious consideration of the histories , and discreetly observes by what means the fabrick of the said state , out of the lowness of its original is raised to this present height , must needs be induced to confess , that divine providence ( which not always appears visible to the eyes of the world ) hath so clearly been manifested in the framing and exalting of this state , that with just reasons it must be acknowledged , that god almighty was the external and visible erector of this famous republick . an age is now expired ( when before the countrey , through an unhappy disorder of government of those times , was faln into a lamentable confusion ) since william e. of marck , l. of lumè , admiral of the p. of orange's navy , by a strict command from the queen of england ( who not onely denied him liberty to stay in her countrey , but also refused to supply his seamen with necessaries ) constrained to leave england , arrived beyond his intentions , forced by cross winds , but indeed the winds of gods directions , before the brill , of which he easily possessed himself , not with a design to keep , but onely to ransack the same , and so to leave it again : but being informed by others of the convenience and importance of the place , brought the same into a posture of defence , keeping it for his principals and superior commanders . and in this manner was the first foundation of this precious structure laid , or rather , in regard of the external instruments ; cast up by chance , but , in verity , by the direction of the supream builder , whose omnipotent hands oftentimes make use of mortals , as the blind instruments of his wonderful destinies . it is not my design here to make a relation of the progress of our affairs , and by what means our ancestors have through troubles and adversities struggled and ascended to the heighth of that felicity , which by gods goodness we enjoy at present : but my intentions onely aim by this short discourse to move my worthy countrey men to fix their assured confidence , that the same god which hath exalted us from lowness to a state , whose high and flourishing condition now for a long continuance of time hath stirred up as much envy , as formerly its misfortunes moved compassion , shall graciously protect and preserve the works of his almighty hands , if , imitating our predecessors , we in this juncture of time do joyn two principles together , which ever ought to be inseparable , viz. an entire resignation of our selves to the divine providence , and , an unalterable mind , and vigorous courage in these troublesome times , to act as much for our preservation , as our forefathers have done for their first deliverance : desiring my countrey-men , that in comparing our present anxieties , with the perplexities of our ancestors , and the necessities under which we our selves have labored , they will look back in the histories for the primitive times of our predecessors , and for that time within compass of their own remembrance , whereof still we preserve the memory . we shall find in the histories , that the affairs of our predecessors , in their first progress and growing infancy , were reduced to that inconvenience , that the consideration thereof moved the supream person at that time , who with an indissoluble bond had linked his own prosperity to the fate and destiny of these countries , to urge this hopeless advise , viz. to cause by cutting of the banks ▪ and pulling up the sluces , these lands to be swallowed down in an irrecoverable condition , and , with gods mercy , with that small remainder of their ruinated fortunes , to seek other countries beyond seas , there either to live more happily , or to find a period of their lives with less misery . i shall not blame the considerer for reflecting upon the mercies of god , extended towards his countrey men . i co●mend the least sense of religion in him , but i have most suspicious thoughts concerning piety in an hollander : and i believe every englishman will approve this jealousie to be just , seeing , all this specious preamble is made use of to no other end , then to evade all acknowledgments to queen elizabeth , and the english monarchy . it is not the pleasure of the almighty , that subordinate means and instruments should be deprived of their proper elogies . he by his providence appointed means ; he by his sovereign will , doth prosper or frustrate them ; yet so that the divine interposition doth not usually derogate from the efficacy of second causes , or exclude us from confessing their concurrence . whosoever shall reflect upon the ambitious designs joyned with the extraordinary power of spain in those days : the intentions of that monarchy to reduce the belgick provinces under a more absolute obedience than the brabantine constitutions consisted with ; the obstinate humour of the dutch in adhearing to their priviledges , how irrational soever ; also the apprehensions which france , germany and england , had concerning the excessive growth of the spanish and austrian power , such a considerer will not admire so very much , that the rebellion of the vnited netherlands did continue so long , and succeed so well ; nor discover such an extraordinary series of providences in the erection of their republique : and the most partial men must grant , that 't is a most fallacious way of reasoning , to argue from the happiness of the event unto the justice of the cause , or peculiar favour of the divine authour : there is not any thing in this dutch suggestion which might not have been more rationally alledged by a goth , or mahometan , since the juncture where in those monarchies advanced themselves , was attended with less favourable circumstances than i can observe in the revolutions of the netherlands : but i am confident no goth , or sarracen would have so entitled to god the original of their successes , as to exclude the intermediatt assistances which they received from others at any time . such ingratitude is singular in the netherlanders ; and all this impudent harangue hath no other tendency , then to elude the obligations which that unworthy people have to q. elizabeth and the royal progenitors of his majesty . here is no mention made of any protection or aid given them by the english queen ; but one action related , which as it seemingly carries with it somewhat of unkindness , so it is insinuated meerly to this end , that they may alienate the people from a reverence and regard for our nation . it is not to be denied that q. elizabeth did contribute much to the first support of these dutch , giving them reception here in england , when the fury of the d. of alva enforced them as exiles to seek an habitation in forreign countries : this most gracious queen compassionated their miseries , and gave multitudes of them leave to fix at norwich , colchester , sandwich , maydstone , and southampton a. d. 1568. here the exiles had the advantage of a quiet life , and the opportunity of pursuing their designs in order to the regaining of their countrey . nor was it a small favour to the prince of orange and his partisans , that when they were ready to sink under their losses in friezeland and elsewhere , this queen seised upon two hundred thousand pistols of gold , which were transporting from spain to the d. of alva ; the detaining whereof as it was a great disappointment to the duke ( who stood in great need of it for the reinforcing of his designs ) so it begat great animosities betwixt the queen and him , the merchants ships on each side were seised upon , letters of reprisall granted , and the english estranged from the spanish netherlands , by the translation of our staple from antwerp to hambourgh . it is manifest that our queen did by that action , and by the hostilities and contrivances of a new trade , which ensued thereupon , contribute effectually to the fomenting of the netherlandish discontents , the d. of alva was diverted from prosecuting the gheusians with his former violence , his subjects were exasperated by the dammage of the english trade , the english were ( by the removal of our staple ) dis-engaged from all dependance on the spaniards there by way of commerce , and inclined to abett and assist the distressed followers of the prince of orange . and if the dutch will not acknowledge these actions for a great assistance and courtesie to them , the spanish embassador de-speci , in his remonstrance said , they proceeded from some that bare no good will to the spaniard , and favoured the rebels of the netherlands . after this , the distressed netherlanders betook themselves to practise piracy at sea upon the spaniards , under the command of the prince of orange , but were immediately under the conduct of william earle vander marck and others , and the queen ( notwihstanding that she was resetled in a good correspondence and league with the spaniards ) did permit them by connivence , the free use of her ports every where throughout england , so as that they provided themselves here with victuals and munition upon all occasions , and here they usually vended their prizes , which they took upon the vly , texel , and the ems. by which means these exiles sustained themselves well ( the prince of orange receiving the tenths or fifths of their prizes , ) gave much trouble to the duke of alva , continued those discontents in their partisans , which otherwise would , in all probability , have been extinguished , by reason of the power and terror of the spaniards , and the weak and declined condition of the exiled prince of orange . i would willingly understand from any ingenuous persons , whether these actions did not highly contribute to the erection of this republick ; and might not as well have been thankfully acknowledged , as the subsequent decree of queen elizabeth is most ingratefully mentioned . viz. that william earl of marck , lord of lumè , admiral of the prince of orange 's navy , was by a strict command from the queen of england , denied liberty to stay in her countrey , and also refused to supply his seamen with necessaries ; whereupon ensued the taking of brill , as is specified — . the insinuation of this edict is maliciously urged here , thereby to extenuate the favors of the english nation : the queen was engaged by articles , not to entertain openly any rebels unto the crown of spain ; she could not harbour them any longer without a rupture with that potent monarch ; and she was unwilling to involve her self in so great a war , for so weak confederates . whereupon she by a strict proclamation did forbid them the use of her ports , and that her subjects should sell them any provisions , after a certain time , which was march. whereupon they were necessitated to depart , and seek some other receptacle , and providence cast them upon brill . but had not the queen harbored them , how had they ever imbodied themselves , or encreased to the strength of forty sail of ships , most of them fly-boats , wherewith they possessed themselves of brill , and took two rich ships by the way ? no sooner was brill taken , but flushing in zealand , and some other towns revolted to the prince of orange ; yet were his forces so small ( though joyned with those of vander marck ) as not to be able to subsist against the spaniards ; but that the queen permitted multitudes of english to repair thither ; the first that went , was sir thomas morgan , who carried over three hundred men to flushing , the report of whose coming , is said to have stayed the d. of alva , when he was in a readiness to recover that town . afterwards , through the procurement of morgan , arrived there nine companies of english , under sir humphrey gilbert . with these aids , and other auxiliaries from france , though the prince of orange atchieved great things , and reduced many towns in holland and zealand unto his party , yet such was their distress , that an. dom. 1575. they entred into a debate of putting themselves under the protection of some foreign prince ; least through want of money , and of soldiers , and also the fickle inclinations of a discontented populace , they should suddenly fall under the power of the enemy . and in the name of the states of holland and zeland , and prince of orange , was an embassy sent into england , to offer unto the queen , not only what was agreeable to equity , reason , and religion , but to the exigency of their condition , and what self preservation and extream necessity prompted them unto . the commission of the embassadors was , either to make a league with the queen , or to submit themselves under her protection ; or ( if necessity required it ) to acknowledge her for their princess and soveraign lady , issued from the earls of holland and zeland , by the lady philip , daughter to william the third of that name , earl of henault and holland , &c. the queen thanked them for their good will towards her , but fearing the enmity of spain , the envy of france , and the charge of the war ; as also not being satisfied , how she might with her honour , and a safe conscience , receive those offered provinces into her protection , much less possession , she declined the overture , yet promised to intercede for them with spain , and in the mean space gave them leave to raise what souldiers they could in england , either from out of the english , scots , or exiled netherlanders , and to furnish themselves with what provisions and ammunitien they wanted , and to transport them . notwithstanding this transcendent favour of the queen's , the ingrateful zelanders the next year affronted her majesty , and seised upon sundry of her merchants ships upon various pretences , whereupon she was so incensed , that there had been an absolute difference betwixt them ▪ had not the prince of orange prudently composed all . after this , when don iohn became governour of the netherlan●● , and withall aspired to marry the queen of scots , and render himself king of england , the queen enters into a more strict league and confederacy with them , to aid them with men and money ; and 't was at her charge principally , that prince casimire came to their aid with a german army : and out of england there went over the seas to them , the lord north's eldest son , iohn north ; the lord norris's second son , iohn norris ; henry cavendish and thomas morgan colonels , with very many voluntiers ; and , after that the germans mutinously deserted the states , the queen furnished them readily with a great sum of money , the ancient jewels and rich plate of the house of burgundy being 〈…〉 ed unto her for it . after this , for several years the 〈…〉 erlands cast themselves under arch-duke matthia 〈…〉 duke of anjou , but with so ill success , that they found themselves not able to continue long , antwerp and sundry other places being taken , and william prince of orange murdered , the french king not being able or willing to receive the soveraignty of those provinces , so that they determined by a solemn embassy to tender her majesty the entire dominion and principality of the netherlands : they had treated with her before by i. ortelius about protection , but the queen refused to espouse their quarrel , except she might have cautionary towns , that her expences might be repaid at the end of the war. but now that the desperate condition of their affairs made any terms to be prudential , they resolved to subject themselves unto her , or contract any league for protection which she would enjoin them . upon the sixth of iuly 1585. their deputies came to london , which were these . for brabant ( although , by reason of the siege of antwerp , not fully authorised ) was sent iacques de grise chief bailiff of bruges ; for guelderland was rutgert van harsolt , burgomaster of harderwick ; for flanders ( although likewise not fully authorised ) noel caron , seignior of schoonwall , burgomaster of franc , for holland and friseland , was iohn vander does , lord of noortwick ; and ioos van menin counsellor of the town of dort , and iohn van oldenbarnevelt counsellor of the town of rotterdam ; doctor francis maelson , counsellour of the town of en●khuysen , for zeland , was iacob valck , a civil lawyer , and one of the council of state : for vtrecht , was paul buys doctor ; for friseland , was ielgher van seytzma , counsellor of state ; hessel aysma president , and laest ioughema : they were kindly received by the queen , and nobly feasted at her cost , upon the ninth of iuly they were brought to their audience at greenwich ; the audience was most solemn and publick , the queen being seated on her royal throne , and all the privy council attending on each hand of her majesty . the deputies being introduced , fell upon their knees before the throne of the queen , and ioos van menin , with great reverence and submission , made an oration to her in the name of the distressed states of the united netherlands , unto this purpose . that the states of the united netherlands provinces humbly thanked her majesty for the honourable and many favours , which it had pleased her to shew unto them amidst their extreme necessities , having not long since received the testimonies of her princely clemency , when after the cruel murther of the prince of orange , it pleased her majesty , by her ambassador mr. davidson , to signifie unto them , the great care she had for their defence and preservation ; and after that again by the lord of grise , by whom she let them understand , how much she was discontended to see them frustrated of their expectations . reposed upon the hope they had in the treaty with france : adding , that , nevertheless , her majesties care for the support of the netherlands , was rather augmented than diminished , by reason of the difficulties which multiplied upon them : for the which , not only the provinces in general , but every particular person therein , should rest bound unto her majesty for ever , and labour to repay so transcendant obligations by all pos●●ble fidelity and obedience . and therefore the estates aforesaid , observing that since the death of the prince of orange , they had lost many of their forts and good towns , and that ▪ for the defence of the said united netherlands , they had great need of a soveraign prince , who might protect and defend them from the insolencies and oppressions of the spaniards , and their adherents , who sought daily more and more all the means they could , with their forces and other sinister practices , to spoil and utterly root up the foundation of the aforesaid netherlands , and thereby to bring the ●oor af●●icted people of the same into perpetual bondage , and worse than indian slavery , under the insupportable yoke of the most exeerable inquisition . finding likewise , that the inhabitants of the said netherlands were perswaded , and had assured confidence , that her majesty out of her princely inclination , would not endure to see them utterly overthrown , as their enemies expected by molesting them with long , unjust , and bloody wars , the which the estates ( according to their duties , and in respect of their places , in the behalf of their fellows and brethren ) were forced to withstand , and , as much as in them lay , oppose themselves against the manifest slavery , which they thought to impose upon the poor common-people , and by their best endeavours ●o maintain their ancient freedoms , laws , and priviledges , with the exercise of the true christian religion ( whereof her majesty truly and by good right did bear the title of defendress ) against the which the enemy and all his adherents had f●rmed so many leagues , attempted so many fearful and deceitful enterprises and treasons , and yet cease not daily to invent , practise , and devise the destruction of her majesties royal person , together with her estate and kingdoms ; which the almighty god under the protection of his everlasting goodness , hitherto hath preserved from all dangers for the good and upholding of the church of christ here upon earth . for these reasons , and many other good considerations , the estates aforesaid , with one full and free consent , had altogether determined , and fully resolved to flye unto her majesty , in regard it is an usual thing for all oppressed and distressed people and nations , in their great distress and necessity to seek just aid and assistance against their enemies , from kings and princes their neighbours , and especially from those that were endued with courage , fear of god , uprightness of heart , and other princely ornaments : and to that end , the estates aforesaid had enjoyned and commanded them to beséech her majesty to accept of the soveraignty and supreme dominion over the said united provinces , upon certain and reasonable conditions , especially tending to the upholding , maintaining , and furtherance of gods true religion , and the ancient freedoms and priviledges to them due and belonging , together with the government and managing of the wars , policy , and iustice of the said vnited provinces of the netherlands . and although the said netherlands had endured divers losses , and that many of their towns and forts had been won from them by the enemy , during these wars : nevertheless in brabant , guelderland , flanders , macklin , and overissel , there were yet many good towns and places that held out against the enemy , and the provinces of holland , zeland , utrecht , and frizland , were by gods-grace and wonderful providence still kept and preserved in their whole and entire possessions , wherein they w sherwin sculpt had many great and strong towns and places-fair rivers , deeps & havens , whereof her majesty and her successors , might have good commodities , services , and profit , whereof it were needless to make any longer discourse ; but one in special , that by vniting the countries of holland , zeland , utrecht , and frizland , the towns of ostend and seluse , unto her majesties kingdoms and dominions , she might have the full and absolute dominion over the great ocean , and procure unto the subjects of her majesty perpetual and most assured safe●y together with their prosperity . they did therefore most humbly beseech her royal majesty to vouchsafe , out of her royal favour and princely bounty , to yield to the foresaid points of their request , and so to accept for her , and her lawful heirs , or successors in the crown of england , defenders of the true christian religion , the soveraign rights , principality , and dominion of the said netherlands ; and in regard thereof to reecive the inhabitants thereof , as her majesties most humble and obedient subjects and vassals , into her perpetual safeguard and protection : a people as true , faithful , and loving to their princes and governours ( without vai● boasting be it spoken ) as any other in christendom . and so doing , she should preserve and protect many fair churches , which it had pleased almighty god in these latter days , to gather together in several of the said provinces , being now in many places , being now in great fear , peril , and danger : and to deliver the netherlands and the inhabitants thereof from miserable thraldom , who ( not long before the wicked and hostile invasions of the spaniards ) were so rich and flourishing in all sorts of wealth , by reason of the great commodities of the sea , havens , rivers , traffick , manual trades and occupations , whereunto they are much given , and naturally inclined . she should likewise preserve them from utter destruction and perpetual slavery both of body and soul , and so effect a right princely and most royal work pleasing to god , profitable for all christendom , worthy of eternal praise and glory , and sitting well with the magnanimity ●●d other royal vertues of her majesty , as also most advantagious to the security and welfare of her particular subjects . this being said , they presented their articles unto her majesty with the greatest humility imaginable ; beseeching god , who is the king of kings , to defend , protect , and preserve her from all her enemies , to the increase of her honour and greatness , and perpetually to keep her in his holy protection and safeguard . the queen heard them graciously , and received their overtures with very obliging acknowledgments ; the deputies , kissing her royal hands , retired with much satisfaction , and her majesty was no less pleased with the honour of that day's audience : for albeit that the king of france had the first tender of their soveraignty , yet neither was it made with such submission and deference as to her majesty , neither was the tender so absolute then as now ; the deputies to france were sent indeed with a general pretence and declaration of surrendring up the dominion of the netherlands to that crown , but they had separate instructions from their several principals ( the which they never imparted one to the other , but kept secret ) with different procurations . the deputies of brabant , flanders , zeland , and m●chlin , were enjoined to finish the negotiation upon any terms they could get , so as that religion and general priviledges were confirmed unto them : whereas holland and vtrecht had so limited their deputies , that they were to insist upon better terms , and rather not to come up to the general instructions of the states , than to exceed them . i do not read of any such difference in the procurations sent over hither , neither do i find any reason to believe there were any such : the queen for several weighty reasons , declined to take upon her the soveraignty or perpetual protection of the netherlands ; yet did she consent to enter into a league with them , to aid them with 5000 foot and 1000 horse , and to pay them during the war ; which the estates were to repay , when a peace should be concluded . in the mean time flyssing , and the castle of ramm●kins in waleheren , and the isle of brill , with the city and two forts , were to be delivered into the queens hands , to be kept by her garrisons for caution . the governour general , and two englishmen , whom the queen should name , should be admitted into the council of estates , &c. the confederacy was finished upon the tenth of august ; and accordingly sir iohn norris was sent over with some souldiers . the earl of leicester followed as general of her majesties forces : the netherlanders received him with more honour , and conferred on him more power than the queen approved of . they made him general of all their forces , state-holder and governour of all their provinces , invested him with all that power which charles v. used to commission his governours with . the queen reproved the earl of leicester for accepting of such power , and the states for giving it to him . but the earl soon found himself deceived by these netherlanders , for , notwithstanding that they had chosen him to be their governour in so solemn a manner , and sworn , themselves , and the souldiers , obedience to him , yet they pretend to rule him , model sometimes , sometimes oppose his orders and constitutions . insomuch that the earl found that he should have but a titular government , being subject to the commands and authority of those pitiful states and ordinary burgomasters ; whereupon he relinquished the government , proclaiming ( even in medails ) the ingratitude of those fellows . let them make what complaints they please against his deportment there ; it is certain , that all the clergie adhered unto him , and regretted his departure : the souldiers did mutiny in his behalf ; vtrecht and frizland ( besides other provinces and towns ) did solicite for his return : and i find that all the clamour against that earl did arise from the province of holland , and some zelanders only ; as they themselves boast in a remonstrance against the other provinces . to invalidate that power , which they had so publickly given him , holland , a province always branded for faction and ingratitude , having advantaged themselves much by the credit of the assistance , more by the auxiliaries of the english , began to think it unfitting , that ( according to the articles ) the english should be privy to the secret transactions of the council of state , and by the advice of oldenbarnvelt , they found out an evasion , not daring openly to violate the treaty , nor to infuse jealousie into the queen , by holding clandestine cabals ; and 't was this : that only ordinary matters , and such as the english might know , should be dispatched in the council of state ; but that another assembly should be formed , termed the convention of the states general , unto which they should draw all matters of importance , and which required secrecy , under the pretence that the council of state had so much business already , as not to be able to dispatch the other . thus early did they abuse the favours of queen elizabeth , and by this illusion did they lay the foundation of their h●●h and migh●ies . it is evident , that during the whole reign of queen elizabeth , they were never faithful to the league ; they treated with france , and ayded that king , without the queens knowledge , which was a breach of the league . and whereas by the express words of the articles , the queen was to conduct them to , and settle them in a firm peace ; and this being done by her mean● , the money was to be repaid : she never could prevail with them to come to a treaty , much less any accord , but they had the impudence to solicite her to continue her aids to a war which they never purposed to end , it proving so beneficial to them . when the queen urged , that by the treaty , she was to be arbitress of war and peace : they evaded it by saying , those expressions were but complemental , and argued their respects to her , not their dependence on her judgment . i find them upon their knees again , and beseeching her m●st humbly , that she would not conclude a peace with spain , a. d. 1598. and this grotius saith was done , because it is the custom of the english court to petition the king in that suppliant posture : but certainly this usage extends not to the ambassadours of their high and mighties . but , in the same year , when they thought that queen elizabeth might stand in some need of their friendship , whether they bended their knees unto her majesty , i cannot find , but i read that they dealt with her , not as formerly , but with more arrogant language . the english court did then look upon the hollanders as notorious cheats , who pretended poverty , and had collections here , when the splendour and growing opulency of their towns ( besides the vast bribes which their treasury could spare occasionally ) were demonstrations of their riches : that they declined to repay the queen her monies , not because they could not do it , but that they might tye her unto their fortune and assistance , by the hopes of a re-imbursement of those vast sums which she had expended for them : her constant charge being above one hundred and twenty thousand pounds each year : and it is not to be doubted , but that she would have reduced them by force to a better observance of articles , and punished them for their fraudulent dealings with her , but that she prudently foresaw that france to depress her , and spain , to ruine her and disable france , were ready to assist and protect them . in fine , the histories i have read do seem to demonstrate this , that the dutch were a most ingrateful people towards queen elizabeth , that they never rendred her any service ▪ but when it was to their proper advantage : all their pretensions to religion contained little of reallity , and their acknowledgments were but verbal , and consisted principally in extraordinary submission and deference , which prevailed much upon the spirit of her , who was a woman , and had much of haugtiness . when she first undertook publickly to aid them , the chief inducement thereunto was not the necessity of her affairs , not the concern for the protestant religion ( for she advised them to be very cautious , how they changed their religion ) but a feminine hum●ur carried away by their flatteries and humble applications , and delighting to see greater submissions paid to her , than to the king of france , by the king of spain's subjects . no sooner had she concluded upon an open amity with them , but the zelanders triumphing with joy ( and to honour her ) did stamp money with the arms of zeland , viz. a lyon arising out of the waves , and this inscription , luctor & emergo , that is , i struggle and get above water , and on the other side , with the arms of the cities of zeland , and this , authore dec , savente regina , that is , god being the author , and the quéen favourer : and i find it to have been an usual form of speech amongst the dutch in that age , which they applied to all discourses where it might be suitable , by the mercy of god , and the goodness of quéen elizabeth : and by such wheedles did they inveigle the queen to take ( as the king of sweden then said ) the diadem from her head , and set it upon the doubtful chance of war. and it is an action not to be parallel'd out of the annals of impudent and ungrateful persons , that the dutch having been so effectually obliged by that queen , and having by such a continued series of protestations averred , that they did owe their welfare and being to the mercy of god and favour of quéen elizabeth , they should now take no notice , that the english contributed any thing to their support : so detestable baseness doth make me judge , that if it were not their interest , their religion is such , that th●y would proceed to ascribe nothing unto god himself : and all they write to that purpose , is no more than a complement from their high and mighties to the almighty . we shall on it to relate how often the republick ( after that by the hand of god she was raised from that desperate condition ) hath trembled and quaked both for fear of foraign enemies , and intestine combustions . histories will declare unto us , that not only the state of the united provinces , but all the netherlands , which together ( but not with a strict obligation ) were tyed , were sufficiently plunged into the extremest inconveniences by the perfidiousness of the duke of anjou , brother to the king of france : and that afterwards the united provinces were brought into a deplorable disorder , and beyond all posture of defence , by the craft and ambitious designs of the earl of leicester , sent hither by queen elizabeth for our protection . i have already spoken concerning the earl of leicester , and their ingratitude towards him : the french do form the like charge against them in behalf of the duke of anjou , that they violated their agreements with him , gave him only an empty title , but reserving and drawing all the power into their own hands : the sense of which indignity ( considering that he was a brother of france , and had brought them powerful succours in their distress ) made him take the courses specified . and it is observable , that in all th●se and other emergencies , where the dutch are branded for their ingratitude , perfidiousness , and unworthy dealings , the particular province of holland is always the sole author , or principal occasion . whereof they themselves boastingly give a relation in their manifest published at leyden 1654. it is thence that i derive my intelligence , that the infant states , being jealous of the power and popularity of william prince of orange , did without ever acquainting him therewith , invite the archduke matthias to be their governour . and it is there that i read of a great peril that holland ▪ &c. was in , and how they were delivered from it , the which our considerer might have seasonably inserted here , as well as the rest , viz. the states of holland , zeland , and vtrecht were determined to make prince william earl of holland with all the prerogatives heretofore enjoyed by such earls : and though amsterdam , gouda , and some other towns dissented , yet were they resolved to pursue their intentions : but the prince was assassinated a month before the installment could be effected ; and god most providentially did thereby frée the subjects o● holland from that subjection into which they were running precipitously . there cannot be a greater testimony of the degeneracy of this age , in which such ingratitude is publickly avowed and authenticated by a solemn declaration of the states of holland and west-frizlan● , & the most infamous actions in the world ( and such as would create a blush in the countenances of any men but hollanders ) are recited as the most glorious . 't is there that i read , how the states of groninghen and ommeland , immediately upon the murther of prince william , did deprive his son , grave maurice , of all his dignities , honours , and emoluments in their province , and never admitted any of that line to be their governour unto this day . 't is there that i read a defence of their secluding the prince of orange from being state-holder , or admiral , or general of the forces of the vnited provinces ( a separate article which holland concluded with cromwell ) wherein they extenuate and deny any obligations they have to the whole house of orange ; and therefore they might , without breach of morality and civility , proceed as they did . i confess i was amazed to read such things , and wondred not that queen elizabeth and our english kings meet with so much unmoral usage amongst these hollanders , since prince william and his heirs are thus intreated : and whilst others behold the dutch as protestants and christians , i cannot but rank them amongst the worst of mankind , not to be parallel'd by any known race of pagans and savages . we will likewise pass by in silence the relating of those passages , of which many of us have béen living witnesses , as when the whole country , 〈…〉 a sudden invasion on the veluwe , and the taking of amerford , was in the like manner alarm'd , as rome when hannibal appeared before her gates . this invasion happened anno dom. 1629. the spaniards joyning their forces with those of the emperour under montecuculi , did make the said irruption , and surprised amerford , being already masters of wesel . all holland was affrighted , and their high and mighties forsook the hague to fit at vtrecht . the recent memory hereof might suggest unto the hollanders more of moderation in their deportment , since they are no more assured of their good fortune , than the world is of their good manners . i could not but compassionate the distress of old rome , the memory whereof this passage renewed ; and i wished that victorious monte●u●●●i had prevented our prince and the king of france in the reducing of holland , whose baseness represents them to have a greater affinity with carthage than rome , and the belgie faith imports as much of treachery as ever did the punic . and forasmuch as comes within the re●ch of our own memories , we have yet fresh remembrances of the war with the lord protector cromwell , into which by a certain destiny , and an interest beyond interest , we were drawn , at a time when the nation , for want of ships and guns , was reduced to a perplexity , the thought whereof we cannot entertain without grief , and alteration in our hearts . all that are acquainted with the transactions of that war , do well know that the dutch began their preparations for that war long before the english apprehended it : they ordered 150 ships to be equipped out , and beat up their drums for volunteers to man them , amusing the english with a declaration , that this was done to secure the commerce ; so that no preparations extraordinary were then set on foot in england : and whilst they were in league with this nation , and in the midst of a treaty for a stricter alliance , their admiral most perfidiously comes into dover road , with an intent to destroy the english navy , and ascertain thereby to his masters the dominion of the sea. i more willingly mention these things , because they are an instance to some people , not only of the perfidiousness of the dutch , but of the equity of his majesties present quarrel : for that war , was grounded upon the striking of the flag , and the dominion of the seas : and it is apparent faction , not any colourable reason which can sway any man that approved of that war to condemn this . it is also an instance , that the present quarrel of the dutch is not with his majesty , his royal highness , and the court , but with the nation . in other cases it is irrational and imprudent to distinguish betwixt the political and private capacity of our king ; but in this they are so inseparable , that the interest of the people , king , and court are all one , and equally concerned in the evil success of our fleet : and were we ( by a detestable fiction ) deprived of the king and court , the controversie would still remain betwixt the dutch and the unhappy survivors in england . it was not the want of force at that time which occasioned the misfortunes of the hollanders , but the courage and valour of the english : and what may we not ( under god ) promise our selves from the same persons now , who , besides the sense of their past victories , have this further incitement , that they fight under their lawful prince , ( a prince so just and generous ) and the auspicious conduct of his royal highness . through all these difficulties , and innumerable others , we have , by the mercies of god , waded , and would have wished with all our souls by a long continued unity ( the true and innocent interest of our peace-coveting republick ) to have tasted the ●ruits of our sharp labours and dangers ; but it hath pleased god to order and dispose it otherwise , who by his just and adorable judgments forceth us to acknowledge that we now ( as much as ever ) stand in néed of his powerful protection , since we find our selves at this present time , encompassed with a necessity to oppose the extreamest assaults of the greatest forces of europe , with a power which indéed is inconsiderable in comparison of that of our enemies , by which yet ( how weak soev●r ) we da not despair to defend and secure our selves ; strengthned with hopes that god shall please to look upon the equity of our innocent case , with the eyes of his justice , and our sins and defects with the eyes of his mercy . and , in truth , if ever the sword is drawn in time of necessity , and for innocent defence of our dear country ; it is at this present , in which it séems the grandees of this world , have in the counsel of the power of darkness , concluded the ruine and destruction of the united netherlands , assuming to their associates , all such as value christian blood , no more than that of sheep and goats , delighting their eyes with the devastation of countries and cities , even as if they beheld comedies . wise people do frequently look back upon things passed , and by comparing those with the present transactions , they from thence form unto themselves documents and rules whereby to regulate their deportment : if our enemies , the hollanders , had amongst the difficulties through which they have waded , called to mind the meaness of their own condition when they sought refuge here , and when queen elizabeth supported them , the vicinity , strength , and generosity of the english nation , the candor and sincerity which hath been constantly expressed unto them by the royal ancestors of his majesty , whilst they favoured these infamous netherlanders . had they considered the vicissitudes of fortune , how great and unexpected they are ; the dangers of growing too puissant , though the foundation of grandeur be not laid in the wronging and depressing of others ; that 't is requisite for them who advance themselves by fraudulent means , and the injuries of others , to retain some firm allies , and by the repute of their sincerity , to some , efface the ignominy , and allay the odium which their perfidiousness to others would create them . had they assumed such thoughts as these , they had never contracted so universal an enmity as they are now in danger to sink under . their condition is altogether like that of the earl of s. paul , who having enriched and advantaged himself by a constant practice of treachery to the kings of england and france , and the duke of burgundy , none of them being safe from his machinations , nor being able to relye upon any promises of his , how solemn and sacred soever , they all together resolved to establish the common tranquillity by the ruine of that perfidious man. and when the city of venice had by several arti●●c●s aggrandized her self , and incroached upon the dominions of sundry princes ; the emperour , french king , pope , and others did all joyn against that republick ( which by so many practices in raising and fomenting of the divisions and wars of italy , breaking of former , and entring into new leagues , as advantage , not right , did excite them ) and deprived the venetians of all they held in the terra firma . it is in vain for the considerer to justifie the present war unto his country-men , by urging necessity and innocent defence of themselves : how specious soever those pleas are , they avail not in this case , because , they by the manifold injuries and contumel●es done to the k. of england have provoked him to attacque them , and created to themselves this necessity of warring ; nor is their defence innocent , because it includes a defence of the most barbarous criminals against all laws divine and humane : and certainly if ever any war was justified by the laws of nature and nations , if self-preservation , the protection of injured subjects , vindication of rights , revenge of great injuries and indignities , be just motives to commence a quarrel ( as each one of them is ) never was any prince more wronged than his majesty is , when the glory of his present actings is extenuated or soiled by any charge of injustice ; nor do i find amongst his associates any such as value christian blood no more than that of sheep and goats ; but i find he hath for enemies those that so exquisitely tormented and so barbarously put to death the english at amboyna , and by a thousand actions no less cruel have testified their little regard to christian blood . the considerer , that he might evince the equity of their cause , pretends to deduce its original : the sum of his prolix discourse is this . that the king of france urging his pretensions on a considerable part of the spanish netherlands , in right of his queen to whom they were devolved : the united netherlands moved by a peace-loving inclination , and apprehension of a terrible n●●●hbour , d●d endeavour to extinguish the sury of that war , whose flames they fea●ed would not only consume the adjacent countries , but also scorch the more remote places : and to that end they associated counsels with the kings of great britain and sweden , and joyntly concluded a triple alliance betwixt themselves , by which they ●ave mutually obliged each other to promote the peace betwixt france and spain on the terms and proffers of the alternative , and by the same peace to secure the quiet and tranquility of christendom : promising each to other , for further confirmation of the said triple league , that betwixt them always should be , and continue a sincere vnity , and serious correspondence from their hearts ; and in good faith to advance each others profits , utility and dignity , and whatsoever should oppose it self thereunto with their best endeavours to re●rove : and if at any time it should happen , that this their amicable intention should meet with a wrong interpretation , and by chance an untimely revenge of war by any of the said parties , or any others on their behalf , should be offered to any of them confederated , that in such case they should faithfully assist one another . this is the substance of the triple alliance : after which he adds , that the king , the king of england , is sensible in his own conscience ( though with words he dissembles , and disowns the knowledge thereof ) that by reason of the triple alliance , the dutch are menaced with a war from france , and that , whatsoever the most christian king pretends this is the true reason of his designs , and which he hath plainly discovered in all courts , and is no more than he threatned them with at first , in case they ratified the triple league . and therefore by vertue of this triple league the king of england owes the dutch an unconfined aid ; as also limited succours of forty ships of war , six thousand foot , and four hundred horse , by ver●ue of the defensive articles concluded in 16●8 . to which his majesty is eb●iged , if their high and mighties be attaqued by any prince , or state , on what pretext soever . the king of england being under these obligations , and being or imulated by ambition , avarice , and an insatiable thirst after blood , determined to take the opportunity of this juncture ( wherein the most potent king of france did threaten the dutch with a terrible war ) to pursue his unchristian designs , and to dis-engage himself the better from all obligations of aid to the dutch , doth of himself previously begin a war , and with a specious declaration , palliates and dissembles his foul and malicious designs . this is the entire substance of what the considerer tediously doth insist upon , and is the sole foundation whereupon he proceeds to justifie the dutch , and with all possible aggravations of language bespatters the king of england , as if no chronicles ever produced such a precedent of violated faith , as his majesty doth now give an example of . i do confess that nothing ought to be more sacred , than the word and faith of princes : that war is the last of remedies whereunto they ought to have recourse , and which ought not to be commenced , but upon just , honourable , and necessary grounds : i do acknowledge the tenor of the triple league , and the defensive alliance . but i do avow that his majesty is no way concerned in the violation of them ; nor is the allegation of them pertinent to the present quarrel : and of all the futile pretexts , which i have read of in history , this is the worst whereon the dutch do bottom themselves . the triple league doth no way interest his majesty in their defence ; for it doth not appear that the most christian king doth invade them ●or entring into it : there is no authentick declaration or testi●ony , that this is the motive which prevails with him to undertake this enterprise : the secrets of his mind are known only to himself , and to the searcher of all hearts : it is not for men to proceed upon conjectures and surmises ( which oft-times prove vain and false ) as if they were certain truths ; nor can any prince be obliged indeterminately , ( and such is the present unreasonable plea of these hollanders ) where the condition of the aid to be given , is particularly specified , viz. if it should happen that this their amicable intention should meet with a wrong interpretation , and by chance an untimely revenge of war by any of the said parties , or any others on their behalf should be offered to any of them confederated , that in such case they should faithfully assist one another . can there be any thing more clear , than that the aid to be given is suspended upon this one circumstance , that the triple alliance should fall under a wrong interpretation , and that thereupon the party demanding the aid , should be attacqued by a revengeful war ? how doth it appear that the entring into the triple alliance is mis-interpreted , since it doth not appear that his christian majesty did ever debate it , much less declare himself therein ? how doth it appear that he plainly discovered this sentiment by his ministers in all courts , since it doth not appear that he gave them private or publick instructions to say so ? must a prince answer for every expression , or every particular action of his ambassadour ? can there be no other cause but this found out why the king of france should attacque the dutch ? cannot we imagine , that the french retain a secret and inveterate desire of revenge for the notorious perfidy of the states general , when they concluded a peace with spain , without mentioning the crown of france , or having any regard to the french interest ? or , is it not possible for the christian king to make war upon them without a cause ? or meerly for enlargement of empire ? or for other concealed reasons , or unknown indignities ? what pregnant proof , or legal presumptions do the dutch alledge then , that this is the cause of the present war ? and with what impudence do they upbraid our king , as if the thing were so , and he knew it in his conscience , to be so , when as the considerer himself in the conclusion of his treatise , says it is not so ? viz. i shall hint at nothing else in the king of france's declaration , but that it appears visible therein , that the war of that high renowned king procéeds from nothing else but a formed design to enlarge the limits of his territories as far as his ambition is extended ; yet that we hope that god almighty shall by the same hand , by which he hath hitherto preserved us , confound the designs of the king — i doubt not but hereby it is manifest , that his majesty is no way concerned by the triple league to assist the united netherlands in this iuncture : and even so the swedes , by their indifference , shew how much they approve of the iudgment of his majesty : and no man can say otherwise , but such as either regard not what they speak , or else take the freedom to surmise , and aver , whatsoever is for their interest . i come now to the defensive alliance , whereby his majesty a. d. 1668. did oblige himself unto that state , to give them an assistance ( if attacqued by any prince or state on what pretense soever ) of forty ships of war , six thousand foot ; and four hundred horse , upon promise , three years after the expiration of the war , to be re-imbursed of the charges of the said succour . but neither is this alliance of any more validity at present than the other : it is the common opinion of the civil lawyers , and reason it self dictates it , that , in all articles and treaties for peace , there is this exception to be supposed in the contractors ; vnless some new cause intervene : vnless it be by the default of him with whom the league and compact is made : or , affairs continuing in the same posture and state , in which they were at the time of the contract . and that saying of vlpianus and pomponius concerning private compacts , viz. that an agreement is not violated , from which a man recedes upon a just reason and motive ; this by interpreters is extended to national leagues betwixt princes and states . this being supposed , it remains that we enquire , whether the king of england had any new cause or provocation given him ? for , if such a matter do appear to have happened , though it be slight , nay disputable , yet is his majesty absolved from breach of faith , though not altogether from the imputation of injustice : but if the provocation be weighty , and of high importance , nothing can be more legitimate than the present rupture which his majesty hath made with the dutch. i would willingly know , if any englishman can think that his majesty could be obliged to this defensive alliance , without any regard to the peace concluded upon at breda , that is , without any supposition , that he was in 1668. in any terms of amity with these netherlanders : if this be unimaginable , then it is apparent , that the observation of these articles , on his majesty's part , depends upon the observation of the precedent peace , on the part of the dutch. his majesty never contracted this league with them , so as to derogate from that , and to tye himself up to the assistance of the dutch , against the king of france ( or any other invader ) notwithstanding that they should violate their articles , and multiply injuries , indignities , and acts of hostility against him , and his subjects . no prince ever fettered himself thus ; no laws of nations , no common reason admits of such a phancy : and therefore the notorious violation of that peace doth plenarily absolve his majesty from the bonds of this subsequent alliance . the considerer , no doubt foresaw this defense , but would not take notice of it , lest he should have been obliged to refrain from the aspersions of unparallel'd perfi●iousness and violated faith , the name and noise whereof might advantage him amongst the dutch populace , and the more ignorant sort of men . and , to give a further colour to his calumnies , he says , that the reasons which his majesty alledgeth , are not the reasons which he proceeds upon : they are but forged pretensions , whilst the true inducements to this rupture are ambition , avarice , and insatiable revenge , since the man so little understands his majesties inclinations and deportment , which have been hitherto such as yield no ground for a charge of this nature , i will not stand to refute his insolent and barbarous conjectures , nor believe so ill of the most generous , mild , and peaceable prince in the world , as that he diligently sought occasions for a war , when the injurious dutch rendred all peace unsafe and dishonourable unto him . i shall therefore examine what my author doth urge against the declaration of his majesty , wherein when my country-men shall be satisfied , i doubt not but they will approve of the iustice of his majesty's cause , and be inflamed with a zeal to vindicate the honour of their king , and the necessary rights of the kingdom . concerning the business of surinam ( my author doth not consider every thing ) all that is said amounts to this ; that the place being taken in march 1667. by adrian crynsen of zeland with the forces of their state , and so under certain covenants reduced to their obedience and subjection , was indeed in the month of may next following retaken by the english ; but that the same in pursuance of the sixth article providing , that all lands , cities , fortifications , and colonies , taken during the war by any of the parties then in arms , from the other , and after the 10 / 20 of may retaken , should be restored to the first taker , was delivered up again into the possession of the states : he wonders that the king of england should offer to stile any of the inhabitants of surinam to be his subjects , since by the rights of war , and the articles of peace , the plenary dominion and right of soveraignty is transferred to the dutch : and they being now subjects to that state , ought to complain to their states general , if the said capitulations be not observed duly ; but that the king of england is no more interessed in them , than is the king of spain . to this i answer , that by the third article instanced in , though the plenary right of soveraignty over surinam were transferred ; yet it is expresly said , they are to have it altogether after the same manner as they had gotten and did possess them the 10 / 10 day of may last past . it remains then , that we enquire , what manner of soveraignty the dutch had in surinam by their conquest thereof , by the capitulations of abraham crynsen : and this appears to be no other than what the dutch had over bois le duc , when grobbendonck capitulated to surrender it to the prince of orange upon terms , to march away with flying colours , and such inhabitants as pleased might remove their estates and goods into the king of spain's dominions within a certain time , &c. a. d. 1629. so were the inhabitants of surinam to have convenient liberty to transport themselves and their estates into the king of england's dominions . and as grobbendonck by his capitulation ( together with those comprehended therein ) did not become the subjects of the vnited netherlands , no though he or his followers , had stayed several months in the surrendred town , but retained to the king of spain , so neither did these of surinam become by their capitulation subjects to the dutch : 't is true they gained thereby the soveraignty of the territory , but not of their persons : and to deny this , is to act by the punic or belgic faith , to deny that abraham crynsen , at that distance , had power to grant articles ; and to act as hannibal did , when he refused to ratifie the conditions granted by maharbal , because he ( though absent ) was the superior , and had not signed them : which deed is censured by livy thus , quae punicâ religione servata fides ab annibale est , atque in vincula omnes conjecti . this being premised , i cannot understand , why the king of england might not call them his subjects , and send for them ; and as an high injury resent their detaining , since thereby he is deprived of so many serviceable planters in his other colonies thereabouts . this controversie about indignities and contumelies done to princes , doth recall into my mind the violence wherewith former kings have resented them . david without any formalities of denouncing war ( that i read of ) attacqued the ammonites , and with horrible torments revenged the indignities done to his majesty upon the inhabitants of rabbah . and gustavus adolphus invaded the german empire , without ever declaring war , to revenge the contumelious usage of his embassadours at lubec . had either of those potent kings received any such injuries and affronts as his majesty of great britain hath had multiplied upon him , how fierce a vengeance would they have taken upon their barbarous and insolent enemies , whose outrageous doings do give unto any rigours the face of iustice , and absolves from the usual solemnities of war. i suppose it now manifest that our king might with a great deal of iustice make war upon the dutch , mearly in vindication of his own honour , and that without the usual form of declaring war : but because this last circumstance is represented so tragically ; as if thereby the english ships , though acting by a royal commission , were pyrates , and as bad as those of algiers and tunis : i shall demonstrate that the solemn declaration of war , before it begin , is not always necessary . it is not any part of the law of nature , that a prince denounce war before he begin hostilities : all that nature directs vs unto in this case , is , that we repel force with force , and avenge our selves , or take reparations for injuries committed against vs. all that can be alledged for it out of grotius , is , that 't is a fair and laudable course , and not always practised by the romans themselves : for when the carthaginians in two wars had shewed themselves an ungenerous perfidious enemy , such as the dutch are to all the world , they did not denounce the third war against them , but proceeded by surprise against that vexatious treacherous irreconcileable people , and used them not as other nations , because that others were not like unto them . and xenophon in his romance of cyrus , thought it no ill character of his heroe , that he should without denunciation make war upon the king of armenia . so did pyrrhus ; so did gustavus adolphus . as in the civil courts of iudicature , a formal citation is not always necessary ; in like manner a prince may sometimes omit the proclaiming of war before he practise hostilities . but to evince the entire justice of that encounter of ours with the smyrna fleet , it may be convenient for us to consider , that those ships meeting with our fleet did refuse to strike their flags and lore their topsails unto the ships of war of his majesty , contrary to the 19. article of breda : and that being refused , it was not only lawful for our ships to destroy or seise them , and for his majesty to confiscate them : but it was the express commission of the ship-captains ( and hath been so to all men of war for above 400 years ) and an inseparable regality of the king of england , which authorise , and authenticate that action in full : it is no new doctrine in england , to say no ship can be protected in point of amity , which should in any wise presume not to strike sail : q. elizabeth gave the same form of commissions and instructions to her admirals ; and if there never happened any rancounters in her times like unto this , it was because no prince disputed the thing with her , and the dutch were then the distressed states . this regality of having the flag struck to the navy royal , or any part of it , is paramount to all treaties , so far is it from being limited and restrained by the treaty at breda ; and whatsoever contravenes it is not to be construed so as the breach of inferiour articles . the right of the flag is not demanded by virtue of the treaty from the dutch ( though they cannot refuse it without annulling that treaty ) but recognized there as a fundamental of the crown and dignity of the k. of england . such points are not the subject of treaties , and no concessions were valid against them . in such cases we say , plus in talibus valere quod in recessu mentis occultatur , quàm quod verborum fermulà concipitur . it is therefore evident , that nothing was acted on our side contrary to the said league , in reference to the smyrna ships : and the ensuing war ( notwithstanding the 23. article ) is to be imputed to the perfidiousness of the states general ; not that the private act and obstinacy of the smyrna ships did make it to be so , but the states general had justified van ghent in the like case , and by that solemn and notorious violation of the nineteenth article of breda , in effect declared war against vs ; and we needed not to declare any thing on our side ; it not being judged necessary , but a superfluous ceremony , for both parties to denounce war : and if the one party , as here the dutch ▪ do rescind a treaty , ( leagues are individual acts , and the violation of one article doth annul the obligation of the whole ) then are we , ipso facto , in a condition of war , nor is it requisite the king declare himself : they that violate their faith , render themselves incapable of wrong ; and 't is a vanity to multiply demonstrations of what the dutch had already made publick : in fine , the laws of war inform us , that the war is sufficiently declared , when all applications and embassies become fruitless . and divines tell us , that there are some cases when a man is absolved from the obligation of fraternal correption and admonition , viz. when the person offending is notoriously known , to be so perverse and obstinate , that all reproofs and warnings would be fruitless ; for , say they , he that ploweth ought to plow in hope , 1 cor. 9.10 . and where there is no hope of any good success by friendly applications , there no man is bound in conscience or prudence to pursue them . though this relate to private persons , yet the condition is the same in reference to princes , seeing , that the chief ground of embassies , and such like remonstrances amongst christian potentates , is fraternal dilection ; and therefore if the inutility and fruitlesness of a negotiation , absolve us justly from it there , it will also do the same here : wherefore , since his majesty was convinced by the ill event of all his amicable applications to the dutch , and understood so well the resolutions of the hague , that they would not strike sail , he might justly omit all such formalities , and immediately proceed to carve out his own satisfaction by an advanced war. concerning the right of the flag , it is in the first place to be remarked , that it is cl●arly intimated in the said declaration , that ●hat king by t●e said right understands the soveraignty of the seas ; since speaking of the antiquity of the said right , he ad●s thereunto , that it is an ungrateful insolence , that we should offer to contend with him about the said soveraignty : whereby it plainly app●ars , that the flag and soveraignty of the seas ●re words of different sounds , but according to the kings meaning of the same signification ; so that we may easily conjecture , that the difference betwixt the king of england and this state about the said pretended right of the flag ( which is insinuated to that nation as the most important grievance wherein the peoples honour is concerned ) is not at present a controversie about saluting and striking of the flag , and consequently no dispute in relation to the sense of the nineteenth article of the treaty at breda , but only a contest about the soveraignty of the sea , which this state attributes to god almighty alone ; and the king of england usurpes to himself , although perhaps per gratiam dei , by which the most absolute princes govern their lands and territories . and the ambassadour downing also concerning the aforesaid sense of the ninteenth article , in his memorial delivered in the name of the king , demanded of the states a plain and clear acknowledgment of the aforesaid pretended soveraignty of the seas . eve●y one that can tell of our country-men , & the impartial world may sée , that not the refusing to strike the flag , in pursuance of the said article ( which was fully performed , as shall hereafter be made evident ) but only a refusal of the said acknowledgment hath béen the subject of the king of england's complaint . and it is likewise easily to be apprehended , that at present the said acknowledgment is demanded from the states , not by reason of the justice of right to the pretended affair , but only out of a plotted design to war against us , which design could not be put in execution but by a demand of impossible satisfaction ; for which intent the ambassadour downing propounded nothing else to the states than the acknowledgment aforesaid , lest having made propositions of other things , he might receive satisfaction for his king , who ( he knew ) would not be satisfied . of what importance the said acknowledgment so demanded is , is not unknown to any of the subjects of this state , whose only subsistence is commerce , and consequently the liberty of the seas . i do believe that not one single fisherman in our country can be found ( be he never so simple ) that apprehends not his chiefest interest to consist herein , and that to force the said acknowledgment out of his throat , and thereupon to cause the effects of the said pretended soveraignty to follow , is one and the same thing as to tye up his throat ; or at least there is no other distinction than betwixt a speedy and a tedious ( yet assured ) death : since after the said acknowledgment there can at the best nothing else be expected from the king of england's grace and favour , than an option and choice of a sudden period , or a lingring disease , which is worse than a precipitated death . and although the king of england extends not his pretended dominion further than the british seas , yet it is evidently known , that the limits of the said seas are by the king stretched out so far , that not the least part for a passage out of our country is left , which is not in respect of his pretended soveraignty subjected to the king according to his sense ; considering that not only the chanel , but also the north sea , and a great part of the ocean is by the king of england accounted the british sea : so that we should not be able out of our own country to set out to sea , but only by the grace and favour of the king of england , of which we should be assured ●ar less than now we are of his faith and promise . we shall not enter at present to confute the aforesaid pretences to the soveraignty of the sea , not only because the same would probe too prolix , but also ( and that principally ) by reason it cannot be judged necessary to contradict what all the world holds to be impertinent , except the king of england , who as little can adhere to reason , as with reasonable offers he will be satisfied . we shall only say , that it is false , and never can be proved , that we ever fished in the sea with licence and permission of the king of england's father , and that for paying tribute , as the aforesaid declaration expresseth . we confess , that in the year 1636. some of the king of england's ships of war seized upon our defensless herring-busses , and that by méer violence they forced a sum of money from them , which they called tonnage-money ; but we deny that from thence any right or title can be derived , not only because violence can create no right ( no not by continuance ) but also because the aforesaid violent exaction was not continued ; complaints being made in england of the aforesaid exorbitance , the same afterwards was no more demanded . we shall , with favour of the courteous reader , passing to the business of the flag , so as the same in the nineteenth article of the treaty at breda is regulated ( which article must decide this controversie ) briefly demonstrate that nothing was committed by the lord of ghent in the late encounter contrary to the said article ; and moreover , that what hath béen offered to the king of england , by this state , over and above the obligations of the said articles , is of so convincing a concession , that we néed not fear to refer it to the judgment of the english themselves , as promising to our selves from the said peoples discretion , that ( in respect this state hath given abundant satisfaction to them in point of honour ) they will scorn and detest to demand that we should acknowledge the soveraignty of the sea ( procéeding only from a desire of war ) to belong to them. it is evident , and amongst all discreet persons without controversie , that saluting at sea , either by firing of guns , or striking the flag , or lowring of some sail , must not be interpreted as some sign of subjection , but méerly for an outward testimony of respect and civility , which then with a resolute and the like civility is required : and forasmuch as concerns the first saluting , whereof we only here shall make mention , it is conceived , since those commonly first salute , that owne themselves inferiours in rank and worth to those they méet , although they are not under subjection to them , that ships of republicks méeting at sea with ships of war belonging to crowned heads ( to which republicks yield superiority in the world ) must give the first salute either with one or other sign of respect ; which respect notwithstanding ( as all other acts of civility ) must procéed from a free willingness , and an unconstrained mind , in those that shew the same : yet it hath often been seen , that the strongest at sea hath forced the weakest to this submission ; and that likewise the necessity and manner thereof hath béen expressed in articles . such is likewise concerning the same agréed on betwixt the king of england and this state in the said ninteenth article , in conformity to former articles , as well concluded with the present king as the protector cromwell , that the ships and vessels of the united provinces set out to sea as well for war and defence against enemies , as others , which at any time should meet in the british seas with any of the ships of war of the king of great britain shall strike their flag , and lowr their top-sail , in the like manner as formerly hath been customary . to apprehend the true sense of that article ( as it ought to be ) let the reader be pleased to take notice , that the same procéeded originally from the articles betwixt this state and the protector cromwell , concluded in the year 1654. and that at that time the same was not expressed in such terms , as after a long debate of some words which the protector cromwell would have added thereunto , thereby not only to oblige single ships , but entire fleets of the states to the said salute , in case of méeting with any of the ships of war belonging to england ; which words afterwards upon the earnest instance of the ministers of this state , were left out of the said article ; so that the aforesaid nineteenth article , drawn on t of the tenth article of the peace in the year 1662. which tenth article on the kings side was delivered in out of the thirteenth article of the year 1654. must not be so understood that an entire fleet of the states , by vertue of the said article , shall be obliged to give the said salute to one single ship of the english : but the said article must be taken for a regulation , according to which single ships and vessels of this state in point of saluting the ships of england are to govern themselves . now to apply the said article ( according to the true sense ) to the late accident of the lord of ghent ; it is in the first place to be observed , that the king of england's pleasure-boat ( suppose , in respect of her equippage , it must pass for a ship of war , which we will not dispute ) not having met with any single ships or vessels of the states , but coming in amongst a fleet , then riding at anchor ( undoubtedly with a wicked design to séek matter of complaint ) it with no fundamental reasons can be maintained that the lord of ghent , by vertue of the said article , was obliged to strike . secondly , it is likewise considerable , that the aforesaid article speaking of meeting , cannot be applied to a formed design , to cause a quarrel by requiring in the uncivillest manner in the world an act of civility and respect . and lastly , it is notorious that the said accident happened in the north sea , not far from our own coast ; as likewise it is well known , that the north sea is not the british sea , not only because in all sea-plats ( yea in the english map it self ) it is distinguished from all other , but also and especially ( which in this case is an invincible argument ) by reason the same in the seventh article of the treaty of breda are distinctly mentioned one from the other , where it is expresly said , that all ships and merchandizes , which within twelve days after the peace are taken in the british sea , and the north sea , shall continue in propriety to the seizer ; out of which it plainly appears , that , even according to the king of england's sense , the north sea differs in reallity from the british sea ; but ( vice versâ ) that the north sea is made the british sea , and consequently that distinct things are confounded together , where there is a design to raise commotions and disturbances in the world . and though their high and mighties might have kept to the nineteenth article of the said treaty , according to the true original interpretation , yet they declared to the king of great britain , that upon the foundation and condition of a firm friendship , & assurance of a real and sincere performance thereof ( upon the fifth article of the triple alliance , in case france should fall upon this state ) they would willingly cause the entire fleet , when they should at any time méet with any ship or ships of war , carrying his majesties standard , to strike the flag , and lowr the top-sail in testimony of their respect and honour , which they upon all occasions will publickly shew to so faithful a friend , and so great a monarch ; provided that from thence no occasion , either now or hereafter should be taken , or the least inducements given to hinder or molest the inhabitants and subjects of the united provinces of the netherlands in their free use of the seas : which declaration the king of england wrongly interprets , because that the same is joyned with the true performance of the triple league , that is , with his honour and word ; as also with the assurance that no prejudice should be offered in regard of the free use of the seas : being an infallible argument that the king of england is as little inclined to leave us an undisturbed use of the seas , as he is to kéep and perform his word . i have already demonstrated the iustice and honour of his majesties arms. this discourse gives me occasion to manifest the necessity thereof : all that is recited here , was alledged by the dutch ambassadours to our king ; and if it appear hence , that his majesty could not continue his alliance any longer with the dutch , unless he would abandon the soveraignty of the sea , exchange his proper rights into meer civilities ( and those not to be enforced ) and put himself and his dominions into the power of the dutch : there is none then can doubt but that the king was unavoidably engaged into this war , by the insolence and arrogance of the treacherous and usurping hollanders , and that he did not seek or feign pretensions to quarrel with them . the nineteenth article of the treaty at breda doth run thus . that the ships and vessels of the said united provinces , as well men of war as others , meeting any men of war of the said king of great britain's in the british seas , shall strike the flag , and lowre the top-sail in such manner as the same hath béen formerly observed in any times whatsoever . this article was transcribed out of a former treaty made betwixt o. p. and the states general : and he was the first that ever inserted any such article into any treaty ; our right and dominion over the british seas having never been disputed before , but by an immemorial prescription and possession transmitted unto us , and supposed as unquestionable by all princes : these ungrateful dutch are the first that controverted it , disowning it in the time of the late wars ( when our civil distractions rendred our prince unable to attend unto the maritime dominion , and to curb their growing pride ) yet was the long parliament so concerned to preserve the rights of this nation , that they made an ordinance , april 5. 1643. commanding their admiral and commanders at sea to inforce all persons to pay the usual and due submissions unto the men of war appertaining to this kingdom . and the pretended republick here did vigorously , and by a dreadful war assert the said soveraignty of the seas . so that it ought to be deemed the concurring sentiment of all parties in england , that these submissions by striking the flag , and lowring the top-sail , are not meer civilities and unnecessary punctilioes of honour , and vain-glory , but a fundamental point , whereon the being of the king and kingdom is in great part suspended : and it hath been so studiously insisted on by our princes , that for above four hundred years it hath been a clause in the instructions of the admiral and the commanders under him , tha● in case they met any ships whatsoever upon the british seas , that refused to strike sail at the command of the kings admiral , or his lieutenants , that then they should repute them as enemies ( without expecting a declared war ) and destroy them and their ships , or otherwise seize and confiscate their ships and goods . and these instructions have been retained in use , as well since the treaty of breda , as before it . the like instructions are given by the venetians to their captains in reference to the adriatick sea ; and by several other princes . it is manifest , and agreed upon by the considerer , that this article must decide the present controversie , and 't is no less evident that this article doth decide it to their prejudice , and that they are inexcusable as to the breach thereof . i will not stretch the words of the article so far , as to infer , that they ought to strike flag in acknowledgment of the soveraignty of the sea , since otherwise they do not strike it in such manner as the same hath been formerly observed in any times whatsoever , though the words oblige them not only to the thing , but circumstantiate the manner of it . let their sentiments be free ; but yet let us see how they comply with the article , as to matter of fact ; they say that o. cromwell would needs after a long debate have those words put in , whereas the article was otherwise penned at first . but this allegation is impertinent ; since we now enquire not into what was at first debated , nor insist upon the first draught of the treaty , but what was at last ratified and confirmed on both sides : for 't is thence ariseth the obligation . secondly , they say , that by the earnest instance of their ministers , o. cromwell was so far prevailed upon , as to relax that article , and leave out the said words : and therefore the article must not be so understood , as if an entire fleet of the states by virtue thereof should be obliged to give the said salute to one single ship of the english ; but the said article must be taken for a regulation , according to which , the single ships and vessels of their state , in point of saluting this ship of england , are to govern themselves . to this i reply , that it is not credible , nor believed here by any that were privy to the transactions of o. cromwell , that ever he consented to any such alteration in the said article : there is no proof of any such thing alledged , and 't is notoriously known to all our admiralty , that he never did vary his instructions and commissions in the navy , but enjoined them , as before , to enforce all ships to strike , without regarding whether they were entire fleets , or single ships : and i think this to be a demonstration of the falshood of the dutch in this suggestion . lastly , i find the articles of peace published at amsterdam in 1655. in latine , where is not any such thing to be seen , as is here insinuated . artic. 13. 13. item quod naves & navigia dictarum foederatarum provinciarum , tam bellica & ad hostium vim propulsandam instructa , quàm alia , quae alicui è navibus bellicis hujus reipublicae in maribus britannicis obviam dederint , vexillum suum è mali vertice detrahent , & supremum velum demittent , eo modo , quo ullis retrò temporibus , sub quocunque anteriori regimine , unquam observatum fuit . this is sufficient to disprove this impudent forgery of the considerer ; but had any such thing intervened betwixt the state and o. p. if it do not appear , that his majesty did make the like accord , how comes it to pass , that the expressions of his majesty must be construed by the sense of cromwell ? if this notion of exempting fleets from saluting any single man of war , were never thought upon , nor mentioned , much less debated and decided at the treaty of breda , doth not common equity and reason oblige the dutch to acquiesce in the plain sense of the words , and not to distort or pervert them by far-fetch'd interpretations and evasions ? it is usual in the last articles of treaties , or in the ratification , for princes to express that they do sign , consent , and ratifie the agreement in its true , proper , and most genuine sense : or , sincerely , and bonâ fide : and where it is not so declared , yet it is understood in all contracts , but more especially in the contracts of soveraign princes ; and charles v. and lewis of france are blamed for making use of those little shifts and elusions of treaties , which better become a pettifogger , than a king. this is the common tenet of the civil lawyers , and consonant to the law of nations . it is true there lies a ready evasion ; for all this is averred concerning princes and their contracts ; but the dutchmen have nothing that is royal amongst them , their high and mighties are not princes , and they have different jura majestatis , as they have different ends from the generous and sincere part of mankind . after an impertinent harangue concerning god , piety , protestancy , they are absolved from giving honour to them unto whom honour is due , reverence to whom reverence ; or right to whom right : they can plausibly recede from , and evert an article that is prejudicial to their interest and insatiable ambition , and impudently exempt fléets from amongst the number of ships . such men presume strangely upon their power , or the stupidity of the world , that impose thereon such glosses as these . there was no such word mentioned , no such interpretation proposed at breda , much less assented unto . the common usage of that naval term admits not thereof , and the immemorial practice at sea to the contrary doth sufficiently refute this sentiment . the ambassadours had no power delegated them to part with such a regality ; and perhaps it may be said , that the king himself hath no such authority as can devest the crown thereof . however , if any such thing had been done , had such a sense been admitted of , or intended by the dutch , why did not they urge it sooner , and demand that the instructions to our admiral and the commanders at sea should be changed from what they have been during the space of above four hundred years ? their high and mighties have very much prejudiced themselves in the opinion of all prudent men by so long a silence ; and in the judgment of all honest persons , by remonstrating thus now , since thereby they declare that to be the right sense of the article , which is indeed non-sense , and that to be iustice which is , as notorious an usurpation as any chronicles inform us of . but lest this sense of the article should not be admitted of , they say further in defence of themselves , that since in the judgment of the king of great britain , the striking of the flag , and the acknowledging the soveraignty of the sea are equipollent things , and that by the one his majesty understands the other , they cannot consent to the striking of the flag , lest it should be construed to a yielding him a soveraignty and dominion over the sea : which is too much for these high and mighty zealots , and such protestants , that , abominating all image-worship , cannot endure any monarchs , because they are ( as i may say ) visible deities and mortal representations of that one god , who providentially rules the vniverse ; nor can they tolerate their usurpations upon the rights of god almighty , who is alone soveraign of the sea. if i were not in haste , i would animadvert upon that passage of the considerer , whereby he intimates , that all absolute princes are usurpers , governing their lands and territories , per gratiam dei , by which the king of england usurps the dominion of the sea : in another place , he intimates as if all princes were tyrants , and all monarchy tyranny : in a third , he detracts from monarchy , alledging that monarchs are generally swayed by their wills and lusts , and that the most efficacious reasonings of princes and monarchs are their arms : such insinuations as these ought to exasperate all princes against them ; and indeed this other controversie about the dominion of the sea extends not only to the king of england , but to the kings of france , spain , portugal , sweden , denmark , &c. to the republicks of venice , genoa , &c. all which are no less notorious usurpers than his majesty of great britain : and if the king of england be an usurper upon the rights of god , by exercising a soveraignty over the british seas , the dutch have contributed very much to such vsurpation , by permitting him to continue it so long : when they were the distressed states , and tendered the soveraignty of their provinces to queen elizabeth , their embassadors urged this unto her as one inducement , that thereby she might ensure her self of the dominion of the great ocean : from whence any englishman may collect , how much it importeth us , that these hollanders be rather distressed , than high and mighty . concerning the dominion of the sea , that we may the better understand the controversie , and the justice of his majesties demands , 't is requisite that we distinguish upon the word dominion , which is equivocal . dominion imports one thing in respect to iurisdiction and protection , which the doctors of the civil law call soveraignty or vniversal dominion , such is that of a prince over the persons and estates of his subjects : and another thing in reference to propriety , which they term particular dominion , whereby any private person is invested in his goods and estate . thus the king of england hath an vniversal dominion over the british seas , whilst yet his subjects retain their proprieties in their several fisheries . the effects of this dominion vniversal , or soveraignty which accrue to a prince , are these , 1. not only the regality of the fishing for pearl , coral , amber , &c. but the direction and disposal of all other fish , according as they shall seem to deserve the regards of the publick : as in spain , portugal , &c. is used . 2. the prescribing of laws and rules for navigation , not only to his own subjects , but unto others strangers , whether they be princes of equal strength and dignity with himself , or any way inferiour . thus the romans did confine the carthaginians to equippe out no fleets ; and forbade antiochus to build any more than twelve ships of war. the athenians prohibited all median ships of war to come within their seas , and prescribed to the lacedemonians with what manner of vessels they should sail . all histories are full of such presidents , which princes have enacted either upon agreements enforced upon the conquered , or capitulations betwixt them and others ( their equals or inferiours ) for mutual conveniences . 3. the power of imposing customs , gabels , and taxes upon those that navigate in their seas , or otherwise fish therein : which they do upon several rightful claims : as protecting them from pyrates , and all other hostilities , or assisting them with lights and sea-marks : for which advantages , common equity obligeth those that reap benefit thereby , to repay it by some acknowledgment , which ought to be proportioned to the favour received , and the expense which the prince is at to continue it unto them . 4. as it is incumbent on a prince , duly to execute justice in his kingdoms by land , so the sea being his territory , it is requisite and a necessary effect of his dominion , that he cause justice to be administred in case of maritime delinquencies . 5. that in case any ships navigate in those seas , they shall salute his floating castles , the ships of war , by loring the top sail , striking the flag , ( those are the most usual courses ) in like manner as they do his forts upon land. by which sort of submissions they are put in remembrance , that they come into a territory wherein they are to own a sovereign power and iurisdiction , and receive protection from it . these are the proper effects of a real and absolute sovereignty over the seas ; which how they are possessed by the venetians , this following account will shew . the gulf of venice is nothing else but a large bay , or inlet of the sea , which entring in betwixt two lands , and severing them for many miles continuance , in the end receives a stop , or interruption of further passage , by an opposite shore , which joyns both the said opposite shores together . it is called the gulf of venice , from the city of venice , scituated upon certain broken islands near unto the bottom thereof . it is also called the adriatick sea , from the ancient city adria , lying not far distant from the former . from the entrance thereof unto the bottom it conteins about 600 italian miles : where it is broadest , it is 160 miles over ; in others but 80 , in the most , 100. the south-west shore is bounded with the provinces of puglia and abruzzo in the kingdome of naples ; the marquisate of ancona and romagnia in the pope's state ; and the marquisate of trevisana in the venetian state. the north part of it , or bottome , hath friuli for its bounds ; the north-east is limited by istria , dalmatia , albania , and epirus : whereof istria doth not so intirely belong to the venetians , but that the emperour , as arch-duke of gratz , doth possess divers maritime towns therein . in dalmatia , saving zara , spalato , and cattaro , they have nothing of importance , the rest belonging to ragusa and the turks ; in albania and epirus , they possess nothing at all , it being entirely the turk's . so that he , who shall examine the circuit of this sea , which must contain above 1200 miles , shall find the shores of the venetian signory not to take up 200 of them , omitting some scatter'd towns and dispersed islands , lying on the turkish side of the adri●tick shore . for the securing hereof from the depredation of pirates , and the pretenses of divers potent princes , as the pope , emperour , king of spain , and the great turk , who have each of them large territories lying thereupon ; also to cause all ships which navigate the same , to go to venice , and there to pay custome and other duties , the republick maintains continually in action a great number of ships , gallies and galliots , whereto also they adde more , as there may be occasion ; whereof some lye about the bottom of the gulf in istria , others about the islands of dalmatia , to clear those parts of pirates , who have much infested those seas : others , and those of most force , have their stations in the island of corfu , and standia : in the first of which commonly resides the captain of the gulf , whose office it is to secure the navigation of the gulf , not only from the corsaires , but to provide that neither the gallies nor ships of the pope , the king of spain , nor great turk , do so much as enter the same , without permission of the signory , and upon such conditions as best pleaseth them ; which they are so careful to effect , that in the year 1638. the turkish fleet entring the gulf without license , was assailed by the venetian general , who sunk divers of their vessels , and compelling the rest to fly unto valona , he held them there besieged , although the same city and port whereon it stands , be under the jurisdiction of the grand signior . and notwithstanding that a great and dangerous war was likely to ensue thereupon , betwixt the grand signor and the republick , because the venetian general , being not content to have chased them into their own ports , did , moreover then that , sink their vessels , and landing his men , slew divers of their mariners who had escaped his fury at sea : yet , after that , a very honourable peace was concluded again betwixt them , wherein , amongst other things , it was agreed , that it should be lawful for the venetians , as often as any turkish vessels did , without their license , enter the gulf , to seise upon them by force , if they would not otherwise obey : and that it should likewise be lawful for them so to do , within any haven , or under any fort of the grand signors , bordering on any part of the venetian gulf. — in the year 1630 ▪ mary sister to the king of spain , being espoused to the emperours son ferdinand , king of hungary , the spaniards designed to transport her from naples in a fleet of their own . the venetians suspected that they had an intention hereby to intrench upon , and privily to undermine , by this specious president , that dominion of the sea which the signory had continued inviolate time out of mind ; and that they took this opportunity when venice was involved with a war abroad , and infested with the plague at home , and therefore not in a condition to oppose their progress . the spanish embassadour acquainted the state , that his masters fleet was to convoy the queen of hungary , being his sister , from naples to triesti : the duke replied , that her majesty should not pass , but in the gallies of the republick : the spaniard repined thereat , pretending that they were infected with the plague . the senate being consulted , came to this resolution , that the sister of his catholick majesty should not be transported to triesti any other way , then by imbarking on the venetian gallies , according to the usual manner of the gulf ; and that , if the embassadour would acquiesce herein , her majesty should be attended , and used with all that respect and deference which became her quality . but if she proceeded in any other way , the republick would by force assert her proper rights , and attacque the spanish navy as if they were declared enemies , and in hostile manner invaded them . whereupon the spaniard was compelled to desire of them the favour of transport the queen in their gallies , which antonio pisani did peform with much state and ceremony : and the courtesie was acknowledged by solemn thanks from the court of the emperour , and of spain . ioannes palatius doth furnish me with many more cases wherein the venetians have practiced immemorially , and forreign princes approved of their soveraignty of the adriatick sea ; and had our nation been hitherto as prudent in the perpetual vindication of their rights , as that republick , his majesty had not been put to this trouble , nor his subjects endangered , as they are , by this war with holland . howsoever , 't is manifest that they did alwaies immemorially challenge the dominion of the brittish seas , and have never abandoned that regality , but so as to preserve their right unto it by the exercising of several acts that result from the entire dominion of the said seas . 1. as to that vniversal dominion which is inferred from the protection of the seas . it is evident that our admirals by their commissions have ever been encharged with the guardianship and protection of the said seas ; and they were styl'd of old guardians of the seas : the denomination of admiral is more modern . but with the name , their power and instructions were not varyed , they being still designed pro salvâ custodiâ & defensione maris : and there was a particular tax raised on every hyde of land in this kingdom , called danegeld , at first exacted by the danes in lieu of their protection of the said seas , and continued after their ejectment , by our english kings before and since the conquest unto the reign of k. stephen and henry ii , for the guardianship of the seas : and after that the danegeld was abolish'd , several lands were charged particularly for the defence of the seas : and subsidies have been demanded of the people to the same purpose . 2. as to that dominion of the sea which is exemplified by acts of iurisdiction , it is manifest that the english have been immemorially prossessed thereof . thus edward the first made laws , for the reteining and conserving of the ancient superiority of the sea of england , and for the maintaining of peace and justice amongst all people , what nation soever , passing thorough the sea of england ; and to take cognizance of all attempts to the contrary in the same , and to punish offenders , &c. in the like manner did his royal predecessours . and the so famed laws of oleron ( an island seated in aquitaine , at the mouth of the river charente ) were published in that isle by king richard the first , as sole ruler and moderator of sea-affairs ; which hold in force to this day , and are the laws of our admiralty . and this dominion is further elucidated from hence ; that our kings ( as appears by the parliamentary records of king richard the second ) imposed a tribute , or custome , upon every ship that passed thorough the northern admiralty , which stretched it self from the thames mouth along the eastern shore of england towards the north-east , for the pay and maintenance of the guard or protection of the sea. nor was it imposed onely upon the ships of such merchants and fishermen as were english , but upon any forreigners whatsoever : no otherwise then a man that is owner of a field , should impose a yearly revenue or rent for the liberty of thorow fare , or driving of ca●tel , or cart , thorough his field : and if any were unwilling to pay the said tribute , it was lawful to compel them ; there being certain officers that had authority to exact it , having the command of six ships , men of war. the original record is penned in the norman language ( as were almost all records of parliament in that age ) and is thus englished . this is the ordinance and grant by the advice of the merchants of london , and other merchants towards the north , by the assent of all the commons in parliament , before the earl of northumberland , and the mayor of london , for the guard and tuition of the sea , and the coasts of the admiralty of the north , with two ships , two barges , and two ballingers , armed and fitted for war , at these rates following : first , to take of every ship and bark , of what burthen soever it be , which passeth thorough the sea of the said admiralty , going and returning , for the uoyage , upon every tun vi l. except ships laden with wines , and ships laden with merchandises in flanders , which are fraighted for and discharged at london ; and ships laden with woolls and skins at london , or elsewhere within the said admiralty , which shall be discharged at calais : which ships the guardians of the said sea shall not be bound to convoy without allowance . item , to take of every fisher-boat that fisheth upon the sea of the said admiralty for herrings , of what burthen soever it be , for each wick , of every tun vi d. item , to take of other ships and fisher-boats , that fish for other kinds of fish upon the sea , within the said admiralty , of what burthen soever they be , for three weeks , of every tun vi l. item , to take of all other ships and vessels passing by sea , within the said admiralty , laden with coals from new-castle upon tyne , of what burthen soever they be , for a quarter of a year , of every tun vi l. item , to take of all other ships , barks , and uessels , passing by sea , within the said admiralty , laden with goods of any merchants whatsoever for prussia , or for norway , or for scone , or for any other place in those parts beyond the sea ; for the uoyage , going and returning , every last vi ● . the imposition here laid upon all fishers that took herrings , or other fish , upon the sea within the northern admiralty , sheweth the antiquity of the right his majesty hath unto that regality within the brittish seas : but the benefits accruing to the crown from this specia●ty of the maritime dominion , were not alwaies raised in one and the same manner . in the ordinance aforesaid the fishermen purchase their liberty of fishing , by a sum of mony to be paid weekly . at other times i read that the hollanders , and zealanders , every year did repair to scarborough castle , and there , by ancient custome , obtained leave to fish , which the english have ever granted them , reserving alwaies the honour and priviledge to themselves . amongst the records of the time of edward the first , there is an inscription , pro hominibus hollandiae , &c. for the men of holland , and zealand , and friesland , to have leave to fish near iernemuth ; and that king's letter for their protection is extant . and if we do not continually vend of special licenses granted to forreigners in reference to the fishery ; the reason is , because by the leagues that were made with the neighbouring princes , a license or freedome of that kind ( as also of ports , shores , passages , and other things ) was so often allowed by both parties , that as long as the league was in force , the sea served as if it were a common-field , as well for the forreigner that was in amity , as for the king of england himself , who was lord and owner . but yet in this kind of leagues sometimes the fishing was restrain'd to certain limits ; and the limits related both as to place and time : so that , according to agreement , the forreigner in amity might not fish beyond these limits ; the king of england retaining absolute dominion over the whole adjoyning sea. thus by an agreement betwixt france and england , the french are excluded from that part of the sea which lies towards the west and southwest , and also from that which lies north-east of them ; but permitted freely to fish throughout that part of the sea , which is bounded on this side by the ports of scarborough and southampton , and on the other side by the coast of flanders , and the mouth of the river seine : and the time is limited , betwixt autumn , and the calends of ianuary following . but in the league of mutual commerce betwixt henry the seventh , and philip duke of burgundy , &c. earl of holland and zealand , a. d. 1459. chap. 14. it was agreed that the fishermen of each parts of what condition soever they be shall sail and pass freely every where , and fish securely without any impediment , license , or safe-conduct . from the which leagues it is a genuine inference , that his majesty hath the dominion of the seas as to fishing , and that the liberty thereof is not to be obtained but by license , or compact , wherein the general emolument arising from the league supplieth the advantage that would otherwise accrew from particular licenses . it being thus evinced that the soveraignty of the english seas , as to the fishing , doth appertain unto his majesty . i proceed to scotland , where i find the same power invested in the crown thereof ; so that the right of his majesty unto the fishing there is as unquestionable as his succession to the kingdom . i have not read in the scotch laws , that ever there were licenses given to any for fishing ; but every fisher , as well forreigner as native , was to pay an assize-herring unto the king , and this assize-herring is an unalterable regality of that king. iacobi 6. p. 15. c. 237 . it is statute and ord●ined that all infestments and alienations in few firme , or otherwies , and all rentalls , assedationes and disposition●s quhatsumever , in all time by gane , and to cum , of the assise-herring , is null and of nane availe : because the said assise-herring perteinis to our sovereigne lorde , as are part of his custumes , and annexed property . concerning the nature and antiquity of the assize-herring , i find this most authentick account given by mr. iohn skene clerk of the king's register , council and rolls , in a treatise de verborum significatione , annexed to the laws of scotland , and printed at edinburgh , a. d. 1597. cum privilegio regali . ¶ assisa halecum , the assize-herring signifies ane certaine measure and quantity of herring , quilk perteinis to the king as ane part of his custumes and annexed propriety . jac. 6. p. 15. c. 237. for it is manifest that hee shuld have of every boat that passis to the drave , and slayis herring , ane thousand herring of ilk tak that halds , viz. of lambmes tak , of the winter tak , and the lentrone tak . what dues and customes the kings of scotland had upon other fish , i know not , but that he did exact some , and exercised the dominion of the sea in reference to the fishing there , is apparent by these laws , ordaining , that all manner of fischeres , that occupies the sea , and ●theres persons quhatsumever that happenis to s●ay hering or quihte fish upon the coast , or within the iles , or out with the samen within the frithes bring them to free ports , &c. where they may bee sold to the inhabitants of the same kingdome , quhui● by his majesties custumes bee not defrauded , and his hienesse lieges not frustrate of the commodity appointed to them by god under the paine of confiscation , and tynsell of the ueschelles of them that cumes in the contrair thereof , and escheating of all their movable guddes to our soveraigne lords use . — in this condition were the rights of the fishing until the dutch did advance themselves to that height and puissance , that they esteemed themselves able to infringe them , and such was their covetousness ( which prompts them that are infected therewith to value the smallest and most unjust gains ) that they determined to do it . in the year 1594. iames vi. king of scotland , apprehending the growth of these netherlanders , and their influence upon the english nation by reason of the multitudes of our nobility and gentry which resorted thither into the armies , and being desirous to fortifie by all possible means his right of succession to the crown of england , invited the states to be god-fathers to his son , prince henry , together with the kings of france and denmark , and queen elizabeth : they sent a splendid embassy walravius van brederode being principal , and so richly presented the royal infant , that they much endeared themselves to king iames , and no less exasperated queen elizabeth , in that they should dare to rival her at the baptisme of the prince , and also demean themselves with so much munificence , or rather prodigality . king iames , either out of interest to ascertain himself of their friendship , or being captivated by their presents and flatteries , granted ( but not by any deed , that i know ) unto the dutch , the priviledges which had been formerly granted to the belgick provinces , upon leagues betwixt the house of burgundy and england , in reference to the fishing ; whereby , according to articles made with philip of burgundy , and with charles v. they were to fish in the brittish seas without any impediment , or the sueing for a special license . it was by vertue of the same treaties and confederacies with the house of burgundy , that q. elizabeth did permit them the fishing of our english seas : for that queen did alwaies pretend and declare , that by reason of sundry alliances betwixt england and the house of burgundy , she did aid and support the netherlands . at first , the dutch , either out of pure respect ( a rare quality in that sort of people ) or because their busses were not so very numerous as in the subsequent times , did fish at a good distance from the land ; and , leaving convenient space for the natives of scotland to pursue their small employment in the fishery , there was no notice , or at least no complaints against them upon that subject : but when a series of prosperous successes ( gain'd by the english and scotch valour ) had raised the dutch to a great power at home , and renown abroad , and that their ships became exceeding numerous , and their fleets potent ; and queen elizabeths death had advanced a more peaceable prince to the english crown , they began to encroach upon the english and scottish shores , to disturb the natives in their fishing , not leaving them so much sea-room upon their princes coast , as to take any fish , but such as were the gleanings of the hollanders busses ; who driving at sea do break the skull or shole of herrings , and then they flie near the shore , and through the sounds . i find king iames to have complained against their insolence , and the encroachments of the dutch fishermen upon his seas , and to the prejudice of his subjects : but that prince dealt most in remonstrances , an ineffectual course with hollanders , and equipped out no ships to assert his rights on the whole brittish seas : at last in 1609. he established commissioners for to give licenses , at london , to such as would fish on the english coasts ; at edinburgh , for such as would fish in the more northern sea : and by proclamation interdicted all un-licensed fishers . the licenses were to be demanded yearly for so many ships , and the tonnage thereof , as should intend to fish for that whole year , or any part thereof , upon any of the brittish seas ; and the offenders against the king's proclamation to undergo due chastisement . but this edict of his majesty proved but a brutum fulmen , an insignificant noyse and thunder ; the dutch contemned it , and grew more pervicacious in opposition to his majesties officers which came to disturb their un-licensed fishing . the states did mingle their concerns with those of the fishermen , and sent wafters , or men of war to protect their busses against the spanish pirates , and to awe the kings officers . they refused to pay either the assize-herring , or to take licenses ; and in 1616. m. brown being ordered by the duke of lennox ( who , as admiral of scotland , was commanded to vindicate the kings's rights in those seas ) to insist upon the assize-herring ( which was the king's old and indubitable right ) they did contest about it , and after much dispute paid it according to the laws and customes of scotland . but the next year ( being the year in which king iames did gratifie that people with the surrendry of the cautionary towns ) the busses obstinately refused it , saying , they were commanded by the states of holland to pay it no more . mr. browne wanting sufficient force to chastise their wafters , did only take witness of this their refusal : whereupon the insolent dutch seised the king of england's officer , and carried him into the netherlands , where he was detained a while . the king repeats his complaints at the hague , and to their embassadors here at london ; the dutch amused him with treaties , and sent commissioners to london , not to submit , or adjust differences , but to heighten them : they pleaded a right of their own by immemorial prescription ; and confirmed it with divers treaties , viz. one of the year 1459 , betwixt philip of burgundy , and henry the seventh . another betwixt charles v. ( as duke of burgundy ) and henry the eighth : by both which it had been agreed , that the subjects of the belgick provinces should fish in the english seas without impediment , and without license . but what influence have those treaties upon the kingdom of scotland ? or , how do they extend unto the assize-herring ? for those capitulations do not leave them at liberty as to this point , any more than they absolve them from paying customes ? to observe the laws , and pay the dues of a country , are no illegitimate impediments of fishing . to proceed . suppose we that the subjects of the house of burgundy had any such priviledges granted them by the said treaties ; what doth this concern the rebels of the house of burgundy ? what doth it concern the states general of the united netherlands , who by their change of government , and rupture from the majority of the provinces , are no longer the same people ? they have nothing to pretend unto but the connivance of q. elizabeth , and the indulgence of k. iames , during the time of their distress : nor doth the whole age of their infant republick amount unto an immemorial prescription : and , if in the said treaties with the house of burgundy , the ancestours of his majesty did think fitting , in consideration of other advantages accruing to them by the said agreements , to dispense with the licenses unto belgick fishermen ; where is this consideration now betwixt us and the dutch ? and , what hinders us to resume our rights , when the reasons cease for which we parted with them to the generous and noble house of burgundy ; but to these hollanders never ? how come we to forfeit the dominion of the sea by such indults , whereas other nations , french and spaniards , lubeckers , &c. did pay ? this plea being null , they had recourse to another , that by the laws of nature and nations , the sea was free . this defence seemed intollerable to k. iames , and upon complaint of the lord embassadour carlton at the hague , they gave his majesty this most satisfactory answer : that the commissioners went beyond their limits in their terms of immemorial possession , and immutable droict de gens ; for which they had no order . all that k. iames could obtain from their now high and mighties , was a verbal acknowledgment of his right , whilest it was more and more invaded daily . the prince of orange at that time made a motion to the lord carleton , about purchasing the freedom of fishing with a sum of ready mony . but he replyed it was a matter of royalty . the insolence growing every day greater and greater , and they proceeding to impede , obstruct and destroy the fishery of his majesties subjects , king charles the first did sollicite them about redress : and finding the states intractable , in 1636. he issued out a proclamation , to restrain the fishing in the brittish seas without licence obtained : and seconded it with a fleet of ships commanded by algernon earl of northumberland , as lord high admiral of england . who with much honour acquitted himself of that employment : the journal of his expedition , signed with his own hand , is preserved in the paper office ; and i find thereby , that upon the appearance of the english fleet , the dutch busses did take licenses of his lordship , so that he distributed two hundred , though he went out late in the year . he exacted twelve pence in the tonne from each vessel ; and avows they departed away well satisfied . the busses were not defensless , as the considerer sayes , but guarded by ten men of war , or more ; and aug. 20. 1636. whilest his lordship was busied in dispersing his licenses the dutch admiral dorp came to him , saluted him with loring his top-sail , striking of the flagg , and discharging of guns , and came aboard of him : he had in his company 20 men of war , which ( if joyned with the other wafters ) made a greater fleet than that of the english , yet did he never protest against the actings of the said earl , but left his lordship freely to pursue his design upon the busses . the summe which his lordship received for licenses was 501 l. — 15 s. — 2 d ; besides which at that time , i find that the dutch payed to capt. carteret , capt. lyndsey , capt. slingsby , capt. iohnson , and mr. skinner 999 l. for convoy-mony . it is not to be doubted but king charles the first had vigorously asserted the english rights and soveraignty of the sea , the earl of northumberland being high admiral , had not the scotch troubles diverted his cares : the which troubles and wars were chiefly fomented by these peace-loving christians of holland , that he might not attend unto his dominion of the seas . i observed in the perusal of the iournal , that when his lordship was returned and at anchour in the downs , he received notice of the arrival of a spanish fleet of 26 sail near dunkirk , who in the sight of calais did their duties to his majesties ship called the happy entrance . concerning the scottish fishery it may not be impertinent to fortifie the rights of his majesty : by shewing his original title to a great part of it ; and it is this . the kings of norwey exercised an absolute dominion time out of mind over the seas adjacent to norway , island , shotland , and the isles of orkney , and in a manner over all that part of the north sea : nor could any forreigner practise fishing there but by his leave and license , ( the which license was renewed every seven years by the english ) as appears by many leagues and compacts betwixt that crown and the english , and also betwixt it and other nations : the old inhabitants of those scotch islands are originally norwegians , and speak that language . the islands hebrides were conquered from the norwegians by alexander the third , king of scotland , the dominion whereof was confirmed unto him by magnus king of norwey ; and the said cession reiterated by haquin king of norwey unto robert bruce king of scotland ; but all this while shotland and the isles of orkney remained in the hands of the norwegians , until christierne the first , king of denmark and norwey did marry his daughter margaret unto iames the third , king of scotland , and upon the marriage did make an absolute surrender of these islands unto his son in law in the year 1468. together with the jurisdictions thereof . as the scotch title to those seas is primarily deduced from the kings of norwey , so their jurisdiction and soveraignity over those seas is the same , with that which those kings possessed : but the kings of norway had an entire dominion and right of disposal over the fishing in those parts , so that none could come and fish there upon pain of death , without license obtained . all which is averred and proved out of the danish records by ioannes isaeius pontanus a dutch writer , of harderwick in guilderland , and historiographer to the king of denmark . this discourse doth further justifie the present king of england in his rights unto the brittish seas , in that he is not singular in challenging the dominion of the seas , and the particular regality of the fishing , the like having been immemorially challenged by the kings of denmark and norwey . the like royalty as to fishing is practised by the kings of sweden , who hath in some of his seas the tenths of the fish , elsewhere he disposeth of his royalty by special licenses . the same is done in spain , and portugal , venice , &c. this universal soveraignty and dominion of his majesty over the brittish seas , hath been acknowledged by forreigners time out of mind , ( even safe conducts and pasports desired thorough his seas ) and is justified by the precedents of the rhodians , the romans and others , which to relate now were too prolix a work . as to the right by which his majesty holds this soveraignity , it is a better title then most princes can shew for their kingdoms and principalities ; it is a prescription truly immemorial : we cannot tell the time when we had it not ; nor by what degrees we arose up to it ; but we can thus fortifie it beyond that of venice , that it was never disputed by any except the dutch , and that within the memory of this present age ; and they so disputed it at first , as to acknowledge our right , but yet to plead an exemption as to fishing ( in nothing else ) by vertue of the capitulations of intercourse betwixt the english and house of burgundy : the vanity of which claim being so notorious , they at last began to be so impudent and insolent , as to renounce the concessions of the burgundians , and their own , and now to plead universally that the sea is the lord's , and not capable of , or subjected to the dominion of any prince , or state. it is an unparalleld and most imprudent attempt for these up-starts to shake thus the tenures not only of kings , but even private persons , and to deny that an immemorial quiet possession of a land , or territory ( the sea is called a territory ) is a just title thereunto : whereas hitherto it hath been allowed by those that treat of the laws of nations , that he who can alledge this , needs not to prove his acquest and title : that prescription doth not require any right , but supplies it ; and doth it self create a right ; nor ought there any proof to be admitted against it . nothing is more received amongst man-kind , then that prescription and long vsage should be deemed equivalent to mutual pacts and the assent of the voisinage : and that practise seems to be adjudged to be legitimate , where all parties , though otherwise interessed to oppose it , do without any extraordinary awe , or other indirect motive , silently and peaceably acquiesce . iephtha when the ammonites demanded that the israelites should surrender up the cities held by them on that side iordan ; replied that the israelites had possessed them three hundred years , during all which time the ammonites had not redemanded them . the law of nations doth generally allow a lesser space to authenticate a prescription and just occupancy : it is esteemed to have an immemorial prescription , the contrary whereof no man can say he ever saw done , or heard related by others to have been done : and 't is commonly declared that one hundred years of usage or possession do suffice to determine the controversie . our case is such that i need not make use of this last plea ( though so many allow of it ; and rome urged it against antiochus ) 't is really immemorial , and consequently as valid morally as if it had been conferred upon us at the primitive distribution of lands : except there can be produced most unanswerable reasons to the contrary . i shall therefore examine the reason all edged by the dutch to invalidate this prescription and long occupancy of his majesty . the considerer alledgeth but one ; which is , that the dominion of the sea appertains to god alone , in the judgment of the states general ; and the king of england doth usurp upon the divine prerogative , by assumeing it to himself . i answer , that in the judgment of them that are as intelligent and more honest then the states general , the dominion of god almighty over the land is as much appropriated to him , as that over the seas : since that the same scripture which saith that the sea is his , and he made it : doth likewise inform us , that his hands prepared the dry land , ps. 95.5 . and that the earth is the lord's , and the fulness thereof ; the world and they that dwell therein . ps. 24.1 . so that without a more express declaration , a more revealed will of god , we cannot conclude from the text any thing else then the general providential soveraignity of god , which ( where he doth not in a particular manner publish his will ; as when he gave the israelites the land of canaan ) doth no way enterfere with , or exclude humane propriety : otherwise the earth must likewise become common , and all people live free from subjection to any government . as to this last point , i find m. schoockius ( a belgick professour ) to write , that 't is proverbially said in the united netherlands , that the placaets of the states general are not in force beyond three days : but they ought not to oblige one minute , since the world and they that dwell therein are the lords . of all the arguments which ever i read in behalf of the freedom of the sea , this is the most fanatical . if it were granted , that the kings of england , france , denmark , sweden , &c. were usurpers upon the rights of god almighty , what commission have these wicked hollanders to vindicate them ? a people worse then sodom and gomorrah ( if you believe m. schoockius ) the most unworthy delegates in this world . who made these skellums to be of the star-chamber ? may they run before they are sent ? are all apostles ? but , to wave this foolish pretense ; i will for the instruction of the more ignorant , remove such objections as men of more high and mighty reason then the states general , do press vehemently against the dominion of the sea. 1. the nature of the sea is such , that it is in a perpetual flux , and never settles in any certain place ; therefore it is not capable of being subjected under a certain dominion , possession , or prescription . i answer , that though it be not strictly and physically the same , it continues to be so legally , and in respect of its bottom , sand , and channel . if this objection were valid , even rivers would not be subject to impropriation : they do continually flow , and , which is more , without reflux : and the same reason would render every man uncapable of a legacy , or inheritance ; because a constant transpiration varieth our bodies . in idem flumen bis non descendimus : neither do we twice swim in the same river , nor are we the same persons who attempt to swim twice within the same channel . besides , a man may retain a propriety in things variable ; as in mony lent , and to be repaid in specie , not numerically . a man may have a right unto the air , or light , and an action lieth in case of nusance . and shall a remedy be allowed in case an encroaching neighbour doth obstruct the light , or annoy the air ; and shall not a prince take care that no forein fleets shall , without warning and license , approach his territories ? provision in this case is much more allowable , by how much greater the danger is . 2. there cannot be any peculiar and distinct bounds prefixed to particular dominions upon the seas : and since nothing can be privately possessed which is not bounded ; therefore god and nature seem to have ordained the seas to be free , since it is not limitable . i answer , that the inundation of nile , and the storms upon the libyan sands do render the bounds undistinguishable ; yet are the lands subject to propriety . besides , the shores , promontories , &c. may stand as well for sea-bounds , as trees , posts , hedges , rivers , &c. are bounds on land : and where they fail , imaginary lines and contrivances may supply the defect ; since we are no more in contracts betwixt princes to expect rigour of law ( but aequum & bonum ) then in mixt mathematicks indivisible points and lines . several leagues of this nature have been made betwixt spain and portugal , sweden and denmark . in fine , are not the seas distinct , as the hadriatick . ligurian , tyrrhene , and in the articles of breda the brittish and north-sea ? yet are there no precise and geometrical bounds to them . 3. if the sea can be reduced under any dominion , then may the commerce be hindered by the proprietor of the same , as to such as he pleaseth . but commerce ought to be free according to the law of nature , and nations ; and the denial thereof , ( as also the denying of an innocent passage ) or the laying an extraordinary tax for license to pass , ( which is in effect a denial of passage and commerce ) is a just cause of war. therefore the sea ought to be free . i answer , that perhaps the pretence of wants not to be supplied but by commerce is not serious and real ; but if it be , it doth not follow that our domestick indigency and necessities are to be remedied by the detriment or injury of others , but we must purchase the opportunities of a supply by complying with the conveniencies of our neighbours . no man must trespass upon anothers ground , because he cannot otherwise attend unto his own utility . the freedom of commerce and passage are no solid arguments , when insisted upon by hollanders : both may be refused , if there be a suspicion of danger . i concur with albericus gentilis herein . i am of st. austins mind ( who held the opinion of grotius in these cases ) provided i may have befitting security that the persons trading or passing will not hurt me ; and that i be ascertained that they cannot hurt me . this is conformable to sundry scriptural examples , and the resolutions of all ages , before and since christianity . nor doth the imposition of a tribute for the fishing , or erecting and preserving of sea-m●rks , and light-houses , or convoy-mony infringe the liberty of commerce , but continue it with security . i do not find that the dutch have contested thus about the customs upon the rhine , or plead that 't is unlawful to pay toll upon the passage of several high●ways and bridges in order to the repairing of them : yet a logician of holland would by the same reasons condemn those exactions , and deny tribute to whom tribute is due . to conclude this point : after so many treatises and fierce disputes concerning the dominion of the sea , upon mature consideration , the controversie is now reduced to this state : that as to property the sea can fall to no mans dominion , by reason of its fluxile nature : but as to a sovereignty of protection , and iurisdiction , whereby tributes are imposed for the defraying of convoys , providing of sea-marks , &c. and fishing : this may be assumed , and is lawful as to particular seas , and gulfs ; but as to the vast ocean , whose bounds are unknown , and whose extent makes the sovereignty to be unfaisible , this is denied . thus io. isac . pontanus , and others do decide the controversie : and this decision establisheth the king of england's right , whose seas are not boundless , nor incapable of the aforesaid dominion of iurisdiction . such a dominion the dutch professour saith is practicable , and necessary for the hollanders ; thereby to secure their vast trade into all parts of the world , and exclude others from merchandising into the richest parts . from whence we may gather what we are to expect from the prevalence of the dutch , viz. to be prohibited trading through the seas , but to what places , and on what conditions they please : and whilst our king shall be decried as an usurper of the divine right by challenging the dominion of the sea ; these hollanders shall affect and assume ( without any such usurpation ) the dominion over the seas . which is all one in effect , the discrepancy is but verbal , and such as any one may see into , who is not infatuated with the specious and pious harangues of the peace-loving christians in holland . another argument enforced by them here against his majesties lawful dominion over the british seas , is this ; that since the subjects of their state do only subsist by commerce , and consequently by the liberty of the seas ; should they acknowledge the said sovereignty of his majesty and the effects and consequences thereof be reduced into practice upon them ; they should be brought to such a condition , as to expect no less then an apparent and inevitable ruine after some time . and that , since the king of england challengeth not only the channel , but also the north sea , and a great part of the ocean , as the british sea ; they should not be able to set sail out of their ports any whither , but by the grace and favour of the king of england . — to this i reply , that the king of england by pursuing his own rights doth them no wrong : but the dutch by entrenching thereupon do his majesty apparent injury , and violate all divine and humane laws , whereby propriety is established and secured to particular princes and persons , and that community of all things by nature is by a subsequent and intervenient right limited and restrained . and that this may be done according to the law of nations , and the general equity , no divine or civilian can deny or disprove : and there is as to this case no difference betwixt the sea and land. there is not any inhability in the nature of the sea , as is granted by their writers ( except as to the vast ocean , and that too in reference to its utmost and unknown extent , not as to determinate parts of it ) and is evident from the several kings and republicks which have heretofore , and do now engross the dominion of it . there is not any divine precept against it ; no dictates of nature repugne thereunto : for whatsoever is common by nature may be imrpopriated by occupancy : neither can there be a b●tter title to such things then occupancy , prescription , and custom . and that his majesty hath this title entirely , i have evinced , and mr. selden before me . whereas they say , that should any such right be acknowledged to reside in his majesty , they should not be able to fish in the north-sea , or to drive on their necessary commerce by navigation : this is no argument for their unjust actings ; any more then it would justifie upon land that one prince or private person should usurp upon anothers territories or free-hold , because it was most opportune for his trading , or requisite to his subsistence in a flourishing condition . i do not read that this pretext was ever any cause of war betwixt england and the house of burgundy : the turk , pope , emperour , and king of spain might urge the same reason against the venetian sovereignty in the adriatick sea ; there not being the least part of a passage for their adjacent subjects , which is not , in respect of their pretended sovereignty , belonging to the republick . but these princes understand the difference betwixt right and wrong ; whereas the dutch comprehend nothing but what is advantageous and disadvantageous . they detain renneberg , and other strong towns belonging to the duke of bradenburg , the bishops of cologne , and munster , because their provinces cannot be safe without them . they would usurp our seas , because they cannot mannage their trade without them . and they will seise hereafter upon our principal ports , because their navigation cannot be secure without them . certainly 't is not a sufficient ground for them to deny his majesty the proper rights of the brittish crown , because they do not know how he will use them . they have no reason to imagine that he would entreat them worse then his royal predecessors have done , who never made the utmost advantage of their just rights against the netherlanders , nor ever practised such a sovereignty as the venetians exercise in their seas . 't is true that the case is much altered by their questioning his royalty , which was never before disputed by them , or any else : and 't is but equitable that they should be in some manner frank in their acknowledgments , who have been so arrogant in the contest . they that begin a president are more criminal than they which follow it ; and since they by an ungrateful insolence have instructed others to imitate their demeanor , it is but just th●● . they should contribute to the necessary charges whereupon they put his majesty to ensure that royalty , which they above all others ( being supported by queen elizabeth , and owned for a free state by the interposition of king iames , and strengthened by the surrendry of the cautionary towns upon most easie terms ) should not have controverted ; at least not in so barbarous a manner , as to say , that all the world holds the king of england'● claim to be impertinent . whereas it may be with more truth said , that all the world in all ages , hath and doth justifie his right in general , or in thesi ; and 't is manife●● by the concessions of all princes concerned , and of the house of burgundy , and of the hollanders themselves as to the brittish seas ; or in hypothesi ▪ whereas they deny that ever they fished in our seas with license and permission of the kings of england : it is a lye ; for since they hold their priviledge of fishing by means of a general license or league contracted betwixt the crown of england and the house of burgundy ; it is manifest that whosoever fished in the english seas before , did fish with a particular license , ( from which they were then exempted ) and that from thenceforward they did fish all by the general license or indult of the kings of england in that league . i have already shewed his majesties right unto the fishery , and how it hath been exerted : and there is equivocation in what they say concerning the tribute for fishing , that they never paid it to the king of england 's father . the fishing busses did pay tonnage-mony for their liberty to fish , unto the earl of northumberland , as admiral under the present king of england his father . they , knowing the legality of the thing , paid it with much satisfaction , not regretting , or protesting against it . the dutch admiral dorpe did not except against the actions , much less oppose the said honourable person : nor do i find that the states general did remonstrate against that tonnage-mony as an exorbitant and illegal demand : but , according to the usual demeanour of these hollanders , they gave it out all over europe , that they would not pay any more , and that they refused it in 1637. to shew that this was but a scattered report , not any publick complaint , or refusal of the states general at that time ; behold this extract of a letter from mr. secretary windebank to captain fogge , who at that time commanded five or six ships under the earl of northumberland . ¶ here hath been a report raised here that the hollander's have refused his majesties licenses to fish in his seas , pretended to have been offered them by captain fielding . but it is utterly mistaken , seeing captain fielding was sent to the busses to offer them protection ; his majesty having understood that the dunkirkers had prepared great strength to intercept them in their return from the fishing , which his majesty in love to them sent captain fielding to give them notice of , and to offer them safe conduct . this you are publickly to avow wheresoever there shall be occasion ; and to cry down the other discourse as scandalous and derogatory to his majesties honour . aug. 10. 1637. thus you see ( to return upon them their own language ) it is a lye that the said tonnage-money was protested against : it is a lye , that it was no more demand●d : for captain fielding did demand it ( i am sure by letters in the paper-office ) though i have not had leisure to examine what b● r●ceived . and it i● a foolish report , to say that the single attempt of the earl of northumberland , being violent , could not create any right : wh●●eas we do not claim it in right , because it was then paid , but because , as an immemorial royalty , it was always due , and acknowledged by ●hem to be so . i cannot allow of that parenthesis of the considerer , that violence can create no right , no not by continuance . for , if prescription of an hundred years ( or less time , according to particular countries ) does create a right , how violent and unjust soever the first occupancy be , , according to the law of nations , which formally approves thereof even betwixt prince and prince : and fundamentally according to the law of nature , which disposeth us to mutual peace , and amicable society , and to the means conducing thereto , in the number whereof is prescription , occupancy , and custom ; how then can he say that violence can never create a right ? how do they hold their freedom , but by violence ? are these the principles of the peace-loving hollanders ? do not these suggestions tend to the involving of all the world in bloud ! as to the meeting of the yatc●t with the fleet under van ghent in the north-sea , and their not striking sail or flag : the considerer yields it to be a ship of war by reason of its equipage , commission , and standard : and so it was according to the presidents of our law , which styles barges and ballingers , if armed for war , to be ships of war , but neither he , nor any man else can say that the refusal to lowre the topsail and strike the flag , was not a breach of the treaty at breda . it is alledged , that this hapned in the north-sea , which is not the brittish sea , being distinguished there from in all sea-plats , yea , in the english map , and ( which in this case is an invincible argument ) by reason that in the seventh article of the treaty at breda the same are distinctly mentioned one from the other ; where it is expressedly said , that all ships and merchandises , which within twelve days after the peace are taken in the brittish sea , and the north-sea , shall continue in propriety to the seizer . — out of which it plainly appears , that even according to the king of england's sense , the north-sea differs in reality from the brittish sea. — these reasons are so far from being invincible , that they are null and altogether invalid . for the argument from popular mapps and vulgar sea-plats imports nothing at all : those being made for common instruction in such cases as they are usually made for : but not to decide cases at law. there are several counties in england , which are not specified in the mapps , which yet the laws do exempt from those in which the mapps do include them . the distinction in the article at breda betwixt the brittish and north sea , is popular , and mentioned only to prevent future quarrels about prizes taken , not to decide the king's rights unto that sea , as one of the four seas : and , that taking place , 't is not an invincible argument , but an affected ignorance in this hollander to urge it here . in the treaty at torstrop betwixt the dane and swede , i read that schonen and wien were distinctly named , and consented unto by the dane to be transferred unto the swede : and in a subsequent agreement at roskild the swede hath only schone● transferred by name ; hereupon he claims also wien , the danes deny the rendition , and evade it as the dutch do now : the king of sweden rejoyns thus , and any man may accommodate the passage to our case . though the danes do grant there hath ever been a joynt alienation of the said isle with schonen ; nevertheless , they would fain wave this by an odd exception , pretending that wien could not really be alienated as a member of schonen , because in the treaty wien is expresly named as well as schonen , which they alledge need not have been , had it been inclusive in schonen . but this poor plea , is of little importance , if it be observed , that in the charter of alienation , where wien is separately named with schonen , there also lister is separately named with the province of blekingen , which however the danes do unanimously acknowledge to be a part of blekingen ; it being distinctly named rather for prevention of further disputes , than out of necessity , nam c●ausula abundans non nocet , ut nec ejus absentia obest . i shall conclude with two brief observations upon the remaining part of this paragraph , not yet replied unto . 1. the considerer saith that the striking of the flag is but a civility to his majesties ships , and consequently not to be enforced , but must proceed from a free willingness and an unconstrained mind in those that shew such respect . — they that will not learn manners , must be taught them ; yet 't is a difficult task to teach the boores of holland . but where did he learn that the striking of the flag in the brittish seas was meerly an act of respect ? or how can he say , that the dutch , or others , might not be constrained to strike , considering the instructions of our admiral , and the usage of england ? whosoever refuseth to strike , is to be prosecuted as a rebell , not as an uncivill person and i find that the crown of france , where it pretends to any soveraignty of the sea , doth enforce the striking of the sail and flag in an uncivil manner , since those that refuse to do it , are to be attaqued with cannon-shot , and , if taken , their ships confiscated . the same is done by the state of venice , and universally . the world is coming to a fine pass when these butter-boxes presume to teach all europe civility ! 2. the considerer saith , that since the yatcht did not meet with any single ships , or vessels of the states , but run in amongst a fle●t riding at anchor , it cannot be maintained with any fundamental reasons , that the lord van ghen● by vertue of the said article was obliged to strike . — i answer , that the article doth make it fundamental to the peace ; and the admirals instructions , and the usage of england do expound the same sufficiently to the prejudice of van ghent . is this the sincerity , the bona fides , with which they observe the treaty ? our laws and customs of the admiralty know no distinction betwixt a ship or fleet found riding at anchour , or met under sail : nor do they distinguish betwixt a casual meeting , and a voluntary seeking of foreign ships , o● fleets : nor whether our ships be at anchor , and the foreigner under sail ; or both be navigating : and it is the duty of our men of war , in case they discover , or hear of any foreign ships , or fleets upon our seas , to make up to them , and to see whither they come in a peaceable or hostile manner , by demanding them to strike their sails and flags . i need not add any thing to this point , every one may sufficiently comprehend the case , but these hollanders that will not understand it . the conclusion of this paragraph doth manifest the integrity of his majesty in the penning of his declaration ; seeing that the considerer acknowledgeth , that the states general did offer to strike the flag and sail unto his ships of the navy royal , upon condition he would assist th●m in this juncture ( for that they mean by his observing the triple alliance ) and provided no construction thence should be made to prejudice them in the free use of the seas , viz. in reference to fishing , as well as sailing . it is hence evident , that his majesty did not represent the arrogance of the dutch in so hainous a manner , as he might have done without injuring them . the considerer hath done it ; and i refer it to the consideration of all english-men . thus i have exactly replied unto all that the considerer hath alledged against the declaration of his majesty , and what else he hath written in reference to the present quarrel : and i think i have made it evident to the meanest capacity , that the present war is authorized by all those circumstances which make it iust , and honourable , and necessary . i intend in a second part to address my self to my fellow-subjects ▪ as the considerer doth to his , and excite them to do no less to avert injuries , and defend their honour and the rights of his majesty ▪ than he exhorteth the dutch , to do , contrary to all right , to our detriment and dishonour : i will therein shew those that were concerned for the war against the dutch under the pretended common-wealth , that the quarrel is fundamentally the same now that it was then , and that they cannot have any tenderness for the hollanders at this time● who did so hainously complain of their oppressions and usurpations then : the hollanders are the self-same people still ; as much hollanders in europe , as they are at iapan , or ever were at amboyna : i know not why we should not demonstrate our selves all to be as true● english men ; and to convince such persons , i will print the speech of mr. st. iohns , their embassadour to the states , at the hague , during the pretended commonwealth . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61883-e370 domin . baudius de induciis belli belgici , l. 3. grotius apologet. c. 19. terris , fretis , portubus [ per indiam orient . ] hispaniarum atque lusitaniae regem ( atque ut auguramur etiam anglos ) exuere . m. schoockins de imper . ma●it . c. 21. funestiores adhuc succedent anni , nisi in partes ante omnia solicitato deo opt. max. laboraverimus anglos mari expellere , illiusque imperium asserere . frustra sumus , si per quaecunque pacta cum talibus , speremus sartam tectam fore mercaturam nostram : quam diu hi graves nostri vicini in mari dominabuntur , compedita erit mercatura . si enim una oresunda ratione mercaturae orientalis necessario transeunda , antehàc habita fuit crux mercatorum , quanta crux non futura dominans anglia , dico , tot commodis portubus , & tam validâ hoc tempore classe instructa ? id ibid. igitur ne minimus quidem apex de solennibus formulis detrahi debet , nec quicquam de jure remittendum , ne judicium vestrum metus esse videatur , & uno concesso semésque inclinatis ad assentiendum & indulgendum mentibus graviora longè , & injustiora postulentur . ubi majestatis jus agitur media via neutiquam est eligenda . princeps auriacus apud d. ba●dium de induciis . lib. 2. non ignarus , instandum famae , ac prout prima cessissent , fore universa . c. tacitus in vitâ agricolae ▪ notes for div a61883-e3060 neque verò incassum haec nominis existimatio quaeritur : h●c enim dubios firmat , benevolentiam amicorum auget , milites obsecundantes reddit , commeatuum vias explanat , pecunias minori labore acquirit ; demum plaeraque omnia in existimatione consistunt ; quae cùm perdita est , fortia ac validissima remedia , nedum debilia & invalida , vix prosunt , & inviso semel princip● , seu bene seu male facta premunt . scipio ammirat . dissertat . polit. lib. 13. discurs . 1. varenius descript. japoniae , l. 2. de religione , japon . c. 11. p. 200. edit . amstelodam . 1649. haec rejeri gisberti narratio est , cui , quoniam ea tantùm describit , quae ipso praesente gesta sunt , fidem derogare haud jure possumus . varen . ibid. p. 201. omnes libros , siquo● secum adduxerunt , tradere tenentur . — insuper exercitiis christianae religionis omninò abstinere debent praesentibus iap●●is , adeò quidem ut ne manus complicate ante cibum vel post assumptum audeant : si in hoc peccaverint , capitale est , imò navi mulctarentur . varenius ubi supra , l. 1. c. 26. p 193. & lib. 2. de relig. japon . c. 11. p 208. quamdiu apud hollandos aliquid , quod christianismum redoleat , peragetur , nihil impetrabunt , quicquid etiam petierint . id. ibid. p. 210. dissimulandam enim eis esse religionem , & pro ethnicis quoque haberi à magistrat● japonensi . id. ibid. p. 208. the p●●●●gueses refused to ●●●de there upon those terms . which are the best christians , those papists , or these protestants ? is i● not manifest that the dutch are hereby obliged to deny themselves absolutely to be christians , in case any japanner doth put suc● a question unto them ? in regno iap●nensium , ubi christiana religio interdicta est , ●●●gae qui ibi habitant , ex ●an● ▪ to ●●ci●tatis indiae orientalis ab omni externo cultu abstinere tenentur . tract . theologo-polit . c. 4. p. 6. 2. edit . 1670. hamburg . cum hollandi multis jam annis , quibus in japonià commercia exercuerunt , nunquam de propagandá christian● religione quicquam attentaverint , nec de 〈…〉 soliciti fuerint — id . ibid. pag. 209. non esse sibi conquerendum , quod hostilia ab hoste passi fuerint : esse etenim quaedam belli jura , quae ut facere , ita pati sit fas : sata exuri , dirui secta , praedas hominum pecorum que agi , misera magis quàm indigna patienti esse : id se queri , quod philippus , qui romano● alienigenas & barbaros voce● , adeò omnia , simul divina humanaque polluerit , ut priore populatione cum infernis diis , secunda cum superis bellum nefarium gesserit . livius lib. 31. sed veiens hostis assiduas magis , qua●● gravis , contumel●s saepiùs , quàm periculo animos agitabat . livius lib. 2. c. 48. livius lib. 5. scipio ammi●at . dissert . polit . l. 18. disc . 10. macchiavell . disc . in livium l. 2. c. 26. the provincial states of holland and west-friesland demonstrate this in their declaration printed at leyden in 1654. see the apology of olden barnavelt printed in english in 161● . grotius apologet. c ▪ 2. corsettus . ludovic . molina . de justit . tract . 2. disp. 112. francis. à victoria , relect. 6. de jure belli num . 25. a●●●sius de cas. conscient . l 5. c 33. sect . 17. vir justus , si forte sub rege homine etiam sacrilego militet , rectè potest illo jubent● bellare , si , quod sibi jubetur , vel non esse contra dei praeceptum certum est , vel utrum sit certum non est : 〈…〉 ut fortasse reum faciat regem iniquitas imperandi , innocentem autem militem ostendat ordo serv●●nd● s. a●gustin . contra eaustum . a. e. m●●eran . histor . belg. l. 3. carabden . hist. elizab. ad ann . 1568. cambden . hist. elizab. ad ann . 1569. a. ● . meteraen . lib. 3. ad ann . 1571. e. g●imston . history of the netherland , lib. 9. a. d. 1571. franc. ha●●●s annal. ducum braban● . ●om . 3. ad ann . 1572. a. ● . m●teran . l. 3. ad an. 157● . fr. h●●●● . ad an. 1572. cambdens history of queen elizabeth , ad an. 1572. a. e. meteren . lib. 4. ad an. 1572. a. e. met●ra● . ad an. 1575. e. grimston : lib. 10. ad an. 1575. fr. h●raeus ad an . 1●75 . cambden hist. of queen elizabeth ad an . 1575. a. e. meteran . lib. 5. ad an . 1575. e. grimston . lib. 10. ad an . 1575. a. e. meteran . lib. 5. ad an . 1576. cambden . hist. of q. eliz. ad an . 1576. a. e. meteran . lib. 7. ad an . 1577. id ibid. lib. 8. ad an . 1578. cambden ad an . 1578. cambden ad an . 1579. auraico principe belgarum gubernatore jam interfecto , multis urbbus ab hoste captis , & fran●i●o auxilio , instinct● h●stium , negato , rebusque fe●e desperatis . a e. m●●●r●n . lib. 13. ad an . 1585. vide deduct . ordin . holland . west-frisiaeq : &c. p. 228. edit . leydnes . a. d. 1554. non sine metu in posterum , quem tunc praesens necessitas averterat . glotius annal. l. 5. a e. meteran . lib. 13. ad an . 1585. e. grimston l. 12. ad an . 1585. the dutch at their return , did coyn medails of copper , in memory of this audience , and the protection which queen elizabeth afforded unto them . i received two of these from elias ashmole esq windsor herald . de●●a●a● o●d●● . h●lland . & we●● 〈…〉 der . ●dit . a. d. 1651. post 1. cap. ● . 〈…〉 i●● ca. 5. sect . 22.28 . cum 〈…〉 lustris , illa legatio ex singulis provinciis , 〈…〉 1●85 . institueretur , ut regi galliarum sum● um belgii offerretu● imporium , provinciae br●●antiae , geltriae , flandriae , zeland●ae , me●hliniae , suis delegatis , mandato suarum provinciarum , atque particulari instructione injunxerant , ut multo liberaliorem quàm à foede●at 〈…〉 constitutum e●at 〈…〉 , regi offerrent : 〈…〉 vice versa hollandia & 〈…〉 deputatis hoc mandaverant , ut 〈…〉 liberales ess●nt 〈…〉 conditioni● 〈…〉 foederatis visum 〈…〉 — geldri , zelandi●● except● religione & 〈…〉 ; omnia regi galliae 〈…〉 , quo fac●●●s pax expediri posset , 〈…〉 proceres 〈…〉 obligallent , jure 〈…〉 se non usuros esse . a. e. m●terin . lib. 13. ad an . 1585. e granston l. 12. ad an . 1555. nunquid non hollando●●● , zelandor unique 〈…〉 & prudentia , deo 〈…〉 ; vi 〈…〉 ordin . 〈…〉 . part 2. 〈…〉 , 6. 9●2 . disquisitione ; politic . hag●e com●● ▪ edit . 3. a. d. 1655. cas. 21. conceptum quidem sie erat , sed verba ●●neri data . grotius hist. belgic . l. 5. qui angliam ierant legati , flexo genu in morem ei ●s regiae , c●m priorum gratias lib●●r●liter egissent — grotius hist. l. 7. auda●iam usurpantes ant●hac formidatam , se●m●nem ita instituerent . grotius hist. l. 7. id primores angli ita interpretabantur : nihil iniquius quàm fraudare reginam credito , modò per cavillationes , modò per falsas preces , quas pala●● urbium opalentia , & ad largiriones usque sufficiens ararium refellere●t . grotius hist. l. 7. cambden ad an . 1598. monen ▪ ne romanae religionis poss●ssionem temere moverent . grotius hist. l. 3. a. e. meteran . l. ●3 ▪ ad an . 1385 cambden , ad an . 1585. franc harae●● annal . ad an . 1585 ▪ cambden ad ▪ an 1385. ideò a●chidux matthias belgii imperio admotus , cum quo inscio principe contraxerant , ut nimia principis autoritas elideretur declar . ordin . holland , part . 2. cap. 3. sect . 9. deus opt . max●●●plon subditos novà subjectione , in quam praecipites f●rebantur , exemit dec●ar . or●in holland . part 2. cap. 1. sect . 20. o●dines urbis groni●ga atque ommeland●ae , stastim post mo●te ● principis guliel●● , novissi●● defuncti , 〈…〉 ejus dignitatibus omnibus privarunt — in fris●a linea illa usque ad hod●ernum d●em seclusa permane● . ibid. part 2. cap. 6. sect . 14.16.11 . part 2. cap. 6. this is largely described by d. heinsius , in his siege of ●ois le du● . this is expressed in the declaration of the pretended commonweal●h : a●d they determined to assert the right of the fi●g , not only as an honourable salute , but as a testimony of their undoubted right and domini●n upon the neighbouring seas . these expressions argue fear in the authors : and it ought to add to the courage of the english , that besides the terrors of an evil conscie●ce , and the apprehensions of divine vengeance for their present perfi●y , and former bar●ar●ties to the murdered and ruinated english ; they are also sensible of the puissance of their enemies , now in conjunction against them . the depositions of their cruelties against his majesties sub●ects in the east-indies , guinny , and other places , are to be seen in the regis●●●s offi●e of the high 〈…〉 of almiralty ●●pt at doctors commons . obstrictio in quibusdam videtur à caeteris linerare et locus s●biectus certis pactis & conditionibus , in c●eris manet liber . et qui se subjecit in quibusdam , videt●r se se●valle in reliq●●s liberum . albe●us gentilis de jure belii , lib. 1. cap. 11. qui promittit non offendere , is subintelligit exceptionem , nisi causa superveniat ; nisi culpa accesserit ejus , cui promissio ista fit , & pactio ●oederis ; rebus sic stantibus . alber. gentilis de jure belli , lib. 3. cap. 24. grotius de jure belli , lib. 3. cap. 20 sect . 2● . zouche de jure faeciali , part 2. sect . 9. qu. an provo●ato , pacto pacis contravenire licet ? albericus gentilis ubi supra . et zouch . ibid. pactum pa●is , inquit , grotius , admittit , ut si nova causa subsit , vis bellica inferatur , quae si probabiliter afferri potest , satius est injustitiam sine perfidiâ , quàm cum perfidiâ admissam credi . vide grotium loco citato . si conditio quaedam , quâ societas coitur , socio non praestatur ; vel si e● re f●ui non liceat , cujus grati● societas ●it inita : rationem habet renunciatio societatis . et ergo videtur , quod si in uno non siat sati● societati , discedi ab omni societate possit . alber. gentil . ubi supra . grotius de jure belli , l. 3. c. 22. s. 9 zouche de jure faeciali , part 2. sect . 9. qu. an conditiones deditionis à duce concessae , à supremâ potestate praestandae sint ? 2 sam. 1● . 11 . ●il . arlanihaeus arma succica . p. 13.37 . zouch de jure faeciali . part 2. sect . 10. qu. an bellum aliquando omissa indictione movere 〈…〉 naturall jure , ubi aut vis illata arcetur , aut ab eo ipso qui deliquit poena deposcitur , nulla requiritur denunciatio . grotius de jure belli , l. 3. c. 3. sect . 6.2 . honestè & laudabiter interponitur . grot. ubi supra . appian de bell . punie . xenophon . cyri. pad . l. 2. zouch de jure faeciali part 2. sect . 10. qu. anbellum omissâ indictione mourre li●ea● ? arma suecica , pag. 55. atheri● . gentilis de jure belli . l. 2 , c. 2. m. s. comment . de ●abus admiral . fol. 28. ●●iden . mare clausum , l. 2. c. 26. domin . baudius de induciis l. 2. ab alterâ parte indictum esse sufficit . grotius de jure belli . l. ● . c. 3. sect . 7. jura violanti jus redditur , si no● praestatur . item neq , his bellum indicetur , qui jam pro hostibus habentur : ut quid enim opus indictione , per quam denunciatio hostilitatis , si hostes sumus , & habemur . quicquid demonstrandae rei additur satis demonstratrae frusta est . etiam illud dixere faeciales , non opus esse renunciare amicitiam , cùm legatis repetentibus res pluries , eae nec essent redditae . nec fu●sset aliter satisfactum . alberic . gentilis de jure belli . l. 2. c. 2. in fraternà correptione inutilis admonitio omittenda est , theologorum consensu . genes . sepulveda in apolog. pro libro de justis belli causis . m. s. commentar . de rebus admiral . f●l . 28. s●lden ma●e clau●●m . lib. 2. c. 26. adolphus brachelius , histor . nostri tempor . amstelodami 1655. in the ●5th article at breda , it was agreed that both parties should truly and firmly observe the league . and article 36. that the confederacy should be duly , and bonâ fide , observed . principum contractus omnes sunt bonae fidei — fides exuberantior requiritur in contractibus principum , ut ipse ait baldus . — non strictum hic jus , aut juris rigorem sectabimur : sub quo plerumque erratur perniciosè . non admittemus disputationes subtiliores , deque apicibus juris : quae aequi & boni ratione praetermissâ , res examinare ad vivum solent . quales isti esse debent contrahentes , tales sint : quoniam & tales creduntur . et itaque fraude● omnes absint , & exceptiones omnes subtilis juris cessent , tantumque dicatur quod principem deceat . albericus gentil . ( ex communi sententiâ j.c. ) de jure belli , l. 3. c. 14. & ib. lib. 2. c. 4. zouch . de jure faeciali , part 2. sect . 4. grotius de jure belli , l. 2. c. 16. sect . 20. summo consensu prudentjum traditur , istiusmodi jura , quae coronae annexa sunt , ita●ut ab eâ divelli nè quidem per ipsum principem queant , nec lapsu temporum , nec ullâ conventione posse praescribi , aut usucapi , quin quandoque ad pristinum statum revocari possin● . nec successores ex tali contractu obligantur . ianninus apud d. baudium de induc . belgic . l. 3. illud unum inter alia praecipuè perpendendum , foedus hollandiae , zelandiae , frisiae , ostendae , & slusae , cum suae majestatis regnis unitum proculdubio plenum magni maris dominium , & perpetuam certamque suae maiestatis subditis salutem atque prosperitatem esse allaturum . a. e. meteran . hist. belg. ad an . 1585. ioan. palatius de dominio mari● . lib. 1. c. 11. grotius de jure belli . l. 2. c. 3. sect . 15. ioan. palatius ubi suprà . iulius pacius de dominio mari● adriatici . joan ▪ palatius de domin . ma●is . lib. 2. c. 6. s●lden . mare clausum , l. 2. c. 14. id. ibid. c. 11 , & 15. id. ibid. c. 24. selden . mare clausum , l. 2. c. 15. rot. pa●i . 2 〈…〉 . ● . pa● . 2 art. 3● . in senedu●● . r●● pa●en● . ●3 . ●dw . 1. 〈…〉 . 5. selden . ma●e ela 〈…〉 2 c 25 ex rot francia , 5 ●en . 4. 29 septemb. jo. isaac pontanu● discust . histor. l. 1. c. 14. selden . l. 2. c. 11. ex parliam . 4. jac. r. 6. c. 6● . & parl. 6. ejusdem c. 86. grotius hist. belgic . l 3. a. e. m●teran . hist. belgie . ad an . 1585. cambden ad an . ind . all this appears out of several memorials , preserved in the paper office ; and some are printed with mr. selden's mare clausum in english. aristoteles negat eandem esse civi●a●em ▪ reipub. form● mu●a●â ; sicut , inquit , ha●monia non est eadem , ubi à dorico modo transitur in phrygium . zouch de jure foeciali , part . 2. sect. 1. qu. an idem populus censendus 〈…〉 mulato 〈…〉 ? ioh. pentan . discuss . histor . l. 1. c. 21. id. ibid. l. 1. c. 17. id ibid. l. 1. c. 17. selden ▪ mare clausum l. 2. c. 31. ioh. pentan . discuss . histor . l. 1. c. 21. io. loce●nius de jure ma●●●imo . l. 1. c. 9. jo. palatius de domin . maris , lib. 2 c. 10. jacob. gothof●edus de imperio maris c. 8. & 12. territoriu : dicitur de terris & de aquis . alberi● . genil . de jure be●●i l. 3 c 17. arnold . in v●●b . territorium num . 2. per hanc longissimam possessionem consecuti sunt venet● , ut non ●encantur ●itulum acquisitionis probate . covarru●ias in reg . possessor malae fidei pa● . 2. sect . 3. num . 7. & sect . 3. num . 2. haec enim praescriptio non requirit titulum sed vim habet tituli . cravet de antiq . temp . part . 4. sect . absolutis differentiis . n●mer . 9 borchol in cap. un . quae sint regal . num . 27. & dicitur inducere t●tulum . thesaur . lib. 1. quaest . 8. numer . 11. & pa●ere praescriptionem juris & de jure , contra quam non admittitur probatio . cravet . dicto loco . num . 6● . peregr . lib. 1. de jur . sise . tit . 2. num . 65. cum aliis quos ibi allogant . quoniam aequipollet veritati , & pro veritate habetur . borchol . d. loco . arnold . in verbo praescriptio num . 27. julius pacius de domin . maris . hadriat . joan. palatius de domin . maris . l. 2. c. 10. alberic●s gentilis de jure belli l. 1. c. 22. grotius de jure lelli lib. 2. c. 4. judges 11.26 . alleric . gentilis de jure bell● . l. 1. c. 22. livius lib. 34. grotius de ●ure belli l. 2. c. 4. sect . 7. cur in opprobrium vestrum jactabitur hoc proverbium , quod edicta vestra tridua●a duntaxat sint ? m. schoockius de imper. marit . c. 30. si qua gens unquam tribus hisce peccatis , superbiae , luxuriae , avaritiae , aperto capite , ela●o brachio , & plenā animi dest natione , vacavi● ; nae , nos belge longissimè eandem superavimus . quorsum exaggerem sodomae gomorrha que peccata ? clamor eorum multus est , gen. 18.20 . hoc uno forte distamus à verâ sodomâ , quod hic pauperis , & egen . is manus confirmetur . m. schoock . ib. c. 27. io palatius de domin . maris , l. 1. c. 3. seneca . teneo cum augustino , fi nec timend●m sit ne noceatur ; & certum sit noceri non posse . alb. gentil . de jure belli , l. 1. c. 19 iulius pa●●us de domin . maris hadriat . i. palat. de dom . maris , l. ● . c. 13 eleganter baldus in l. qu●dam . d. de rer divi● : a●● mare esse commune q●o●d usum ; proprietatem vero nullius ; sed jurisdicti●nem esse principi●● de ●ua jurisdictione in praesentiâ agitur non de proprietate . jul. pacius de domin . maris h●driat . io. isac . pontanus discus . hist. l. 1. c. 13. propitio ac mediis benedicente d. o , quamdiu salva erit belgis faederatis haec maris potentia , salua quoque erit respub . concidet verò & transibit in manum illius , qui eandem eripuerit & obtinuerit . m. schoockius de imper. marit . c. 28. non debet verò haec maris potentia ita intelligi , quasi vastus oceanus , in quo nulli limites definiri possunt , dominii capax sit ; sed quòd quidam armis praevalentes , aut in eo imperium affectârint , aut in mari mediterraneo , quod neutiquam cum oceano ipso componi potest , reipsâ quoque imperium illud exercuerint , magis alios prohibendo illius maris usu , quàm reipsa , possederint , id . ibid. c. 2. probatur hoc fieri posse , quia mare cum sit nullius , naturali ratione proinde jure gentium conceditur occupanti , u caetera quae communia dicuntur , l. 3. in pr. d. de acquir . rer . domin . § ferae vers . quod enim . instit de rer . divis . glo . in § & quidem . in ver . communia . instit. eod . julius pacias de dom . mar . hadriat . io. palatius de domin . maris l. 1. c. 13. selden mare claus . l. 2. c. 15. see the king of swedens reasons for continuing the war with denmark , printed at london , 165● . mss. commentar . de rebus admiral . fol. 28. selden m●re claus . l. 2. c. 26. zouche de jure faeciali , part . 2. sect . 8. qu. virum quod nau●ae , principis alterius navi bellicae vela non submittant , navis pro pradâ capi possit ? an accurate description of the united netherlands, and of the most considerable parts of germany, sweden, & denmark containing a succinct account of what is most remarkable in these countries, and necessary instructions for travellers : together with an exact relation of the entertainment of his most sacred majesty king william at the hague / written by an english gentleman. english gentleman. 1691 approx. 272 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 107 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69794 wing c631 wing e3688 estc r20438 12259162 ocm 12259162 57758 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69794) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57758) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 175:17 or 339:15) an accurate description of the united netherlands, and of the most considerable parts of germany, sweden, & denmark containing a succinct account of what is most remarkable in these countries, and necessary instructions for travellers : together with an exact relation of the entertainment of his most sacred majesty king william at the hague / written by an english gentleman. english gentleman. carr, william, 17th cent. [4], 147, [2], 40 p., [4] leaves of folded plates : ill. printed for timothy childe ..., london : 1691. "an exact relation of the entertainment of his most sacred majesty william iii ... at the hague" has special t.p. and separate paging. attributed to william carr. cf. wing. entry for a438 cancelled in wing (2nd ed.). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng william -iii, -king of england, 1650-1702. netherlands -description and travel. germany -description and travel. scandinavia -description and travel. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-06 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an accurate description of the united netherlands , and of the most considerable parts of germany , sweden , & denmark . containing a succinct account of what is most remarkable in these countries : and necessary instructions for travellers . together with an exact relation of the entertainment of his most sacred majesty king william at the hague . written by an english gentleman . london : printed for timothy childe at the white-hart in st. paul's church-yard 1691. the preface . having often observed , that relations of travels , voyages , &c. are generally very acceptable to the genius of the english nation , i judged that it might not be altogether impertinent to give a brief account of some remarkable observations made during my abode in foreign countries , especially having travelled for the space of sixteen years through holland , germany , sweden , denmark , and other considerable parts of europe . i easily foresee , that it will be soon objected , that after so great a man as sir william temple , who hath already published a full and incomparable description of the policy and government of the states of the united provinces , it would be a vain presumption to attempt any farther on that subject . however , without derogating from his honour , i have here inserted divers particular remarks , not mention'd by him , but such as travellers may make use of to very good purpose , for whose information this small essay is chiefly design'd . and it will be the more eminently useful at this time , in respect of the great number of english gentlemen , that now travel that way . wherefore i doubt not , but this will be a sufficient plea to cover me from the imputation of vanity , and to make it appear , that what i have here perform'd , is only intended for the publick service in general , and the particular assistance of those gentlemen , who shall hereafter travel through these countries . the lists of the passage boats and wagons in holland , with the hours of their going off , which i have inserted , the traveller will find extreamly useful . as for the relation of the kings voyage to holland , annexed at the end . i confess indeed , that it deserves to be written by an abler hand ; but being at that time at the hague , i was induced by curiosity , to take an exact account of this so extraordinary a solemnity , which i did at first for my own private use , but have now published it through the importunity of some friends . the prospects of the triumphal arches , pyramids , &c. are exactly copied from the original draughts taken at the hague , and are the true representations of them . a description of holland : with some necessary directions for such as intend to travel through the province of holland , germany , &c. as they that confine themselves to their own country , have not the opportunity to see and observe rarities in other parts of the world ; so , such as go into foreign places , rather wander at random , than travel , who have not the curiosity to commit to memory or writing such things they meet with , both for their own and others satisfaction , as may demonstrate the fruits of their travels . i confess , all travellers are not of alike temper ; some delight themselves in contemplation of the curiosities of arts ; some are taken with the varieties of the works of nature ; others speculate , with a kind of reverence , the decays and ruins of antiquity ; others studiously inform themselves with the transactions of modern times ; others with the government and polity ; others speculate the strange cust●●● and fashions of the places they pass through ; to be short , every one labours to entertain the reader with those objects and rarities of foreign parts his genius and inclination is most affected with . as to my self , although during the space of 16 years travel , i might have enlarged , according to the curiosity and opportunity i have had in the rehearsal of many rare and exquisite things very observable ; yet my chief aim was , to make such remarks as might most contribute to the common good of human society and civil life , in taking notice of the government and polity of the several states and dominions where i have been , viz. the united provinces , germany , denmark , sweden , and other countries , whose natural temper and disposition seemed to me most to sympathize with our english nation , and thereby have an occasion to do some good to my own country . expect not , reader , a like punctualness , as to all the forementioned places , because very many things , which i might have observed , are much agreeing , and so may be referred to what shall be spoken of the polity and government of holland , which , for reasons i shall by and by hint at , is the chief end i aimed at in this treatise . we will begin then in the first place with the commonwealth of holland , and dominions of the states general , which thô for some years were in a declining condition , and their forces exceedingly weakened , by reason of that fatal war it managed against england , france , and the bishop of munster , unto which , if we add the intestine divisions of those two factions , the prince of orange and lovestein , that politick body , was so totter'd and torn , as did threaten its utter and total ruine . but as bodies , whether natural or politick , after that a violent fit hath ●ore shaken , dissipated , and exhausted their spirits , may recover vigor , and look lively again , if so be the radical constitution and natural temper be not wholly changed and depraved ; even so this commonwealth of holland hath visibly recovered strength again , and attained its former force and lustre . we will therefore make some remarks , as to the defects and failings ( observed not only by me , but also by others ) which that famous commonwealth hath of late years been guilty of ; which i shall do not out of any malice , or design of reflection , the intention of writing this treatise being simply to insert those defaults which the wisest of authors have always judged necessary , not only for the reformation of this , but of all states whatsoever . this commonwealth of holland hath worthily been the wonder of all europe during this last age , and perhaps not to be parallell'd in the records of former times ; for if we consider how many years it was assaulted by the then most potent prince of europe , who aspired to no less than the universal empire ; and that how formidable soever he were , yet they not only maintained their pretensions , but with uninterrupted prosperity and succefsfulness adva●●ed their trade , and spread their conquests in all the four parts of the world. rome it self , though most famous and victorious , yet could not , as is be●ieved , in so short a time do what by this commonwealth hath been effected . in india and africa they soon forced the spaniard and portugueses to yield to them most of their trade and possessions : and thô england put in for a share , yet they were a long while vigorously opposed by the dutch , and to this hour have enough to do to keep what they have gotten ; so that in less than 100 years this commonwealth by their industry , and art in trading , are become so excessive rich and potent , that they began to insult , and would needs be arbitrators to their neighbouring princes and states , and encroach upon their territories and dominions . this drew upon them that fatal war before-mentioned , by which they were sorely weaken'd and brought so low , that except god by a more than ordinary providence had protected and appeared for them , they had certainly been ruinated , and never able to recover themselves again ; however , their pride hereby was much abated : and as luxury and lasciviousness are the sad effects of prosperity , as well as pride ; so such vices in a body politick and commonwealth as do corrupt the radical humours , by abating the vigour of the vital parts , do insensibly tend to the consumption and decay of the whole . that this commonwealth hath much recovered its strength , may clearly appear , if we consider what great things they have effected since the little time they have enjoyed peace : they have in less than 7 years built about 40 gallant ships of war ; they have laid out vast sums of treasure in refortifying narden , maestricht , breda , the grave , and many other places ; they have paid vast sums of money to their allies for their auxiliary troops , as also 200000 l. sterling to the king of england to enjoy their peace with him . and besides all this , their encrease in riches and power may be guessed at , by the many stately houses built within these 5 years in amsterdam , rotterdam , and other places ; to all which we may add , to what excessive height the actions of the east and west-india company are risen , and the obligations from the states are so esteemed as to security , that they can get as much mony as they please at 2 per cent. not to speak of the exceeding encrease of their subjects , occasioned by the french king's tyranny against the distressed protestants in france , alsace , and other parts of his conquests ; neither will we speak of other signs of the encrease of this commonwealth , as not judging it convenient to commit them to paper , but will now proceed to shew the method of living and travelling in the dominions and places of the states , which , if you do well consider , you may see how happy and easy the government of england is , above that of other nations . the briell in holland is the usual place where the pacquet and king's pleasure-boats bring on such as come to see the united provinces ; but of late helvoet-sluys is the place the pacquet comes to , as being the more convenient port : here be sure to furnish your self well with money . from hence you take a boat to maesland-sluys or rotterdam , which , if you go in company with others , will only cost you 5 stivers ; but if you take one for your self , will cost 25 stivers for maeseland-sluce , and a ducatoon to rotterdam : the fifth part of which goes to the states for a tax , they call passagie gelt ; and the other four parts are for the boat-men or schippers , who also out of their gains must pay a tax to the states , so that by computation you pay a fifth penny to the states for your travelling either in boats by water , or in wagons by land. as you pass by maseland-sluce you will see a very fair fishing village , to which belong near two hundred herring busses , but if you go by the way of rotterdam you sail by two old towns , called flardin and schiedam : yet let me advise you before you depart from the briell , to take a serious view of it , as being the city which in queen elizabeth's time was one of the cautionary towns pawned to england . the briell had a voice among the states , but by reason rotterdam hath got away their trade , by which having lost its former lustre , is now become a fishing town only . rotterdam is the second city for trade in holland , and by some is called , little london , as having vast traffick with england , insomuch , that many of the citizens speak good english . there are in this city two considerable churches of english and scotch : and how great a trade they drive with the king of england's subjects is evident , for in the year 1674 , at the opening of the waters , after a great frost , there departed out of rotterdam 300. sail of english , scotch , and irish ships at once with an easterly wind : and if a reason should be demanded , how it comes to pass that so many english ships should frequently come to that haven , it is easily answered , because they can ordinarily load and unload , and make returns to england from rotterdam before a ship can get clear from amsterdam and the texel : and therefore your english merchants find it cheaper , and more commodious for trade , that after their goods are arrived at rotterdam , to send their goods in boats landward into amsterdam . this city is famous , as being the place where great erasmus was born , whose statue of brass stands erected in the market-place : and although the buildings here are not so superb as those of amsterdam , leyden , or haerlem , yet the places worth the seeing , are , first , the great church , where several admirals lie stately entombed ; here you see their admiralty , east-india , and stadt-houses , together with that called , het gemeen lands huis . from rotterdam you may for five stivers have a boat to bring you to delft , but before you come thither you pass through a fair village called overschie , where the french and english youths are trained up in litterature , as to the latin and dutch tongue , book-keeping , &c. from thence in the same boat you come to delft which is famous for making of porceline to that degree , that it much resembles the china , but only it is not transparent . in delft is the great magazin of arms for the whole province of holland : their churches are very large , in one of which are tombs of the princes of orange , admiral tromp , and general morgans lady , and in the cloister over against the church , you have an inscription in a pillar of brass , shewing after what manner william the first , that famous prince of orange , was shot to death by a miscreant jesuit , with his deserved punishment . delft hath the third voice in the states of holland , and sends its deputies unto the college of the states general , and to all other colleges of the commonwealth . they have also a chamber in the east-india company , as shall be more largely spoken to , when we shall come to treat of the state of the said company . from delft you may by boat be brought to the hague for two stivers and an half ; which is accounted the fairest village in the world , both for pompous buildings , and the largeness thereof ; here the princes of orange hold their residence , as also the states general , and the council of state ; here you have the courts of justice , chancery , and other courts of law. here you see that great hall , in which many hundreds of colours are hung up in trophy , taken from the emperor , spaniard , and other potentates with whom they have waged war. their council chambers are admired by all that see them . many fair libraries they have belonging to particular men. the princes palace is a most superb building , and there are many costly gardens adjoyning to the hague , together with that to the princes house in the wood , in which house are in a large hall the most rare and costly pictures of europe ; there also are those magnificent and unparalell'd gardens of the ●●eer bentham of amesland and others . i might here speak of the splendor of his majesties court in holland , of his noble virtues and valour , of the most virtuous and beautiful princess his royal consort , but i dare not , least i should infinitely fall short of what ought to be , and which others have already done before me : and therefore leaving the hague , i shall only tell you that from thence you may for seven stivers have a boat to bring you to leyden . leyden is a fair and great city , and the university is very famous , there being continually in it 1000 students from all parts , as hungary , poland , germany , yea from the ottomans empire it self , who pretend to be grecians , besides the english , scots , and irish , who this year were numbred to be above 80. the most remarkable things here to be seen , i shall summarily set down : as the place called the bergh , formerly a castle belonging to the prince of liege in flanders : the stadt-house , the university schools , especially that of the anatomy , which excels all the anatomy schools in the world , a book of the rarities whereof you may have for six stivers ; their physick garden , and the professors closet are all ravishing in rare curiosities . but as to their colleges , they are but two , and very small , not to be compared with the smallest halls in oxford , neither have they any endowments , their maintenance being only from the charitable collections of the ministers of holland ; neither are any students to remain longer there than till they attain the degree of batchelors of art : one of the curators being demanded by me , why so rich a commonwealth as holland is , did not build and endow colleges after the manner of oxford and cambridge ; answered , they had not so many able and publick spirited men as are in england , and to deal plainly with you , said he , had we such colleges , our burghermasters and magistrates would fill them with their own and their friends sons , who by leading a lazie and idle life , would never become capable to serve the commonwealth , and therefore he judged it much better to put them to pension in burghers-houses , leaving them to the care of the professors , who are very diligent in keeping the students at their exercises , both at publick lectures , and in their private houses also , where they cause them punctually at their appointed hours to come to their examinations and lectures , besides those they have in publick . their churches are rare , so are their walks round the city , and the fortifications very pleasing to behold . here you have the river rhine running through the city , and falling into it from catwyck op zee . leyden is very famous in history for the long siege it held out against the spaniard . from hence for 12 stivers and an half you are brought to haerlem by water , being 12 english miles . harlem is famous , in that costor one of their burghers , first invented the art of printing . this costor being suspected to be a conjurer , was fain to flee from haerlem to cologne in germany , and there perfected his invention , having in haerlem only found out the way of printing on one side of the paper . the first book he ever printed is kept in the stadt-house , for those that are curious to see it . here is one of the fairest and largest churches of the seventeen provinces , in the walls whereof there remain to this day sticking , cannon bullets , shot by the spaniards during the siege thereof . in this church are three organs , as also the model of the three ships that sailed from haerlem to damiater , seizing the castle in which the earl of holland was kept a prisoner , and brought him away to holland : in the tower of this church hang two silver bells , which they also brought from thence , and now ring them every night at nine a clock . haerlem is renowned for making the finest linnen cloth , tyffinies , damasks , and silk stuffs ; also ribands and tapes : they have mills by which they can weave 40 or 50 pieces at a time ; they make the finest white thread and tapes for lace in the whole world ; their bleacheries surpass all other whatsoever , their waters whitening cloth better than any in the seventeen provinces : they have a most pleasant grove like a little wood , divided into walks , where on sundays and holy-days the citizens of amsterdam and other places come to take their pleasure . haerlem is the second city of holland , and sends in deputies unto all the colleges of the government . from hence you have a passage by boat to amsterdam for six stivers , but when you are come half way , you must step out of one boat to go into another , where you see a stately palace , where the lords , called dykgraves sit ; every one of these lords hath his apartment when he comes for the concerns of the sea-dykes and banks : here are also two large sluces , having gates to let in or out water from the haerlemmer meer . near this place about anno 1672 , a part of the sea-bank was broken by a strong north-west wind , drowning all the land betwixt amsterdam and haerlem , which cost an incredible vast sum to have it repaired . they sunk in this breach 400 small vessels fil'd with earth and stones , for a foundation to rebuild the wall upon , and by unspeakable industry and charges at last repaired the bank. i come now to speak of amsterdam , which having been the place of my abode for several years , i shall give a more large and punctual account thereof then i do of other places : it is esteemed by intelligent men , the second city in the world for trade , and not inferiour to any in wealth . certainly amsterdam is one of the beautifullest cities in the world , their buildings are large , their streets for the most part pleasantly planted with trees , and paved so neatly , as is to be found no where else in any country , save in some of the seventeen provinces . and although , as i have already said , amsterdam may justly be taken for the second or third city after london and paris , yet it hath neither court nor university as they have . and now in treating of all the excellences and virtues of amsterdam , i shall not hyperbolize or flatter ; for before i have done , you shall see , i shall also faithfully declaim against the evils , mistakes , and vices in it . amsterdam stands upon 1000 morgans of land , encompassed with a very strong wall and bastions most pleasant to behold , with a very large gracht or ditch for the defence of three parts of the city , the fourth being secured by an arm of the sea called the river y , or ( as the english men corruptly call it ) the ty. there are 13 churches in this city for those of the reformed religion ( called dutch presbyterians ) to meet and worship in , with two french , one high-dutch , and one english , all presbyterian churches , who only are allowed bells , and whose ministers are maintained by the magistrate . all these churches or congregations make up only a third part of the inhabitants of the city . the papists , who have 85 houses or chapels to meet in for their worship , make another third part , and have a long square of houses for their nuns to live in , who are not shut up in cloisters , as in papist countries they are wont to do , but may go in and out at their pleasure , yea and marry also , if they grow weary of a nunnish life . these churches of the papists have no bells allow'd them , being look'd upon as conventicles , and are many times shut up , and again opened at the scout's pleasure . the other third part of the city is made up by jews , lutherans , armenians , brownists or english independants , anabaptists , and the quakers : none of which , as was also said of the papists , have bells allowed them , but are accounted conventicles ; and all that marry amongst them must first be married by the magistrate , and then ( if they please ) among themselves in their own assemblies ; neither are any of them admitted unto any office in the government , but such only as are of the reformed or presbiterian profession . the jews , who are very considerable in the trade of this city , have two synagogues , one whereof is the largest in christendom , and as some say , in the world ; sure i am , it far exceeds those in rome , venice , and all other places where i have been . within the court-yard where their synagogue stands , they have several rooms or schools , where their children are taught hebrew , and very carefully ( to the shame of christians negligence ) brought up and instructed in the jewish principles . amsterdam , for the wise statesmen it hath produced , is said to be a second athens ; others make it the storehouse or magazine of europe , for that it hath such great store of corn , wherewith it furnishes many other nations . and secondly , for the exceeding great magazine of spices , which in ancient times the venetians brought by land , furnishing all parts of europe , but now is done by the east-india company , which not only supplies europe therewith , but many places in the indies also . thirdly , it hath inconceivable store of all manner of provisions for war , insomuch , that england and divers other nations send to amsterdam to buy arms , buff-coats , belts , match , &c. yea , here are several shop-keepers who can deliver arms for four or five thousand men , and at a cheaper rate than can be got any where else ; and this they can do by reason of their great industry in the ingrossing most of the iron works on the rhine , and other rivers , which run into holland . fourthly , amsterdam hath more store of sawed and prepared timber for shipping than can be found in any one nation in the world ; and this is the reason why her neighbor town sardam is made capable of building ships 20 per cent. cheaper than they can do in england or france : so that both france , and spain do many times buy them in holland : as lately the king of spain bought ten capital ships of the two brothers the melts merchants in this city . fifthly , amsterdam is the staple where the emperor sells his quick-silver , not only to the spaniard , to use in his mines in the indies , but for the making of cinoprium or vermillion , with which amsterdam furnisheth not only europe , but many places in the indies . the stadt house of amsterdam the stadthouse , or guild-hall of amsterdam , is deservedly admired and talked of by all the world , it is in truth a most neat and splendid pile of building , and the reader will not be displeased , i believe , if i enlarge 〈◊〉 little in its description . this noble town-house then , is built all of free-stone , according to the modern architecture of the corinthian order , adorned with statues in brass , and carving in marble by the best masters of the age. a prospect whereof see in the following figure . it is 282 foot wide , 232 foot deep , and 116 foot high , besides the tower. the foundation is laid upon 13659 piles of wood driven into the ground ; the first stone of it was laid october 28. 1648. in the middle over the cornish , and just before the tower , is a very handsome piece of carving in marble of 82 foot long , and 18 foot high , wherein the city of amsterdam is represented by a woman , on whose right hand sits the god neptune , with his trident , and two sea-goddesses bring her the fruits of the earth . on her left , two naïdes present her with laurels and palms ; and before her two tritons dance and sound their horns . on the top of this stands an image of brass , representing peace , and one on each side representing providence and justice , each figure being 12 foot high . and on the back part of the building to answer , is such another piece of carving , in marble also , shewing the grandeur and commerce of the city ; in the middle sits a woman , having on her head the hat with wings of mercury ; behind her is seen the masts and sails of a ship , and round about her lies all sorts of mathematical instruments used in sailing ; at her feet lie the two rivers y and amstel , and on each side , the inhabitants of the four parts of the world bring her their fruits . here likewise are placed three images of brass of the same bigness with the other ; that on the top is an atlas , bearing a very large globe of copper , on the right hand , one representing temperance , and on the left justice . on each of the four corners of the building , over the cornish , stand four eagles of brass supporting an imperial crown , all finely gilt. in the middle is erected a very handsom round tower , advanced about 50 foot above the rest of the building , the roof supported by pillars , and adorned with images ; in it hang a very curious chime of bells , which at certain times being played on by a person maintained for that purpose , afford a very agreeable musick . so much for the out side . and now let us enter , which you may by seven little arched doors , which let you into the porch , from whence you enter the house by two large gates , between which opening by windows , ( with bars of cast-brass ) to the street , stands the justice-hall for trial of criminals , which is adorned with many curious carvings in marble of ingenious devices , which would be too long to describe particularly . below stairs , within side , is kept the office of the bank , where the merchants write off their money , the prisons both for debtors and criminals , the guard chamber where the citizens keep the head-watch , and where the keys of the city gates are kept lockt up in a chest every night , and some other offices . from hence you ascend by a handsome broad pair of stairs , though not very light , into the burghers-hall , which is 120 foot long , 57 foot broad , and 98 foot high , in the floor whereof are inlaid in marble the two faces of the terrestrial globe , and that of the coelestial , which ingeniously shews , as in a map , the situation of the countries of the earth , and the constellations in the heavens : each of which maps is 22 foot diameter . at the end of this hall is the scheepens chamber , where are tryed all civil causes between man and man , and in the galleries ( which go round two square courts on each side the hall , for convenience of light ) are the several chambers , or offices , belonging to the government ; as the council chamber , where 〈◊〉 the common council of the city , who make laws , choose the burghermasters , and scheepens , deputies for the states , &c. the burghermasters chamber , who sit there daily to administer the government : the burghermasters withdrawing room : the scheepens extraordinary chamber : the treasury chambers , ordinary and extraordinary : the chamber of accounts : that of the commissioners for bankrupts : another for the commissioners for tryal of small causes , like our court of conscience : and one for the commissioners of the hospitals ; with two or three more belonging to the several secretaries , all which are beautified with fine paintings , and ingenious devices carved in marble over the door of each chamber ; to give a particular description of which would take up a volume , which is not agreeable to what i here pretend , these being only short remarks to put young travallers in mind of what is most worthy their observation . i shall only therefore say in general , that it is already a very noble , beautiful , and costly building , and is a sufficient intimation of the richness of the city , but should they finish it within side as they pretend , by painting the ceilings , and facing the walls with marble , &c. it would make it incomparably the finest and costliest in the world. over these chambers , in the second story , is kept a large magazine of arms , which takes up one angle of the building , and is very compleatly furnished ; the arms are all kept in presses shut up , to avoid the injury of the weather ; the rest of the house above is not used , or furnished at all . one thing i must not omit , and that is , that there are eight cisterns of water kept always full at the top of the house , which by pipes may be let down into every room , to quench any accidental fire ; and the chimneys are all lined with copper , the former stadthouse having been burnt down by accident . i shall now proceed , and speak of their alms-houses , and of the government of the poor , of their prisons , and houses of correction . this city is said to have 20000 poor every day at bed and board . the alms-houses are many , and look more like princes palaces than lodgings for poor people : first , there are houses for poor old men and women , then a large square palace for 300 widows , then there are hospitals for boys and girls , for burghers children , and for strangers children , or those called foundlings ; all these boys and girls have every sunday , and other days of worship , two doites given them by the fathers of these houses , the which the children put into the deacons bag when they gather for the poor in the churches : then there is an hospital for fools , and a bedlam : there are houses where common beggers , and gamesters , and frequenters of tap-houses are kept hard at work : there is also a house called , the rasp-house , where petty thieves , and such as flash one another with knives , such as beg with cheating devices , women with fained great bellies , men pretending to have been taken by the turks , others that pretend wreck at sea , and such as beg with a clapper , or a bell , as if they could not speak or hear , such as these are kept hard at work , rasping every day 50 pounds between two of them , or else are beaten with a bulls pissel , and if yet they rebel , and wont work , they are set in a tub , where if they do not pump , the water will swell over their heads : then there is a house where whores are kept to work , as also dis-obedient children , who live idle , and take no course to maintain themselves ; likewise women commonly drinking themselves drunk , and scolds ; all these sorts of hospitals , and alms-houses are stately buildings , richly adorned with pictures , and their lodgings very neat and clean . in some , of the boys and girls hospitals there are 1500 , in some 800 , and in some 500 in a house ; then they have houses where a man or a woman may have their diet , washing , and lodging for his life , giving a small sum of money ; these are called brouders houses . the alms children of this city are held in such veneration and respect , that a man had as good strike a burghermasters child as one of them . these children are permitted to travel in any of the treckscuts , or passage-boats , freely without money : these hospitals are governed by men and women , as are of an unspotted life , and reputed to be rich , devout , and pious : it is very observable , that the women govern their women hospitals , better than the men do theirs ; yea , it is a general observation in this country , that where the women have the direction of the purse and trade , the husband seldom prove bankrupts , it being the property of a true born holland-wife presently after marriage , to apply her self wholly to her business ; but i forbear to say any more of the dutch-housewives , for fear of displeasing our english dames , not so much addicted , at least not so generally bred up to industry ; but to return to the acts of charity of amsterdam , the which is so extraordinary , that they surpass all other cities in the world , for they are daily and hourly giving to the poor , every house in amsterdam hath a box hanging in a chain , on which is written , think on the poor , so that when any merchant sells goods , they commonly conclude no bargain , but more or less is put in the poors box ; these boxes are lockt up by the deacons , who once a quarter go round the city , and take the money out of the boxes . then twice a week there are men belonging to the hospitals that go round the city , and ring a bell at every house , to know what the master or mistriss of the house will give to the box , who generally give not less than two stivers . then every first wednesday of the month , the deacons in their turn , go round the city , from house to house , to receive what every house-keeper will give to the poor , then on the week before the sacrament is given , a minister , with an elder , goes round the city to every house where any members of the presbiterian religion live , and there ask if any differences be in the family , offering their service to reconcile them ; also to instruct and prepare such as are to receive the sacrament : at this time a minister may be seen to go into a tap-house or tavern , for which at another time he would be counted a wine-bibber , and the worst of reprobates : at this time while these ministers and elders go about the city on their visitations , the people take an occasion to give to the poor . and here i ought not to omit telling you of their great charity to the distressed french protestants , who are here in great numbers . they maintain no less than 60 french ministers , and unto many handicraft tradesmen , and makers of stuffs , and cloth , they lend sums of money , without interest , to buy working tools , and materials for their work ; but this is no other then they formerly did to the poor distressed protestants of ireland and piemont ; and their charity was not a little that they gave to geneva towards the building their fortifications ; and here give me leave to tell you , what king charles ii. said of the charity of amsterdam , when the duke of lotherdal , hearing that the prince of orange's army was not able to oppose the french from advancing so near to amsterdam , the duke jearingly said , that oranges would be very scarce in holland , after amsterdam should fall into the french hands to plunder . to which his majesty said , that he was of opinion , that god would preserve amsterdam from being destroyed , if it were only for the great charity they have for the poor , the which put the duke out of countenance ; i will say no more of their charity , only this , that they leave no stone unturned to bring monies into the poors stock ; they make the stage-players pay 80000 gilders a year to the poor ; there is not a rope-dancer , poppet-player , or any of that sort of unnecessary vermin which frequent fairs , but pay the third penny to the poor , which is carefully looked after , by placing an alms-man at the door of the booths , to see that they cheat not the poor of their share . i shall now in the next place say something of the clergy , i mean those called , the states clergy , for the states are absolutely head of their church ; and when any synod of divines meet , two of the states are always present to hear that they debate nothing relating , or reflecting on the government , or governors ; if they do , presently the states cry , ho la mij● heeren predicanten , and if their ministers meddle with any thing relating to the government in their pulpits , they send them a brief , ( which some call a pair of shooes ) to quit the city , and sometimes imprison them to boot ; but if they behave themselves quietly and well , as they ought to do , they then are respected by the people as gods upon earth : they have a form of prayer sent them how they shall pray for the states , and stadholder , nor must they meddle with any other religion in the country , because all sorts are tollerated , at least connived at by the magistrates . all those called the presbiterian ministers , or states clergy , are obliged under a forfeiture to have done preaching and praying by eleven of the clock in the forenoon on sundays , because then the scheepens go to the stadthouse , to marry the jews , papists , and lutherans , and others that may not marry after the calvinistical form ; and the reason why the states thus marry them first according to law , is to render their children legitimate , but they may marry again afterwards as they please themselves : none may marry until they have made their appearance at the stadthouse before the lords ; where , if the parties be agreed , the preachers marry the calvinists , and the scheepens marry all the rest , who differ from the religion established by law. when one dies , the friends dare not bury the corps until it hath lain three days open in the coffin , that the friends and relations of the deceased may be satisfied that the party hath not been murdered , or reported to be dead when alive ; after three days , the corps must be brought to the church before the bell ceaseth tolling , which is at two , for if you keep the body untill half three , then the church doors are lock'd , and for the first half hour must be paid 25 gilders , and for the second 50 , and so until six , then they may amerse you as much as they please . there are many rich people who make that default on purpose , that they may have solemn occasion of giving to the poor , as i knew once an english merchant did . the next thing i shall speak of , is the method which the states observe in ordering their maritime affairs , one of the greatest mysteries in their government : the states general divide their admiralty into five courts , which they call chambers . the first is rotterdam , ( which is the chamber call'd the maese , ) and hath the admirals flag . then amsterdam , which hath the vice-admiral's flag ; and zealand hath the rear-admiral's flag ; the other two chambers are those in north-holland and fricsland . each of these five chambers have their admirals , vice-admirals , and rear-admirals , apart from the states-generals flags ; so that when the states have occasion to set out a fleet of an hundred ships , more or less , every chamber knows the number they must provide for their proportion , though in regard of its opulency , amsterdam frequently helps her neighbours , and adds two , or more , ships than their share comes to . these chambers have lately built 36 men of war , and now are building of 7 more ; and all this is done without noise , every one building their proportion : and they have admirable methods in preserving their ships when built , and their magazines are in good order , every ship having an apartment to lay up all its equipage in ; and at the top of their magazines are vast cisterns , which are kept constantly full of water , having pipes into every apartment to let it down upon any accident of fire . and there is in their magazines a nursery room , where a woman keeps an office , to feed at certain hours of the day a great number of cats , which afterward hunt among the stores for mice and rats . this great magazine in amsterdam was built in the time of cromwell , in the space of 9 months and 14 days , in which time the lords of the admiralty gave the workmen drinkgelt as they call it , to incourage them to work more than at an ordinary rate . at this time , the biggest man of war the states had was the amelia , in which the famous admiral trump was kill'd ; she was a ship of no more than 56 guns , afterward made a fire-ship . but the states quickly discovered their want of great ships , and therefore built , the same year 20 men of war , from 50 to 80 guns : but the great ships built at amsterdam , had like to have proved of no use , had not the ingenious pensionary de wit found out a device to carry them over the pampus , betwixt those they call water ships . the admiralty have an excellent method in setting out their fleets , they neither press soldiers nor seamen , all go voluntary at the beating of a drum , each captain providing men and provisions for his ship , who , after they have received orders from the lords to the equipage-master to equip out their ships , and receive the provisions of war , then the states send aboard each ship a chaplain , and check-master , who take care of the provision of war , and see that the seamen have the states allowance , and wholesom food : and great care is taken by the lords , that both captains and seamen receive their pay punctually for the time they are in the states service : and for the incouraging their seamen , there is plaistred on a board , hanging by the foremast , the several rewards to such as either take or fire a flag-ship , or take or sink any other ship of the enemies : also what pensions a wounded seaman shall have , if maim'd or disabled in the states service , &c. the lords of the admiralty follow the same methods which the states-general observe , as to their land obligations , and go through this great charge by the good management of their credit ; for though it be true , that they are indebted great sums of money , yet they never want a supply , nay , moneys are often forced upon them by rich merchants , who send in their moneys , and only take the admiralties obligations , with which they afterward pay their customs , when their ships arrive , at which time the admiralty allows them interest for the time they have had their money : and this is it that makes the admiralties obligations more valued than ready money , for it saves the trouble of telling : and such is the credit of the admiralty , that when they have occasion for any goods , the people strive to furnish them , and rather take their obligations than money , because they get interest ; and all other assignments upon the admiralty are very punctually paid , and without exchequer fees ; no they are sworn officers , who are forbid to receive any monies for fees , being contented with the sallery they have of the states . and their methods used at the custom-house for loading or unloading ships are very easie , insomuch , that the women generally have the charging and discharging the ships at the custom-house , which is a great policy in the states to make trade easie for the encouragement of the merchants : and the admiralty are very grateful and generous unto their commanders ; if any of their admirals , or captains are kill'd at sea , and have done any considerable service , they then eternize their memories with lasting trophies of honour , as you may see by those stately monuments of trump , updam , de ruiter , the eversons , and others ; nor are they sparing in bestowing large gifts and pensions on the widows , and children of those as have served them faithfully and valiantly in the wars , whilst the treacherous and cowards meet with the severity they deserve ; i might here in the next place , inlarge and tell you of the excellent methods they have in building , and preserving their ships when built , but i shall refer you to that excellent peice written by the heer witsen on that subject . and shall now in the next place say something of their famous company , called the east-india company of the netherlands ; this company is said to be a commonwealth within a commonwealth , and it is true , if you consider the soveraign power and privileges they have granted them by the states general , and likewise consider their riches , and vast number of subjects , and the many territories and colonies they possess in the east-indies , they are said to have 30000 men in constant pay , and above 200 capital ships , besides sloops , ketches , and yachts . this company hath by their politick contrivances , and sedulous industry possessed themselves of many colonies formerly belonging unto the spaniards , portuguises , and divers indian princes , and as good christians have been at great charge in planting the gospel of christ in many parts there , printing in the indian language bibles , and prayer books , and catechisms , for the instruction of the indians , maintaining ministers and school-masters , to inform those that are converted to the christian faith : and now , because i have said that this company is so considerable , and as it were a common-wealth apart , i will demonstrate it to be so ; first by their power , riches , and strength in the indies , secondly , what figure they make in europe , and this very briefly , for if i should speak of every particular , as to their possessions in the indies , it would swell into many volumes , but i will only begin with them at the cape de bonne esperance , where they have built a royal fort , in which they maintain a garison of soldiers to defend their ships which come there to take in fresh water : from thence let us take a view of them in the island of java ; where they have built a fair city called battavia , and fortified it with bastions , after the mode of amsterdam . this city is the place of residence of their grand minister of state , called the general of the indies , he hath allowed him six privy counsellors in ordinary , and two extraordinary , these govern the concerns of the company throughout the indies , and they make peace and war , send their ambassadors to all parts thereof , as occasion requireth . this general hath his guards of horse and foot , and all sorts of officers and servants , as if he were a soveraign prince , the whole expence whereof is defrayed out of the companies stock . this general hath much of the direction of bantam , and other parts of the island of java : from whence let us take a view of them in their great possessions in the molucca islands , and those of banda , where they are become so formidable , that they look as if they aimed at the soveraignty of the south seas : they have also a great trade in china , and japan , from whence let us return to the islands of sumatra , and on the coast of bengale , where they have several lodges : in persia they have likewise great commerce , and are so considerable , that they wage war with that mighty monarch if he wrongs them in their trade . they also have several colonies and lodges on the coast of malabar and cormandel , and in the country of the great mogul , and king of galcanda , but principally let us behold them in the rich island of zeylon , where they are masters of the plain country , so that the emperor , or king of that island , is forced to live in the mountains , whilst this company possess the city of colomba , and other the most considerable garisons of that island : it is said , that the company hath there in their pay 3600 soldiers , and at least 300 guns planted in their forts and garisons ; in a word , they are not only masters of the cinnamon , but of all other spices except pepper , and that they would also have , had it been for their interest to ingross , but they wisely foresaw that the english would be a block in their way , therefore they contented themselves to be masters of the mace , cinnamon , cloves , and nutmegs , with which they not only serve europe , but many places in the indies ; i will say no more of them in the indies , but let us see what figure they make in europe . and first to begin with them in amsterdam , where they have two large stately palaces , one being in the old part of the city , and the other in the new ; in that of the old part of the city they keep their court , and there sits the resident committee of the company , where also they make the sales of the companies goods . there for six years the grand council , or assembly of the seventeen , do meet , and after six years are expired , the grand council of the seventeen do assemble at middelburg in zealand for two years , and then again return to amsterdam ; the other lesser chambers of delft , rotterdam , horne , and e●chuysen never having the assembly of the seventeen in their chambers , so that only amsterdam and zealand have the honour of that grand council . i will therefore crave leave to describe unto you the chamber of amsterdam , it being the most considerable of the chambers belonging to this famous company : in their house or palace , within the old city , are many large offices or apartments ; as first , on the lower floor is their parliament chamber , where the seventeen do sit ; next to this chamber are several fair chambers for the committees to sit in . they have also a chamber of audience , where they do receive princes or ambassadors , or other great men as have occasion to speak with them . in one of these chambers are the arms of several indian princes they have conquered . on the same floor is their treasury office , where their receivers sit and receive money , and pay out the orders or assignments of the company ; near to that chamber sits their grand minister , the heer peter van dam , who is said to be a second john de wit for parts , tho' not so in principle : this great minister is a man of indefatagable industry , and labours night and day in the companies service ; he reads over twice the great journal books which come from the indies , and out of them makes minutes to prepare matters of concern necessary to be considered by the grand council of seventeen , and by the inferiour committees of the company , and prepares instructions and orders to be sent to their chief ministers in the indies ; i could say many more things of his great worth and virtues , but shall forbear lest i should be judged a flatterer : over-against this great ministers office sit in a chamber many clarks , or under secretaries , who receive from this minister their orders of dispatches in the affairs of the company ; and next to this chamber is a register office , where are kept the journal books of the indies , where you may see the names of all the men and women that have ever served the company in the indies , with the time of their death , or departing the companies service : then next to that is a council chamber , where the residing chamber , or committee of the company always sits ; then assending up stairs , there sit their book-holders , who keep the accounts of all the transactions of those that buy or sell actions of the company , and over against this office sits the heer gerbrand elias , who is the second advocate of the company : on this floor are several large rooms , in which are great stores of pack'd goods , and also a room with all sorts of drugs , tea , wax , ambergreace , and musk ; and on the same floor is a chamber where the commissioners sit , who govern the pack-houses ; and next to them sit their clerks , who keep the registers of the sales of the companies goods : and on the same gallery or floor , is a chamber where are kept the several books of divinity , printed in the indian language , that are sent to the several colonies of the company : and at the end of this gallery is a magazine full of medicaments and instruments for barber chirurgeons chests , to furnish the companies ships and garisons in the indies : then assending up another pair of stairs , there are several large magazines of nutmegs , cloves , mace , and cinnamon ; and in a long gallery are many men at work sorting of spices fit for sale : then ascending up another pair of stairs there are many rooms full of spices ; then descending into the court-yard , there is guard chamber , where every night the house-keeper hath a watch , and on the other side of the gate there is a chymist ▪ who with his men prepares medicaments for the indies ; adjoyning to this court-yard is their ware-house and pack-house for pepper and gross goods ; but before i leave this house in the old part of the city , i must say something of the manner or method used in the transactions of the jews and others , who make a trade of buying and selling the actions of the company , the which is a great mystory of iniquity , and where it inricheth one man , it ruins an hundred . the jews are the chief in that trade , and are said to negotiate 17 parts of 20 in the company ; these actions are bought and sold four times a day , at 8 in the morning in the jews-street , at a 11 on the dam , at 12 and at one a clock upon the exchange , and at six in the evening on the dam , and in the colleges or clubs of the jews until 12 at midnight , where many times the crafty jews , and others have contrived to coin bad news to make the actions fall , and good news to raise them , the which craft of doing at amsterdam is not taken notice of , which is much to be wondred at , in such a wise government as amsterdam is ; for it is a certain truth , they many times spread scandalous reports touching the affairs of state , which pass amongst the ignorant for truth . i shall now in the next place say something of their palace , or magazine , in the new part of the city , the which may more properly be called an arsenal : it is a building so superb , that it looks more like a kings palace , than a magazine for merchants : i have measured the ground on which this arsenal stands , which i find to be 2000 foot , and square every way , reckoning the motes , or burgals , about it . i remember the ingenious sir joseph williamson measured the two rope-alleys , by telling the stone-figures in the wall , and found them to be 1800 foot long , the like whereof is not to be seen in the world. on the backside of this rope-alley lies a store of five hundred large anchors , besides small ones ; in this arsenal they build the ships belonging to this chamber : and here are all sorts of work-houses for the artificers that serve the company . and in a chamber next to the joyners office , is a model of a ship , they now build their ships by , which cost 6000 gilders . when a man beholds the great stores of timber , cordage , and the provisions of war in their magazine , a man would think there were enough to furnish a whole nation : in this arsenal the ships unload their goods , laid up in several apartments in the grand magazine , and afterward is removed to the house in the old part of the city , as there is occasion for sale. in the upper part of this large palace sit the sail-makers at work ; but on the lower part of this house is an apartment where the committee assemble upon occasion of business : this arsenal is not to be seen by strangers without a ticket from the bewinthebbers . now all what i have spoken of these two houses , or magazines , doth only belong unto the chamber of amsterdam . there are yet other chambers of the company , who , according to their quota , or stock in the company , have the like houses and magazines , as the chambers of zealand , delft , rotterdam , horne , and enkusen . and now i have named the six chambers , of which the company is composed , i shall say something of their constitution , which is from an octroy , or act of the states-general ; by which they have sovereign power over their servants in the indies , yea , their authority reacheth their servants in all territories of the states-generals dominions : it is death for any of the states subjects to be interlopers against this company ; nor may any , of what nation soever , that lives in any of the companies territories , as burghers or servants , return into europe without leave from the company , only those called freemen may depart without asking leave to remove : the grand councel of this company is the assembly of the seventeen , which are elected out of the several chambers before named , that is , eight from amsterdam , and four from zealand ; delft , rotterdam , horne , and enkusen , send one a piece , which makes sixteen , and the five lesser chambers by turns chose the seventeenth . in the chamber of amsterdam there are 20 bewinthebbers , or committee for management of the stock , in ordinary , who are for life , and have 1000 ducatoons a year , and spices at christmas , and their travelling charges , when they go upon the companies service . the next chamber is zealand , which hath twelve bewinthebbers , who have about 250 l. a year , and travelling charges , and spices at christmas . the next is delft , which hath seven bewinthebbers , who have only 120 l. a year , and travelling charges and spices at christmas . the other chambers of rotterdam , horne and enkusen , have seven bewinthebbers a piece , and the like salary , with travelling charges and spices at christmas , as the chamber of delft hath . these bewinthebbers are elected or chosen out of those adventurers called the high participanten of the company : they generally chuse such as are rich , and men of parts and wisdom , most of them being of the magistracy of the country . no man is capable of being elected a bewinthebber who hath not 1000 l. stock in the company . in a word , this grand council of the seventeen make laws for the governing the company , both in india and europe . it is they that appoint the days of sale , and what number of ships each chamber must send to the indies ; and likewise order the building of ships , and all other grand concerns . this company is worthily esteemed a wise , politique , deserving company , sparing no cost to get good intelligence of affairs , sending messengers and expresses over-land to the east-indies . they have their spies and correspondents in all the considerable trading parts of the world : they have been so industrious as to gain the spice trade , not only from the venetians , spaniards , portuguises , french , danes , and other european nations , but have also ingrossed all the spices ; so that , as i told you before , they sel● spices to the indians themselves : but this i must say for them , that they are a generous company , and gratefully paying respects where it is due , as lately they have complemented his royal highness the prince of orange , his present majesty of great britain , with an annual sum out of the profits of their company , to make him their friend and protector . neither are they backward in bestowing presents upon strangers that have obliged them , as i could instance in some of our own nation . they are also very charitable to the poor , giving them the thousandth gilder of all the goods they sell . and to all the reformed ministers in amsterdam they send spices at christmas , to pray every sunday for the welfare and prosperity of the company . to conclude , this company is a buckler and defence for the common-wealth upon all urgent occasions : and truly our english east-india-company might be the same to our king , if the differences between the two companies were composed ; especially now they have such a great king to protect them , and that the interlopers are destroyed . and now it is high time i should tell you the methods a stranger must take if he hath occasion to keep house in amsterdam : if a man will hire an house , he must take a lease upon seal'd paper , for which you must pay a tax to the states , and pay the broaker that makes the bargain : but before you can buy a house , you must be in a capacity to be made a burgher . to this purpose it is usual to take with you to the stadthouse your broaker , or any two securities , and there before the burghermasters take the oath of burgherschap , which is to be faithful to the city , to the magistrates and government , &c. but if you buy either land or houses , and lodge ▪ privately , you will find your case much worse ; then you must pay a legion of taxes to the mills that drain your lands , and for maintaining the banks and sluces ; and if the states have occasion to build a fortification on your lands , or to drown them in time of war , you must be contented with the states terms : and if your house or houses stand empty without tenants , yet you must pay the states taxes on that house or houses . thus much for the method how you are to be advanced to be a burgher of amsterdam , and to give you a taste what you are to pay for houses or land , if you settle there ; and if you have either purchased or hired an house , then comes an officer from the stadthouse , with a printed sealed paper , who tells you , you must pay as followeth . first , a pole-tax for every male and female servant in the house above eight years old , six gilders a year . for a coach , if you keep one , 75 gilders a year . for a coach without wheels , 50 gilders a year . for soap , as the number of the family is . the like for salt. for wine , as your quality is . to the watch , as your house is in greatness . to the lanthorns , as the largeness of the house is . for butter , every 20 pound seven stivers . for beans , half as much as you pay for the beans . for turff , every tun five stivers . for every 20 gilders in wood , six gilders . for flesh the tax often changeth . there is also a tax on the bread. then there is a tax called the 200th penny , and a tax called the 8th : then there are many taxes in trade , as that no man can weigh or measure out his own goods if sold in gross , but the states officers must do it . then the states have a tax called the verpounding on all lands and houses in their dominions . then they have a tax on seal'd paper , and a tax for registering land 〈◊〉 houses ; likewise a tax on cows , horse● calves , and on all sort of fruit. there are many other taxes i could name , as a stiver for every man that goes out or into any city after the hour of shutting the gates . also you pay for going over some bridges , and passing through gates called tolhek , a stiver for every person ; but coaches , wagons or horses pay more . these i have already named , you will say , are too many ; yet i may not forget to tell you , that milk first pays as milk ; and again if it be made butter ; yea , the buttermilk and whay pays a tax likewise , for all which a man would think that a people that stand so much upon maintaining of their liberty should mutiny , and refuse payment : but this seldom happens ; and if it doth , the states punish them very severely . i remember that in my time there was a mutiny at sardam about paying a new tax , whereupon the states sent a regiment of their souldiers , and seized the heads of the mutineers , and hanged up five or six of them at the towns end , and severely whipt eight under the gallows . and in the rich city of amsterdam , if any refuse to pay their tax , the magistrates send their officer to pull off their doors ; and if they remain long obstinate , they send and fetch away the lower windows of their house , and they dare not put up others , until they have ●●id the taxes . however , this is observable 〈◊〉 if any man will swear he is not worth 〈◊〉 he is taxed at , then he is free : but there are many so proud , that they will not let the world know their condition . i knew a merchant named ornia , who paid during the war for his 200th penny , and other taxes for his and his wives children , ( having had two rich wives ) 14000 pounds sterling . i also knew an english anabaptist merchant , who told the english envoy in my presence , that he had paid near 4000 l. sterling to the war , and yet the same man did grumble to pay his majesties consul a pityful fee or consulat-money on his ships : the reason whereof i once asked him , who answered me , that the king could not raise a penny in england without his parliament , and therefore much less could he do it in the states country . thus these phanaticks had rather make bricks without straw , than pay the least tribute to their natural prince's officer . should we in england be obliged to pay the taxes that are here imposed , there would be rebellion upon rebellion : and yet after all that is here paid , no man may bake his own bread , or grind his own corn , or brew his beer , nor dare any man keep in his house a hand-mill , although it be but to grind mustard or coffee . i remember one mrs. guyn a coffee-woman at rotterdam , had like to have been ruined for grinding her own coffee , had not sir lyonel jenkins employed his secretary doctor wyn to intreat the states on her behalf ; and it was reckoned a grand favour that she was only fined , and not banished the city , and forfeiture made of all her goods . i remember also a landlord of mine in leyden bought a live pig in the market , and innocently brought it home , and kill'd it , for which he had like to have been ruined , because he did not first send to the excisemen to excise it , and also let the visitors see that the pig was free from diseases . at another time a wine-merchant coming to give me a visit , told me that he had the rarest rhenish in the city , and that if i would send my maid to his cellar with six bottles , they should be fill'd : whereupon i sent the maid only with two bottles , and charged her to hide them under her apron ▪ but such was her misfortune , that the scouts dienaers met her , and seized her and her bottles , and carried her to prison , which cost the wine-merchant 1500 gilders ; and had it not been for the strongest sollicitations made by us , he had been ruined : so sacred are taxes here , and must so exactly be paid . and were they not here so precise , it were impossible for so small a country to subsist : and therefore you may hear the inhabitants generally say , that what they suffer is for their vaderland : hence the meanest among them are content to pay what is laid on them , for they say all what is the vaderlands is ours , the men of war are theirs , the sumptuous magazins , bridges , and every thing what is the vaderlands . and indeed in a sense it is so , for they have this to comfort them , that if it please god to visit them with poverty , they and their children have the publick purse to maintain them ; and this is one main reason why they so willingly pay their taxes as they do ; for there 's not a soul born in the states dominions that wants warm cloaths and dyet , and good lodging , if they make their case known to the magistrates . and for the vagabonds that rove up and down the streets , they are either walloons , or other strangers as pretend to have been ruined by the late wars . i shall now in the next place let you know how excellently the laws are here executed against fraud and perjury , and the intention of murders ; which laws were once much used in england , as you shall hear hereafter when i speak of the duke of brandenburgh's court. i shall here instance a few particulars that happened in my time : there was a spark that made false assignments on the admiralty , who tho' related to many of the magistrates of amsterdam , had his head cut off ; and another who was a clerk in the merchants bank , who made false posts in their books , and had his head also cut off ; and all the portions he had given with his daughters , the husbands were forced to pay back , and all his houses and goods were sold at his door in the open streets : i knew a french marquis , who swore his regiment was compleat , and when the states knew that he had not half his regiment , he likewise had his head cut off in the prison in the hague : i also knew a french pedagogue , a runagado monk , who designed to have murdered his master major cavellio , and his two pupils , young children of the majors , and afterward to set the house a fire to colour the murder , he had his head cut off and set upon a post , with his body on a wheel near the hague . i could name you two other cheaters , who were severely whipt under the gallows ; and two under farmers who designed to run away with the states money . the cheat of breaking with a full hand is not so frequent in holland as in england , ( where some use it as a way to slip out of business , and then to live conveniently afterward upon the estates of other men ) because in holland they are more severely punished when discovered than in england : as on the contrary , those that fall to decay through losses , and unavoidable accidents which they could not prevent , find a more speedy and easie way of compounding and finishing matters with their creditors if they be over-strict , than the custom or law of england doth afford , for the suing out of statutes of bankrupts in england doth prove many times so pernicious both to creditor and debtor through the tediousness of the proceedings , and the expensiveness of executing the commissions , that what by commissioners fees , treats , and other incident charges , the creditors are put to such expences as to be utterly disappointed of their debt , and the poor debtors for ever ruined and undone ; i shall therefore in this place give a short relation of the method used in amsterdam in the case of bankrupts , which perhaps may be taken notice of by our king and parliament , for the preventing disorders and sad abuses that daily happen in executing the statutes of bankrupts : the magistrates of amsterdam every year name commissioners for bankrupts , out of those that make up a judicature , like to our courts of aldermen in london ; these meet certain days in the week in a distinct chamber in the stadthouse , over whose door is cut in marble the emblem of fortune flying away with wings , and round chests turn'd upside down , with mice and rats eating the money-bags , pens , inkhorns , and paper-books . there they receive petitions from debtors and creditors , and as occasion requireth , summon the parties to appear before them , and to lay open the true state of the matter ; this done , they either by authority seize the bankrupts books and effects , or else without any stir and noise leave all remaining in the debtors houses , and send thither two committees to examine the books , and make an inventory of the estate , with power to compose the matter , without giving much trouble to the parties . if the commissioners find that the debtor is come to decay by unexpected losses , and unavoidable accidents , to which he did not at all contribute , it is their usual way to propose to the creditor such amicable and easie terms , as the poor man may be able to perform , alotting sometimes the half of the estate left to the debtor , sometimes a third part , and sometimes perswading the creditors to advance to the poor man a sum of money to help him up again in trade , upon condition that he do oblige himself to pay the creditors all he oweth them , when god shall be pleased to make him able ; but on the contrary , if the commissioners find that a trader hath dealt knavishly , and broken with a design to defraud and cheat his creditors , as if it appear that a bankrupt hath kept false books , and counterfeited bills of exchange , bills of loading , or pretended commissions from foreign parts ; in such a case they are very severe , and not only seize all the books and effects of the bankrupt , but also imprison him , and also punish him corporally ; and if the cheat be of an heinous nature , sentence him sometime to death ; whereas , if the debtor be only unfortunate , and no ways knavish , then the commissaries use all the power they have to force the creditors to accept the poor mans terms , the which is better for the creditors than to use the rigour of the law , in committing the poor man to prison , seeing in that case the creditors must maintain him in prison according to his quality , where if he lies a certain time , and the creditors be not able to prove the prisoner hath an estate , then the debtor is admitted to his oath to swear he is not worth 40 gilders , besides his wearing cloths and working tools , and then he is set at liberty ; but in the mean time let the prisoner have a care not to make a false oath , for then he is punished without mercy , an instance of which happened in my time . the states having admitted a certain jew to come and make such an oath before them , were at the same time informed by the goaler , that this jew had been seen through the chinks of the door , quilting ducats of gold , and some diamonds in his cloaths , to the value of 5000 gilders . the states hereupon admonished the jew to take heed to what he was about to swear , because the law was very strict against such as made false oaths before them , and at the same time caused the oath , and the law to be read unto him ; nevertheless the jew offered to take the oath , but the lords not suffering him to swear , because then he must die by law , caused him to be taken out into another room and searched , where they found about him the ducats and diamonds : this being told the lords , they sent for him in , and then sentenced him to have 60 lashes under the gallows , and to be banished the country ; yet , because the jew had many children , they gave the third part of what was taken about him to his wife and children , and a third to the poor , and the other third to the creditors , which was enough to pay them their debt : these commissioners are paid by the states , and have not a doit from debtors or creditors , for all what they do : these commissioners are also much to be commended for their readiness to do good offices to those poor merchants , who having lived honestly , are brought to decay by losses and crosses in their trade ; who when they find any such so poor that they can neither pay their creditors , nor maintain the charge of their families , it is their constant custom , to take their children from them , and maintain and bring them up in their hospitals ; yea , often also solliciting the burghermasters on their behalf , to bestow some small office upon them for their relief and subsistance . and here i must not omit to acquaint you , that as the compounding of matters in holland betwixt debtor and creditor , so as hath been said , is very easie and equitable , so is also their way or method of suing for debts very favorable , which is after this manner ; in the first place , a note or summons is left at the debtors house , and if he neglect to appear , a second summons is sent , but then if he neither appear himself , or send his proctor , the sheriffs order an arrest against him ; and at last , when he is brought before them , if the matter be difficult , it is referred to two or three good men of the city , and time given him ; but if the plaintiff make oath , that he apprehends the debtor hath a design to run away , then must the prisoner either give bail , or return to prison . it is a remark that i have made in my travels , that excepting france and flanders , i never saw in any prison above forty prisoners for debt at one time , and in some great towns , as in haerlem and others , sometimes not one ; and the reason hereof is plain , for you cannot lay a man in prison for an action or debt , small or great , but you must maintain the prisoner , so that many times the charges exceed the principal debt , and after all , the prisoner can free himself ; whereas the custom in england , encouraged by those varlets the pettyfoggers and catchpoles , of turning a man into a prison for a crown , or it may be for nothing at all , if he cannot find bail , he may lie and starve there , is an abominable abuse ; as also that of suborning false witnesses , which is extreamly cried out against beyond sea. and now because i am speaking of petty-foggers , give me leave to tell you a story i met with when i lived in rome , going with a roman to see some antiquities , he shewed me a chapel , dedicated to one st. evona , a lawyer of britain , who he said came to rome to intreat the pope to give the lawyers of britain a patron , to which the pope replied , that he knew of no saint but what was disposed of to other professions ; at which evona was very sad , and earnestly beg'd of the pope to think of one for them : at last , the pope proposed to st. evona , that he should go round the church of st. john de latera blindfold , and after he had said so many ave maria's , that the first saint he laid hold of should be his patron , which the good old lawyer willingly undertook ; and at the end of his ave maria's , he stopt at st. michael's altar , where he laid hold of the devil under st. michael's feet , and cry'd out , this is our saint , let him be our patron ; so being unblindfolded , and seeing what a patron he had chosen , he went to his lodgings so dejected , that in few months after he died , and coming to heavens gates , knockt hard ; whereupon st. peter asked , who it was that knockt so boldly , he replied , that he was st. evona the advocate : away , away , said st. peter , here is but one advocate in heaven , here is no room for you lawyers . o but , said st. evona , i am that honest lawyer who never took fees on both sides , or ever pleaded in a bad cause ; nor did i ever set my neighbours together by the ears , or lived by the sins of the people . well then , said st. peter , come in : this news coming down to rome , a witty poet writ upon st. evona's tomb these words ; st. evona un briton , advocat non larron , hallelujah . this story put me in mind of ben. johnson's going through a chruch in surrey , seeing poor people weeping over a grave , asked one of the women , why they wept ? o said she , we have lost our precious lawyer , justice randal , he kept us all in peace , and always was so good as to keep us from going to law , the best man that ever lived , well , said ben. johnson , i will send you an epitaph to write upon his tomb , which was , god works wonders now and than , here lies a lawyer an honest men. and truly old ben. was in the right , for in my time i have observed some gentlemen of that profession , that have not acted like st. evona , or justice randal , i will say no more of them , but wish them as great fees , and as much encouragement as the lawyers have in switzerland . i now come to speak something of the three taxes i mentioned in the former part of my remarks on taxes , of which the first ought rather to be called an useful and publick invention , like to that of the insurance office in london , then a publick tax , seeing no man needs contribute to it unless they please , and find his profit by it ; but the other may be called taxes , because the subjects are obliged to submit to them , but then they are so easie , that what the publick gets thereby , not only lessons extraordinary subsidies , which many times occasions clamour , when because of their rarity , and the urgency of occasions , they must needs be great . yet it is sufficiently compensated by the advantage and security in the estates , which private persons , who are obliged to pay it , reap thereby daily : i am confident , that if the king and parliament thought fit to introduce some , or all three of these taxes into england , the publick charge of government might be defrayed with more ease , and with less repining and clamour , than when it must be done by new and high impositions ; however , our governors are the proper judges of that . the first then is an house called the merchants bank , which is governed by divers commissioners , clerks , and book-keepers , likewise an essay-master , who judgeth of the gold and silver , that at any time is brought into the bank uncoined : the security given for preservation thereof , are the states and magistrates of amsterdam . now if you have a mind to put money into the bank , suppose 1000 l. less or more , you must go to the clerks , and ask a folio for your name , and then pay in your money at three or four per cent. according as the rate of the bank-money is high or low , or you may buy it of those called cashiers or brokers ; then get the clerks to set down in the folio what you bring in ; having done so , you may draw this sum , or sell it in what parcels you please ; but then if you let your money lie seven years in the bank , you receive no interest for the same . if you ask , where then is the advantage for the merchants ? i answer , first , you have your money ready at all times for answering bills of exchange , and making other payments : you are at no charge for bags or portage , at no loss by false tale , or bad money , in no danger of thieves , or unfaithful servants , or fire ; and above all , you have the accounts of your cash most punctually and justly kept without any trouble , or running the risk of goldsmith or cashierers breaking in your debt ; for such is their care ; that twice a year , or sometimes oftner , they shut up the bank for 14 days , and then all that have concerns therein , must bring in their accounts to the clerks , who a few days after , having viewed the books , acquaint such as have brought in wrong accounts with their mistakes , desiring them to return to their books , and rectifie their error , not telling them wherein the mistake lies : so that i have known merchants , in my time , sent back three or four times with their wrong accounts : but if they begin to grow impatient , and say that they will stand to their accounts , then they pay a mulct to the clerks upon their convincing them of their mistakes , either by charging too much upon the bank , or forgetting or omitting what was their due . i knew two merchants , who having forgot , the one 750 l. and the other 220 l. in their accounts , were honestly rectified by the clerks , so that they sustained no loss . besides this care of the clerks in keeping and stating the accounts , the bank is obliged for 5 l. a year to send to every merchant that desires it , their accounts every morning before exchange-time , of the moneys written of by them in in the bank the day before upon any merchants account , and what sums are written of by others upon their accounts : so that the merchants may compare the banks . notes with their books , and so save much of the charges of book-keeping . now if it be objected , that though this be an advantage to the merchants , yet what can the publick gain thereby , seeing the charges of paying officers , clerks , &c. must needs be very considerable ? i answer , that indeed it is a mystery to those who understand not the thing ; but if it were once known and practised , the advantage of it would appear : for among other things which might be said , the magistrates of the city take out of the merchants bank a sufficient stock of money to supply the lumbert , a bank that lends out money , and is governed by four commissioners chosen out of the magistrates , who sit in court every day in the lumbert , which is a large pile of building 300 foot long , containing several chambers and magazines under one roof ; in these several chambers the commissioners have officers sitting to lend money upon all sorts of goods , even from a pair of shooes to the richest jewel , &c. this is a great convenience for poor people ; yea , for merchants also , who some times may want money to pay a bill of exchange , and prevents the cheating , and extraordinary extortion used by the pawn-brokers in england , france , and other countries . and besides , the poor have their pawns safely and well preserved , neither are they punctually sold when the year is out , or denied under the pretext of being mislaid , as the poor are often times served by the wicked pawn-brokers . there is also another convenience in this lumbert , viz. an excellent way they have of discovering thieves , and the stolen goods ; they publish two general open sales of goods pawn'd , twice a year , that such as will may redeem their goods , and paying the interest may have them , although the time be relapsed . thus much as to the lumbert . i was once , according to my duty , to wait upon the d. of york , at the bank of merchants , where shewing his highness the way of keeping the journal-book of the bank , which is of a prodigious bigness , his highness was extreamly pleased with the contrivance of preserving it from fire ; saying , that the course they took might be of great use for the preserving patents , and the deeds of noblemens estates : this contrivance , which perhaps may be thought useful or imitable , i shall therefore describe it : it is a large fire-stone shaped like a chest , and set upright in a stone-wall , having a large brass door of a vast thickness , with flaps to fall over and cover the lock and hinges ; into this chest the book is drawn upon rolls , it being of such a bulk and weight as cannot be handed in by a man , and there it is so securely preserved , that although the house should be burnt , the book in all probability would be safe . should i here give an account of the vast sums of money that daily are written of in this bank , i might probably be thought to speak at random , but this i may boldly affirm , that it far exceeds all the banks in europe , both for riches and business , and their credit is such , that the italians , french , germans , and english have great sums in the same ; neither was ever any man refused his money in the worst of times . a second tax is what ariseth from the just and laudable establishment of a register , a tax which i think most men will be willing to submit to , except such as design to cheat and defraud their neighbours , and live by such like sins and confusion , and for the most part die with the curse of the people : this register in holland begets such assurance and safety in dealing , that in purchasing of houses or land , a child , though over-reached in the value , yet cannot be cheated as to the title . the third and last tax is that of sealed paper , as it is practised in holland . there are many other things might be spoken , as to the government of amsterdam , but i must not tire your patience . however , one considerable thing i would not pass by , touching the militia : there are in amsterdam sixty companies of foot , the least of them having 200 men , some 300 , which in a modest account , amounts at least to 15000 men , in which number neither jews nor anabaptists who carry no arms are reckoned , only they are obliged to contribute to the maintenance of the 1400 soldiers , who are kept in constant pay , as a guard for the city , and towards the night-watch or rattel-watch , who walk the streets the whole night to keep good orders , and tell us every half hour what a clock it is . there are also upon every church tower , trumpeters , who sound every half hour ; and if any fire breaks out in the city , they give a signal on which side of the city the fire is , and ring the fire-bell ; and they have excellent ways on a sudden in such sad accidents to quench fire : but i may not inlarge any longer , but hasten out of holland . though before i leave it it will not be amiss if i give the reader a list of the passage-boats , which for the convenience of those that travel that way , i have here collected , with the times of their going off , which they are punctual in observing . beginning at helvoet-sluys , where the pacquet-boat from england lies . from whence to the briell there goes a wagon every day at 8 in the morning ; the passage costs 7 stivers ; and the same from the briell to helvoet . from the briell to rotterdam , and from rotterdam to the briell , there sails a boat every day as the tide serves . from rotterdam to delft , and from delft to rotterdam , there goes a trecht-scuyt , or passage-boat , every hour , from 6 in the morning to 8 in the evening . from delft to the hague , and from the hague to delft , the boat goes every half hour . from delft , and from the hague to leyden ; in the morning at 5 , 7 , 9 , and half an hour after 10. in the afternoon at half an hour after 12 , at 21 1 / 2 , at 4 1 / 2 , and at 6 1 / 2 daily , as you are to understand all along . from leyden to delft , or to the hague at the same hours ; in the morning at 4 , 6 , 8 , and 10 1 / 2. afternoon , 12 1 / 2 , 2 1 / 2 , 4 1 / 2 , and 6 1 / 2 ; and a night-boat at 11. from leyden to haerlem ; in the morning at 3 1 / 2 , 6 1 / 2 , 9 and 11. afternoon , 12 1 / 2 , 1 1 / 2 , 2 , 4 , and 6. also a market-boat every day before noon . from haerlem to leyden ; in the morning at 6 , 8 , 10 and 12. afternoon at 1 , 2 , 4 and 6 ; and the night-boat at 11. from amsterdam to haerlem , and from haerlem to amsterdam , there goes a boat every hour , from the opening of the gates , to 8 of the clock at night . from amsterdam to leyden , at 8 at night ; and from leyden to amsterdam , 9 at night , every night ; and a market-boat at 3 in the afternoon . from amsterdam to utrecht , from the 15 of march to the 15 of september , at 7 in the morning , at 1 in the afternoon , and at 8 in the evening . from the 15 of september , to the 11 of march , at 8 in the morning , at 1 in the afternoon , and at 7 in the evening . and ▪ from utrecht to amsterdam at the same hours . from amsterdam to gouda , or tergoes , as 't is corruptly called ; from the first of april to the last of september ; in the morning at 7 , and in the evening at 8. in october , november , and march , morning and evening ▪ at 8. from gouda to amsterdam ; in the morning at 11 , and in the evening at 8. in december , january and february , no boat goes in the morning from either place , and only one at 8 in the evening . from tergoes you may go by wagon to rotterdam , or from rotterdam to tergoes , for about 12 or 14 stivers , which is a convenient passage for strangers , there being the least shifting of boats. from amsterdam to rotterdam , and from rotterdam to amsterdam ; the market-boat for carrying goods goes off at 12 at noon every day . from amsterdam to the hague , and from the hague to amsterdam , the same at 12 at noon . from amsterdam through muyden to naerden ; in the summer , from the first of april , to the last of september , morning , at 6 , 8 and 10 ; afternoon , at 2 , 4 and 6. in the winter , mornings at 7 , 9 and 11 ; afternoon , 1 , 3 and 5. this is a fortification very well worth seeing . from naerden through muyden to amsterdam ; in the summer at 5 , 7 and 9 , mornings ; and at 2 , 4 and 6 , afternoons . in the winter , mornings , 7 , 8 and 10 ; afternoons , 1 , 3 and 5. from leyden to gouda ; every day a boat goes at 11 in the fornenoon , and on saturdays at 2 in the afternoon . from gouda to leyden ; every day at 11 in the forenoon , and on thursdays at 12. from leyden through woerden to utrccht ; in the morning at 9 , afternoon at 12 1 / 2 , and evening at 9. from utrecht through woerden to leyden ; mornings at 8 and 12 , evenings at 8. from rotterdam to dort , and from dort to rotterdam ; every day a boat as the tide serves ; as also to antwerp the same . it will be unnecessary to particularize any more , these being all that englishmen have occasion for , for whom these remarks are made , though it will not be improper if i insert the order for the post-wagons , which some for expedition make use of . the order of the post-wagons which go between amsterdam and the hague . every day except sundays , from the 26 of february to the 29 of september , there goes a post-wagon at 6 in the morning . from the first of october to the sixth of november , at 7 in the morning . from the 8 of november to the 19 of january , at half an hour past 7 in the morning . from the 21 of january to the 24 of february , at 7 in the morning . in the great vacation of the courts of holland , which is all the month of august , there goes no wagon in the morning . at 12 at noon there goes a wagon every day , sundays and all , throughout the year . the passage in the post-wagon for each person is 4 g. 3 st. besides passage-gelt . and if any hire a whole wagon , they may go at what hour they please , and pay 24 g. 18 st. and passage-gelt , provided there be no more than 6 persons . and if you are set down by the way you shall be abated proportionably of the passage , but then you must give notice of it before hand , and be content to take your place after those that go quite out . and now having said so much of the states government , and of amsterdam in particular , it will not be amiss to take notice of some bad customs and practices now in vogue in holland , and leave it to the reader to judge what they may portend : there are tollerated in the city of amsterdam , amongst other abuses , at least 50 musick-houses , where lewd persons of both sexes meet and practise their villanies : there is also a place called the long-seller , a tollerated exchange , or publick meeting house for whores and rogues to rendezvous in , and make their filthy bargains . this exchange is open from six a clock in the evening until nine at night ; every whore must pay three stivers at the door for her entrance or admission . i confess the ministers preach and exclaim from the pulpit against this horrible abuse , but who they be that protect them i know not ; yet , i have heard some plead for the tolleration of these wicked meetings , upon pretext , that when the east-india fleets come home , the seamen are so mad for women , that if they had not such houses to bait in , they would force the very citizens wives and daughters ; but it is well known , that as money does countenance , so discipline might suppress that abuse . the old severe , and frugal way of living is now almost quite out of date in holland , there is very little to be seen of that sober modesty in apparel , diet , and habitations as formerly : in stead of convenient dwellings , the hollanders now build stately palaces , have their delightful gardens , and houses of pleasure , keep coaches , wagons and sleas , have very rich furniture for their horses , with trappings adorned with silver bells . i have seen the vanity of a vintners son , who had the bosses of the bit , and trapping of his horse of pure silver ; his toot-man and coach-man having silver fring'd gloves ; yea , so much is the humour of the women altered , and of their children also , that no apparel can now serve them but the best and richest that france and other countries affords ; and their sons are so much addicted to play , that many families in amsterdam are ruined by it ; not that england is less extravagant then the dutch ; who as i said before , got such great estates by their frugality , whilst they were not addicted to such prodigality and wantonness as the english are , whose excess i cannot excuse ; nevertheless , the grave and sober people of holland are very sensible of the great alteration that now is in their country , and as they say , paracelsus used to cure his patients of their disease with a full belly ; so a good burghermaster desirous to convince his amsterdammers of their dissolute kind of life , invited the 36 magistrates and their wives to a feast ; who being come , and the ladies big with expectation of some rare and extraordinary entertainment , sat down at table , where the first course was buttermilk boil'd with apples , stock-fish , butter'd turnips and carrots , lettice , sallat , and red herrings , and only small bear , without any wine ; at this the ladies startled , and began to whisper to their husbands , that they expected no such entertainment , but upon removing of the dishes and plates , they found underneath printed verses , importing , that after that manner of living they began to thrive , and had inlarged their city . the second course consisted of bocke de kooks , quarters of lamb , roasted rabbits , and a sort of pudding they call a brother ; here they had dort and english beer , with french wine , yet all this did not please the dainty dames : but upon removing away the plates another dish of poetry appeared , which acquainted them , that after that modest and sober way of living they might keep what they had got , and lay up something for their children . then comes in the third course made up of all the rarities of the season , as partridges , pheasants , and all sorts of fowl , and english pasties , with plenty of rhenish , and other sorts of wine , to moisten them ; this put the ladies in a frolick , and jolly humour , but under their plates was found the use and application in verses , telling them , that to feed after that manner was voluptuous and luxurious , and would impair their health , and waste their estates , make them neglect their trade , and so in time reduce their stately and new built flourishing city to their old fishing town again . after this was brought in a banquet of all sorts of sweat meats piled up in pyramids , and delicate fruit , with plenty of delicious wines ; and to conclude all , a set of musick and maskers , who danced with the young ladies ; but at parting , like the hand writing to belteshazzar upon the wall , every one had a printed paper of moralities put into their hand , shewing them the causes of the ruin of the roman commonwealth , according to that of the poet , nullum crimen abest , facinusque libidinis ex quo , paupertas romana perit . with an excellent advice to them , that if they did not quit the buffoonries , and apish modes of the french , and return to the simplicity , plainness and modesty of their ancestors and founders , their commonwealth could not long last ; but all the thanks the good old burghermaster had for his kind and chargeable entertainment in thus feasting his country-men , was to be floutted at , and pasquild , the sparks of amsterdam saying in all places , that the old man being now past the years of pleasure himself , would have none others to take theirs : and here i shall put a period to what i thought fit to observe of the states of the united provinces , only i will beg leave to say something to the hollander by way of advice , viz. that now they are in a prosperous condition , rich , and at ease , they would look back and remember what god in his infinite goodness and mercy did for them in the days of their greatest calamities : for my own part i cannot but admire the great providence of god in preserving them from being devoured by their many enemies they had in the last war , besides their enemies at home , some of which particulars as they then happened give me leave to relate . at the time when the french came to invade the territories of the states general , it then looked as if god had mark'd out the way for the french to march , by sending such a wonderful dry season , that the rivers of the rhine , beta , wall , and other rivers were fordable , so that the french only waded throw , and became so victorious , that in a little space of time ( what by the treasons of some , and the ignorance and cowardise of others intrusted with the militia and garisons ) the french became masters of above forty cities and garisons , at which time there was nothing to be heard of in the states dominions but confusion and misery , even in the strong and rich city of amsterdam it self , who at this time beheld the french army like a mighty torrent coming within sight of the city , and at the same time wanting water in their canals , and burghwalls to ply their sluces , and such was the scarcity of rain , that a pail of fresh water was worth six pence : thus heaven seemed to frown on them , as well as the french army , by the shutting up as it were the conduits of heaven , and yet a worse thing had like to have fallen out , for at the same time the divisions grew so high amongst the magistrates in the stadthouse , that it was putting to the question , whether or no they should not go and meet the french king with the keys of their city , to save it from fire and plunder ; now nothing , in all probability , could save this rich city from falling into the hands of the french , but an immediate hand from heaven , and it had undoubtedly come to pass , had not providence caused the french to make a stand at muyden , two hours from amsterdam , at what time the valiant roman of amsterdam , scout hasselaer , like a true father of his country , opposed the french party in the counsel , calling out to the burghers from the stadthouse , to take courage , and rather chuse to die , like old battavians , with their swords in their hands , than tamely and treacherously to yield up their city to the mercy of the french , as some of the magistrates were about to do ; this so incouraged the burghers , that with great courage they mann'd the walls , and heaven then assisting them with a sudden and plentiful rain , that they ply'd their sluces , and dround the lands round the city three or four foot high , in some places , which caus'd the victorious french army to make a quick retreat , as far as utrecht , else they had paid dear for seeing of amsterdam ; thus was amsterdam delivered by the hand of heaven . a second was , when that bloody duke of luxemburg , who gloried and thanked god that he was born without pity or remorse of conscience , took the opportunity of an exceeding hard frost , to march his army over the ice as it had been dry ground , burning in his way the three fair villages of bodygrave , swammerdam , and goudse-sluys ; acting there a more cruel tragedy , and worse , than ever did turk , for they generally save the country people for ransom , but this cruel prince caused strong guards to surround the villages , and burnt men , women , and children together : thus he began his march , with a design to burn leyden , hague , rotterdam , delft , and all the rich country of rhineland : and this he might have done in all probability , for , first , the governor of new-sluce , who commanded the post that should have stopt the french , treacherously delivered up the fort without firing a gun ; and the handful of troops then under general koningsmark were so inconsiderable , that they , joyned to the soldiers under pain and vin , the governor of new-sluce , were not able to make head as could oppose laxemburg's army ; and at the same time the prince of orange was with the states army at charleroy : now was leyden ready to meet the french with the keys of their city , and other cities too , for they had neither fortifications nor soldiers to man their walls : thus the whole country and cities of rhineland were like to fall under the cruelties and tyrany of the french , but god a second time sent these people relief from heaven , first by giving such undaunted courage to that great states-man pensionary fagel , that he forced coningsmark to rally his troops together , and to make a stand near leyden , offering himself to die at the head of them if there were occasion , but god reserved him for a further good to the commonwealth , by sending such a sudden thaw as was never seen before , for in less than ten hours , the ice so sunk , and such floods of snow came down from the highlands , that the french were fain to make a very disorderly retreat , marching up to the middle for haste , because on the banks there could not march above four men a-breast , so they were constrained to leave behind them the greatest part of the plunder they had robb'd from the innocent country people , and the nimble dutch-men , on their scates , so long as the ice would bear them , did shoot down the french like ducks diving under water , so that it cost luxemburg's army dear , though they had the pleasure to burn the poor people , of which the french afterward wickedly made their boast . the third was as wonderful as the two others ; and although i do not believe miracles , as do the papists , yet i say nothing i ever observed looked more like a miracle than this ; to wit , when the english and french fleet lay before scheveling with a design to land , and the french ready on their march to joyn with the english and other french as soon as they should land , at the same time the bishop of munster lying before groeningen , and the french before gorcom , so that now all things looked with a dreadful face for the states , yet at this very time god sent a third relief , by sending such mists , and wonderful sorts of tydes , as so separated the two fleets , that the english were forced to quit scheveling shore , and were driven on the side of the texel road ; from whence they were constrained by the season of the year to retire home : and such were the sudden and great showers of rain , that the bishop of munster was forced in disorder to raise his siege at groeningen , and the french to quit gorcom . i could add many more observations of the providences of god to these people , as the preserving the prince of orange , his present majesty of great britain , from the many treacherous designs contrived against him from his cradle ; but moses must be preserved , to go in and out before his ▪ people . certainly never young prince endured so many fatigues as did his highness in his tender years , of which i was an eye-witness ; and had his highness had the years and experience , and such a good disciplined army ( as now he hath ) in the year 1671. when the french entred the country , his highness had given them as good a welcom as he did at bergen . i will say no more of this subject , only this , that the peace at nimeguen was also a very wonderful thing , for that not above eight days before the peace was signed , most of the plenipotentiaries did believe the war would have continued another year ; first , because the king of denmark and duke of brandenburg prospered exceedingly against sweedland , and totally refused the propositions of france ; and secondly , because the french king writ such bitter letters against the states-general : yet eight days after drest a letter unto the states , in which he calls them his good friends , and old alleys , offering them not only maestricht , but every foot of ground they could lay claim to in the world ; also giving them new terms and conditions as to their privileges in france , by way of trade . neither can i forget how speedily and as strangely the french king did quit his conquered towns after the valiant prince of orange took naerden , which was the first step to the french's ruine in the states dominions . i come now , according to promise in the beginning of this book , to give the reader some remarks i made in other countries where i have been , during my sixteen years travels . to give a full account of all that might be observed in so many countries , is not a task for one man , nor a subject for so small a book ; i shall only therefore briefly take notice of some remarkable matters which may in some measure satisfie the curiosity of my country-men , who have not been in the said places , and convince , if possible , all of them , that no country that ever i was in , affords so great conveniencies for the generality of people to live in , as the kingdom of england doth . though i have twice made the grand tour of germany , hungary , italy and france , and after my return back to england , travelling a third time through holland as far as strasbourg , and so back by francfort to denmark and sueden ; yet the reader is not to expect i should follow a geographical method and order in speaking of the places i have been in ; that is to be lookt for in the map , and not in travels ; but only that i mention places as i found them on my road , according as business or curiosity led me to travel . the first considerable place i then met with , after i was out of the dominions of the states-general , was cleave , the capital city of the province so called ; a fair and lovely city standing upon the rhine , and the rivers wall and leck . this province much resembles england in rich soil , and pleasantness of its rivers . the inhabitants of the country would have me believe that they were originally descended of those saxons who made a descent into england , and conquered it ; and to convince the truth of this , they shew'd me a cloyster standing on a hill , called eltham , from which they say our eltham in kent had its name . i was made to observe also two places standing upon the rhine near emmerick , called doadford , and gronewich , which according to them , gave the names to dedford and greenwich in england : but many such analogies and similitudes of names are to be found in other places of germany , but especially in upper saxony and denmark . the greatest part of this province of cleave , and part of the dutchies of juliers and berg , and of the provinces of marke and ravensbourg , belongs to the elector of brandenbourg , the rest belonging to the duke of newbourg now elector palatine , and the elector of cologne . the inhabitants are partly roman catholicks , partly lutherans , and partly calvinists , who all live promiscuously and peaceably together both in city and country . the city of cleave is the utmost limit of the territories of the elector of brandenbourg on this side of germany ; from whence his electoral highness can travel two hundred dutch miles out-right in his own dominions , and never sleep out of his own country but one night in the territories of the bishop of osnabrug . from cleave i went to a small town called rhinberg , but a very strong fortification belonging to the elector of cologne ; which lies at two miles distance from the city of wesel , that belongs to the elector of brandenbourg . through dusseldorpe , situated on the rhine , and the residence of the duke of newbourg , i went next to cologne , a very large city , called by the romans colonia agrippina , and the french rome d'allemagne . cologne is an imperial city , and a republick , though for some things it does homage to the elector of that name , and receives an oath from him . it is much decayed within these hundred years , having been much priest-ridden ; a misfortune that hath undone many other great cities . the jesuits have had so great influence upon the magistrates , that they prevailed with them to banish all protestants , who removed to hambourg and amsterdam ; so that cologne is become so dispeopled , that the houses daily fall to ruine for want of inhabitants , and a great deal of corn and wine now grows within the walls , upon ground where houses formerly stood . i dare be bold to affirm , that there is twice the number of inhabitants in the parish of st. martins in the fields , as there is in cologne ; and yet it contains as many parish-churches , monasteries and chappels , as there are days in the year . the streets are very large , and so are the houses also , in many of which one may drive a coach or wagon into the first room from the streets : but the streets are so thin of people , that one may pass some of them and not meet ten men or women , unless it be church-men , or religious sisters . the most considerable inhabitants of the city are protestant merchants , though but few in number , and they not allowed a church neither , but at a place called woullin , a mile without the city ; the rest of the inhabitants , who are lay-men , are miserably poor . there are no less than 3000 students in cologne taught by the jesuits gratis , who have the privilege to beg in musical notes in the day-time , and take to themselves the liberty of borrowing hats and cloaks in the night . but if in the jesuits schools there be any rich burghermasters sons who have parts , they are sure to be snapt up , and adopted into the society . formerly , before the matter was otherwise adjusted in the dyet of ratubonne , there have been designs of voting protestant magistrates into the government again ; but so soon as the jesuits came to discover who of the magistrates were for that , they immediately preferred their sons or daughters , and made them canons , abbots , or canonesses , and so diverted them by interest . it 's pity to see a city so famous for traffick in former times , now brought to so great a decay , that were it not for the trade of rhenish-wine , it would be utterly forsaken , and left wholly to the church-men . the continual alarms the magistrates have had by foreign designs upon their liberty , and the jealousies fomented among themselves , as it is thought , by the agents and favourers of france , and especially the bishop of strasbourg , have , for several years , kept them in continual disquiet , and necessitated them to raise great taxes , which hath not a little contributed to the impoverishing of the people , especially the boars round about ; who , tho' the country they live in be one of the most pleasant and fertile plains of germany , yet are so wretchedly poor , that canvas cloaths , wooden shoes , and straw to sleep on in the same room with their beasts , is the greatest worldly happiness that most of them can attain unto . the elector of cologne is bishop of four great bishopricks , viz. cologne , prince of liege , munster , and heldershime . to speak of all the miracles of the three kings of cologne , and the vast number of saints , who were removed out of england and interred there , would be but tedious , and perhaps incredible , to the reader , as well as wide of my design : i shall therefore proceed . from cologne i took water on the rhine , and advanced to the city of bon , and so forward to coblentz , the residence of the elector of trier : over-against this city , on the other side of the rhine , stands that impregnable fort called herminshine , built on a high rocky hill , as high again as windsor-castle ; and on the north-side of it , the river moselle falls into the rhine , over which there is a stately stone-bridge . this prince governs his subjects as the other spiritual electors do , that is , both by temporal and spiritual authority , which in that country is pretty absolute . the chief trade of this country is in wine , corn , wood and iron . the next country i came to was that of the elector of mayence or mentz , who is likewise both a secular and ecclesiastical prince , and governs his subjects accordingly . he is reckoned to be wholly for the interests of the french king ; who , notwithstanding of that , pretends a title to the cittadel of mayence . as i was upon my journey to mayence by land , i made a turn down the rhine to visit the famous little city of backrack , and some towns belonging to the landtgrave of hesse , but especially backrack , because travellers say , it much resembles jerusalem in its situation and manner of buildings . the burghermaster of this city told me , that the whole country about backrack does not yield above 200 fouders of wine a year ; and yet the merchants of dort , by an art of multiplication , which they have used some years , furnish england with several thousand of fouders . here i shall take the liberty to relate a strange story , which , i found recorded in this country , tho' i know it to be mentioned in history : there was a certain cruel and inhuman bishop of mayence , who , in a year of great scarcity and famine , when a great number of poor people came to his gates begging for bread , caused the poor wretches , men , women , and children , to be put into a barn , under pretext of relieving their necessities , but so soon as they were got in , caused the barn doors to be shut , fire set to it , and so burnt them all alive : and whil'st the poor wretches cried and shrieked out for horror and pain , the barbarous miscreant said to those that were about him , hark , how the rats and mice do cry . but the just judgment of god suffered not the fact to pass unpunished ; for not long after the cruel bishop was so haunted with rats and mice , that all the guards he kept about him could not secure him from them , neither at table nor in bed ; at length he resolved to flee for safety into a tower that stood in the middle of the rhine ; but the rats pursued him ▪ got into his chamber , and devoured him alive ; so that the justice of the almighty made him a prey to vermin , who had inhumanly reckoned his fellow-christians to be such . the tower , which i saw , to this day is call'd the rats-tower , and the story is upon record in the city of mayence . on my journey from thence i came to the little village of hockom , not far distant , famous for our hockomore-wine , of which , though the place does not produce above 150 fouders a year , yet the ingenious hollanders of dort make some thousand fouders of it go off in england and the indies . from hockom i proceeded to francfort , a pleasant city upon the river of maine , called formerly teutoburgum and helenop●lis , and since francfort , because here the franconians , who came out of the province of franconia , foarded over , when they went upon their expedition into gallia , which they conquered , and named it france : and i thought it might very well deserve the name of petty-london , because of its privileges , and the humour of the citizens . it is a hansiatick and imperial town , and commonwealth , the magistrates being lutherans , which is the publick established religion ; though the cathedral church belongs to the roman catholicks , who also have several monasteries there . the city is populous , and frequented by all sorts of merchants , from most parts of europe , and part of asia also , because of the two great fairs that are yearly kept there : many jews live in this city , and the richest merchants are calvinists , who are not suffered to have a church in the town , but half an hours journey out of it , at a place called bucknam , where i have told seventy four coaches at a time , all belonging to merchants of the city . it was in ancient times much enrich'd by charlemain , and hath been since by the constitution of the golden-bull : amongst other honours and privileges , it 's appointed to be the place of the emperor's election , where many of the ornaments , belonging to that august ceremony , are to be seen . it is strongly fortified , having a stately stone-bridge over the mayne , that joyns it to saxe-housen , the quarter of the great master of the teutonick-order . the government is easie to the people , they not being taxed as other cities are ; and had it not been for the alarms the french gave them , during the last war , they had not been much troubled , but being forced to keep 3 or 4000 men in constant pay to defend their fortifications , the magistrates were constrained to raise money by a tax . besides that of the emperor , they are under the protection of some neighbouring princes , as of the landtgrave of hesse-cassel , landtgrave of armstadt , the count of solmes , and the count of hanau , who are either lutherans or calvinists , amongst whom the late elector palatine was also one ; but whether the present , who is a roman catholick , be so or not , i cannot tell . this city takes great care of their poor , and in their charity to poor travellers exceed holland : i have seen a list of seven thousand whom they relieved in one year . their great hospital is a large court or palace , where the english merchants formerly lived , in the time of queen mary's persecution of the protestants , who , when they were recalled by queen elizabeth , were so generous as to give the whole court , with all their pack-houses and lands to the poor of the city . it was my fortune to be there in that cold winter in the year 1683 , and saw a ceremony performed by the wine-coopers of the city , who are obliged by law , that when ever the maine lies fast frozen over for 8 days together , to make a great fouder fat , hoops and staves , and set it up compleat upon the ice . it was very good diversion to see so many hands at work , and to observe the jollity and mirth of the many thousands of spectators , who wanted not plenty of rhenish wine to carouse in . i had the curiosity afterward to go to the court of the landtgrave of armestadt , a lutheran prince , who lives in part of the richest soil in germany . his highness is a very courteous and obliging prince to strangers , and his subjects are in a pretty good condition again , though they have been great sufferers by the last war between the landtgrave of hesse and this family . from thence i went to heidleberg , a city i had been formerly in , in the life time of that wise , though unfortunate prince elector , elder brother to prince rupert . here i had the honour to pay my dutiful respects to the elector , the son of that great prince , whose commissary i had the honour to be for two years together in amsterdam . this prince , since my being there , is dead , and left behind him the reputation of having been a zealous thorough paced calvinist , and so constant a frequenter of the church , that some sundays he went thrice a day to sermon ; but never failed , if in health , to be once a day at least at the garison church , where he took particular notice of such officers as were absent . he was married to a most virtuous lady , the royal sister of the king of denmark , and his brother prince george . during his life time the university of heidleberg flourished exceedingly , so that the number of students was so great , that chambers and lodgings in the city were scarce , and spanhemius was about quitting leyden to return to his professors place in heidleberg ; but how matters stand since his death , i am as yet ignorant . this country is called , the paradise of germany , for its fruitfulness in wine , corn , and all sorts of fruit. i my self have seen growing in one plain , at the same time , vines , corn , chestnuts , almonds , dates , figs , cherries , besides several other sorts of fruit. and as the country is fertile in yielding the fruits of the earth , so the people are careful in providing store room for them . this i take notice of , because of the prodigious rhenish wine fat 's which are to be seen there , amongst which there are seven , the least whereof holds the quantity of 250 barils of beer , as i calculated ; but the large and most celebrated fat is that which goes by the name of the great tun of heidleberg , and holds 204 * fouders of wine , and cost 705 l. sterling in building , for which one may have a very good house built . this fat i have seen twice , and the first time was , when the elector treated the french ambassadors that came to conclude the match betwixt his daughter , and monsieur the french kings brother , who married her after the death of henrietta his first wife ; at which treat there happened an adventure , that i shall here please the reader with . in a gallery that is over this fat , the elector caused a table to be placed in the middle , exactly above the bunghole of this monstrous vessel , and to be covered with a costly banquet of all sorts of sweat-meats : the day before , all the wine being emptied out of this tun into other fat 's , a little before the ambassadors , with other foreign ministers and persons of quality mounted the stairs to come to the place of entertainment , the elector caused twelve drummers , with as many trumpeters , some kettle-drums , and other musick , to be lodged in the belly of the tun , with orders to strike up , upon a signal given , when the elector drank the french kings health . all being sat down at table , and merrily feeding , the elector drank the health , and the signal was given ; whereupon the musick began to play its part , with such a roaring and uncouth noise out of that vast cavity below , that the french and other persons of quality who were unacquainted with the design , looking upon it to be an infernal and ominous sound , in great astonishment began to cry out , jesu maria , the worlds at an end , and to shift every one for himself in so great disorder and confusion , that for haste to be gone they tumbled down stairs one over another . all that the elector could say to compose them , was either not heard , or not valued , nor could any thing satisfie and reassure them , till they saw the actors come marching out of their den. had not many persons of quality and travellers seen this fat as well as my self , who know that what i say of its incredible bigness to be true , i should be afraid the reader might think i imposed upon his credulity . from heidleberg i went to see that impregnable fort or cittadel of manheim allas fredericksberg , built by the elector frederick , brother to prince rupert , a prince of as good a head as any germany afforded ; who though some have too partially judged of him by his misfortunes , yet by the wisest of the age was accounted the cato of germany . the wisest and best men of the world have been unfortunate , which makes some to be of the opinion , that god in his wisdom thinks fit it should be so , lest otherwise they might attribute their prosperity rather to the wise direction of their own conduct , than his all-seeing providence : and indeed , daily experience seems to evince the truth of this , since we see knaves and fools advanced to preferment and riches , when men of virtue and parts die neglected , and poor in the eyes of the world , though rich in the enjoyment of a contented mind . but this is a digression which the honour i have for the memory of that great man hath led me into , and therefore i hope will be pardoned by the reader . in the cittadel of manheim i saw some of the records of that illustrious family , which without dispute is the most ancient of all the secular electors , being elder to that of bavaria , which sprung from one and the same stock ; to wit , two emperors of germany . many writers derive them originally from charlemain , by the line of pepin king of france . there have been several emperors of that race , one king of denmark , and four kings of sueden , one of which was king of norway also , besides many great generals of armies in germany , hungary , france , and other countrys . since i can remember there were five protestant princes heirs to that electoral dignity alive ; which now by their death is fallen to the duke of newbourg , the present prince elector palatine , a roman catholick , whose daughter is empress of germany , and another of his daughters married to the king of portugal , a third to the king of spain , and a fourth to prince james of poland . being so near strasbourg , i had the curiosity to go see what figure that famous city now made , since it had changed its master ; for i had been thrice there before , when it flourished under the emperors protection , with the liberty of a hansiatick town : and indeed , i found it so disfigured , that had it not been for the stately cathedral church , and fair streets , and buildings , i could scarcely have known it . in the streets and exchange , which formerly were thronged with sober , rich , and peaceable merchants , you meet with none hardly now but men in buff-coats and scarffs , with rabbles of soldiers their attendants . the churches i confess are gayer , but not so much frequented by the inhabitants as heretofore , seeing the lutherans are thrust into the meanest churches , and most of the chief merchants , both lutherans and calvinists , removed to holland and hambourg . within a few years , i beleive it will be just such another city for trade and riches as brisac is . it was formerly a rich city , and well stockt with merchants and wealthy inhabitants , who lived under a gentle and easie government ; but now the magistrates have little else to do in the government , but only to take their rules and measures from a cittadel and great guns , which are edicts that merchants least understand . i confess , strasbourg is the less to be pittied that it so tamely became a slave , and put on its chains without any strugling . those magistrates who were instruments in it , are now sensible of their own folly , and bite their nails for anger , finding themselves no better , but rather worse hated than the other magistrates , who did what they could to hinder the reception of their new masters the french. i quickly grew weary of being here , meeting with nothing but complaints of poverty , and paying exorbitant taxes . i therefore soon returned to my petty-london , francfort , and from thence went to cassel , the chief residence of the landtgrave of hesse . this prince is a calvinist , as most of his subjects are , very grave and zealous in his religion : he married a princess of courland , by whom he hath an hopeful issue ; to wit , three sons , and two daughters . king charles ii. was god-father to one of his sons , 〈◊〉 was christened by the name of charles ; captain william legg , brother to the lord dartmouth , representing his majesty as his envoy . the court of this prince does indeed resemble a well-governed college , or religious cloister , in regard of its modesty and regularity in all things , and especially in the hours of devotion . he is rich in money , and entertains about nine thousand men in constant pay , under the command of count vanderlip , a brave and expert soldier , his lieutenant general , but can bring many more upon occasion into field . this family hath been very happy both in its progeny and alliances , many wise princes of both sexes having sprung from it ; and the mother of this present landtgrave may be reckoned amongst the illustrious women of the present and past ages . after the death of william v. landtgrave of hesse her husband , she not only supported , but advanced the war wherein he was engaged , did many signal actions , enlarged her territories , and at the conclusion of the peace , kept under her pay 56 cornets of horse in five regiments , 166 companies of foot , besides 13 companies of dragoons , and 14 independent companies , in all 249 companies of horse and foot : she was a princess extreamly obliging to strangers , especially virtuous and learned divines . i had the honour a good many years ago to kiss her highnesses hand , at which time she was mighty zealous in promoting an accommodation amongst different religions , as the roman catholick , lutheran and calvinist , but especially betwixt the two latter ; and therefore entertained doctor duris , at her court in cassels , who wrote several pieces upon that subject of reconciliation , and with some of his friends had a conference with a learned priest , that came from rome to forward the project ; whereupon the doctor published his book of the harmony of consent , which is highly esteemed in germany . from this princes court i directed my journey to hanouer , taking lambspring in my way , a place where there is a convent of english monks ; and there i met with a very aged , worthy , and harmless gentleman , sir thomas gascoigne , a person of seeming great integrity and piety ; the lord abbot and several of the monks i had seen there formerly . this monastery is very obliging to all strangers that travel that way , as well as to their own country-men , and is highly respected by the neighbouring princes of all perswasions , as the princes of the house of lunenburg , the landtgrave of hesse , and elector of cologne , who as bishop of hildersheim is their ordinary . the town of lambspring is lutheran , though under the government of the lord abbot and his chapter , who constantly chuse lutheran magistrates and officers for the civil administration , and live together in that love and unity , that as yet there hath never the least debate happened amongst them ; and indeed , this harmony is now to be observed in most parts of germany , where different religions are professed . when i considered so many goodly faces , both of monks and students in that abbey , i could not forbear to make a serious reflection on the number of the english whom i had seen in the colleges and cloisters abroad , as at rome , ratisbonne , wirtzburg in lorrain , at liege , louvain , brussels , dunkirk , ghent , paris , and other places , besides the nunneries ; and withall , on the loss that both king and kingdom suffered thereby , when so many of our natives , both men and women should be constrained to spend their own estates , and the benevolence of others in a strange land , which amounts to more money than at first one may imagine ; and this thought , i confess , made me wish it were otherwise . i would not have the reader to mistake me here , as if i espoused , or pleaded for any particular party ; no , i plead only for the sentiments of humanity , without which our nature degenerates into that of brutes , and for the love that every honest man ought to have for his country . i am as much a friend to the spanish inquisition , as to the persecuting of tender conscienced protestants , provided there be no more but conscience in the case : and i could heartily wish that papists and protestants could live as lovingly together in england , as they do in holland , germany , and other countries ; for give me leave to say it , i love not that religion , which in stead of exalting , destroys the principles of morality and human society . i have met with honest men of all perswasions , even turks and jews , who in their lives and manners have far exceeded many of our enthusiastick professors at home ; and when ever this happened , i could not forbear to love the men without embracing their religion , for which they themselves are to account to their great master and judge . in my progress towards hanouer i touched at hildersheim , a city whose magistrates are lutheran , though roman catholicks have the cathedral church , and several monasteries there . the court of hanouer makes another kind of figure than that of cassels , it being the court of a great prince , who is bishop of osnaburg , duke of brunswick , lunenburg , hanouer , &c. here i had the honour to kiss the hands of the princess royal sophia , youngest sister to the late prince rupert . her highness has the character of the merry debonnaire princess of germany , a lady of extraordinary virtue and accomplishments , and mistress of the italian , french , high and low dutch , and english languages , which she speaks to perfection . her husband has the title of the gentleman of germany , a graceful and comely prince both a foot , and on horseback , civil to strangers beyond compare , infinitely kind and beneficent to people in distress , and known in the world for a valiant and experienced soldier . i had the honour to 〈◊〉 his troops , which , without controv●●●●● are as good men , and commanded by as expert officers as any are in europe : amongst his officers i found brave steel-hand gordon , colonel of an excellent regiment of horse , grimes , hamilton , talbot , and others of our kings subjects . god hath blest the prince with a numerous off-spring , having six sons , all gallant princes ; of whom the two eldest signalized themselves so bravely at the raising of the siege of vienna , that as undoubted proof of their valour , they brought three turks home to this court prisoners . his eldest son is married to a most beautiful princess , sole heiress of the duke of lunenburg and zell's elder brother ; as the lovely princess his daughter is married to the duke of brandenburg . he is a gracious prince to his people , and keeps a very splendid court , having in his stables for the use of himself and children , no less than fifty two sets of coach-horses : he himself is a lutheran , but as his subjects are christians of different perswasions , and some of them jews too , so both in his court and army he entertains gentlemen of various opinions and countries , as italian abbots , and gentlemen that serve him , and many calvinist french officers : neither is he so bigotted in his religion , but that he and his children go many times to church with the princess , who is a calvinist , and join with her in her devotion . his country is good , having gold and silver mines in it , and his subjects live well under him ; as do those also of his brother the duke of lunenburg , and their cozen the duke of wolfembuttel , which are the three princes of the house of lunenbourg ; of whom it may be said , that they have always stuck honestly to the right side , and befriended the interests of the empire ; so that no by-respect , neither honour nor profit , could ever prevail with them , as it has with others , to make them abandon the publick concern . from this princes court i went to zell , the residence of the duke the elder brother of the family . this prince is called the mighty nimrod , because of the great delight he takes in horses , dogs , and hunting . he did me the honour to let me see his stables , wherein he keeps 370 horses , most of them english , or of english breed . his dogs , which are also english , are so many , that with great care they are quartered in several apartments according to their kind and qualities , there being a large office like a brewhouse employed for boyling of malt and corn for them . it is this valiant prince who took trieves from the french , and made the mareschal de crequi prisoner : he is extreamly obliging to strangers , and hath several brave scotish officers under his pay , as major-general erskin , graham , coleman , hamilton , melvin , and others . his lieutenant-general is one chavot a protestant of alsatia , an excellent and experienced commander . i shall add no more concerning this prince , his officers , or country ; but that he , with the other two princes of the house of lunenbourg , hanouer , and wolfembuttel , can upon occasion bring into the field 36000 soldiers , whom they keep in constant pay , and such men as i never saw better in my life . after some stay at the court of the duke of zell , i went to hambourg , a famous hansiatick town . it is a republick , and city of great trade , occasioned partly by the english company of merchant adventurers , but much more by the dutch protestants , who in the time of the duke of alba forsook the low-countries and settled here , and the protestants also who were turned out of cologne , and other places in germany ; who nevertheless are not now allowed publick churches within the city , but at a place called altena , a village belonging to the king of denmark , a quarter of an hours walk distant from hambourg . this commonwealth is lutheran , and governed by 4 burghermasters , 24 radts-heers , and a common-council of all the burghers who have above 40 shillings per annum freehold . the symbol or motto under their arms , is , da pacem domine in diebus nostris ; and in their standards are these letters s. p. q. h. the people here groan under heavy taxes and impositions ; the state , because of continual alarms they have from the king of denmark , or other neighbours ; and the intestine broils that frequently happen here , as well as at col●gne , where the burghermasters are often in danger of their lives from the mutinous mobile ; being forced to maintain 6 or 7000 men in pay , besides 2 or 3 men of war to guard their havens from pirats . i shall not name all the ways of imposing taxes which this commonwealth uses , because in most they imitate the methods of the states-general as to that , which have been mentioned before : i shall only take notice of some peculiar customs they have , wherein they differ from holland . when a barber , shoemaker , or any other artizan dies , leaving a widow and children , another of the same trade is not admitted to set up for himself as a master , unless he compound with the widow for a piece of money , or else marry her , or a daughter of hers with her consent . if any man cause another to be arrested for debt , or upon any other suit , the plaintiff must go along with the officer who arrests the party , and stay by him until the prisoner be examined by the sheriff ; so that if the sheriff be not to be spoken with that night , the plaintiff must tarry with the prisoner all night , until the sheriff examin the matter , and see cause of discharging or committing the party ; but this a plaintiff may do by a procuration notarial . if a prisoner be committed for debt , the plaintiff must maintain him in prison according to his quality ; and if the party lie in prison during the space of 6 years , at the expiration of that time the prisoner is discharged ; and if during the time of his imprisonment the plaintiff do not punctually pay the prisoner's allowance at the months end , the prisoner is set at liberty , and nevertheless the plaintiff must pay the gaoler the last month's allowance . this state is severe in the execution of justice against thieves , murderers , and cheats . there is no pardon to be expected for murder , and a burghermaster himself , if guilty , cannot escape . the punishment for murder is here as in sweden , breaking malefactors on the wheel , pinching their breasts and arms with hot pincers , spitting them in at the fundament , and out at the shoulder : they have also cruel ways of torturing to make prisoners confess ; and are very careful not to be cheated in their publick revenue , their excise-men and collectors being punished as in holland . they take a very good course not to be cheated in their excise , for all the mills of the country are in the hands of the state ; so that no baker nor brewer can grind his own corn , but must have it ground at the states mills , where they pay the excise . there is a general tax upon all houses , and that is the eighth penny , which nevertheless does not excuse them from chimney-money . the states here , as at genoua in italy , are the publick vintners , of whom all people must buy their wine , which they buy from the merchant , or otherwise import it in their own ships . in their ceremonies of burying and christening , they are ridiculously prodigal ; as for instance : if one invite a burghermaster , he must give him a ducat in gold ; if a radts-heer , that is , an alderman , a rixdollar ; to every preacher , doctor of physick , advocate or secretary , half a rixdollar ; and to every schoolmaster , the third part of a rixdollar . the women are the inviters to burials , weddings , and christenings , who wear an antick kind of a dress , having mitred caps as high again as the mitre of a bishop . the churches here are rich in revenues and ornaments , as images and stately organs , wherein they much delight . they are great lovers of musick , insomuch that i have told 75 masters of several sorts of musick in one church , besides those who were in the organ-gallery . their organs are extraordinary large : i measured the great pipes in the organs of st. catherine's and st. james's churches , and found them to be 3 foot and 3 quarters in circumference , and 32 foot long ; in each of which organs there are two pipes 5 foot and 8 inches round . the wealth and trade of this city encreases daily ; they send one year with another 70 ships to greenland , and have wonderfully engrossed that trade from england and holland , and it 's believed , that small and great there are belonging to this commonwealth five thousand sail of ships . after amsterdam , genoua and venice , their bank is reckoned the chief in credit ; but in trade they are accounted the third in europe , and come next to london and amsterdam . hambourg is now become the magazine of germany , and of the baltick and northern seas . they give great privileges to the jews , and to all strangers whatsoever , especially the english company of merchant adventurers , whom they allow a large building , where they have a church , and where the deputy-governour , secretary , minister , and the other officers of the company live , to whom they yearly make presents of wine , beer , sheep , salmond and sturgeon in their seasons . and so much of hambourg . from hambourg i went to lubeck , which is also a commonwealth and imperial town . it is a large well-built city , containing ten parish-churches ; the cathedral dedicated to st. peter being in length 500 foot , with two high spires all covered with brass , as the rest of the churches of that city are . in former times this city was the place where the deputies of all the hansiatick towns assembled , and was once so powerful as to make war against denmark and sweden , and to conquer several places and islands belonging to those two crowns , nay and to lend ships to england and other potentates , without any prejudice to their own trade , wherein they vyed in all parts with their neighbours ; but it is now exceedingly run into decay , not only in territories , but in wealth and trade also . and the reason of that was chiefly the inconsiderate zeal of their lutheran ministers , who perswaded the magistrates to banish all roman catholicks , calvinists , jews , and all that dissented from them in matter of religion , even the english company too , who all went and setled in hambourg , to the great advantage of that city , and almost ruine of lubeck , which hath not now above 200 ships belonging to it , nor more territories to the state than the city it self , and a small part called termond , about eight miles distant from it . the rest of their territories are now in the possession of the danes and swedes , by whom the burghers are so continually alarmed , that they are quite tired out with keeping guard , and paying of taxes . the city is indeed well fortified ; but the government not being able to maintain above 1500 soldiers in pay , 400 burghers in two companies are obliged to watch every day . they have a large well-built stadthouse , and an exchange covered , on the top whereof the globes of the world are painted . this exchange is about 50 yards in the length , and but 15 in breadth : over it there is a room where the skins of five lyons which the burghers killed at the city-gates in the year 1252. are kept stuft . the great market-place is very large , where a monumental-stone is to be seen , on which one of their burghermasters was beheaded for running away without fighting in a sea-engagement . the people here spend much time in their churches at devotion , which consists chiefly in singing . the women are beautiful , but disfigured with a kind of antick dress , they wearing cloaks like men. it is cheap living in this town : for one may hire a palace for a matter of 20 l. a year , and have provisions at very reasonable rates ; besides the air and water is very good , the city being supplied with fountains of excellent fresh water , which hambourg wants ; and good ground for celleridge , there being cellars here 40 or 50 foot deep . i had the curiosity to go from lubeck to see the ancient city of magdeburg , but found it so ruined and decayed by the swedish war , that i had no encouragement to stay there . i therefore hastened to berlin , the chief residence of the elector of brandenburg ; at whose court i met with a very ingenuous french merchant , who told me , that he , and divers other merchants , were designed to have lived in england , but were discouraged by a letter sent from london , by a french-man that was removing from thence to amsterdam , for these following reasons , which i copied out of his letter . first , because the reformed religion is persecuted in england as it is france ; the which i told him was a great untruth , for it is apparent that they have been all along graciously admitted , and received into his majesties dominions , without interruption , and allowed the free exercise of their own form of worship , according to the doctrine and discipline of the churches of france . nor can they who converse with the french ministers either in france or holland be ignorant , that the chiefest part , if not all those ministers , are willing to comply with the church of england ; and it is evident that most of the dutch and french protestants ( so called ) in holland make use of organs in their churches . a second thing was , that both the bank at london and the bankers goldsmiths were all broak ; the which i told this frenchman was not true altogether , for there are many able bankers whom i named : neither was the bank ( as he called the chamber of london ) broak , only it had been under the management of a bad person , whose design was to bring it into disgrace . besides , there is the east-india-company an unquestionable security for those as have money to dispose of , together with another undeniable security which is land. thirdly , he saith , that in england there is no register , and therefore many frauds in purchases and morgages , which beget tedious suits , and renders both dangerous to trust . fourthly , that if a man would purchase land he cannot , being an alien , until naturalized . fifthly , that in england there are so many plots and confusions in government , that the kingdom is hardly quiet 20 years together . sixthly , that false witnesses were so common in england , and the crime of perjury so slightly punished , that no man could be safe in life or estate , if he chanced to be in trouble . lastly he said , that the english are so restless and quarelsom , that they not only foment and cherish animosities amongst one another , but are every foot contriving and plotting against their lawful sovereign , and the government . by such surmises and insinuations as these , the french and germans are scared from trusting themselves and fortunes in england , and therefore settle in amsterdam , hamburgh , and other cities , where there are banks and registers : this i say is one cause , why there are now to be seen at amsterdam such vast numbers of french and germans , who have much enrich'd that city , and raised the rents of the houses 20 per cent. and the silk-weavers grow also very rich , keeping so many alms-children to do their work , and having all their labour without any charge , only for the teaching them their trades ; which hath lessened the revenues of the french crown , and will , in time , greatly increase the number of the states subjects , and advance their publick incomes . having made this digression , i return to berlin ; it is a city enlarged with fair streets and palaces : the magistrates of the place are lutherans , which is the publick established religion in all the electors dominions ; though he himself and his children be calvinists : he is look'd upon to be so true to that persuasion , that he is reckoned the protector of the calvinists ; and indeed he sollicited the emperor very hard for a toleration of the protestants in hungary . his chaplains , as most of the lutheran ministers also , endeavour to imitate the english in their way of preaching : and his highness is so much taken with english divinity , that he entertains divines for translating english books into the german tongue , as the whole duty of man , and several others . he has a large and stately palace at berlin , and therein a copious library , enriched with many manuscripts , medals , and rarities of antiquity . he may compare with most princes for handsom guards , being all of them proper well-bodied men , and most part officers who ride in his guards of horse . as he is known in the world to be a valiant and warlike prince , so he maintains in pay an army of 36000 men ; besides five or six thousand horsemen , who in time of war are modelled into troops ; with which body during the late war with sweden , his highness's father in person beat the swedes out of his country . he keeps his forces in strict discipline , obliging all the officers , if protestants , on sundays and holy-days to march their several companies in order to church ; but if a superiour officer be of a contrary perswasion , then the next in commission supplies his place . this custom is religiously observed by all his highnesses garisons , whilst he himself goes constantly to the calvinist church adjoyning to the court , with his children , being five sons , two daughters , and two daughters-in-law . amongst other acts of publick piety and charity , this prince hath established and endowed some religious houses or nunneries for protestant young ladies , where they may live virtuously , and spend their time in devotion as long as they please , or otherwise marry , if they think fit , but then they lose the benefit of the monastery . there is one of these at hertford in westphalia , where i was , and had the honour to wait upon the lady abbess the princess elizabeth , eldest sister of the late elector palatine and prince rupert . notwithstanding the late 〈◊〉 with sweden , and that by the prevalency 〈◊〉 france in that hasty treaty of peace co●●●●ded at nim●guen , his late electoral 〈…〉 was obliged to give back what he had 〈…〉 taken from that crown ; yet his 〈…〉 flourished in wealth and trade , his 〈…〉 having encouraged manufactures of 〈…〉 by inviting artizans into his domin●●● 〈◊〉 established a company of trading 〈…〉 to the west-indies , which will 〈◊〉 advance navigation amongst his sub●●●●● ▪ and in all humane probability they are 〈◊〉 to continue in a happy condition , seeing by the alliances his highness hath made with the protestant princes of the empire , and especially the house of lunenbourg , they are in no danger of being disturbed by their neighbours . i told you before that the elector of brandenbourg was married to the daughter of the duke of hanouer , so that as long as that alliance holds , the families of brandenbourg and lunenbourg will be in a condition to cast the balance of the empire ; they both together being able to bring into the field 80000 as good men as any are in europe . when i parted from berlin , i made a turn back to lunenbourg in my way to swedeland , where i found several of my countrymen officers in the garison , who shewed me what was most remarkable in the city , as the saltworks , ( which bring in considerable sums of money to the duke of lunenbourg ) the stadthouse , and churches , in one of which i saw a communion-table of pure ducat-gold . from thence i went into the province of holstein and at a small sea-port called termond , of which i spake before , i embarked for sweden . he that hath read in the histories of this last age the great exploits of gustavus adolphus and his swedes , perhaps may have a fancy that it must be an excellent country which hath bred such warriors ; but if he approach it , he will soon find himself undeceived . entering into swedeland , at a place called landsort , we sail'd forward amongst high rocks , having no other prospect from land but mountains till we came to dollers , which is about four swedish , that is , twenty four english miles from stockholm , the capital city of the kingdom . upon my coming ashore , i confess i was a little surprized to see the poverty of the people ; and the little wooden houses they lived in , not unlike soldiers huts in a leaguer ; but much more , when i discovered little else in the country but mountainous rocks , and standing lakes of water . the reader will excuse me , i hope , if i remark not all that i may have taken notice of in this country , seeing by what i have already written , he may perceive that my design is rather to observe the manner of the inhabitants living , than to give a full description of every thing that may be seen in the country they live in . however , i shall say somewhat of that too , having premised once for all , that the ordinary people are wretchedly poor ; yet not so much occasioned by the publick taxes , as the barronness of their country , and the oppression of the nobles their landlord● , and immediate superiours , who till the pre●●●t king put a stop to their violences , ty●●●nically domineered over the lives and 〈◊〉 of the poor peasants . 〈◊〉 d●llers i took waggon to stockholm , 〈…〉 horses three times by the way , 〈…〉 of the badness of the rode , on all 〈…〉 with rocks , that hardly 〈…〉 as here and there to leave a 〈…〉 ground . at two miles distance upon that road the city of stockholm looks great , because of the king's palace , the houses of noblemen , and some churches which are seated upon rocks : and indeed , the whole city and suburbs stand upon rocks , unless it be some few houses built upon ground gained from the rivers that run through the town . stockholm has its name from a stock or log of wood , which three brothers threw into the water five miles above the city , making a vow , that where-ever that stock should stop , they would build a castle to dwell in . the stock stopt at the holm , or rock where the palace of the king now stands : and the brothers , to be as good as their word , there built their castle , which invited others to do the like ; so that in process of time the other rocks or holms were covered with buildings , which at length became the capital city of the kingdom . it is now embelished with a great many stately houses , and much improved from what it was 400 years ago , as indeed most cities are ; for the stadthouse then built , is so contemptible and low , that in holland or england it would not be suffered to stand to disgrace the nation . the council-chamber where the burghmasters and raedt sit , is two rooms cast into one , not above nine foot high ; and the two rooms where the sheriffs and the erve college ( which is a judicature like to the doctors commons in england ) sit , are not above eight foot and a half high . the king's palace is a large square of stone-building , in some places very high , but an old and irregular fabrick , without a sufficient quantity of ground about it for gardens and walks . it was anciently surrounded with water ; but some years since part of it was filled up to make a way from the castle-gate down into the old town . in this palace there are large rooms ; but the lodgings of the king , queen , and royal family , are three pair of stairs high , the rooms in the first and second stories being destin'd for the senate-chamber , and other courts of judicature . the king's library is four pair of stairs high , being a room about forty six foot square , with a closet adjoyning to it not half the dimensions . when i considered the apartments and furniture of this court , i began to think that the french author wrote truth , who in his remarks upon swedeland says , that when queen christina resigned the crown to carolus gustavus , the father of this present king , she disposed of the best of the furniture of the court , and gave away a large share of the crown-lands to her favorites ; in so much that the king , considering the poor condition she had left the kingdom in , and seeing the court so meanly furnished , said , that had he known before he accepted the crown , what then he did , he would have taken other measures . there are many other stately palaces in stockholm belonging to the nobility ; but many of them for want of repairs , and not being inhabited , run to ruine ; several of the nobles who lived in them formerly , having lost the estates that maintained their ancient splendor , as we shall see hereafter , being retired unto a country life . there are also some other magnificent structures begun , but not finished , as that stately building intended for a parliament-house for the nobles , and two or three churches : but what i most wonder at , is the vault wherein the late king lies buried , is not as yet covered but with boards , for it is to be observed that the kings of sweden have no tombs and monuments as in england and other countries ; but are put into copper coffins , with inscriptions on them , and placed one by another in vaults , adjoyning to the gray-friers church . these vaults are about eight in number , having turrets over them , with veins of copper gilt , carved into the cyphers of the several kings who give them their names by being the first that are interred in them . the vault of the late king is not yet finished , no more than the fabricks above-mentioned , which perhaps may be imputed to the late troubles of swedeland . the number of the inhabitants of stockholm are also much decreased within these few years , partly by reason of the removal of the court of admiralty and the kings ships from that city to charles-crown , a new haven lately made about 200 english miles from thence , which hath drawn many families belonging to the fleet and admiralty from stockholm to live there : and partly , because many of the nobility , gentry , and those that depended on them , are , as i said before , withdrawn from stockholm to a retired life in the country . nevertheless the ordinary sort of burghers , who still remain , are extreamly poor ; seeing the women are fain to work like horses , drawing carts , and as labourers in england , serving masons and bricklayers with stone , bricks and mortar , and unloading vessels that bring those materials ; some of the poor creatures in the summer-time toiling in their smocks without either shooes or stockings . they perform also the part of watermen , and for a small matter will row passengers 40 miles or more if they please . the court here is very thin and silent , the king living frugally , and seldom dining in publick . he eats commonly with the two queens , his mother and consort , who is a virtuous princess , sister to the king of denmark . she is the mother of five children , three sons and two daughters , with whom she spends most of her time in retirement . the king is a goodly prince , whom god hath blessed and endowed with accomplishments far beyond what might have been expected from his education , wherein he was extreamly abused , being taught little more than his mother tongue . he is gracious , just and valiant , constant at his devotion , and utterly averse from all kind of debauchery , and the unfashionable vanities of other courts , in plays and dancing . his sports are hunting and exercising of his guards , and he rarely appears publickly , or gives audience to strangers , which is imputed to his sense of the neglect of his education . he is a prince that hath had a very hard beginning in the world , which hath many times proved fortunate to great men ; and indeed , if we consider all the circumstances of his early misfortunes , how he was slighted and neglected by his nobles , who would hardly vouchsafe to pay him a visit when he was among them in the country , or to do him homage for the lands they held of the crown ; and how by the pernicious counsels of the french , and the weakness or treachery of his governors , he was misled into a war that almost cost him his crown , having lost the best of his territories in germany and schonen , and most of his forces both by sea and land : if , i say , these things be considered , it will probably appear , that hardly any prince before him hath in a shorter time , or more fully setled the authority and prerogative of the crown , than he hath done in sweden ; for which he stands no ways obliged to france , as he was for the restauration of what he lost during the war. he is now as absolute as the french king , and makes edicts , which have the force of laws , without the concurrence of the estates of the kingdom . he hath erected two judicatures , the one called the college of reduction , and the other of inspections ; the first of which hath put his majesty in possession again of all lands alienated from the crown , and the other called to account all persons , even the heirs and executors of those who had cheated the crown , and made them refund what they or their predecessors had appropriated to their own use of the publick revenue . these two necessary constitutions , as they have reduced many great families to a pinch , who formerly lived splendidly upon the crown lands and revenues , and obliged them to live at home upon their ancient and private patrimony in the country , which is one great cause that the court of sweden is at present so unfrequented ; so have they enabled his majesty ; without burdening of his subjects , to support the charges of the government , and to maintain 64000 men in pay . the truth is , his other revenues are but small , what arises from the copper and iron mines , one silver mine , the pitch and tar , the customs and excise amounts to no extraordinary sum of money , and the land tax in so barren a country scarcely deserving to be named . the customes and excise , i confess , are very high , and the rigorous manner of exacting them pernicious to trade : as for instance ; if a ship come to stockholme from london , with a hundred several sorts of goods , and those goods assigned to fifty several men more or less , if any of those fifty do not pay the custom of what belongs to him , though it be for a barrel of beer , the ship shall not be unladen , nor no man have his goods out , though he hath fully pay'd the customs for them , till this last man hath pay'd his . there are several other silly customs in swedeland that discourages men from trading there ; as if any stranger die there , a third of his estate must go to the city or town where he traded . no foreign merchant in stockholme can travel into any country where there is a fair without a passport : and at present , seeing there is no treaty of trade betwixt england and sweden , though the english bring as considerable a trade to that kingdom as any other country whatsoever , yet they are very unkindly used by the officers of the custom-house ; whereas the dutch in lubeck , and other cities , have new and greater privileges allowed them . nor would i counsel an english-man to go to law with a swedish burgher in sweden , especially if he be a whiggish scot , who hath got his freedom in stockholme , for those are a kind of scrapers , whom i have observed to be more inveterate against the english than the native swedes . of all the swedish army of 64000 men , the king keeps but 12 companies of 200 men a-peice , with some few horse guards in stockholme , who are not upon duty as sentinels at the court gates , as at the courts of other princes . the rest are dispersed into quarters and garisons upon the frontiers , which are so far distant in that large compass of land which his territories take up , that it would require a hard and tedious work to bring them together to a general muster . they are however kept under very strict discipline , and those that lie near , often viewed by the king. they have odd sort , of punishments for the soldiers and officers of all degrees : for example , if a serjeant or corporal be drunk , or negligent on duty , they are put into armour , and with three muskets tied under each arm , made to walk two hours before the court of guard ; yet , for all the severity of discipline used against the soldiers , they commit many abuses in the night time , robbing , and sometimes killing men upon the streets in stockholme , where they have no lights nor guards as in copenhagen . in former times there have been at one time 35 colonels , besides general officers in the swedish army , all the subjects of the king of great britain , but at present there are few or none , unless it be the sons of some scotish officers deceased ; nor did i ever see an english-man in the kings guards , horse or foot , but one , and the son of sir edward wood , who hath since quitted the service . the king hath exceedingly won the hearts of the common people , not only by exempting them from the tyrannical jurisdiction of the nobility and gentry , who formerly would by their own private authority , punish and put to death the peasants at their pleasure , which makes the countries very willing to quarter the kings soldiers , but by his exactness in punishing duels , murder , and robberies . perjury is death here also , as in holland , which makes the magistrates in some parts of this kings territories , enjoyn strange kinds of oaths to deter men from being forsworn : as for instance , in some places the witness is set with a staff in his hand upon some peeble stones and charcoal , where he is to imprecate and pray , that if what he sweareth be not true , his land may become as barren as those stones , and his substance be consumed to ashes like the coals he stands on , which as soon as he steps down are set on fire . this manner of swearing so terrifies the people , that they commonly tremble when they come to take their oath . the religion of the dominions of the king of sweden , as of those of the king of denmark , and of other princes and states whom we have named , is lutheran , who are more rigid to roman catholicks and calvinists than the protestants of germany . there is no toleration allowed here to calvinist ministers ; and they take an effectual course to keep the country clear of priests and jesuits , by guelding them , whether they be young or old . in commemoration of the great losses and desolation sustained in the late war , the suedes strictly keep four fasting days in the months of april , may , june , and july ; on which days all men are prohibited by authority to kindle fire in their houses , or to eat till after evening service is done , which in the winter time could not be endured . they delight much in singing in their churches , which they constantly perform twice every day , morning and evening . in their marryings , christenings , and buryings they are so prodigally extravagant , that if all three happen in one year to a man of a competent estate , it is enough to break him . the clergy of sweden are neither so rich nor learned as those of germany , wanting both the opportunities of study , and of conversing with learned men , that those of other countrys enjoy , though there be some learned men amongst them . a bishoprick in sweden is no great benefice , if compared with some parsonages in england ; for the arch-bishop , and metropolitan hath not above 400 l. per annum , and some of the rest are not worth above 150 or 200 l. a year . the inferiour clergy are not so regular in their lives and conversation in the countries distant from stockholme , as they are near the court ; and the reason is , partly because they entertain travellers that pass the country , there being no inns in most places for the accommodation of persons of any quality , and so are obliged to drink with their guests ; and partly , because at buryings and christenings , where there is commonly high drinking , the pape or parson is master of the ceremonies : and here give me leave to tell a short story of one of them . a pape coming to christen a child in a church , and finding a scotch man to be godfather , was so transported either with zeal , or his cups , that when he came to exorcise the child , which is a rite used in their office of administring this sacrament ; he neglected the form prescribed by the liturgy , and in an extemporary prayer begg'd , that the devil might depart out of the child , and enter into that scottish heretick , for so they call the presbyterians of that nation . the prayer of the pape so incensed the scot , that he vowed revenge , and watched the pape with a good cudgel next day as he crossed the church-yard , where he beat him , and left him all in blood lying on the ground , and crying out murder . for this fact the scot was had before the justice , who asking him , how he durst be so bold as to lay his profane hands upon the man of god ? he , who knew very well what use to make of the devil he had got , foaming at the mouth , and cunningly acting the demoniack , made answer , that the pape might thank himself for what he had met with ; for since he had conjured the devil into him he spared no body , neither wife nor children , nor would he spare the justice himself , and with that fell a mangling and tearing the magistrate , that he was fain to 〈◊〉 take himself to his heels , crying out o! the devil , save me ; and so the scot marched home , no man daring to lay hold on him , for fear of being torn to pieces by the devil . but the justice recollecting himself , sent for the pape , told him , that the scot was a cunning rogue , and bid him go home , get a plaister for his head , and be silent , lest if the matter came to the bishops ears he might be censured for going against the rubrick of the liturgy . the famous university where their clergy are bred , is upsal , 8 swedish miles from stockholme . there are commonly 150 , or 200 students there , but no endowed colleges , as in other countries . the library is so mean and contemptible , that the libraries of many grammar schools , and of private men in england or holland are far better stored with books than it is . upon viewing of it , and that of the kings palace , i called to mind the saying of a french man , upon the like occasion ; that swedeland came behind france and england in the knowledge of men and things at least 800 years ; yet some swedes have been so conceited of the antiquity of their country , as to brag , that paradice was seated in sweden ; that the country was turned into such heaps of rocks for the rebellion of our first parents , and that adam and eve had cain and abel in a country three swedish miles distant from upsall . a french man standing by , and hearing this romantick story , as i was told , fitted him with the like , telling him , that when the world was made in six days , at the end of the creation all the rubbish that remained was thrown together into a corner , which made up sweden and norway . and indeed , the french seem to have no great liking to the country , whatever kindness they may have for the people ; for a french ambassador , as an author of that country relates , being by order of queen christina , treated in a country house four swedish miles from stockholme , and upon the rode going and coming , with all the varieties and pleasures that the country could afford , on purpose to make him have a good opinion of the same ; made answer to the queen , ( who asked him upon his return , what he thought of sweden ) that were he master of the whole country , he would presently sell it , and buy a farm in france or england ; which , under favour , i think was a little tart and sawcy . having stayed a considerable time in swedeland , and most part at stockholme , i set out from thence to go to elsenbourg by land , and went a little out of my way to see a small city called eubrone , famous for a coat of arms which it got in this manner . a certain masculine queen of denmark , who had conquered a great part of sweden , coming to this city , asked the magistrates , what was the arms of their city ? who having her , that they had none , she plucked up her coats , and squatting upon the snow , bid them take the mark she left there for their arms ; its pity she did not give them a suitable motto to it also : what that figure is called in blazonery i know not , but to this day the city uses it in their arms , and for marking their commodities . this queen came purposely into sweden , to pay a visit to a brave woman , that opposed a king of swedeland , who in a time of famine would have put to death all the men and women in his country above 60 years of age. the country all the way i travelled in swedeland is much of the same quality of the land about stockholme , until i came near the province of schonen , which is called the store-house , and kitchin of sweden , where the country is far better . it was formerly very dangerous to travel in this province of schonen , because of the snaphances , who were a kind of bloody robbers , now utterly destroyed by the king ; so that it is safe enough travelling there . entering into schonen i saw 29 of these rogues upon wheels , and elsewhere in the country , ten and twenty at several places . the king used great severity in destroying of them ; some he caused to be broken upon the wheel , others spitted in at the fundament , and out at the shoulders , many had the flesh pinched off of their breasts , and so were fastened to stakes till they died ; and others again had their noses and both hands cut off , and being seared with a hot iron , were let go to acquaint their comrades how they had been served . the king is very severe against highway-men and duellers . in above a 100 miles travelling , we found not a house where there was either french wine or brandy , which made me tell a swede of our company , who was travelling to denmark , that i would undertake to shew any man 500 houses , wherein a traveller might have wine , and other good accommodation in the space of an hundred miles upon any rode from london . there are several small towns and fertile land in this country of schonen , lying upon the s●undt ; at the narrowest part whereof lies elsenbourg burnt down by the danes in the last war : here i crost over to elsenore , the passage being but a league broad . the king of denmark has a castle at elsenore , which commands the narrow passage of the soundt , where all ships that enter into , or come out of the baltick sea must pay toll . having visited this castle , and staid about a fortnight with the english consul , and sir john paul , late resident at the court of swedeland , i went to the danish court at copenhagen . copenhagen is the capital city of zecland , jutland , or denmark , and place of residence of the king : it stands on a flat , encompassed with a pleasant and delightful country , much resembling england . the streets of the city are kept very neat and clean , with lights in the night time for the convenience and safety of those who are then abroad ; a custom not as yet introduced into stockholme , where it is dangerous to be abroad when it is dark . the kings men of war lie hear very conveniently , being orderly ranged betwixt booms , after the manner of amsterdam , and near the admiralty house , which is a large pile of building , well furnished with stores and magazins , secured by a cittadel , that not only commands the city , but also the haven , and entry into it . the court of denmark is splendid , and makes a far greater figure in the world than that of sweden , though not many years ago , in the time of carolus gustavus the father of the present king of swedeland , it was almost reduced to its last , when the walls of copenhagen saved that crown and kingdom . that siege was famous , carried on with great vigour by the swede , and as bravely maintained by the danes : the monuments whereof are to be seen in the cannon bullets gilt that still remain in the walls of some houses , and in the steeple of the great church of the town . the royal palace in copenhagen is but small , and a very ancient building ; but his majesties house fredenburg is a stately fabrick of modern architecture , and very richly furnished . denmark is at present a flourishing kingdom , and the king , who hath now made it hereditary , surpasses most of his predecessors in power and wealth : he hath much enlarged his dominions , as well as authority ; and by his personal and royal virtues , no less than the eminent qualities of a great many able ministers of state , he hath gained the universal love of his subjects , and the esteem of all foreign princes and states . the court is much frequented every day , but especially on sundays , where about eleven of the clock in the morning , the nobility , foreign ministers , and officers of the army assemble , and make a glorious appearance . there one may see many knights of the order of the elephant of malto ; but i never saw any order of the like nature as that of sweden , that king rarely appearing in his george and garter ; but on days of publick audience i have observed at one time above 150 coaches attending at the court of denmark , which are ten times more than ever i saw together at that of sweden . the king is affable , and of easie access to strangers , seen often abroad by his subjects in his gardens and stables , which are very large , and well furnished with all sorts of horses . he is a great lover of english horses and dogs , and delights much in hunting , as his eldest son the prince , with his brothers do in cock-●ighting ; insomuch much , that the english merchants cannot make a more acceptable present to those princes , than of english game-cocks . the standing forces of denmark are well disciplined men , and commanded by good officers , both natives and strangers , both french and scots , as major general duncan , and major general veldun , both scottish-men , whom i saw at copenhagen . the soldiers as well as courtiers are quartered upon the citizens , a custom which is likewise practised in sweden , and tho' somewhat uneasie , yet not repined at by the people , who by the care and good government of the king , find trade much advanced . for his majesty by encouraging strangers of all religions to live in his dominions , and allowing the french and dutch calvinists , to have publick churches , hath brought many trading families to copenhagen , and by the measure he hath taken for setling trade in prohibiting the importation of foreign manufactures , and reforming and new modelling the east and west india companies , hath much encreased commerce , and thereby the wealth of his subjects ; so that notwithstanding the new taxes imposed upon all coaches , wagons , ploughs , and all real and personal estates , which amount to considerable sums of money ; the people live very well and contented . there are commonly about 8000 men in garison in copenhagen , and his majesties regiment of foot guards , who are all cloathed in red , with cloaks to keep them warm in the winter time , is a very handsome body of men ; and with the horse guards , who are bravely mounted , and have their granadeers and hautboys , make a very fine shew . his majesty hath caused several new fortifications to be built upon the elb , and other rivers , and hath now in his possession , that strong castle called hilgueland , at present commanded by a scottish-man . the queen of denmark is a most virtuous princess , sister to the present landtgrave of hesse cassel , and in perswasion a calvinist , having a chapel allowed her within the court , though the publick religion of the king and kingdom be lutheran . the clergy here are learned , many of them having studied at oxford and cambridge , where they learnt the english language ; and amongst the bishops there is one doctor king the son of a scottish-man . but seeing it is my design rather to observe the condition of the people , than to be punctual in describing all the rarities that are remarkable in the countries i have been in , i shall conclude what i have to say of denmark , by acquainted the reader that the people of that country live far better than the swedes , and as well as most of their adjoyning neighbours ; and that there are several places , both there , and in norway , which have the names of english towns , as arundale , totness , london , &c. when i first began to write this treatise , i had some thoughts of making observations upon the several governments of other states and dominions , where i had travelled some years before i was in the countries i have been speaking of , as of the rest of germany , hungary , switzerland , italy , and france ; but that was a subject so large , and the usefulness of it to my present design so inconsiderable , that by doing so , i found i could neither satisfie the curious , by adding any thing material to those many who have already obliged the publick by the remarks of their travels in those places ; or make my discontented country-men more averse than they are already from removing into those countries , where i think few of them will chuse to transport themselves for the sake of liberty and property , though england were even worse than they themselves fancy it can be . all that remains to be done then , is to conclude this treatise with an obvious and popular remark , that those countries , where cities are greatest and most frequented by voluntary inhabitants , are always the best to live in ; and by comparing the city of london with all other cities of europe , and demonstrating by the surveys i have made , ( which i think will hardly be contradicted or confuted ) that of all the capital cities of europe it is the biggest and most populous , and so prove consequentially that england , for the generality of people , is the best country in the world , especially for its natives , to live in . now this being an observation ( for what i know ) not hitherto made good by induction and instance , ( as i intend to do it ) i hope it will please the reader as much , as if i gave him a particular account of other countries and governments , and leave it to his own reflection to state the comparison . though london within the walls cannot vye for bigness with many cities of europe ; yet take the city and suburbs together , according as it hath been survey'd by mr. morgan , in breadth from st. george's church in southwark to shoreditch , and in length from limehouse to petty-france in westminster , and it is in a vast proportion larger in compass of ground , and number of houses , than any city in europe whatsoever . this i shall demonstrate first , by comparing it with some cities of holland , and then with the most considerable cities of the other countries of europe , which i shall set down in an alphabetical order , with the number of the houses they severally contain . when london and suburbs was surveyed some years ago by mr. morgan , there were reckoned to be in it 84000 houses , besides hospitals , alms-houses , and other buildings , that paid no chimney-money to the king : now if those were added , and the vast number of new houses that have been built since that survey , upon modest computation london may be reckoned to contain 100000 houses ; nay , 't is believed 120000 , which truly considering the extraordinary additions that have been made lately , is not improbable ; i know the french vapour , and would perswade the world , that paris is much bigger than london . and the hollanders will scarce believe , that london hath more houses than the 18 cities in holland that have voices in the states , for ( say they ) amsterdam stands upon 1000 morgans of land , and london stands but upon 1800. to both which i answer , that it is very true that paris takes up a great spot of ground , but then you must consider , that in paris there are several hundreds of monasteries , churches , colleges , and cloisters , some of them having large gardens , and that in paris there are 7500 palaces and ports for coaches , which have likewise great gardens ; whereas london is very thick built , and in the city the houses have scarce a yard big enough to set a pump or house of conveniency in ; but the weekly bills of mortality will decide this question , and plainly give it to london , and so doth monsieur la cour , and sir william petty in his last essays dedicated to the king , making it appear , that london is bigger than paris , roan , and rochel altogether ; and as for amsterdam , i do appeal to all knowing men that have seen it , that although it be true , that it stands upon 1000 morgans of land , yet there is not above 400 morgans built ; and this i prove thus , that the large gardens , on the heeregraft , kysersgraft , and princegraft , and the burghwalls of amsterdam , take up more than a third part of the city ; then reckon the bastions , and the space of ground between the wall and the houses , and all the ground unbuilt from the utricks-port to the wesoper-port , muyer-port , and 〈◊〉 the seaside , and you will find it to be near 〈◊〉 morgans of land : there are two parishes in the suburbs of london , viz. stepney , and st. martins in the fields , ( the latter being so big , that the parliament divided it into four parishes ) either of them have more houses than rotterdam or haerlem ; and there are several other great parishes , as st. margarets westminster , st. giles in the fields , st. olaves , and st. mary saviours , the which if they stood apart in the country would make great cities ; we reckon in london , and the suburbs thereof to be at least 130 parishes , which contains 100000 houses ; now if you reckon 8 persons to every house , then there are near 800000 souls in london , but there are some that say , there is a million of souls in it : i shall now set down the cities alphabetically , and their number of houses , as they were given to me not only from the surveyors and city carpenters , but from the books of the hearth-money , and collectors of the several taxes in the respective cities : and first i shall begin with the 18 cities that have voices in the states of holland . cities in holland . cities . houses . 1. dort 5500 2. haerlem 7250 3. delft 2300 4. leyden 13800 5. amsterdam 25460 6. rotterdam 8400 7. gouda 3540 8. gorcom 2460 9. schiedam 1550 10. briell 1250 11. schonehoven 2200 12. alckmaar 1540 13. horn 3400 14. enckhuysen 5200 15. edam 2000 16. monekendam 1500 17. medenblick 850 18. purmerent 709 total 88909 cities in germany , and in the seventeen provinces . cities . houses . 1. antwerp 18550 2. aix la chapelle 2250 3. arford 8440 4. berlin 5200 5. bon 410 6. brisack 1200 7. breme 9200 8. breda 3420 9. bolduke 6240 10. bergen op zome 2120 11. brussels 19200 12. cologne 12000 13. cleave 640 14. coblentz 420 15. castels 1520 16. dresden 6420 17. disseldorpe 620 18. dunkirk 2440 19. emden 2400 20. francfort 10200 21. groningen 8400 22. guant 18200 23. harford 1420 24. hanouer 1850 25. heidelberg 7520 26. hambourg 12500 27. lubeck 6500 28. lovain 8420 29. lypsick 3242 30. lunenburg 3100 31. lewardin 5860 32. mayence 2420 33. malin 8000 34. middelburg 6200 35. madelburg 1120 36. mastricht 5600 37. munster 1240 38. nurenburg 18240 39. osenburg 2200 40. osburg 8420 41. oldenburg 620 42. praag 18640 43. passaw 560 44. ratisbonne 6540 45. strasbourg 8560 46. spire 540 47. stockholm 6480 48. salsburg 12460 49. uytrick 8240 50. vienna 4520 51. vean 340 52. wormes 1200 53. westburg 2420 total 314460 cities in france . cities . houses . 1. avignion 12400 2. amiens 5200 3. bullion 1400 4. bomont 800 5. burdeaux 8420 6. callis 1324 7. caine 2147 8. chalons 1850 9. diepe 1920 10. lyons 16840 11. montrevil 820 12. montpeiller 5240 13. marselles 9100 14. nantes 4420 15. nismes 3120 16. orleans 10200 17. orange 354 18. paris 72400 19. rochel 4200 20. roan 11200 21. tolouze 13200 22. valence 458 total 187013 cities in italy . cities . houses . 1. bolonia 12400 2. florence 8520 3. genoua 17200 4. luca 1650 5. legorne 3560 6. milan 18500 7. naples 17840 8. pisa 2290 9. padua 8550 10. rome 31200 11. sena 1820 12. venice 24870 13. veterba 620 14. valentia 1520 total 155040 cities in savoy . cities . houses . 1. chambray 852 2. salé 320 3. turin 8540 4. nice 500 5. st. john de lateran 420 6. remes 340 7. moloy 270 total 11242 cities in switzerland . cities . houses . 1. berne 4270 2. bale 5120 3. geneva 4540 4. losana 2100 5. solure 500 6. zurick 6200 7. morge 210 8. vina 320 9. st. morrice 300 total 23560 cities in denmark . cities . houses . 1. copenhagen 8220 2. elsenore total cities in sweedland . cities . houses . 1. northoanen 600 2. stockholme 7500 3. upsal 8200 total 16300 an exact relation of the entertainment of his most sacred majesty william iii. king of england , scotland , france and ireland ; hereditary stadtholder of the united netherlands , &c. at the hagve . giving a particular description of his majesty's entry there , jan. 26. 169●-● . and of the several triumphant arches , pyramids , pictures , &c. with the inscriptions and devices . illustrated with copper plates of the whole solemnity , exactly drawn from the original . by an english gentleman . london : printed in the year m. dc . xcl an exact relation of the entertainment of his most sacred majesty , william iii. at the hagve . kings voyage to holland pag : 2 't was expected that the king would have lain here this night , and so have entred the hague by day light ; but on the contrary , his extraordinary desire of entring immediately upon business , would not let him give himself so much as one nights ease ; and his majesty , after a very short refreshment here , departed for the hague , attended with five or six coaches with six horses : in his own coach accompanied him the earl of portland , and the lord overkirk , arriving at the hague about half an hour after five in the evening ; where ( though he was not that night expected ) there wanted not the general acclamations of the people of all sorts , who run by his coach , crying out , long live king william , welcom , welcom , &c. his majesty rode through the triumphant arches , erected by the lords of the hague , and the honourable the lords committee of the council of holland , ( of which we shall give an exact description in their proper places ) directly to the court , where being arrived , and the gates shut to keep out the extraordinary press of people , thirty peices of cannon , which were planted upon the vyverberg , were thrice discharged , publick thanksgivings were made in all the churches , and the bells rung with great joy ; and throughout the town almost all the houses were illuminated with great numbers of candles in their windows , whilst all the people , rich and poor , old and young , made all demonstrations of their inexpressible joy for his majesties most happy arrival . that evening the earl of berka , envoy extraordinary from the emperor , waited upon his majesty , and was a long time in private with him ; and the next day several members of the states , and divers persons of quality came to compliment his majesty , and congratulate his arrival . the ministers of the several confederate princes , who upon the kings arrival had sent expresses to their respective masters , assembling themselves in congress ; immediately after their breaking up , the imperial , spanish , and brandenburgh envoys , came to wait upon his majesty ; as also the council of state , and the lords of the general accounts , with all their members , to congratulate and complement him. the king immediately applied himself to the affairs of state , and taking first into his consideration the sea affairs , gave the command of the dutch fleet to the heer cornelius van tromp , with the title of vice-admiral of holland , who gratefully accepted the same , and immediately beat up his drums for seamen , who flocked to him in great abundance . his majesty gave also out commissions for two regiments of mariners to be raised . the elector of brandenburgh , who had waited some time at cleave , as soon as he received advice of his majesties arrival , set forward for the hague . in the mean time it was desired , and agreed to by his majesty , that his majesty would please to honour the hague with a publick entry , on monday , january the 26th : whereupon the trained bands , and the guards were ordered to be ready ; and accordingly on monday , at two of the clock in the afternoon , his majesty went out of the town by the way of the vyverberg , to the north-end , and from thence round the wall to the west-end , and so to the hounslaerdyke , or loosduyn's-bridge , where began the triumph . over this bridge was erected , by the burghermasters of the hague , a triumphant arch , the figure whereof we have here represented . over the arch in the front , is a man and a woman standing at an altar sacrificing , with the words , io triumphe . on the top of all stands the statue of his majesty , with a staff in his right hand , at the top of which is a cypher of his name , with a crown . on the two columns of the arch , on one side are these words , ob cives servatos : for having preserved his country-men . ob hostes fugatos : for having destroyed his enemies . and on the other side , restitutis provinciis : the provinces being restored . libertatis regnis : the kingdoms being delivered . behind each column is a small oval , in one a lawrel with this word , victoria , victory , on the other a palm , with the word , clementia , mercy . kings entertainment pag : 6 from hence was a lane made on each side by the burghers in arms , who appeared in very great splendour , being most of them very richly clad , many having been at great expence for their equipage . these trained bands consist of six companies , of about two and three hundred men in each company ; they make in all about fifteen hundred men : these standing in their order , reached all along the west-end , the great market , the high street , and so to the court-yard . all along this way , quite up to the court , before the houses and stalls , were built scaffolds , which were filled by a vast multitude of spectators , who scrupled not to give an 100 guilders in some places for the use of a chamber during the shew . the number of spectators being the greatest that has ever been seen in the hague ; insomuch , that one would have judged all the inhabitants of holland to have been in this town . after the pensionary had ended his speech , and his majesty kindly thanked them , the cavalcade proceeded . first went two very rich coaches with six horses , in which were divers persons of quality , next the kings life guard , the officers in extraordinary rich equipage : after them a great number of lacquees and footmen all in the kings livery , and black velvet caps ; after them came the kings pages , gentlemen , and servants on horseback , in extraordinary rich liveries . then came his majesty riding in a large , and very richly gilt coach , drawn by six white stone horses , accompanied by the lord overkirk on the left hand , and the earls of monmouth and scarborough over-against him . on each side of the coach the switzers with their halbards , in rich livery coats also , walked on foot. the provost general urck , and the heer roulas captain of the switzers rid on horseback immediately before the kings coach , and after it came about twelve coaches with six horses , wherein rid the duke of norfolk , the earls of devonshire and portland , the bishop of london , and several other english noblemen ; as also the chief ministers of the government , and the magistrates of the hague , besides these , were many coaches with four horses . the king as he passed along , was saluted , and complimented by divers persons of quality , which his majesty returned with great kindness , often looking out of the coach , with great satisfaction upon the people , who shouted with extraordinary chearfulness , crying out , long live the king our stadtholder , &c. the stadthouse , by which the king was to ride , was beautified with seven very noble transparent pictures ; behind which they put lights in the evening , which were set off with garlands of made flowers : above in the middle , was the king and queen , and on each side of them another picture ; one of a lion with this motto , placidum venerantur , & horrent infestum : they worship him when he is calm , and dread him when he is angry ; the other of an unicorn , with this motto , nihil passa veneni : she can endure no poison . underneath there are three other pictures , one of a crane sitting upon his nest , clapping his wings upon break of a day , and sun rising , with this motto , recreatur ab ortu : he is refreshed by the rising . the other of an atlas bearing the world upon his bending shoulders , resting with his breast upon a small hill , with this motto , in te domus inclinata recumbit : the leaning house rests on thee . the third , a crane standing on his nest , and chattering upon the rising of the sun , with this motto , vidit & exaltavit : he saw it and was glad . in the court of justice by the side of the stadthouse , a pillar was erected four rows high , garnished with coats of arms ; upon which towards night they set great numbers of flambeaux . the lords of the hague raised also a rich and a glorious triumphal arch in honour of this great monarch , in the market place : this was done upon the account of his having been born there ; which as they look upon to be one of the greatest glories of the place , and whereof hereafter they will have the greatest reason to boast , so they were desirous to shew what sence they had of it , upon so very glorious an occasion . this is much the highest arch of them all ; without any pillars , and on both sides are many pictures done in light colour ; and just over the passage there are two others done upon silk , and transparent , so as that by lights , which were set behind them in the evening , they appeared very gloriously . at the top of all was placed a sphear , and above that , fame sounding a trumpet in a flying posture , and leading a pegasus ; with trophies at each corner . kings entertainment pag : 10 there were several inscriptions round the arch : on the front above the gate , and under the arms of the hague , was this , hîc incunabula divum : here was the cradle of the gods. [ incunabula are properly the swadling-cloths in which new born infants are wrapt up . ] above , beneath , and on both sides was writ , nobilium primo , ducum maximo , posthumo gulielmo iii. coelitus dat . to the chiefest of noblemen , the greatest of dukes , [ or generals , the word being ambiguous , coming after noblemen ] the posthumous william iii. given from heaven . and behind above the pictures , victoriis , trophoeis , fortissimo imperateri , destinato , cautissimo gubernatori , and underneath at the bottom of the arch , quatuor regnorum regi , foederati belgii gubernatori , gulielmo iii. virtute & triumphis fulgenti , grati animi & letitiae publicae signum hoc erexit haga comitis . i.e. the hague erected this as a testimony of her gratitude , and of the publick joy for the victories and trophies of william iii. king of four kingdoms , stadtholder of the united provinces , equally glorious for his virtue and his success . on each side of the arch there are two wings , which make a semi-circle ; within each of which are seven pictures representing the battels and victories of the former princes of orange by sea and land ; every picture having an inscription under it . on the first , on the right hand , patientia laesa fit furor : injured patience turns to rage : intimating , that they had endured the insolencies of the spaniards as long as was possible , and that at last they were forced to rise . on the second , res poscit opem , & conspirat amice : the matter needs help , and prospers by friendly conference . on the third , per tela , per undas : through weapons and waves . on the fourth , audentes deus ipse juvat : god himself helps the daring . on the fifth , tantas dedit unio vires 〈◊〉 such strength has union given . on the sixth , aquilas & moenia cepit : he took standards and cities . on the seventh , celsas superat virtute carinas : he conquers tall ships by his valour . on the first picture of the left hand , repetenda quiescunt arma virum : the arms of the brave are at rest , hereafter to be resumed again . on the second , non uno virtus contenta triumpho : virtue not content with one triumph . on the third , crescunt numero crescente trophoea : as the number encreases so do their trophies too . on the fourth , caesorum replebant funera campos : the funerals of the slain filled all the fields . on the fifth , ultra garamantas & indos : beyond the furthermost parts of the earth . on the sixth , fortis promissa juventae : the promisses of valiant youth . on the seventh , deos in praelia confert : he brings the gods to combat for him . between these wings there are two pyramids fixt upon pedestals , each having a picture in the front : in that on the right side , there is a circle made up of hearts , with this inscription , hanc accipe magne coronam : great hero accept this crown . in that on the left side , there is an altar with incense , and this inscription , th●re tuo redolent arae : the altars yeild a fragrant smell with thy frankincense . these pyramids have each of them before them three transparent pictures , containing hieroglyphicks and trophies of victory ; the pyramids being covered on the sides with green : on one of these pyramids was set the kings picture ; on the other the queens , at full length : on that of the kings was this inscription , quis gratior appalit oris : what more acceptable person ever touched our coasts . upon the queens , reprimit & refigit : she represses and re-establishes . over the wings , the figures of the four late princes of orange are set up ; and under each some marks of victory . under william the first , patriae liberatori : to the deliverer of his country . under prince maurice , gloriae vindici : the vindicator of our glory : under frederick-henry , libertatis assertori : the assertor of our liberty . and under prince william the second , publicae felicitatis statori : to the establisher of the publick happiness . the triumphal arch in the court. passing from hence to the high-street they met another triumphal arch , which represents a pleasant building , beautified on both sides with pillars of red and white marble , the body of the work being of black and white marble ; the bases and chapiters are gilt : it has two large pictures before , and as many behind , painted in lively colours ; those before , representing a roman field battle and sea fight ; those behind , one war , the other peace : that of war has the world in a flame , with several figures , some dead ; others living , make justice lie down in distress : that of peace has a globe , upon which stand justice and peace embracing one another , whilst pan and his companions make themselves merry with the fruits of the earth . over all in the middle of the arch , on a pedestal , stands the statue of the king on horseback , as big as the life , and painted like brass ; on both sides of the pedestal there is this inscription , regi triumphanti : to the triumphing king. over his head , which is adorned with green , there are two wreaths placed cross ways , and over them a royal crown and scepter , and underneath a cross . on both sides of the arch there are two squares , wherein are set , both behind and before , transparent pictures for the convenience of setting lights behind in the evening . on the outside of these squares there was painted a cloudy pillar , and a pillar of fire , with the corners adorned with green. kings entertainment pag : 17 over the passage , is this inscription , haga posuit consulum decreto : the hague erected it by the burghermasters order . the triumphal arch in the outward court , at the entrance of the court gate . this triumphal arch was erected by the order of their high and mighty lordships , the committee of the council of holland : it is of the dorick order , after the italian manner , with three passages , and the middle higher than the rest of the building . it stands upon eight pillars of each side , supported by broad pedestals , each whereof bears two pillars : over the middle passage there is a cupola of an octogenal figure , whereon upon a pedestal stands the statue of his majesty on horseback , as big as the life , all richly gilt ; two prisoners lie by the pedestal chained with their backs to it , done over with copper : the whole arch is painted of a free-stone colour ; the whole intercolumniation of both sides , is beautified with pictures drawn in white and black , with histories of the heroick and illustrious actions of this great monarch . over these eight pillars are placed eight figures of both sexes , as big as the life , of a copper colour . on that side which faces the viver , is the representation of a victory at sea , and a neptune lying down with his trident , with this inscription , triumphet in undis : let him triumph in the waves . towards the lane , trophies of victory by land , with this motto , attingat solium jovis : let him reach to jupiter ' s throne . these words are written round the cupola of this building , pio , felici , inclyto , triumphanti , patriae patri gulielmo iii. gubernatori p. c. j. p. restauratori belgii foederati , liberatori angliae , servatori scotiae , pacificatori hiberniae , reduci : to the picus , happy , renowned william iii. triumphant , father of his country , stadtholder and restorer of the united netherlands , redeemer of england , preserver of scotland , quieter of ireland , now return'd home . on the front , under the images , towards the outer court , there are four spaces , upon which are these inscriptions . in the first , post maximas res domi forisque gestas , arctissimo ●um principibus icto foedere , suorum vindex , defensor oppressorum : after having done glorious things , at home and abroad , having made a most firm alliance with other princes , he is become the avenger of his own peoples wrongs , and a defender of the oppressed . under this there is a pannel , on which is a great picture , in which several brave men are described fighting against a dragon , with this motto , uniti fortius obstant : they make the firmer resistance being united . in the second space , mare transvectus liberat britanniam , & late dominantibus ornatus sceptris , in patriam publicâ cum laetitiâ receptus est : crossing the seas he delivered britain , where being honoured with scepters of large extended power , he is received again into his own country with publick joy. underneath in the small pannel , there is a ballance , and in one scale several crowns , in the other a sword , which outweighs the crowns , with this motto , praemia non aequant : the rewards do not equal the merit . in the third space , lugente patriâ , maerente europâ afflictâ antiquissimâ nassaviorum stirpe , heroum , imperatorum , principum faecundâ : his country mourning , europe grieving , the most autient family of nassau , which was fruitful of heroes , emperors and princes , lamenting . and in the pannel , there is described a burning phoenix , with a young one arising out of her ashes , and this motto , praelucet posthuma proles : his posthumous issue shines the brighter . this is designed for william the second , who died without issue , leaving the princess royal with child of his majesty . in the fourth space , gulielmum , posthumum , britannorum , arausionensium tertium , patriae spem , reipublicae palladium : william the posthumous , the third of britain and orange , his countries hope , the palladium of the common-wealth . his birth is described upon the picture , and three crowns with a scepter upon the pannel , with this motto , tenues ornant diademate cunae : his tender cradle adorns the diadem . on that side towards the inner court , there are on the fronts four other spaces . in the first space , there is this inscription , fatum europae favens de caelo dedit , futuram portendens , majestatem , admodum puerum , exemplar constituit . a favourable fate to europe gave him from heaven , and portending future majesty , set him for a pattern when he was yet very young. underneath his education is described , with a young eagle soaring against the sun beams upon the pannel , with this motto , tener adversis enititur alis : though young he bears up against it with his wings . in the second space , qui juventute strenué transactâ , funestis jactatâ bellis ac dissidiis in tanto rerum discrimine : who spent his youth bravely , whilst it was tossed about by bloody wars and discords , the publick being in such dangerous circumstances . upon the pannel there is a castle standing upon a hill , with a pike by it , and two lawrels springing out of it , with this motto , contorta triumphos portendit : vvhen wreathed together it portends triumphs . in the third space , nutantis belgii , quâ mari , quâ terrâ , admotus in pristinum decus gubernaculi , gloriam , aras & focos asseruit : he being restored to his antient dignity and government , defended the religion and properties of the tottering low countries both by sea land : on the pannel there is a ship row'd by men in armour , with this motto , alter erit typhis : there shall be another typhis . in the fourth space , meritis famam superantibus tropaeis , principi atavis regibus editae felicibus junctus hymenaeis : his deserved trophies out doing even fame , he was happily joyned in wedlock to a princess descended from an antient race of kings . the picture represents their majesties marriage ; and there are also in the pannel an unicorn and a lyon moving together ; and the unicorn goaring of serpents and vipers , with this motto , virusque fugant , viresque repellunt : they both drive away the poison , and repel the strength . at the top , upon the pedestal of the kings statue before , there are these words , populi salus : the peoples happiness . and behind , procerum decus : the honour of the nobility . upon the great cupola there are four distinct histories painted in four pannels . the first has this motto , refert saturnia regna : he brings back the saturnian reign . the second this , novos orbes , nova sceptra paramus : we prepare new worlds , and new scepters . the third this , superare & parcere vestrum est : it is your part to conquer and to spare . the fourth this , caetera transibunt : other things shall pass away . over the small arch on both sides , the arms of england were placed , with their supporters : over the great arch the arms of holland were placed , with two flying images of fame blowing of trumpets . a description of the fire-works , with their representations . in the canal behind the court , upon a large scaffold , there were very fine fireworks prepared , which were lighted the evening after his majesty entred the hague . in the middle was the kings cypher , with a crown over it : on the sides stood two high pyramids , a lyon , a hercules , and a sun : on each corner of the scaffold there were four cases of rockets , four of which were much larger then the rest , which represented the four kingdoms of england , scotland , france and ireland , with the arms of those kingdoms : round about there was pallissado stuck with rockets , some orange colour , some white , some blew , placed alternately to the number of three hundered and fifty . they placed fifteen bulwarks round the scaffold , on which they had mounted cannon and mortar pieces : between which they had large mortars made like beehives and pumps , which were charged with several sorts of fireworks . about half an hour after six in the evenning , the fireworks were lighted : just before thirty pieces of cannon that were planted upon the wall of the viver were discharged ; then follow'd twenty five mortar shot on both sides of the scaffold , and afterwards the crown and cypher , wr . which appeared like 350 pearls shining in the air. about the pallissadoes they had planted several devices : towards the states chamber was one with these words , triumphat semper augustus : he triumphs always august . on each side of this there was one planted ; one was , offensum metuunt hostes : his enemies dread him when he is offended . the other , carum venerantur amici : his friends worship him who is so dear to them . these shining very bright in the air , made a very pleasant show . over the cipher and crown was a ship toss'd about as in a storm , with this motto , ne metuas , caesarem vebis : fear not , thou carriest caesar . this also was visible in the air. when the pyramids were fired , they gave a lowd buzzing noise , which was now and then answered by the mortars . then the belgick lyon , and the hercules , play'd very wonderfully . hercules ' s arms were expanded , firing with eight several pauses , to denote his labours , which were . 1. the establishment of religion and liberty . 2. the securing the tranquillity of europe . 3. the settlement of the government upon a right bottom . 4. the preservation of the common interests of the people . 5. the preservation of unity amongst the neighbouring princes . 6. the clearing of the sea , and the increasing of trade . 7. the advancement of the glory of this state. 8. the concluding of a firm and lasting peace . while the fire play'd so finely , the air was full of the crackling noise , and the buzzes of the several sorts of fireworks , and they continued so very thick , that it did in a good measure dispel the fog , which was then very thick . at times they lighted water-balls , water-candles , water-bullets , water-boats , water-morters , rats and dolphins in a vessel upon the canal , which sputtering and crackling upon the water , gave an entertainment so great , that several ingenious men , who understood these matters , owned , that they had never seen any thing like it . they kindled also some hundreds of pitch barrels set round the scaffold , which encreased the light , whereby the other works which play'd all the while , were discerned the better . it lasted till about eight , and was ended with twenty five mortar-shot ; after which the cannon were several times discharged : the whole was done without any mischance , save only the loss of one gunner , who sweeping a cannon , lost both his hands , and died of his wounds . when his majesty came to court , the militia . stood in order in the outer court , before the triumphal arch , viz. baron friesem's regiment of foot , baron heyde's regiment of horse , who having discharged all together , went to the viverbergh to give way to the train bands in arms. several of the lords of the states were in the council chamber , to countenance this publick joy. the count de berka , and the heer colomma , the imperial and spanish ministers testified their satisfaction by illuminations before their lodgings : mijn heer schuylenbergh did the same at his own house upon the viverbergh with noble illuminations , beautified with several devices : as , regi gulielmo reduci : to king william returned again . transitque feritque : he passes by and strikes . imperat augustus : augustus governs . superat coelestibus alis : he mounts with heavenly wings . generosus ab ortu : noble from his birth . these were to be seen some time after . others also gave other instances of their satisfaction , every man after his own fancy . this was also graced with so vast a resort of people , as had never before been seen at the hague : some coming to see the solemnity , others to see the king once more returned again , and crowned with so much honour . the king well satisfied with all these their demonstrations of esteem and reverence , immediately applied himself to business ; having first given audiences of congratulation to all the colleges and deputies of the cities , and to some great lords and publick ministers . the elector of brandenburgh , and two princes of the house of anspach , ( who came two days before the publick entry ) were often with the king , and sometimes the ministers of the other allies joyned with them : it was said , that three ruffians were sent from the french court to cut off the king , and that there were particular informations given in of their persons . february the 7th in the afternoon the king went into the assembly of the states general , and took his place as stadtholder and captain general ; and made an oration to them , to this purpose . that when his majesty was last in council , he acquainted their high and mightynesses with his intention to go over into england with the assistance which they were pleased to give him , to deliver that nation from their impending dangers , and which in part had befallen them : and that god almighty had so far blessed him , as that he had brought his affairs to a happier issue then at first he could possibly wish for ; for which reason they offered him the crowns of great britain and ireland , which he accepted of , not out of any ambition , ( for he was not to be corrupted with that , or money ) but only to preserve religion and liberty in those kingdoms ; and to be able to give the allies a vigorous assistance against the power of france , which he had given before in a more particular manner , if the affairs of ireland had not diverted him ; which being now better settled than they were before , he was now come over , not only to take such measures with their high and mighty lordships , as should be most for the advantage of the confederates , but also to perform the duty of captain general ; and that from his tenderest years he had always a high regard for that state , and should always be ready to give greater proofs , if it were possible , how ready he should be to promote their welfare , for which he would joyfully hazard his life , if it might be a means to preserve the liberty of europe , and to encrease the felicity of the united provinces : and finally , he recommended himself to the good wishes of their high and mighty lordships . hereupon the lord president thanked his majesty in their lordships name , for the honour which was done unto them by his appearing once more in person amongst them : and he assured him , that they were highly sensible of those obligations which he had conferred upon them from time to time , by engaging in so great dangers so readily for their sakes : and further , that they should always thankfully acknowledge how much he had done for them ; wishing him all happiness in all his undertakings , promising their concurrence with his majesty to the utmost , and that they should contribute whatever they were able , to advance the common interest , and his majesties satisfaction . he afterwards made a speech to the state of holland , and was answered much to the same purpose . the evening before the king visited the princess of nassaw , lady to the hereditary stadtholder of friezeland ; as also the princess radzevile , and the princess of saxe-eysenach . the next day the king treated the elector of brandenburgh , the duke of norfolk , and several other lords at the house in the wood , and returned in the evening again to the hague . the ninth in the morning the heer prielmeyer , the envoy of the elector of bavaria , had audience of his majesty ; he was conducted from his lodgings about ten a clock , by the master of the ceremonies , with some coaches and six horses , and was received at the stair-foot by the swiss guards placed in order , and received by their officer at the end of the guard room , and thence conducted through the anti-chamber into the presence ; where after he had paid the accoustomed reverences ; he made a harangue in french to this purpose . that he was sent by the elector his master to congratulate his majesties happy successes , and that his master had begun his journey as soon as ever he had heard that his majesty had begun his ; so that he expected him every hour ; to be ready upon the spot to assure his majesty of his readiness to serve the common cause , and particularly to second those glorious undertakings ▪ which his majesty had so happily begun : and for his part , he only farther begg'd , that his person might not be unacceptable . to this the king replied , that he thank'd his electoral highness . that he should always endeavour to promote the common interest ; and therefore would joyn with the elector , and that he was oblig'd to his highness for this trouble ; and lastly , that his person was very acceptable . then the envoy presented his gentlemen to the king , who kissed his hand ; and afterwards the envoy was carried back in the same manner to his lodgings as he was brought up . then the envoys of mentz , cologne , munster and hambourg , had their publick audiences , after whom came the elector of brandenburgh , who had a private audience of near two hours . the duke administrator of wirtenbergh , with his brother , who were there incognito , were admitted without ceremonies . also the deputies of the cities and countries , who were obliged to go home to give an account of their affairs , had their audience of congé of his majesty : and afterwards the pensionary , secretaries , and deputies of the states of zealand , had their audiences , and complemented the king. the count of erbagh came from prince waldeck , and several foreign ministers from the emperor , the king of spain , the duke of savoy had their audiences . the 12th in the evening count winditsgratz , ambassador extraordinary from his imperial majesty arrived , and had his audience at ten a clock . the 14th at noon the king went into the council of the states , and after some affairs were dispatched , he went with the lords commissioners into the assembly of their high and mightynesses , where the state of the war for the year 1691. was presented , which the deputies were to send down to their respective provinces ; afterwards the king went to court , and gave audience to several foreign ministers and general officers , and among the rest to general delwich . the 15th the king , with the duke of norfolk , the earls of portland and devonshire , with several other noblemen , dined with the elector of brandenburgh : the elector received the king without , and conducted him to the dining-room . the king went away at four a clock , and gave audience afterwards to the elector palatine's minister . mr. berensdorff came hither also from the duke of zell ; and mr. klenck from the duke of hanouer , to complement his majesty in their masters names . prince waldeck came also to court , and had audience of the king immediately : and mr. cha●gagne came from the elector of treves . the 16th the elector of bavaria arriv'd , who acquainted the king of his arrival at ten a clock , by one of his gentlemen ; he lodged in his envoys house : next morning my lord portland , and the elector of brandenburgh went to complement him . the elector was met at the entrance of the house . about five in the evening he went privately to the king , and staid about an hour and half ; and the next day the king returned his visit . the 18th in the evening , the marquis de gastanaga , governor of the spanish netherlands arrived with a very splendid equipage : as soon as he arriv'd he went to court , and was received with the honour due to his character , the swiss guards being placed in ranks , with their officer posted at the head of them . he had a particular audience of the king an hour long , the elector of bavaria being by ; the swiss guards appeared then in arms , it being the first time that the elector of bavaria had appeared at court publickly : the same day also the elector of brandenburgh had his audience : next morning the marquis de gastanaga was at the kings rising , and then paid a visit to the elector of brandenburgh ; the king was that day above two hours in the committee of the council of state , and dined with the elector of brandenburgh at my lord portlands . mr. arnauld , preacher and head of the vaudois , who commanded them so bravely against the french last summer , came also to the hague , and had an audience of the king concerning their affairs . the 19th in the afternoon the king went a hawking near sorgvliet , with the elector of brandenburgh , and several other persons of great quality : next morning he went a hunting with the elector of bavaria , and the marquis of gastanaga near houns●●erdyke , where they dined , and came back again in the evening to the hague . the 20th , the prince of courland , with another prince of the house of holstein arrived here . the 21st , the landtgrave of h●sse came hither with his envoy , and several other lords : he immediately went to court , and staid some time with the king ; and the next day he paid a visit to the electors of brandenburgh and bavaria . the duke of zal●sbach came also with general dautel , as it 's believed , to complement the king in the elector palatine's name . the congress was now often kept : colomna the spanish envoy had a conference on the 23d in the morning with the deputies of the states general , and afterwards assisted in the congress ; where was also the count winditsgratz , the emperors plenipotentiary ; and the count de berka , and the chevalier crampricht the other imperial ministers were by , when he show'd his credentials , and the states assured him , that he should have audience with the usual ceremonies in two or three days . the counsellor mean , who was sent by the prince and chapter of liege , assisted also in the congress , and the emperors minister , with most of the other ministers waited upon his majesty . this extraordinary concourse has made the court at the hague so very splendid , that it has out-done any thing else in any other court of christendom . above 30 sovereign princes were there , besides marquesses , earls , barons , and gentlemen without number . the elector of bavaria , and the marquis de gastanaga kept publick tables . the 24th , about ten in the morning , the count de winditsgratz had publick audience of the king , conducted by the master of the ceremonies , with all the usual solemnities : he congratulated his majesties happy successes , and assured him that the emperor his master esteemed himself very much obliged to his majesty , for that care and concern which he show'd for the common cause ; and he further added , that his master look'd upon his britannick majesty , as the principal moving cause upon whom every thing else depended , that might be for the advantage of the confederacy . the elector of saxony's envoy had audience of the king the same day . the 25th in the morning the king , with the elector of brandenburgh , and the landtgrave of hesse , went to the great church , where they heard a sermon preached by mr. ulier ; who towards the latter end , said several moving things to his majesty . in the afternoon , the king with the electors of bavaria and brandenburgh , and the landtgrave of hesse , all four in a coach , took three or four turns round the voorhout , with the glasses down upon the kings side , who was received by the thronging multitudes with all imaginable demonstrations of affection and joy. the 26th , the count de prela doria , envoy extraordinary from the duke of savoy ; count d' autel , with the same character from the elector palatine , had audience of his majesty , as had on the 27th the sieur haxhuysen from the elector of saxony . march the 5th , the earl of devonshire treated the elector of brandenburgh , the landtgrave of hesse , the prince commercy , and divers other persons of quality with great magnificence , where his majesty was pleased to honour his lordship with his presence . on the 11th the duke of zell arrived at the hague , and the duke of wolfembuttel on the 14th . during all this time the congresses had been held almost every day , with great secrecy , his majesty always honouring them with his presence , when at last , the matters being fully concerted , and all things agreed upon to the mutual satisfaction of all the princes , this great council broke up , and the princes returned to their respective homes , to put in execution the designs here agreed upon , the good effects whereof we doubt not but to see this campagne , notwithstanding the unhappy accident of the loss of mons. his majesty having given orders to all the troops to be in a readiness to take the field by the first of april , was pleased on the 16th to depart for loo , being accompanied with the duke of zell , who rid in the same coach with him , and lay that night at the house of monsieur zullestein ; where he was met by the elector of bavaria , who likewise accompanied his majesty to loo , where they arrived the next evening , having been complemented as they passed along with all demonstrations of respect and affection , by the city of utrecht , and the several towns he pass'd through , and accompanied every where with the loud acclamations of the people , who were almost overwhelm'd with joy , at the extraordinary honour they received by the presence of this most illustrious monarch . but his majesty had not been long there before he received the unwelcome tidings of the siege of mons , an express arriving at the hague on the 16th in the evening , that the french troops had suddenly invested the town of mons , their horse having taken possession of all the avenues on the 15th of march , and that the foot were marching up with all diligence . the prince of stee●huysen , and the marquis bedmar , being sent from the governor of flanders , arrived at the hague the 17th , and after a short conference with prince waldeck , went post to loo , to give his majesty an account of the state of the affair . who being resolved himself to head the army , in order to raise the siege , returned to the hague ; from whence having dispatched prince waldeck with necessary orders for flanders , set forward himself the 26th for brussels ; the army in the mean time preparing with all imaginable diligence to muster at hall , whither his majesty went on the 6th of april , intending to have marched the next day at the head of the army , which consisted of 30000 foot and 16000 horse , with a train of artillery of 71 pieces of cannon and 14 mortars . but the carriages not being all come up , was obliged to defer his march for two or three days . the french had all this time very vigourously attacked the outworks of the town , but were as vigourously repulsed by the besieged , to the great loss of the enemy , who paid dearly for what he gained ; insomuch , that it was not doubted , but the town would have been able to have held out till the army came up to its relief , but the french king ( who was himself all the while at st. gislain , near the camp , the dauphin commanding in chief ) according to his old methods , had found means of gaining a party among the burghers and clergy in the town , who prevailing upon the rest , by the terrifying destruction the bombs and cannon made in their houses , and persuading them that by a timely surrender of the town they might obtain honourable conditions , made them basely desert the publick good , and altogether unexpectedly , even to the french themselves , on the 8th of april , beat a parley , and sent out three officers , as hostages for three french offices , who immediately entred the town , to treat upon articles of surrender ; the governor the prince de bergue oppos'd the surrender , and refus'd to deliver the gate to the french as the burghers had agreed , endeavouring to disswade them from this their resolution , alledging he could still hold out till the relief came ; but all would not do , the burghers wre resolved , and they being stronger than the garison , who were all employed in the outworks , the honourable governor was forced to submit , and about midnight the capitulation was signed on both sides ; and the next day april the 9th , a gate of the town was deliver'd up to the french guards ; and on the 10th , the garison marched out , being about 4000 , foot and 400 horse , with arms , baggage , drums beating , colours flying , six pieces of cannon , two mortars , &c. and were conducted to tubiese ▪ a few miles from mons towards brussels . the king having received this surprizing news just as he was ready to march to their relief , was forced to alter his measures ; and understanding that the french king had seperated his troops , and dispos'd 'em into garisons ; and that he with the dauphin , &c. were return'd to versailles , broke up the camp , and having sent reinforcements to charleroy , aeth , namur , and the other frontier garisons , went to brussels ; and from thence to the hague , where he was pleased to honour the duke of zell ( who was likewise return'd thither from the camp ) with the noble order of the garter , who was invested with the garter and george by the king himself , assisted by the dukes of norfolk and ormond , and the earl of devonshire : this was perform'd privately in the kings bed-chamber the 18th of april : and the next day , garter king at arms presented to his highness the rest of the ensigns , with the whole habit and ornaments of the order , which his highness having received , was pleased to make a very noble present to the king at arms , and to all the retinue he had brought with him upon this occasion . april the 22d , his majesty having taken leave of the states general , and been complimented by them , with all the expressions of sincere affection , took shiping in the maese in order to his return for england , and the wind being fair , the next morning made the english shore ; and that evening , viz. april the 13th , 1691. o. s. about eight of the clock landed at whitehall , having been saluted by the fleet , as he passed along with all their guns , and the repeated huzza's of the seamen , who demonstrated the most extraordinary joy imaginable ; and by the guns of the forts of tilbury , gravesend , and the tower ; also by the ships that lay in the river ; and the joyful acclamations of the people , who crowded in great numbers upon the shore , and in boats , to see his majesty , and express their joy upon his happy return , continually repeating , god save king william and queen mary , and prosper their arms by sea and land. thus have we finished our short journal of his majesties voyage into holland , wherein we have been as particular as was convenient , and as brief as possible ; we have all along carefully avoided all manner of reflections and animadversions of our own , and given only a true relation of the matter of fact as it occur'd ; wherein if we have the good fortune to please the reader , we have our end. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a69794-e330 * a fouder contains 4 hogsheads . a collection of several relations and treatises singular and curious of john baptista tavernier, baron of aubonne not printed among his first six voyages ... / published by edmund everard, esquire ... tavernier, jean-baptiste, 1605-1689. 1680 approx. 487 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 102 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a63407 wing t250 estc r35212 15070026 ocm 15070026 103159 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63407) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103159) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1579:36) a collection of several relations and treatises singular and curious of john baptista tavernier, baron of aubonne not printed among his first six voyages ... / published by edmund everard, esquire ... tavernier, jean-baptiste, 1605-1689. everard, edmund. [20], 87, 66 p., 6 folded leaves of plates : ill., map. printed by a. godbid and j. playford for moses pitt ..., london : 1680. translated by edmund everard. imperfect: print show-through. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. i. a new and singular relation of the kingdom of tunquin with several figures and a map of the countrey -ii. how the hollanders manage their affairs in asia -iii. a relation of japon and the cause of the persecution of the christians in those islands, with a map of the countrey --iv. a relation of what passed in the negotiation of the deputies which were at persia and the indies as well on the french king's as the company's behalf for the establishment of trade -v. observations upon the east india trade and the frauds there subject to be committed. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 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keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tonkin -description and travel. japan -history. netherlands -colonies. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-05 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion advertisement about the english atlas now printing at the theatre in oxford by moses pitt bookseller in london . that the first volum of the said atlas , which contains the north pole , the principal countries of which are , muscovy or russia , poland , sweden , and denmark ; will be finished , and ready to be delivered to the subscribers about christmass next : and therefore it is desired , that those tha● have subscribed and not paid their money , as also others that desre to subscribe , do immediately pay their subscription money , viz. forty shillings , to dr. thomas yate , principal of brazen nose college oxon , or to moses pitt at the angel in s. paul's churchyard london ; where they shall have a receipt . and all those that have a mind to have their coat of arms engraven on any of the plates , shall have it done for twenty shillings if they please to send their coat to either of the two persons above mentioned in time . if any desire to satisfie themselves as to the well-doing of the ●aid book , let them inquire at the theatre in oxon , or at the shop of the said moses pitt in london , where they may be fully satisfied by seeing of the sheets of the said book as they are wrought off at the press . it 's desired , that if any gentleman has any curiosities of any cou●trey whatsoever , if he please to communicate them to the said moses pitt , and they are approved of and judg'd fit to be printed by those learned men , whose judgments are consulted , they shall have satisfaction for them to their own content . a collection of several relations & treatises singular and curious , of john baptista tavernier , baron of aubonne . not printed among his first six voyages . divided into five parts , viz. i. a new and singular relation of the kingdom of tunquin , with several figures , and a map of the countrey . ii. how the hollanders manage their affairs in asia . iii. a relation of japon , and the cause of the persecution of the christians in those islands ; with a map of the countrey . iv. a relation of what passed in the negotiation of the deputies which were at persia and the indies , as well on the french king 's as the company 's behalf , for the establishment of trade . v. observations upon the east india trade , and the frauds there subject to be committed . published by edmund everard , esquire . imprimatur hic liber , cui titulus , a collection of several relations and treatises , &c. anth. spinedge , rev. in christo patri & dom. domino gulielmo archiep. cant. à sacris domesticis . london , printed by a. godbid and j. playford , for moses pitt at the angel in s. paul's churchyard . 1680. to the right honourable sir robert clayton , lord mayor elect of the city of london . my lord , the encouragement the city-trade and forein discoveries is like to find under your lordship's magistracy , ought to be the chief encouragement of any publick-spirited person to render unto you all due acknowledgments and testimonies of honour in this kind . the city of london is doubtless the head and promotress of all english trade , and your lordship is the designed head and representative of the city : that obligation forein traffique hath to london , london oweth partly to the wise councils and government of its chief magistrate , and it scarce ever had any , of whose prudence courage , and moderation , it ought to conceive greater hopes than of your lordship's . hard weather needs resolute pilots , and good magistrates are ordinarily sent by god against bad times : and far be it from us that we should make times worse than they are . but as it hath been my bad more than my good fortune to be some years ago the first avant courier , who from the enemies camp brought the tidings of these hellish attempts , that now cause our domestic troubles ; so i in this book present to your lordship , and all england , an unavoidable and impartial argument , to shew that our fears from jesuitical practices are much less magnified , than they are by them beyond measure extenuated , by a new popish device of creating security : for herein your lordship may see what the jesuits are , where ever they get footing and credit , in the furthest part of japon , as well as in venice , paris , ireland , and england . coelum non animum mutant , cùm trans mare currunt . you shall observe ( i say ) how these ignatians covetousness and state-undermining , brought the greatest rebellion , bloudshed , and massacre upon about 60000 christians at one blow , that ever was seen in those eastern parts of the world ; and how thereby some hundred thousands in after persecutions were destroyed ; may , and the whole christian name quite extirpated ( in hatred of their practices ) by heathen monarchs , who could not think their heads , crowns , nor estates , to be otherwise safe from the factious disciples of this loyola . yet all theirs , and their secret factors devices , will ( i hope ) come to nought , if we follow those moderate , peaceable , and judicious counsels , your lordship 's eloquent speech hath set out unto us ; begetting a sober and hearty harmony 'twixt prince and people . if the ship be kept in good order within , there 's little to be fear'd from storms without . i remark , that it depended much on the tribunus plebis , or lord mayor of the old rome , ( most like to our london in policy and magistracy ) to keep it and the whole government in an even temper , and to maintain a lovely correspondency betwixt the senat and the people ; and it was by him that the enemies or friends of the commonwealth ordinarily wrought their ends of peace or disturbance . therefore as your lordship hath always appeared , as well in your actions as in your words , a sincere and brave-spirited patriot , a moderate and reconciling subject , it is not to be doubted but that your lordship will give that satisfaction to the court , city , and country , and even to all forein traffiquers themselves , that is justly expected and conceived of you . so that quiet , peace , trade , and forein discoveries , being encouraged and promoted in your times , your name shall be not onely respected and honoured among your countreymen , but also in those remotest parts of the world , where this small work ( most necessary for all east india merchants and travellers ) will sound it out , and testifie with all the due respects and obligations on the public accompt of , your most humble and dutiful servant , edmund everard . the preface . the world being an ample volum , in whose extent and varieties the framer's wisdom and attributes are manifestly read and set out , it seems that great travellers are the best scholars and proficients in this book ; since on 's native countrey is but as a single leaf , where all the singularities are not to be seen which are found in the other . — non omnis fert omnia tellus . and the truth of it is , those ancient philosophers , who have first laid the foundations of arts , sciences , and commonwealths in the world , were travellers into these very eastern parts , ( partly described by us here ) whence they brought home all their knowledge ; it being here that man and knowledge it self had their first beginning . so that wise travellers are not unlike those rich laden vessels which through many dangers bring wholesom and profitable cargo's , drugs , and other conveniences , to be dispers'd among the several societies of their own countrey : they are like those diligent master-bees , who run divers miles to extract out of many bitter herbs that sweet liquor , which they afterwards kindly refund to be enjoyed at home in common , in the hardest seasons of the year , by their fellows . what costs them dear , others have it cheap : and there 's scarce any private persons in the common-wealth , to whom we owe greater honour and thanks ▪ than to worthy travellers and discoverers of for●●●… countries . yet it may be truly said , that ancient travellers and geographers have but as course limners and coast-drivers , drawn a very rough draught in their relations of those countries they describ'd unto us , in comparison of some later writers , who also sometimes do but copy their predecessors stories ; and merchants , with most other travellers , are weather-driven by their private occasions or misfortunes , to take but a cursory survey of places , and so give but an answerable account of the same to the world. but among all the ancient and modern travellers , none had such fair opportunities and advantages as the illustrious monsieur tavernier had , to make a true , profitable , and exact relation of the singularities of those remote parts of asia , where he past so many years in great splendour , as shall appear by the ensuing considerations and qualifications of a good traveller . 1. he from his youth had a strong inclination to travel , which secret instinct is certainly a preordination of god for an undertaking ; and this unseen impulsion carries such extraordinary instruments chearfully and prosperously through all the difficulties , others of a contrary disposition would never wade thorough , for whom it would be in vain to strive against the current of nature . 2. this travelling genius made him begin early to fit himself for his design , and soon to go about it . he was therefore sufficiently imbued in his intellectuals with all due knowledge of sciences , language , and geography , and precedent travellers maps and books , without all which common travellers cannot conceive so soon and so orderly , nor reap so much benefit for themselves or others . 3. but speculations without experience are but unprofitable notions ; and the experiments of this kind are not to be had without great means and expence , for want of which many a good undertaking is still-born . haud facilè emergunt , quorum virtutibus obstat res angusta domi — is an old and true saying . but our noble tavernier had an ample estate , drove a great trade , had money in abundance , and a prince's or embassador-like retinue , without which and great presents none is scarce look'd upon in luxurious asia , fit for admittance into great and worthy companies , where knowledge may be attained ; so that he thereby soon got into the presence , familiarity , and closets of the emperours , the ministers of state , and the philosophers of persia , mogol , &c. and got into the acquaintance and conversations of the leading and common merchants , traffiquers , and people ; and knew their languages very well : for it is in vain to have eyes , if one have not also a tongue in such cases . 4. and whereas learning and riches do sometimes render narrow souls of a more proud and unsociable temper , monsieur tavernier is by nature and education , an obliging , cheerful , and insinuating traveller , and of a graceful countenance . comely personages are beloved almost as soon as they are seen ; and those that have but fair souls , are not so till after they are known . now monsieur tavernier having both these advantages , had a free entrance into the friendship and notions the indians ( great or small ) had concerning the natural , mechanical , political , religious , and trading state of their own countrey ; which he made more his business to know , than to grow more rich . and at some times he would reckon thousands of pounds as nothing to attain his ends in this point of knowledge and further experience ; as the perusal of this his own work , and persons now in london , that knew him in and after his travels , can fully testifie . 5. moreover , mutual help of persons equally understanding and curious , is a great advantage in such researches and observations as these . now john baptista tavernier , besides many other heads and hands , had herein the assistance of a brother , as complete a traveller as himself in those furthest parts of asia , and had no less the foregoing qualifications in person and estate than this his brother john baptista had , as the reader may well perceive by this volum of travels . 6. and as for the time ; six voyages , and about forty years abode in those countries they do describe , did render these brethrens knowledge vast , their experiments tried over and over , and this their account more sure and exact ( as i said ) than that of any other traveller heretofore . 7. and finally , to confirm the undoubted credit that 's to be given to this nobleman and his relation , ( who is above all design of flattering or deceiving the reader ) you may meet with several worthy persons in this city and the court of england ; and i my self , who was at paris some few years ago at monsieur tavernier's arrival , and who can witness the grand esteem , the solemn honours and thanks , that were then given him by persons of all ranks and degrees , the french east india company 's admiration and recommendation of him , that he had done his king and countrey more credit in those proud eastern courts than ever any did before him ; the french king 's imploying of him there ; the rarities he brought home to the learned ; the vast riches and memoirs he gained for himself , and the incomparable jewels and singularities he brought to the french king ; the titles of lord and baron conferred upon him extraordinarily , though he were a merchant and a strict protestant . these ( i say ) public and private testimonials do shew what credit other nations and his own ( which is singular ) had given to him . but in a word his own observations herein gathered will prove it better . but if any desire to have some account of the work it self , the newness , profit , and satisfaction the very subject must needs yield to all persons and professions cannot but be acceptable . the naturalist shall have plants , minerals , animals , and phoenomena's never seen in our climate . and about physic , the law , music , and poetry , more time and tryals are required in those countries than here ; and you shall accordingly read of cures done that draw near to natural miracles . the divine will see things worth his observation in their religion and morals , wherein they may confound the very christians ; whereof i 'le onely touch but thus much : that by the light of nature those heathens own a supreme deity , and a future state of happiness and torments ; and do in view of the same most strictly keep the civil and the ten moral commandments , much answerable to ours , which their prophets have left to them . so that they punish murther and adultery even in * princes and princesses ; terrible examples whereof you may here read at large . and the church and state government are subservient in a subordination , the one being a prop to the other . even statesmen may find subject of weighty consideration , in the antiquity , model , and exactness of their government . as for instance : though they have a special regard to monarchy , so as to keep the succession within the same line ; yet the * great constable , and the king's council have power left them to propose and chuse the fittest person among the royal children , or collateral successors , who is nominated in the king's life-time , to prevent after disturbances . they have also on the other side very singular and unimitable ways to prevent the insurrections , divisions , and rebellions of the militia and the people . but above all , the traveller and traffiquer into those parts will be like to run into a thousand inconveniences , and losses of health , life , and estate , without being guided by such directions as he carefully gives herein , which others cannot possibly so soon and so well know . it is in fine herein declared , by what means the french , holland , and portugal east india companies were settled , improved , and worsted in those countries ; also the coinage , and the reduction thereof to ours ; the particular places where all sorts of east india commodities are best and cheapest had ; the rates and exchange returns are here to be found ; the manner how to know their falsifications in gold , silver , jewels , drugs , silks , linen , and all the other merchandizes which are brought from those nations are here set down : it being otherwise hard or impossible to escape the cheats of the persians , chineses , and japoners , without such instructions . i 'le say no more , but that in this work was imployed the help of another worthy gentleman , who labour'd in the first volum of tavernier's translation ; but it was brought to an end and perfection by me , who had the occasion to be more particularly acquainted with monsieur tavernier himself , his native tongue , and other particularities abroad . edmund everard . the table to tavernier's volum of japon , china , and tunquin , &c. a relation of japon , and of the cause of the persecution of the christians in those islands . pag. 1. a relation of what pass'd in the negotiation of the deputies which were sent to persia and the indies , as well on the behalf of the french king , as of the french company , for the settling of trade . 26 observations upon the trade of the east indies . 51 of the commodities which are brought as well out of the dominions of the great mogul , as out of the kingdoms of golconda and visapour , and other neighbouring territories . and also of the weights and measures of the said commodities . 57 chap. 1. a discourse in general concerning the city of tunquin , and of the manner how the author came to have knowledge thereof . 1 chap. 2. of the situation and extent of the kingdom of tunquin . 5 chap. 3. of the quality of the kingdom of tunquin 7 chap. 4. of the riches , trade , and money of the kingdom of tunquin . 13 chap. 5. of the strength of the kingdom of tunquin by sea and land 14 chap. 6. of the manners and customs of the people of the kingdom of tunquin . 16 chap. 7. of the marriages of the tunquineses , and their severity toward adulteresses . 18 chap. 8. of the visits , feasts , and pastimes of the tunquineses . 21 chap. 9. of the learned men in the kingdom of tunquin . 24 chap. 10. of their physicians , and the diseases of the tunquineses . 28 chap. 11. of the original government and policy of the kingdom of tunquin . 31 chap. 12. of the court of the king of tunquin . 38 chap. 13. of the ceremonies observ'd when the kings of tunquin are advanced to the throne . 40 chap. 14. of the funeral pomp of the kings of tunquin , and of their manners of burying their dead . 46 chap. 15. of the religion and superstition of the tunquineses . 49 of the government of the hollanders in asia . chap. 1. of the island of formosa , and how the hollanders possessed themselves of it , and how it was taken from them by the chineses . 57 chap. 2. of maurice island , where they cut ebony . 61 chap. 3. of the grandeur of the general at batavia , and what befell his wife and his niece . 65 chap. 4. of general vanderbroug , and of the original of the city of batavia . 69 chap. 5. of the countrey about cochin , and how the holland general crown'd one of the indian princes . 74 chap. 6. of the sieur hollebrand glins , president of the factory at ormus . 77 chap. 7. touching the islands of the prince . 79 chap. 8. how the hollanders sent to declare war against the persians , and of the ill success of their fleet. 80 chap. 9. of the severity of the holland commanders in the indies . 83 chap. 10. touching the women . 85 a mapp of the isles of iapon orientall ocean the sea of coreer the south sea mapp of tunquin an alphabetical index to the map of tunquin , made on the place by b. tavernier . the first figures are longitude , the second latitude . bodego , whence they embarque the king's body : as also the huts for those that attend the king's body 144-21 bonten , an excellent haven 151-9 camelee , a great river , but bad port 146-13 chancon , an isle where s. xavier died february 4. 1552. 155-21 checo , the capital city of tunquin , and king's seat 144-21 colaure 146-14 cuaci , the bounds between tunquin and cochinchina 142-16 cuadag , a lake 140-22 cuad●g , the port where all the great ships lie , not able to enter the great river of cheche , being stopped up 142-20 dinphoan , a good port , but difficult entrance 149-10 haifo , this isle is a forest of orange and pomgranat trees 145-14 hainanen , an island wherein is two rivers , one is very hot and smells of sulphur , and the sick come from all the adjacent parts to bath in it 148-19 island of fishes 146-19 pulociampelio isle 146-15 sansoo , one of the greatest cities of cochinchina , and greatest trade , but the port failing , it now decays 143-15 tacan , an isle where the fowls retire during the heat 148-12 tortose islands 152-11 tulatan isle 147-14 an alphabetical index of all the towns in the map of japon . a achas 175-34 acosaqui 177-34 aizu 184-38 akas 174-34 amessima 171-34 amusana 175-34 anai 174-34 anzuqui 176-35 aqui 173-34 aquita 182-40 arcy 177-34 ava 174-33 ava 181-34 autua 170-33 axicanga 182-36 aximot 181-36 b bandel 179-34 bigen 174-35 bingo 173-34 bipchu 173-34 bugen 172-34 bungo 171-33 c camba 179-34 cango 177-36 cansula 182-35 cataizu 175-33 caucani 175-34 cochite 170-33 coreer isles 169-34 the sea 171-34 coyssina 171-34 d daura 180-34 deva 182-38 dongo 172-33 f facoua 180-34 fairma 174-34 favissida 178-34 fintsautwa 177-34 firanda 170-33 firazima 172-34 fitaqui 182-37 flagway 177-34 foncorai 178-34 foqui 174-35 forissauva 180-35 fucha 179-36 fumay 172-33 fuximi 176-35 g ganamisaqui 171-34 ganomi 172-34 ginkay 171-34 gold mines 184-38 i jaai 178-34 jamman 171-34 idiumo 173-35 idzumi 175-34 jedo or jendo 181-35 jesse 184-40 jesare 179-34 inaba 174-35 ingo 176-34 jobeco 170-33 jokeits 176-34 josinda 177-34 isakuts 176-34 juani 172-35 jussimara 179-34 k kakinkw 179-34 kakingaren 178-34 karaye 178-34 kisma 170-33 m maicazima isle 183-36 marganni 174-34 mia 177-34 miaco or meaco 175-34 micava 177-35 mimalaea 173-35 mino 177-34 mirico 179-34 mulaxi 181-35 muro 174-34 n nanastgamma 170-33 namba 184-39 nangati 171-34 nangisaqui 171-33 nayma 178-37 nibarascq 178-34 niborasaca 178-34 nivata 181-37 noto 178-37 o ocambe 179-34 ocasaqui 177-34 okais 179-34 omodo key 170-33 oquayama 174-34 ormeda 176-34 oseaca 175-34 ova 176-34 owaeri 177-35 q quano 176-34 quinocuni 175-33 quirenoxo 176-36 r roches 171-33 s sacca 178-34 saccaiia 175-34 sace 176-34 saikock 171-33 samma 176-34 sando 180-37 sangani 180-35 sanuqui 173-34 saquio 171-34 sapui 175-34 sateuma 170-32 sateque 183-37 savola 174-34 scabarei 179-34 silver mines 179-37 simanda 178-34 simissima 170-33 sinagawa 181-35 sincubi 170-33 sintsi 176-34 sino sima 171-34 sirion 177-34 sirack 178-34 stintgo 175-34 surunga 179-34 suva 180-36 suvo 172-34 t tambo 175-35 tanegaxima 172-32 tango 175-35 tatomi 178-35 tauma 175-35 tucnocuni 175-34 tenri river 178-34 toia 172-33 tokoesi 173-33 toi isle 183-34 tomo 173-34 tondozima isle 180-38 tottori 174-35 tsumgaer 184-40 v vacosa 176-35 vasumi 171-32 ubama 176-35 vitchu 178-36 vomi 176-35 vouri 177-35 voxu 183-37 w waka 176-34 x xendai 183-38 xidaibama 182-37 xikoso 173-33 ximo 171-32 ximosakock 170-33 ximolu 182-36 ximomaxoqui 171-34 xinan 178-35 xio 173-33 xiva 177-36 y yamamguela 172-34 yamato 176-34 yamaxico 175-34 yazuqui 174-35 yechigen 177-36 yechingo 180-36 yhe 176-34 yonazaua 183-38 yynoxima isle 183-33 z zetta 170-33 zima 176-34 finis . a new and particular relation of the kingdom of tunquin : with a map of the country and several figures . chap. i. a discourse in general concerning the city of tunquin , and of the manner how the author came to have knowledge thereof . the kingdom of tunquin has been long unknown to the people of europe ; neither have they , who have given us relations thereof , well understood the country , as having trusted too much to defective and fabulous descriptions and observations . not that i am willing to be over severe in censuring ; but submissively i am bold to affirm , that this which i here make public was extracted out of my brother's writings , of which i had the overlooking in my second voyage that i made to the indies ; and of which i was the more confident , for that the author had been one who had made eleven or twelve voyages from batavia , bantam , and achem , to tunquin : other observations i collected from the tunquinesi themselves , with whom i have had several discourses , during the time that i was at batavia and bantam , where they principally trade . and that which gave me the more light was this , that those merchants several times bring along with them some of their bonze's or priests , as also some of their learned men to teach their children to write and read. for these merchants when they make a voyage by sea , carry all their families along with them . and from these bonze's and other learned men i had several observations and memoirs in writing , as being desirous to be inform'd by me of the government and situation of our france . and as i was never without an atlas and some other particular maps , they were ravish'd with admiration , when i shew'd them the structure and composure of the whole world , and the situation of its several kingdoms and estates . therefore may the reader with the more pleasure and delight peruse these relations , when he has so much reason to be persuaded that they are cordially done , and that they are made public by a person whose sincerity has no design to abuse him . my brother , who was a person both cunning and couragious , and one that lov'd to travel as well as my self , having heard much talk in the indies of the grandeur of the kingdom of tunquin , resolv'd to go thither , and as he had a particular gift to learn a language in a little time , he soon grew familiar with the malaye , which is the language of the learned in those quarters of asia , as latin is among us in europe . he understood that silk , musk , and other commodities of the like nature , were much cheaper there then in other places adjoyning , and that the people dealt with more fairness and honesty . upon the encouragement of which information he prepar'd a ship , and made his voyages with good success . he always carri'd with him a good sum of money ; and more then that , he stor'd himself with a considerable number of small curiosities , to present the king and his nobility , according to the general custom of all the eastern countries : thus he came to be well receiv'd the first time that he set foot in the country ; so that the customer being by him oblig'd with a small clock ; a pair of small pistols , and two pictures , which were the pictures of two curtesans , immediately gave notice to the king of his arrival . thereupon having order to attend the court , and coming to kiss the king's hands , the whole assembly was surpris'd to hear a stranger , born in a country so far distant , speak the malaye language so fluently . the king gave him a favourable reception , and kindly receiv'd the present which he brought along with him . it was a very noble sword , of which the handle and hilt were all over enchac'd with rubies and emraulds , with a backsword blade . to this he added a pair of pistols , adorn'd and inlaid with silver , a persian saddle and bridle , embroider'd with gold and silver , a bow and quiver full of arrows , and six pictures , like those which he had given the customer . these things highly pleas'd the king , who presently drew forth the sword out of the scabbard , the better to look upon and consider it . at length one of his sons took it up , to try whether it would fit his hand as well as those of his own country , and offer'd to make a blow . my brother , seeing the young prince handle the weapon gracefully enough , after the manner of the country , told the king , that if he pleas'd , he would show the king how they handled that weapon in france , of which the king readily consented to be a spectatour . this was my brother's first reception at court ; for he made several voyages to tunquin , and every time that he return'd , they still the more and more obligingly entertain'd him . but that which fix'd him more in the good opinion and favour of the king and lords of the court , was his ●…olic and gentile behaviour in playing with them for several large sums , insomuch that being one that ventur'd deep ; he lost above 20000 crowns in one voyage . however the king , who was a generous prince , would not suffer him to be a loser , but gave him those considerable presents that suppli'd his losses . by means of my brother 's thus long sojourning in tunquin , and the familiar acquaintance which he had at court , together with the trade which he drove in the kingdom , as he was diligent to inform himself of all the curiosities of the country , it was easie for me upon the same foundation to lay the structure of these memoirs . though i may safely say , i was no less laborious in my own particular , and by the frequent discourses which i had with a great number of the tunquineses , with whom i met both at bantam and batavia that came thither to trade , and whom i often treated at my own expences , to inform my self of the particular ceremonies and customs of their country . thus you see the grounds and foundations of this relation , which is both faithful and exact , and by which that noble country , of which the descriptions hitherto have been so obscure and uncertain , shall be truly discover'd and set forth , such as it is ; declaring withal , that no other consideration or interest , then that of speaking truth , has incited me to undertake this description . for the better observation of a right method in pursuance of this relation , and to conduct the reader gradatim to the more perfect knowledge of this kingdom , i will speak first of its situation , its extent , and its climate . next i shall come to discourse of its qualities , its riches , and its trade , which are the three springs and sources of the strength and force of a nation . next i shall give an account of the customs and manners of the people as well in their particular oeconomy and civil society , as in relation to their marriages , their visits and festivals . next to this we shall give a brief account of the learning , and learned men , and among them of their physicians , and the subject of their art , that is to say , of the diseases particular to the country . we shall also give a relation of the original of the government and policy of the kingdom of tunquin , of the condition of the court , of the inauguration and funerals of their kings , and in the last place of the original of the inhabitants . and i dare ingage , that the map of the country , and the cuts which were drawn upon the place , will no less contribute to the divertisement of the reader , then to the explanation of the matter which they contain . chap. ii. of the situation and extent of the kingdom of tunquin . we shall have the less reason to admire wherefore our predecessors had so little knowledge of this kingdom , when we consider that having formerly been a considerable part of china , the inhabitants in the same manner as the chineses did , kept themselves close within their own bounds , never minding to have any commerce with other people , whom they contemn'd and lookt upon as barbarians come from the other part of the world. but now that they find that strangers come to find them out in their own territories , they begin to see that other people have as good government as themselves ; which has bred in them a desire to converse and trade with foreigners ; so that now they associate themselves in friendly manner with all other people , as i have observ'd them to do both at batavia and bantam . most people believe this country to lye in a very hot climate ; nevertheless it is now known to be very temperate , by reason of the great number of rivers that water it ; which , together with the rains that fall in their seasons , cause a brisk freshness of the air ; which indeed happ'ns most usually over all the torrid-zone , as i have observ'd in my indian travels . from whence we may also have reason to believe the country to be very fruitful and thick inhabited . to the east this kingdom lies upon the province of cauton , one of the best of china . to the west it is bounded by the kingdom of brama . to the north it borders upon two other provinces of china , junnan and quansi . to the south it lies upon cochinchina , and the great gulph of the same name . to return to the climate , the air is so mild and temperate , that all the year long seems to be but one continual spring ; frost and snow are never there to be seen ; and besides , the pestilence , the gout , the stone , and other diseases so frequent in europe , there are never known . there are but two winds , which divide the whole year between them ; the one blowing from the north , the other from the south , and both continuing the same for six months together . the first refreshes the earth in that manner , that there is nothing so delightful as the country of tunquin . the other begins to blow from the end of january to the end of july ; and the two last months are their months of rain . the greatest inconvenience is , that there arise once in seaven years , as well in this country as in other parts of the indies , those hideous and terrible tempests , that blow down houses , tear up trees by the roots , and make strange desolations . they seldom last above four and twenty hours , nor are their sad effects to be felt but only upon the seas of china , japon , cochinchina , tunquin , and the manilles , being rarely known in any other seas . the astrologers of those parts believe that these terrible tempests proceed from the exhalations that rise out of the mines of japon . it comes with that suddain force that when it surprizes a vessel out at sea , the pilots have no other remedy then to cut down all the masts , that the storm may have the less force upon the ship. in this fair extent of land , almost equal to that of france , are several provinces , whose limmits are not well known ; the tunquineses being no great geographers , nor having bin over curious to write the annals of the nation . but the most understanding and knowing among them assur'd me at batavia , that the whole kingdom contain'd above twenty thousand cities and towns. they also affirm'd that there might be many more , but after the manner of their neighbours the cochinchineses , many of the people choose rather to upon the water then upon the land ; so that you shall see live the greatest part of their rivers covered with boates , which serve them instead of houses ; and which are very neat , though they also keep their cattel in them . chap. iii. of the quality of the kingdom of tunquin . this country for the most part is a level extent , which rises up and down into pleasant hillocks ; the greatest hills which it has lying to the north. it is water'd by several rivers which inter-cut and glide through the country : some of which carry galleys of good burthen , and large shallps , very commodious for trade . yet in all the country there grows neither corn nor wine , by reason of the want of rain , which never falls but in the months of june and july . but it bears an infinite quantity of rice , which is the chief sustenance of the people . of this rice also they make their drink , besides which they have good aqua vitae or strong-water . their fruits are excellent , but much different from ours , as are also the trees that bear them . the chiefest of these trees are the palm-tree , which bears a fruit bigger then in any part of asia . the nut is about the bigness of a man's head , in shape like a coco-nut ; the shell is very hard , and being open'd , the pulp within is as white as snow , having a tast like our almonds , and every one of the fruits contains about two glassfuls of liquor , very refreshing and pleasing to the palate . the gogavier , very much resembles our lawrel , of which there are two sorts ; the one bears a plum , green without and red within : but the fruit of the other tree , which is in much more esteem , is yellowish without and white within , the top of the fruit being like a small nosegay : the pulp is full of small kernels , less then those of a pomegranate ; and if they be eaten before they are ripe they bind the belly , whereas being eaten when they are come to full maturity they work a contrary effect . formerly this fruit was not known in the kingdom of tunquin , but after the portugals seated themselves at macao , they carri'd several plants thither , so that now the fruit is grown very common . the papager bears a fruit which very much resembles a small melon , the tast whereof is very delicious . the arager grows upright and streight , like the mast of a ship , bearing no branches but at the top ; which makes it appear like a crown . the fruit which it produces is like a nutmeg , but a little more round . the people break this nut , and bruising it together with betlè leaves , mix both with a little chalk , and make use of the powder to keep their teeth clean , to dye their lips of a vermilion colour , and to keep their breath sweet . they have but two sorts of figs , the one like ours , and the other like those which are call'd adam's figs , as long as a man's finger . there is also another tree , very like our willow , which they call the powder tree , because that of the wood they make charcoal , and of the coal a powder which they make use of in their wars . the jambager is another tree , that grows very high , which bears a fruit about the bigness of a citrul-cucumber , the pulp whereof is full of kernels like a granate , very cooling and pleasant , and very frequently eaten in the season of heat . the high-ways are also planted with trees on both sides for the convenience of travellers : and there are some of these trees so big that two or three thousand men may stand under them , like that at ormus , or bandar abassi , by me describ'd in my relations of persia , and of which many other travellers have made mention . when the branches of these trees are about ten or twelve foot long , there issue forth other little branches which turn downward , and by little and little descending to the ground , take root and afterwards become as it were so many pillars to support the master-branches . there are some of the master-branches three hundred paces long , which are supported by these outgrowing branches at the distance of every ten or twelve foot . the fruit is of the bigness of one of our great nuts , the shell whereof is red , containing within nothing but a kernel like a grain of millet . the rere mice feed upon 'em , and also make their nests in the trees . these rere-mice are as big as a good pullet , insomuch that their wings are above a foot and a half long . they never light upon the tree like other birds , but you shall see them all the day long hanging at the branches of the trees , fasten'd by their claws to the tree with their heads downward . upon every wing they have seven as it were little hooks or claws , so that being shot , they never fall to the ground , but remain fixed to the branches , that at a distance you would take them to be some great pears that hung upon the tree . they are accounted a great dainty among the portugals , who leave their pullets to eat them . 't is true that their flesh is very white , and when they are young they are a delicate sort of diet. i happen'd to eat of them two or three times with the portugals , who thought they had oblig'd me with a great dainty ; and had i not known what they were , i should have taken them for pullets . and now i am talking of the delicacies of the country , i will tell you of one sort of dyet which is very singular . this food is the nest of a certain bird which is no where to be found , but in the four islands that lie upon the coast of cochinchina , and of which you have the figures in the table a , b , c , d. these birds are about the bigness of a swallow , and build their nests in such a manner , that they are neither too close compacted , nor altogether transparent ; they are like an onion compos'd of several rings and envelopings ; that compose a nest of a certain sort of gunim , which is steep'd in warm water , and mix'd with all the sawces which are made both for fish and flesh . it is transported all over india and into holland for curiositie's sake . you would believe in eating those meats which are season'd therewith , that those nests were compos'd of all the spices in the orient . i have not only brought this diet into france , and presented of it to several persons of quality , but i have also my vouchers for the truth of what i relate , several of my friends who have brought it from holland , among the rest m. de villermont , whose name is famous for his travels into the east-indies . he and all those that have eat thereof agree with me , that all the spices of the east put together , do not give that effectual relish and savour as these nests do , to the meats and dishes wherein they are us'd . near to these four islands , where these birds nests are found , are five others mark'd in the map 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. in these five islands are such infinite number of tortoises , and such excellent food , that the tunquineses and cochinchineses do not believe they have entertain'd their friends at a banquet as they ought to do , till the tortoises are brought in . those two nations pickle up great quantities of them , and send them abroad , which is a vast trade among them ; and indeed the chiefest occasion of the wars between them is , because the cochinchineses do all they can to hinder the tunquineses to fish for them , alledging that those seas and islands belong to them . neither is the meat but the shell also of great esteem , and one of the greatest commodities for trade in asia . tunquin also affords great store of anana's and orange trees , of which there are of two sorts : the one that bears a fruit no bigger then an abricot ; the other bigger then those of portugal : both alike in tast , and being to be gather'd from the tree for six months together . they have also two sorts of citrons , the one yellow , the other green ; but both the one and the other so tart and sow'r , that they cannot be eaten without offence to the stomach . nevertheless , the juyce is made use of as we do here of aqua fortis , to cleanse copper , tin , and iron , before we gild those metals , as also for tinctures , especially those of silk . they are also made use of for lyes to whiten linnen , and to take out spots . through all the territories of the great mogul they make use of this juyce of citrons to whiten their calicuts ; whereby they make them sometimes so white that they dazle the sight . they make great quantities of silk in the kingdom of tunquin , of which both rich and poor make themselves garments . the hollanders , who thrust themselves in every where , where there is any hope of gain , carry off such a quantity every year , that it is now become the chiefest part of that commodity which they carry to japon ; whereas before they fetch'd their commodities from persia , bengala , or china . as for sweet smelling flow'rs , the tunquineses have but one sort , which they call the flow'r of bague . it grows like a large nosegay , and the branches of the shrub that bear it , spread themselves crawlingly upon the ground . as they have great store of sugar , so they eat very much , while it is yet in the cane , not having the true art to refine it : and that which they do grosly refine , they make into little loaves weighing about half a pound . they eat very much , making use of it always after meals to help digestion . through the whole kingdom are neither lions , asses , nor sheep ; but the forests are full of tigers , harts , and apes , and the fields are full of beeves , cows , and hogs . as for hens , ducks , and turtles , they are not to be number'd , which is the general provision for their festivals . their horses are very well shap'd ; of which there are always five or six hunder'd in the king's stables ; he also keeps the same number of elephants , of which some are for the service of his house , the rest bred for the wars . these elephants are of a prodigious bigness , neither are there any so tall nor so nimble in any part of asia ; for they will bow themselves , and stoop so low , that you may get upon their backs without help . they have no cats , but they have dogs that serve for the same purpose , and will watch all night to kill the rats and mice , which are very large and very troublesom . very few birds are to be seen in the air , which toward the evening grows duskish , by reason of those vast number of gnats that get into the houses in the night time and hinder people from sleeping , not only by the noise which they make , but with their continual stinging ; which is one of the greatest inconveniencies of the country . for remedy whereof in some measure , an hour before they go to sleep they take the husk or chaff of the rice , which flies from the rice when it is beaten , and strew it upon a small fire in a fire-shovel , and so let it smoak , and by that means they kill or drive those flies away . besides this , they cover the bed with a pavilion or tent that trails upon the ground , made like a net with very small holes to let in the air. but notwithstanding all the prevention can be us'd , they will be about a man when he rises i' the morning . but there is yet a far greater inconvenience in this country , which proceeds from the infinite numbers of white emmets , which though they are but little , have teeth so sharp , that they will eat down a wooden post in a short time . and if great care be not taken in the place where you lock up your bales of silk , in four and twenty hours they will eat through a bale , as if it had been saw'd in two in the middle . several of them have fallen from the cieling into my neck , where they rais'd blisters upon the skin , which presently fall again being wash'd with cold water . i have told you that hens and ducks are infinitely numerous in tunquin ; i will now tell you how they preserve the eggs of these creatures , which they will keep for two or three years together without being spoil'd . they salt them , and to make them take salt , they fill a vessel full of water , and throw a good quantity of salt into it . if the egg sink to the bottom , the pickle is not good ; then they throw in more salt , till they find that the eggs swim . the pickle being thus made , they take ashes , and make them up into a past with this pickle : and in this past they enclose every egg by it self , and then wrap it up in a leaf of an herb , not unlike one of our pear-tree leaves , but much larger , and then put the eggs into earthen pots close cover'd : after which manner they keep their eggs for two or three years together . in other parts of the indies where there is great store of oyl , as in the dominions of the great mogul , the kingdoms of pegu , and arochan , they put their eggs into great earthen pots well varnish'd , and then fill the vessel with an oyl which is made of a small seed like rape-seed . for as for sallad oyl , after you are once pass'd aleppo , you see no more olive-trees over all asia , but only in one place of persia near casbin , where between the mountains lies a little valley , about a league long and half a league broad , full of olive-trees , but they make but very little oyl , preserving the olives only to eat . but to return to the eggs ; they are the chief provision which they eat a ship-board . but the eggs which are preserv'd in salt are preferr'd much before those that are kept in oyl ; because that in using the first , there is no need of carrying salt to sea , or of boiling salt with their rice . when they eat them , they boil them till they are hard , and with every mouthful of rice they eat a pea's bigness of egg , which is as good and better then salt with their rice . as to what remains , there are neither mines of gold nor silver in the kingdom of tunquin , neither do they coin any money . chap. iv. of the riches , trade , and money of the kingdom of tunquin . the chief riches of the country of tunquin consist in the great quantity of silks which they sell to the hollanders , and other foreigners , and in their lignum aloes . of which there is some worth a thousand crowns the pound , according to its goodness and oyliness . there is some that is not worth above three crowns , but it is dry and good for nothing but to make cabinets , or beads to hang about womens necks . all the mahumetans , especially such as let their beards grow , make great account of this wood ; and when they give a visit , they presently bring a little chafing-dish , and cast a small piece of this wood upon the coals , which yields a smoak and pleasing mist ; with which they perfume their beards , at the same time lifting up their hands to heaven , and crying , elhemed illah , or god be thanked . if the wood be oily , the bigness of a pea will serve to throw upon the fire , which being a little moisten'd in water , will yield as much smoak as a dry piece as big as a man's fist . which is the reason , that if it be oily and good it wants no price . one of the chief presents , as i have observ'd in another part of this book , which the portugals of goa sent to the emperor of japon , was a piece of lignum aloes , six foot long , and two round . it cost 40000 pardo's or 54000 livres . it is so much the more pleasure and profit to trade with the people of tunquin , by how much the more faithful and frank they are in their dealing then the chineses , who will deceive you if they can ; so that it is a hard thing to be too cunning for them , as i have often found by experience . when you have sold them any commodity , and they find that their bargain is not very advantageous , their general way of getting off is this : as they have generally three sorts of reals , one sort that is full weight , others which are light , four , others eight per cent if they have no mind to stand to their bargain , they offer to pay you for your goods in light reals , which they have clipt themselves , and so you are deceiv'd . there are no such people for trade in the world : they refuse to deal in nothing , even in old shoes , and if you will sell them but one of them too , they 'l buy it , without ever enquiring why you will not sell the other . but for those of tunquin they are more blunt and plain in their dealing , so that it is a pleasure to have to deal with them . i have told you , there are neither mines of gold or silver in tunquin , neither do they coin money there . so that in trade they make use of certain lingots of gold , as they are brought out of china , some of which amount to 300 livers of our money , others to six hunder'd . they also make use of bars of silver as they are brought from japon . as for small payments they either cut the large bars into small pieces , to which purpose they have their scales , like our stelleers ; or else they pay in foreign coin , which are the reals of spain generally . this gold and silver is brought from china , and japon , in lieu of those vast quantities of silk which are exported out of the country , which with musk and lignum aloes are the chief riches of the kingdom . chap. v. of the strength of the kingdom of tunquin by sea and land. they who have written before me concerning the kingdom of tunquin , have spoken largely of its forces both by sea and land , and allow it a prodigious number both of souldiers and galleys . they write that the forces which were usually wont to meet at the rendevouz were 12000 horse , 2000 elephants , as well to carry the king's and the nobilities tents and baggage , as for the service of the war , 300000 foot , and 300 galleys . and in regard the kingdom is well stor'd with provision and ammunition , that in time of war the whole army exceeds 500000 men. but the number which my brother the king of tunquin's setting out for the war. 1. the king going out of his palace is carried in his palanquin or chair by the chief officers of his houshold . 2. the order of the king's march when he goes to the war. 3. the musicians and trumpeters who follow his chair . 4. an officer who carries a bason full of water , on which doth float a brass boul with a hole in the bottom of it ; so that exactly in an hour this boul becomes full of water , and suddenly sinks to the bottom . 5. then presently two other officers do strike the hour upon two great brass platters , n. 5. of about a yard diameter , and much after the form of our burning glasses , yet of the metall that bells are made of , which causes that they are heard a very far off . afterwards he that carries the bason of water takes up the cup from the bottom , and sets it again a swimming atop of the water , just as it was before . when it is full and sinks , they after the same manner strike on the said platters . and this is their way of reckoning the hour and times in tunquin , as well as in the indies , and almost throughout the eastern parts betwixt the tropicks ; for that the clocks which are made in europe become useless in those countries during the rainy season , the air being there so heavy and damp , that all iron and steel , nay the very knives and watches in peoples pockets do grow rusty , though you wrap them up never so well in cotton or leather , and take all the care imaginable to keep them dry ; yet it will be impossible otherwise to preserve them from rust , than by letting them lie in oyl while that weather lasts . this foggy dampness of the air is predominant as soon as you are past persia , in all the mogol's countrey , from the fifteenth of june to the end of september . the further one goes on toward the east , the later these rains do begin and are met withall . it 's good likewise to observe , that in the empire of the great mogul , in tunquin , and in other easterly parts between the tropicks , they do as we divide the day and night into 24 hours , making the day of 12 , and the night to be of as much ; so to proportion equally the times of working and of rest . but they do subdivide both the day and the night into 4 equal parts , and this division is made known by the strokes given upon those platters . as for example : the first hour of the first watch of the night is mark'd by one blow , the second by another , and the third likewise by another . in the second watch of the night the first hour is made known by two blows one after another , and so of the rest untill the third watch ; then at the first hour of that they give three strokes . and this order is observed till the last hour of the fourth watch , which is mark'd by four knocks . in this manner they continue to marck the first hour of the day with the same regularity . all persons of quality do keep eight officers on purpose for this imploy ; who likewise are to have a care of keeping the palace gates . this engine for the marking of the hours is ordinarily hung up at the entry of great palaces near the porter's lodge . place this page 14. order of the march of the king of tunquin when he goes out of his pallice . the order & march of the king of tunquin when he goes to warr : the order of the march of the queen mother and reigning queen of tunquin when they goe abroad out of y e palace ▪ the order of the march of the queens of tunquin , when they go abroad out of the palace . a. six elephants go in the front , drawing a kind of a sedan close shut up , with grate-like windows . b. fifteen captains or officers walk next , armed with fire-locks . c. the sedan wherein the queen is . d. six of the queens gentlemen do carry parasols , for to guard the queens chair from the scorching of the sun. e. six ladies of honour of the queens go next . the first hath the command of the queens eunuchs : these eunuchs , though throughly spaded , yet are never admitted into the queens apartment ; the kings of tunquin being in that particular more jealous than other kings and mahometan princes , who allow this sort of eunuchs to serve their queens within the palace . the next in office of these ladies presents the queen with sweet meats when she is about to drink ; for they usually eat some before they drink , they alleaging that this keeps them from having the cholic , to which they are very subject in tunquin . the third in rank carries a box of perfumes and betel . the others usher the queen when she gets into the sedan , or alights . g. here is a chariot drawn by eight maids of quality , when she gets out of the sedan ; but before she appears , all the men and eunuchs do withdraw into such places , whence they cannot have the sight of her , it being a crime to look upon her : then the ladies help her out of the sedan , and the maids draw her along to whatever place she has a mind to go in unto . place this next to , the king of tunquin setting out for the war. saw in the year 1649 , when the king was preparing to make war against the king of cochinchina , for certain ships which the cochinchineses had taken from the tunquineses : though the quarrel was taken up by certain embassadors which the king of cochinchina sent to the king of tunquin , to whom the former made satisfaction . the army that was then prepar'd to march upon this expedition was compos'd of 8000 horse , 94 thousand foot , and 722 elephants ; 130 for the war , and the rest to carry the tents and baggage of the king and the nobility ; and 318 galleys and barks , very long and narrow , with oars and sails ; and this was that which my brother saw . the condition of the souldiery is very toilsom and laborious , and of little advantage in the kingdom of tunquin . for they are all their life time so ti'd and engag'd to the service of the wars , that though they are capable of other labours for the support of their families , they are not permitted to undertake it . those days that they are not upon the guard , they are oblig'd to attend their captains where-ever they go , and two days in a week they are compell'd to exercise with their bows and arrows in their presence . their companies consist of a hundred or a hundred and thirty men ; and they of each company that have made the best shot , have one of them two months wages , the other one , which is paid them in rice . he that makes the worst shot , next time he mounts the guard , is oblig'd to stand centinel double his time . all the captains look upon it as a great piece of glory to have their souldiers arms and weapons neat and bright . if they find any rust upon them , they sconce them eight days wages for the first fault , and for the second they are very severely chastis'd . as for those that serve in the galleys , they are entertain'd and listed proportionably . and sometimes the captains send their souldiers aboard for some days , that they may learn to row . for it is one of the chiefest pastimes of the kings of tunquin to see the mock-fights of the galleys . when he has a mind to delight himself with this divertisment , the king , with some part of his court , removes to one of his fair palaces , that stands upon one of the largest rivers in his country ; and it is a great honour for any of the captains whose souldiers carry the victory . now as the victory is only got by the force of the oars , it happens sometimes that there are some souldiers who strain themselves so hard , that they fall down dead with the oar in their hands : for the king is the only judge of the combat . wherein the pleasure that he takes is such , that he sends an elephant to the captain that obtains the victory , and gives him three months wages besides . if any souldier chance to die in this exercise , his widow or his heirs have two years pay. but notwithstanding all their pain and labour , their wages are so small , that they are not able to maintain their wives and children . but in regard they marry very young in this country , the wives as well of the souldiers as of all the meaner sort of people , take care to learn some trade besides , that they may be able to maintain their families . the captains also have their work prepar'd for them . for they are oblig'd to look after the king's elephants , and to manage them for the wars , and so to breed them , that they may not be afraid of wild-fire , or any other artificial fires : as also to build places all along the rivers , for the galleys to ride shelter'd in , when they can no longer live out at sea. all these officers and captains , and lords of the court , which are generally call'd mandarins , have but four days in a month to divert themselves , two at the first change of the moon , and two at the full . chap. vi. of the manners and customs of the people of the kingdom of tunquin . the people of tunquin are naturally mild and peaceful , submitting easily to reason , and condemning the transports of choler . they esteem the manufactures of strange countries far beyond those of their own ; though they are not very curious of seeing any other countries but those where they were born ; and where , as they say , they always desire to live , to honour the memory of their ancestors . they have a tone in speaking , naturally soft and pleasing ; happy memories , and in their language , which is very florid , they use several apposite comparisons . they have good poets among them , and people that love learning ; in which respect they are no way inferiour to the chineses , their neighbours . the tunquineses , as well men as women , are for the most part well proportion'd , of an olive complexion , very much admiring the whiteness of the europeans . their noses and faces are not so flat as those of the chineses , as being generally better made . their hair is very black , which they usually wear as long as it will grow , being very careful in combing it . the common people plait it in tresses ; and tie it like a great roll upon the top of their heads . but the nobility , men of law , and souldiers , tie their locks about their necks , that they may not flutter in their faces . they do not believe their teeth to be handsom , till they have made them as black as jet ; and they suffer their nails to grow ; the longest being accounted the fairest . their habit is grave and modest , being a long robe that reaches down to their heels , much like that of the japonneses , without any distinction of sex. this habit is bound about at the wast with a girdle of silk , interwoven with gold and silver , the workmanship whereof is alike on both sides . as for the souldiers , their upper garments reach no farther then their knees ; only their breeches reach down to the mid leg , without either hose or shoes . the vulger sort of people are altogether slaves for one part of the year . for unless they be the citizens of the capital city , where the king keeps his court , all the other handicrafts of what trade soever , as joyners , carpenters , locksmiths , masons , and the like , are oblig'd every year to work three months at the king's palace ; and two months ; or moons more ( for the tunquineses reckon their months by the moon ) for the mandarins , or great lords . the rest of the year is for themselves , all which time they have liberty to work for the support of their own family . this service in their language is call●d viecquan , or the condition of a slave . but they are liable to other drudgeries worse then those before mention'd ; as to lop trees , with which they chiefly feed their elephants . this is a severe days work , to which they were condemn'd by the great grandfather of the king that now reigns , after he had put an end to the civil wars that turmoil'd his kingdom , and that he had brought his rebellious subjects to submit themselves . they had occasion'd him a great deal of trouble , and in regard he could not subdue them without a great hazard of his army , his council advis'd him to famish them ; but he rather chose to give them their lives , and to condemn them and their posterity to this laborious service , of which he might in time reap the benefit . i have told you elsewhere that the tunquineses take great delight to live upon the rivers , which are there free from crocodiles and all other dangerous animals , which haunt the waters of nile and ganges . where we are to observe , that these rivers overflow their banks every year , after the rains are fall'n , with that terrible violence , that many times they carry away whole towns and villages , at what time a good part of the kingdom looks like a sea , resembling the lower egypt under water upon the inundation of nile . chap. vii . of the marriages of the tunquineses , and their severity toward adulteresses . the tunquineses cannot marry without the consent of the father and mother , or if they be dead , without the allowance of their nearest kindred . they must also have the permission of the judge or governour of the place where the marriage is to be made , for the obtaining of which they must give him some present . but in regard they were wont to exact upon the poor people more then they were able to give them , so that many marriages were disappointed , to the great damage of the public ; the king , who reign'd in the year 1639 , being inform'd of these extortions , and their ill consequences , set forth a law to regulate those abuses , and to curb the authority of the governours . he order'd that the young man who was desirous to marry , should pay no more then such a sum , according to the proportion of his estate , amounting to one or two fourths per cent. and that they were not worth above a hundred crowns should pay nothing . now in regard the common people , both men and women , are naturally laborious , all that the maids can get they preserve for their portions , and to buy them two or three handsom garments , with a neck-lace of coral or yellow amber , and a certain number of beads , to garnish their locks ; which they suffer to hang down upon their backs , accounting the beauty of their hair to consist in the length . there is no wedding kept without a great feast ; and they must be very poor when the feast lasts not above three days ; for sometimes they junket for nine days together . the next day after the wedding the bridgroom calls the bride his sister , and she calls the bridegroom brother . the law of the land permits the man to divorce his wife when he pleases , which they do many times for very slight causes . but the woman has not the same priviledge : or at least , if she desire a separation , it is much more difficult to obtain ; and the occasion must be very notorious . the tunquineses say that this law was made to keep the women in subjection , and to oblige them to be respectful to their husbands . when the husband desires this separation , the ceremony is this . you must know that many of the eastern people never touch their victuals with their hands , but make use of two little sticks about six inches long , gilt and varnish'd , which serve them instead of forks . the husband then , when he goes about to repudiate his wife , takes one of his own sticks , and one of his wife 's , and having broken them , they take each one half , and sow it up in a piece of silk , in which they keep it . then the man is bound to restore the woman what she brought with her , and to keep the children which they had between them . but these divorces are not half so frequent as formerly . the laws are also very rigorous against adulteresses . so that if a woman accus'd of this crime be convicted thereof , she is cast to an elephant bred up to this purpose , who presently throws her up into the air with his trunk , and when she comes to the ground , tramples her under his feet , till he can perceive no life in her . while my brother was at the court at tunquin , he was a witness of the severe punishment , to which a princess was condemn'd , for being taken in the act with a certain prince . it is the custom in the east , when a prince dies , to shut up in the most private and retir'd part of all his palace all the women which he made use of in his life time . there they are allow'd two maids to attend them , they eat alone , and see no person living any more to the very day of their deaths . i cannot tell by what means one of the princes of the blood had got a view of one of the deceased king his uncle's wives ; but being desirous to see her again , and to overcome all difficulties that oppos'd him , and to deceive the guards that watch'd the dores , he made use of a slight not easily discover'd . for you must know , that in the kingdom tunquin , as in all the kingdoms of asia , in the houses of the kings and other great lords , the kitchin is usually separated from the house , and that the garden is between them ; so that for the better carrying the meat from one place to another , the servants make use of a kind of flasket , or rather iron chest . and to keep the meat warm , the dishes are supported by little sticks laid athwart , about an inch distant one from another , under which is an iron plate with holes pierc'd quite through , about half a foot above another , which makes the bottom of the chest ; between which plates they put lighted coals , to keep the meat warm . these chests being to be carri'd by two men , the tunquinese prince plaid his game so well , that he was put into one of these chests wherein the princesses meat was wont to be carri'd up into her apartment . but he was not there many days before the thing was discover'd . he was presently brought before the king , who caus'd him to have several weighty chains to be put about his neck and wast , and upon his hands and leggs ; and thus chain'd and manacled , he order'd him to be led about for five months together , to be seen by the people . after that he was shut up in a close prison , where he remain'd seven years , till the death of the king , whose son coming to the throne , set him at liberty , upon condition he should serve as a private souldier upon the frontiers of the kingdom . as for the princess she was shut up in a little chamber upon the top of a tow'r , where she remain'd twelve days without having any thing given her to eat or drink ; after that the chamber was all uncover'd at the top , that the sun might come at her , and scorch her to death , and so she di'd in three days . the two maids that serv'd her had a little more favour , for they were thrown to the elephants , who presently trod them to death . the two porters of the chest , or flasket , were ti'd to four small galleys , by the two hands , and two leggs , and as they row'd several ways were presently dismembred . being at daca , in the kingdom of bengala , i saw the same justice done to a bramerè , who would have betraid cha-est-can to the king of arachan . chap. viii . of the visits , feasts , and pastimes of the tunquineses . among all the eastern people the tunquineses are the most sociable , and most frequently visit one another . generally they make their visits about noon , in the hottest time of the day , and then every one walks with a train suitable to his condition . the princes and mandarines ride upon their elephants , or else they are carri'd in a kind of litter , where they may either sit or lie . six men carry it , and behind them follow six more to ease them by times . their train consists generally of fifty or sixty persons ; neither are they permitted to exceed that number . as for the ordinary gentry , and officers of the court , they ride a horse-back , not being allow'd above seven or eight servants to attend them . they chew , betlè continually , as all the other asiaticks do in such places where it is to be had . and when any one comes to visit another , it would be taken for a great affront , if at his taking leave , he should not be presented with a box of betlè , to take what he pleas'd . the richer that box is , the more honour is given to the person to whom the betlè is presented : insomuch that when a prince is about to be marri'd , he usually sends three of these boxes to his spouse , of which i have seen some at the apartments of some of the princes that came to the court of the great mogul , which were worth above 4 or 500000 livres : one shall be cover'd with diamonds , another with rubies and pearls , another with emraulds and pearls , or else with other jewels . the tunquineses take it for a great dishonour to have their heads bare , which is only for criminals , whom they cause to be shav'd so soon as they are taken . so that it is a difficult thing for a criminal to escape the hands of justice , for wherever they go , when they find that a man has no hair , he is taken and carri'd to the governour , who causes him to be nail'd to a cross immediately . they sit cross legg'd , after the manner of the asiatic people . at great mens houses , in the halls , where they receive their visits , there is as it were an alcove , with a kind of a bedsted rais'd about a foot from the ground . it is cover'd with a very fine mat , made of little reeds bound together , as it were with fine thread . for it is not the custom to spread carpets upon the floors , as in other countries of asia . not that the deerness hinders them from making use of them , for these mats cost them more then a fine persian or indian carpet would do , but because they are cooler to sit upon , and because the punies do not get so easily into them . being at bantam i bought one of these mats of a tunquinese , which was admir'd for its fineness . it was nine ells square , and as even and as soft as velvet . with these mats they cover the beds or couches , upon which the mandarins , or princes , and the nobilty which accompany them , seat themselves round the chamber , every one having one cushion under him , and another at his back . as for their diet the tunquineses are not very curious . the common people are contented with rice boil'd in water , and dri'd fish , or salted eggs. for as for flesh they eat none but at their festivals . the great lords are serv'd every day with flesh and fish , but their cooks know not what belongs to bak'd meats . otherwise they are more neat in their kitchins and chambers then we , only they make no use either of napkins or table-cloaths . whatever is set before them to eat , is serv'd in little plates , not so big as our trenchers , being made of wood lacker'd with all sorts of flow'rs , like the cabinets which are brought from japan . all these plates are brought up , rang'd in order , in a large voyder , lacker'd like the plates . usually the voyder holds ten or twelve plates , and the meat is cut in little pieces , about the bigness of a hazle nut. they make use neither of spoons , nor knives , nor forks , but only of those little sticks , of which i have made mention in the foregoing chapter , never touching their meat with their fingers . when there are several sitting at the table , either at their ordinary meals , or upon some festival , they account it a great piece of manners to be silent ; or if they have a desire to discourse , they alway allow the eldest the honour of beginning , bearing a great respect to them that are aged . but the youngest , at the table , is never permitted to begin the discourse . they wash their hands , their mouths , and faces before they sit down , but never after meals . and when they desire to know whether every one has had his fill , they ask him whether he have eaten his rice , according to the custom of the ancient fathers in scripture , who , by bread , meant the whole repast . neither is it a custom among them to ask one another how they do ? but how many measures of rice he eat for his dinner , and whether he eat with an appetite . this is a general custom among all the idolatrous indians , unless in the dominions of the great mogul , where they eat not rice only , but bread , and there they ask in civility how much rice they boil'd , and how much meal they bak'd for bread ; for the more he eats , the better in health they think a man is . among all the pastimes of the tunquineses there are none wherein they take so much delight as in comedies , which are only acted in the night-time ; but those which are presented the day that they first behold the new moon are the best . they last from sun-setting to sun-rising , and they are set out with beautiful decorations and machines , very pleasing to behold . they are excellently well skill'd in representing the sea and rivers , and making a shew of sea-fights , and combats between galleys and barks , though they have seldom more then eight actors , men and women . the places appointed for these sights , are great halls , the third part whereof the theater takes up , the rest being fill'd with benches for the spectators . upon each side of the theater is a box very sumptuously set out , reserv'd for the king when he pleases to come . the actors and actresses are very magnificently clad . the dress for the womens heads being a kind of miter or diadem , which exceedingly becomes them , from the hinder part whereof two ribonds , three fingers broad , hang down below their wasts . both the one and the other act their parts very perfectly , and , according to their manner , observe an exact time in their dancing . at one of the corners of the hall sit the two judges of the comedy , one of whom beats time upon a brass drum. their other ordinary pastimes , especially for the lords and mandarins , are fishing and hunting , though they take more pleasure in the former , by reason of the plenty of fish which their rivers afford them . but , as i said before , they follow these sports only upon the days that are permitted them , as being better husbands of their time then we , not sparing any part of it from business . so that they who at the beginning of that little knowledge which we had of these people , wrote that their manners and customs were wild and barbarous , were misinform'd . for as there is no reason to doubt of the truth of what i affirm , and what others have confirm'd by other relations , we may well conculde from what i have said , that all the duties of civil society and politeness are not confin'd within our europe ; but that the kingdom of tunquin , anciently a part of china , still retains the good government and civility of the chineses themselves . chap. ix . of the learned men in the kingdom of tunquin . certain it is , that the tunquineses have a very great inclination for learning , and that they apply themselves to their studies with diligence and success : for that they cannot be advanc'd without it to the offices and dignities in the kingdom . i do not here , by learning , mean the understanding of the languages of our learned men of europe , which are altogether unknown to the eastern people , and much less the philosophy of aristotle , of which they never so much as heard . but we mean the knowledge of the laws of their country , by means whereof they obtain the charges of judicature ; the mathematicks , and particularly astronomy , to which all the orientals have a great inclination , as being great observers of the stars , by whose assistance they flatter themselves to be able to foretel things to come . the tunquineses are also passionate lovers of music and poetry , as being great admirers of comedy and tragedy , of which those two sciences are the main composition ; so that the musicians and actors of tunquin are accounted the best in the whole eastern part of the world. that you may acquire nobility by learning , in your youth , you must pass through three degrees , of the synde , the doucan , and the tansi , from which degree you may ascend to that of the nobility . to attain the first degree , it behoves the youth of tunquin to apply themselves for eight years together to their studies , and that very close , to enable themselves for the office of a notary , proctor , and advocate , to which there is nothing more conducing then to speak eloquently in public . at the end of eight years , they are examin'd concerning the duty of those employments ; and if any one fail to give an answer to the questions propounded , he is sent back again as incapable to obtain any employment for the future , or to study any longer . for those that acquit themselves well of their examination , which is very rigorous , their names are set down in a register , and presented to the king , who first grants them the liberty to take upon them the title of synde , and then if it be their aim to enjoy the quality of doucan , they are commanded by the tansi's to study music , astrology , and poesie , not only to be able to be judge of it , but also to perform themselves upon occasion . for to be good judges of comedy , which is a great honour among them , it behoves them to be both good comedians and musicians . nor indeed is there any pastime more frequent then that of the theater in this country ; for there is never any solemn festival among them , which is not accompany'd and set forth with artificial fire-works , in making whereof these people are exquisite ; after which they have their comedies , with machines , and change of scenes in every act. besides this , their actors have a prodigious memory , so that let the part be never so long , they never make use of prompters to assist them , as we do in europe . they that will learn the mathematicks , must make their own instruments themselves , and spend five years in this study . they are examin'd every year , and if they fail to answer such questions as are ask'd them , for the first four they are pardon'd ; but at the end of the five years , if upon the grand examination , they fail to answer the questions demanded them by the tansis , they are utterly degraded ; whereas if they satisfie their examinors , they are permitted the name and dignity of doucan . after thirteen years thus spent , before they can arrive to the degree of a tansi , they must spend four years more in learning to write and read the chinese character to such a certain number of words . for the life of a man would not suffice to learn to write and read the chinese quite through . the reason is , because that as to this particular , it is not in china as in other nations , where one word is compos'd of several letters . the chineses for every word have a different figure , all which figures are very numerous , as you may easily conjecture . by the by let me tell you , that these figures are made with small pencils , and that the chineses make use of a certain ink , which is made up into a paste , and so moisten'd in water as you make use of it . they have also another sort of colour for certain words . but they cannot make use of pens , as our europeans , which are made of quils ; nor of those of other eastern people , which are made of small redish brown reeds , the best of which grow in certain mershes in the kingdom of pegu and arachan . but to return to the students of tunquin , they are also oblig'd to understand the laws and customs of the chineses , as well as their own ; and the last four years being at an end , the last and great examination is made in the great place , within the enclosure of the palace of tunquin , which is a stately marble structure . there the king is present , with the princes and great lords of the court , the manderins for learning , and all the tansis ; and many also come on purpose from distant provinces to the solemnity . some relations of tunquin have been a little too ridiculous in this particular , asserting extravagantly ; that sometimes there are above 30 or 40000 students present at these examinations ; but by what i could learn from my brother , or gather by that discourse which i have had with the natives , the number of students never exceeds three thousand . there are in the place nine scaffolds set up ; of which the one is for the king and princes , the other for the examiners , and those that are to be examin'd : and for the better hearing what is said , the scaffolds are built like an amphitheater . but whereas there are eight days spent in this examination , the king and the mandarins are never there but only the two first days . the last day all the names of them who have been examin'd , as well they who have answer'd well , as of them that have falter'd , are left in the hands of the sixteen chief manderins , who are as it were sixteen counsellors of state , and then it is at the king's pleasure to favour whom he thinks fit , of those who have not given full satisfaction to the questions propounded to them . as for those who were found very ignorant , they are degraded with shame , and there is no more said of them . all those names are usually written upon large tables , set up at the gate of the king's palace for eight days together , to the end , that all the people may know who are receiv'd into the rank of nobility , and who not . the eight days being pass'd , they are all to appear again upon the same scaffolds , where in the view of all the world , they who have had the misfortune to have falter'd in their examinations , are dismiss'd as unworthy of any employment : while they who have behav'd themselves worthy of approbation , are honour'd with a vest of violet satin , which they presently put on , and then take upon them the name of tansi's . then they have given them a list of the towns and villages , where they are to receive the rents which the king allows them ; wherein however they have not an equal share ; some being allow'd more , some less , according to their merit , or the favour of the prince . presently they send notice to the places assign'd them of the time , at which they intend to be there : and then all the inhabitants come forth to meet them , in honour of their dignity , with all sorts of music , and a guilded branquar , carried by eight men. there they are permitted to stay three months to divertize themselves , and for their own recreation . after that they return to court , to instruct themselves in the affairs of the kingdom , and the king's house , and to perfect themselves in the knowledge of those things , which is the way to obtain the dignity of a mandarin . all embassadours who are sent to the princes adjoyning , especially to the chineses , are chosen out of these tansi's , among whom they always make choice of the ablest , and not of the richest , the king allowing them sufficient to maintain their port , and defray the expences of the embassy . chap. x. of their physicians , and the diseases of the tunquineses . the physicians belonging to the kingdom of tunquin do not make it their business much to study books ; spending their youth in searching after the nature and qualities of the roots and simples , and how to apply them according to the nature of the distemper . but more particularly they apply themselves to the beating of the pulse , and its diversity of measure , by which they chiefly pretend to understand the cause of the disease , and what remedy to make use of for cure . and therefore when they go to feel a pulse , they feel it in several parts of the body ; and according to the diversity of the part , and the beating , they judge of the quality of the distemper . therefore upon their first coming , they feel the patient in three places , first upon their right sides , and secondly upon their left . by the pulse which they feel upon the wrist of the right hand , they guess of the condition of the lungs ; by that which they feel upon the vein of the arms , where generally people are let blood , they guess at the distempers of the stomach , and the region of the kidneys . the pulse of the left wrist discovers to them the condition of the heart : by that in the veins of the left arm , where usually they let blood , they are inform'd of the estate of the liver . by the pulses of the temples , both right and left , they give a more exquisite judgment of the kidneys . they are very careful to count how many times a pulse of a sick person beats in the time of one respiration ; and according to these several pulses , they tell you which part of the body is particularly distemper'd , whether the heart ; the liver , or the lungs ; or whether the distemper proceed from any outward cause , as from cold , sadness , or any other disorderly passion . they never make use of any other remedies but of herbs and roots , which they choose themselves ; there being no distinction among them of apothecary and physician . these herbs they mingle sometimes with a little ginger , which they boyl in water , and give the decoction , being strain'd , to the patient . they have very good receipts for the purples , epilepsie , and several other diseases which are accounted incurable in europe . they make use of china ink to stop a dysentery , and for the cure of wounds . when the sea ebbs from the shoar upon these coasts , they find upon the sand a little small kind of crabs , which dye immediately , and by the heat of the sun , which is there extraordinary , become as hard as a stone in a short time ; these the tunquinese physicians beat to powder , and give to their patients in dysenteries , and feavers , sometimes in aqua vitae , sometimes in plain water . they mightily admire the herb tea , which comes from china and japan ; which latter country produces the best . it is brought to them in tin pots close stop'd , to keep out the air. when they would use it , they boyl a quantity of water , according to the proportion they intend to use , and when the water seeths , throw a small quantity into it , allowing as much as they can nip between their thumb and fore finger to a glass . this they prescribe to be drank as hot as they can endure it , as being an excellent remedy against the headach , for the gravel , and for those that are subject to the griping of the guts ; but then they order a little ginger to be put into the water when it boyls . at goa , batavia , and in all the indian factories , there are none of the europeans who do not spend above four or five leaves a day ; and they are careful to preserve the boyl'd leaf for an evening sallad , with sugar , vinegar , and oyl . that is accounted the best tea which colours the water greenest ; but that which makes the water look red , is little accounted of . in japan . the king and great lords , who drink tea , drink only the flower , which is much more wholsom , and of a tast much more pleasing . but the price is much different ; for one of our ordinary beer glasses is there worth a french crown . the most dangeroug distempers that befall the tunquineses , most usually happen when the bad air surprizes the people ; for of a sudden it deprives them of their speech , and then death suddenly follows without a speedy remedy . the best remedy for this sudden distemper is to mix some counterpoison with aqua vitae instead of wine , and to let the patient drink it as hot as he can . the patient also , must at the same time be rub'd with a cloth dip'd in aqua vitae , where ginger has been boyl'd . this takes away the pains caus'd by cold winds , and unwholsom airs . though some for the more speedy cure of these pains , lay the patient upon a bed made only of girts , four fingers distant one from the other ; and then setting a chasing-dish underneath , cause the sick person to sweat in a cloud of frankincense , till the pain is gone , repeating the same thing morning and evening . as for blood-letting , it is by no means us'd in that country . they make use of fire , especially for the purple-feaver , a disease so dangerous in france . for the cure of this , the physitians of tunquin take the pith of a reed , which they dry very well ; dip it in oyl , and set it on fire : and then apply to every purple spot one of these lighted wicks . the spot will give a whif like a small squib , and that 's an infallible sign that the venom is gone out of the body . this remedy is seldom apply'd but in the night time , because the spot does not appear so well in the day time . and the physician must be very careful , that when this venom flies out of the patient's body , it does not find a way into his own ; for then there is no remedy but death . there are some physicians that will prick the purple spot with a needle , and let out the pestilential blood ; after which they burn the part so prick'd , and then rub it with ginger , not permitting their patient to take the air in 20 days after they are cur'd . while they are under cure , they drink nothing but water , with citron-peel boyl'd in it , and abstain from flesh and butter . they give them to eat rice boyl'd in water , and salt fish ; but the more they abstain from eating and drinking , the sooner they are cur'd . and indeed it is a wonderful thing to see the excellent effects of their remedies in so short a time ; for they have no lingring distempers to hold them years together , as they do among us . chap. xi . of the original , government , and policy , of the kingdom of tunquin . it is not above six hundred years since tunquin was first govern'd by particular kings , in regard it was anciently a part of the dominion of the chineses . what is reported of the first tunquineses , that they were without governours , and without kings , is altogether fabulous , like to that which is related of a certain infant of three years of age , who appearing before a great assembly of the people , exhorted them to free themselves from the power of the chineses , who were their oppressors . upon which a lovely horse miraculously appearing to the said infant , he mounted the horse , and immediately setting forward with those that were gather'd after him , as also others that appear'd as wonderfully to assist him , he set upon the chineses , and defeated them in such manner , that they never durst venture after that to return any more to reconquer what they had lost . but the most certain truth of tunquin history assures us , that for these six centuries last past , it has been govern'd by six various families . the first that assum'd the title of king was a famous robber , whose name was din , who having gather'd together a great number of malecontents , and vagabonds , became so powerful and formidable through his own valour , that after several bloody battels gain'd , it was no difficult thing for him to seize upon the throne . but he did not reign long in peace , for the most part of the people rebell'd against him ; and in the first battel that he fought , he lost his life . however his own party won the day ; and having left two sons , his eldest reigned three years ; after whose death , the younger brother rul'd in his stead , but dy'd soon after , neither of the brothers leaving any issue behind them . after that the kingdom was miserably distracted by several civil wars , till the weaker party calling in the chineses to their assistance , became the most puissant . then it was that a certain mandarin , of the family of lelequel , was advanc'd to the throne , who being a valiant and prudent prince , restor'd tranquillity to the whole kingdom . who , when he saw himself establish'd in peace , built that large palace , which they , who have seen it , admire , as well for it's circuit , as for its magnificent structure , being all of marble of divers colours , both within and without . this king had but one daughter , who soon after her father's death , the better to secure her self , marry'd one of the most powerful mandarins in the country , of the house of tran. but soon after , one of her subjects rebelling against her , gave her battel , took her prisoner , and put her to death . having thus got the power into his hands , the rebel usurp'd the throne ; but nine years after , he was also slain in battel by his own subjects , who had call'd the chineses to their assistance . they being thus masters of the kingdom , held it for twenty years , and set governours over every province . but at length the mandarins grew weary of their oppression , because of the heavy tributes which they laid upon the tunquineses ; so that a valiant captain of the house of le , having assembled a numerous power together , gave the chineses three battels , and in every one overcame them . the chineses thus expell'd out of tunquin , the conquerour seiz'd the crown , and in his family the regal government continu'd for above fourscore years . after which time , a great lord , of the family of marr , which had formerly enjoy'd the scepter , to revenge himself of an affront which the king had put upon him at court , found a way to escape his hands , and being assisted by a great number of discontented persons , of which the best regulated kingdoms are always full , and the chineses , who always sought an opportunity to regain what they had lost , after a bloody battel , he possess'd himself of the kingdom , it being never known what became of his predecessor . but this new king enjoy'd the fruits of his victory but a small while . for two years afterwards , a mandarin , of the house of trin , having espous'd the daughter of another great lord , openly declar'd war against his soveraign , with a design utterly to extirpate the house of marr. unhappily for him , death put a stop to his designs , though he left two sons behind him , able enough to have pursu'd his undertakings . but the eldest , naturally timorous , and fearing to engage himself in a dangerous war , voluntarily submitted himself to the king , who gave him the government of a province , and marry'd him to one of his sister's daughters . the younger brother being a valiant prince , and having his deceased father's army at his devotion , though the king propos'd him great advantages , would give ear to nothing , but out of his ambition to reign himself continu'd and successfully accomplish'd what his father had begun . in the second battel which he gave the king , who was there in person , he took him prisoner , together with his brother , who had submitted to him , and some few days after he put them both publicly to death at the head of his army ; the one as an unjust usurper of the throne ; the ether as a desertor , who had abandon'd his father's army , and so ill follow'd his intentions . now though as victor he might easily have ascended the throne , and tak'n upon him the name and title of king , yet he would not accept of any higher title then that of general of the army ; and the better to establish himself in his authority , and to gain the affection of the people , he caus'd proclamation to be made through all the provinces of the kingdom , that if there were any prince of the house of le yet remaining alive , he should shew himself , with full assurance that upon his appearing , he should be put into possession of the kingdom . there was but one to be found , who had been so closely pursu'd by the house or marr , while it rul'd , that to save his life he was forc'd to abscond himself in the frontiers of the kingdom , under the habit of a private soldier . the general was overjoy'd to find that there was yet a lawful heir of the house of le to be found , that he might place him upon the throne . so that so soon as he was known to be of the legitimate race , all the equipage and attendance of a king was sent to him , with order to all the provinces as he pass'd along , to receive him as if he were already crown'd . the whole army march'd two days march to meet the king , and brought him to checo , the capital city of the kingdom , where he was plac'd in the throne of his father , and with great pomp proclaim'd king of tunquin . but general trin , who car'd not so much for the royal title , as the royal power , so order'd his business , that leaving to le all the outward shew and pomp of royal authority , he reserv'd to himself the whole command of the army , and the greatest part of the revenues of the kingdom absolutely to dispose of at his own pleasure . so that from that time to this hour , we may affirm that there has been , and still are , two kings of tunquin , of which the first has only the name and title of king , and is call'd boüa , and the second choüa , who has all the authority , disposing of all things at his pleasure , while the other remains shut up in his palace like a slave , not permitted to stir abroad but upon certain days : and then he is carry'd through the streets of checo , like an image , though with a magnificent train and royal equipage . he has generally 2000 soldiers for his guard ; and sometimes 20000 which are quarter'd upon the frontiers , chiefly toward cochinchina . he also has ready upon the frontiers 50 elephants for war. and upon the rivers of the kingdom where the enemy can come to damage him , he usually keeps 100 great galleys , with a vast company of small galliots , to which the soldiers and rowers that belong , have more pay then the others at land. and these , that they may row with more strength , row standing , with their faces toward the prow , quite contrary to our rowers , who turn their backs . the king gives public audience almost every day ; but he makes no edict , or public decree , that is of any effect , if it be not also sign'd by the choüa . at these audiences he has with him thirty two councellors of state , and besides these , a hundred others to judge of all appeals of the kingdom . the eunuchs have a very great power at court , as in all other courts of asia , and the king , as to his most important affairs , confides more in them then in his own children . the eldest children do not always succeed their father ; for the choüa , or general , with all the councellors , which are generally his creatures , thought it convenient , that when the king should have more sons then one , he should make choice of whom he pleas'd to succeed him . so that so soon as he has nam'd him , the choüa , attended by the principal officers of the army , councellors of state , and eunuchs , come to congratulate him , and to give him their oaths to set him upon the throne after the death of his father ; and for the other brothers they are always shut up in the palace , as in a prison , without medling with any affairs of state. they never stir out of the palace but four times a year , and they never stay abroad above six days at a time , the officers that attend them being put upon them by the choüa , who is as it were lord high constable of the kingdom . the first of these six days of liberty they go to visit the temples , and the priests , to whom they give large alms ; the two next days they take their pleasure in hunting ; and the three last days they spend their time upon the rivers , in galleys sumptuously trimm'd and adorn'd . the kingdom of tunquin is divided into eight large provinces , every one of which has its governour , and its magistrates , from whose sentence there lies an appeal to the court. we should wrong this country to say that there were no nobility therein ; as indeed there are none in most kingdoms of asia . but they must all attain to this degree their merit ; some by the warrs , and some by their learning . they who attain their nobility by arms , have wherewithall to live handsomly at home ; and they begin to learn their exercises betimes , at farthest by eleven or twelve years of age. the first thing they are to understand , is how to handle their swords ; the blades of which are streight , long , and broad , like those of the switzers , having but one edge . they are also taught to aim with their bows , and to fire a musket with matches , ( for they know not the use of fire-locks ) to ride the great horse , to shoot running , and to manage their zagay's , which are a sort of staves , cheek'd with iron , like a half-pike . when they are ready in all these exercises , then they learn to make all sorts of artificial fire-works ; as also how to invent new ones , to make use of them against the elephants . by the way i must needs tell you , there are some of these elephants as i have seen several times , that are so accustom'd to these artificial fires , that they regard them not at all , neither are any way disturb'd at the squibs that are thrown , and go off under their very noses and bellies . nevertheless of 200 of these creatures which the eastern kings carry to their wars at a time , you shall have hardly fifteen that are so hardy and valiant . so that unless their governours take not great care , instead of running upon the enemy , they turn upon their friends , and put the whole army into a most dismal confusion ; as you shall hear by the following story . for aurenge-zebe , the present great mogul , being then a young prince , obtain'd of cha-gehan , his father , to let him have the command of an army of threescore thousand men , and fourscore elephants ; and with this force , out of his antipathy to the christians , he laid siege to daman , a town belonging to the portugals , fourteen leagues from surat . the governour was a person of great valour , and had also two sons with him , who , together with himself , had both serv'd the king of france . he had also in the town eight hundred gentlemen , who voluntarily put themselves into the garrison for its defence , from all parts of india where the portugueses had to do , and were all excellently well mounted . for the portugals at that time made use of none but arabian horses , the worst of which cost a thousand crowns at least . the governour finding that the indian prince began to press hard upon him , having already made two assaults , resolv'd with all his cavalry and infantry to make a salley upon sunday morning , causing them to fix at the ends of their spears and lances certain artificial fire-works , to which they were order'd suddenly to give fire , as soon as they should gain the elephants quarter . this design was so successful , that when it came to be executed , the elephants were so suddenly terrifi'd , that running impetuously through the indian army , they trod to the ground , and cut in pieces with the swords and scithes which were fasten'd to their trunks , what ever stood in their way . the portugals taking advantage of this confusion , made no less havock among the amazed multitude , whom they had surpriz'd securely and profoundly asleep . for they had an opinion , that the portugals would never attack them upon the sabboth day , believing they had the same veneration for that day which the jews had . but they were utterly deceiv'd , in so much that the portugals , by virtue of this stratagem so closely pursu'd , obtain'd a notable victory , to the utter destruction of 20000 of aurenge-zebe's army , the spoils whereof are reported to have amounted to above twelve millions . but to return to the kingdom of tunquin , i must tell you , that the tunquineses have often wag'd war against the chineses , because the first would not pay the latter the tribute which was accorded them by a treaty made by one of their kings , of the house of le. but in the year 1667 , the chineses , seeing that the tartars had made themselves masters of their country , made a peace with the tunquineses , wherein it was agreed , that the said tribute should be no longer paid ; but that they should every year send an embassador only to pequin , to do homage to the emperour of china . as for their justice and policy , they observe a very exact order and regulation over all the kingdom of tunquin , as well in their cities , as in the country . so that few of the best regulated kingdoms exceed them . more especially they have a great care , for the public good , to repair the bridges and high-ways ; and every quarter of a league there is such provision made , that any traveller may there meet not only with water , but fire also to light his pipe , being generally great smoakers of tobacco . as for murder , they are very exact in punishing that crime . for they carry the person apprehended before the judge ; and then he must hold to his mouth a little wisp of grass , to shew , that by his disorderly life he had made himself a beast . not much unlike this is the custom in persia , where the king and his council condemn or pardon all but such as have murder'd a man that has any kindred . for then all the favour that the king can shew him is , to deliver him into the hands of the next of kin to the person kill'd , who has power to agree with the criminal for a sum of money , which is rarely done , as being accounted an act both infamous and ignominious . so that if there be no agreement made , then it behoves the next of kin to be the executioner himself , and put the criminal to that death to which he is before condemn'd . chap. xii . of the court of the kings of tunquin . although the king , as i have already said , have not much authority in his kingdom , which is govern'd altogether by the general , who has the whole militia at his devotion , yet he is highly honour'd by his subjects , and he keeps a very splendid court. the first and fifteenth day of every month , all the mandarins who are the grandees of the kingdom , are bound to come in their chinese habits to kiss the king's hands . the constable , or general , was formerly wont to perform the same office , but by degrees he has obtain'd a dispensation , and only sends another prince in his stead . as for all the other mandarins , governours of provinces , justiciaries , and military officers , every year they go to kiss the choüa's hands , and to congratulate him upon the first day of the year , which is the fifteenth of the fifth month ; as also when he has obtain'd any great victory over his enemies . so that the general has more honour done him then the king himself . 't is also the custom of the tunquineses , among the men , that when they meet any person higher in condition then themselves , they make four profound obeysances to the very earth . but for the women , what ever their condition be among themselves , they never make but one . they who are desirous to be admitted into the palace to see the king , are oblig'd to put on violet robes , and their servants must be clad in the same colour . they that approach the king's presence to obtain any favour , must carry a present along with him . for though the constable be the person that disposes of all offices and commands over all the court and kingdom , yet every year upon the fifteenth day of the seventh month , the king distributes several considerable gifts and largesses to his courtiers ; as also to the children of such fathers who have perform'd any important service for the good of his kingdom . he gives them pains of gold , every one worth six hundred livres ; and bars of silver , amounting each to forty six livres . the same day he also releases all prisoners , both criminal and debtors , provided the crime do not deserve death ; and that the debt do not exceed two bars of silver . also every year , the three last days of the last month , the 40 mandarins , who are the chief councellors of state , take the oaths of all the lords and officers of the court , and of their wives ; causing them to swear to be faithful to the king , and if they know of any thing that concerns the king's person , or his kingdom , to discover it . all governours of provinces give the same oaths to the lords and gentlemen under their jurisdictions ; and the governours of cities to the citizens , and other inhabitants . they that discover any treason never fail of any reward ; only with this distinction , in reference to the quality of the persons that reveal it . for as for the mandarins and gentlemen , the king rewards them according to his own pleasure : but as for the meaner sort , whether men or women , they are ennobl'd , and gratifi'd with a reward of 50 pains of gold , and 500 bars of silver , which in all amounts to 53000 livres . but they esteem their nobility far beyond their money . at certain times of the year , there is a muster of the youth of the several provinces ; and all those who are found not to be either of the nobility , or not to have learnt any trade , are presently enroll'd for the service of the king , who every five years make choice of such as he intends for his guard , and sends them to the frontier garrisons . there are some who endeavour to get off by money ; but if they be discover'd , both the officers and the soldier are punish'd without redemption . for they hang a little bell about his neck , fetter his arms , and in that posture send him to the constable , who presently orders his head to be struck off . but in regard the tunquineses are very averse from seeing any blood shed , the kindred or friends of the condemn'd person , intercede that he may be hang'd , believing that death to be most honourable which is not defil'd with blood-shed ; wherein they seem to be of the opinion of the turks . chap. xiii . of the ceremonies observ'd when the kings of tunquin are advanc'd to the throne . before we speak of the enthroning the kings of tunquin , and of the ceremonies that attend it , it behoves us to relate the manner of their setting out of the palace , when they go at any time to take their pleasure . the king is seated upon a most magnificent palanquin , carry'd by eight men , where he may be beheld by all the people ; the lords and officers of the court attending him on foot , provided he do not go out of the city : for when he goes into the country he rides upon an elephant , and the lords follow him on horse-back . when the queen mother , or his first wife go abroad , they are likewise carry'd upon a close palanquin , with lattice-windows , to the end , they may see and not be seen ; and behind the palanquin follow the maids of honour on foot . the mandarins , and great princes , solemnize their birth-days every year , with great feasting , pastimes , comedies , and fire-works , and all their friends and kindred fail not to attend them to honour the solemnities . in the year 1645 , the eldest son of the king , who was by his father appointed for his successor , upon one of his birth-days shew'd the court all the divertizements he could imagin , and the king who had a great affection for him , sent him a thousand pains of gold , and five hundred bars of silver , to the value of 120000 livres . at which time , large alms are distributed , especially to poor widows and prisoners . when the king dies , and leaves several sons , they set up him whom ( when alive ) he chose for his successor . the third day after the decease of the king , the constable with all the military mandarins , the lords of the council , and all the governours of provinces , repair to the prince's appartment , where they present him with a chinese habit , after which having mounted him upon an elephant , they bring him into one of the great courts of his palace , which is all covered with cloth of gold and silver as with a tent. there it is , that being placed upon a throne magnificently enrich'd , all the mandarins prostrate themselves upon the earth with their heads downward ; in which posture having lain for some time , they rise , and closing their hands together , with their arms and eyes lifted up to heaven , they swear to the new king to be faithful to him till death . this first ceremony being over , the new king , to shew himself liberal upon his first coming to the crown , causes four panes of gold , and six bars of silver , to be given to every one . but to distinguish the constable from the rest , he gives him twenty panes of gold , and forty bars of silver : and to the president of the council or chancellour ten of gold and twenty of silver . these presents being thus made , several pieces of artillery are fired round the palace , accompanied with several volleys of small shot , there being then in arms above 30000 horse and foot ; and then the king is set upon a magnificent palanquin , and the constable and chief of the council ride before upon lovely horses . sixteen of the principal officers of the court carry the king , viz. eight military mandarins , and eight of the council . and in this manner they set forward to the apartment of the deceased king , from whence all the lords retire for two hours , except the eunuchs ; and then it is , that the princesses , ladies of the court , and chief wives of the mandarins , come to kiss the king's hand , and congratulate his advancement to the throne . which done , all the lords return again to a noble feast after the manner of the countrey ready prepar'd . their viands are not so delicate , nor so deliciously dress'd as ours , neither have they so much variety . 't is true , they have those birds-nests , already mention'd , which they mix in the most part of their dishes , which gives the meat a tast of almost all sorts of spices . of all the meats which they eat colts flesh is in most esteem , and dogs flesh , neither of which agree with our palates . the festival is concluded with comedies and fireworks , which la allst the night . the next day the 30000 men that gave their volleys of small shot the day before , are drawn up in good order in a field next , and all the principal officers of war , colonels , captains , and lieutenants , leave the frontiers to be at the same place . then the king mounted upon his palanquin , and carried by sixteen of his principal officers , the constable and grand squire riding before , and attended by several other commanders on foot , with several mummers that play and dance before the pallanquin , goes forth of his palace , the drums , trumpets , cornets , and other warlike instruments , filling the air with their martial sounds . in this pomp , and with this equipage , the king being come to the camp , quits his palanquin , and mounts one of his great elephants of war , which are us'd to the noise of the guns and sight of the fireworks . being thus mounted , he rides into the middle of all his troops , in which place all the officers swear fidelity to him ; after which he bestows his gifts upon them , to every colonel two panes of gold , and forty bars of silver ; to every captain the half of what he gives a colonel , and to every lieutenant the half of what he gives a captain : and as for the souldiers , they have every one a moneths pay. these presents being made , the whole army discharges three volleys , and then every company retreats into a large hutt , where they have meat and drink prepar'd for them , enough to serve them a whole day and a night . in the same field is also set up a fair wooden palace , sumptuously enriched within with paintings and several pieces of workmanship in gold. there the king spends all the night , some part in feasting , some part in plays and seeing the mummers dance , and the rest in beholding the fireworks . the next day the king leaves his wooden palace , which is afterwards fir'd by the souldiers , as well as their own hutts , and so returns to the city . being arrived at his palace with the same pomp that he went forth , he seats himself upon his throne , and there shews his liberality to those that made the fireworks , to the comedians and dancers , and all the rest that were any way contributory to the setting forth the pomp of the ceremony . then he gives access to all the people , and two commissioners , one for the merchants , and the other for the handicrafts , make a speech to the king , the substance whereof is ; that all the burgesses and inhabitants of the good city of checo do acknowledge him for their king , and that they will be faithful to him till death . the speech being ended , the king presents the body of the merchants with 50 panes of gold , and 300 bars of silver ; and the body of the tradesmen with 20 panes of gold , and 100 bars of silver . the people gone home , every one strives who shall spend most in feasting and comedies , adding of their own to the kings bounty ; so that every quarter of the city is full of jollity and rejoycing for a week together . some days after come the commissioners for the commonalty , from all parts of the kingdom , who in the behalf of their cities and towns make known to his majesty the universal joy of the people for their lawful prince , assuring him of their fidelity , and of their service against the chineses . they name particularly the chineses , because the tunquineses have no greater enemies then they , and for that the hatred between them is irreconcileable . the king observing the good will of his people , testifies his acknowledgment in this manner : all that have not time out of mind been rebels to their lawful sovereigns , but have constantly taken up arms for their defence , are discharged for a year from all taxes and impositions ; and for the rest , who have at any time formerly assisted the enemy , they are onely exempted for six moneths . all prisoners for debt partake also of the king's bounty , so that after the president of the council has made a composition with the creditors for half the summe , the king pays the rest . it is a thing almost incredible , what a vast number of sacrifices the king sends to the temples of his false gods , to be there offer'd to the idols . the number of beasts is said to exceed an hundred thousand , besides the value of a million in panes of gold , tissues , and silks , to adorn the idols , and orange-coloured calicuts for the bonzes , and those that attend the service of the pagods . among the rest of these presents he sends a vast number of pieces of blue calicuts for the poor people that are kept in the pagods , as our poor are kept in hospitals . the idolatrous princes also consume incredible summes to adorn the pagods and images of their false gods. there are some of them three foot high , all of massy gold ; others of silver bigger than the life . the new king after all these ceremonies are over , takes his time to go and give thanks to his false deities for his coming to the crown when the moon first changes , shutting himself up for the first week with the bonzes , and living in common with them with a great deal of frugality . during this time he visits the principal hospitals , to see how the poor people are us'd , especially the old folks , whom they have in great veneration , to whom he distributes new alms ; for naturally the tunquineses are very charitable . to conclude , he makes choice of some fair situation , where he orders the building of a new pagod , which he devotes to some of his idols . thus his devotion being ended , upon the first day of the second quarter , he mounts one of his elephants of war , attended by all the officers of his court on horse-back , and ten or twelve thousand men on foot , chosen out of the whole army to attend him . all the second quarter the whole court says in a certain plain , where are three houses set up , one for the king , one for the constable , and one for the president of the council ; with a world of huts for the rest . there are also several small cabins set up , which are not covered and closed but upon one side , which they turn as the wind blows ; and these are the places where they dress their victuals : for at that time the king allows two meals a day to all his attendants . through this plain runs the river of — which is very broad in that place . upon this river are several galleys richly gilded and painted , but especially the admiral , which exceeds all the rest in maginificence . the prow , the poop , the ropes , the oars , but onely that part which goes into the water , glitter all with gold ; the benches very ingeniously painte the rowers well clad . for there the rowers are all souldiers and freemen , contrary to the custom in europe . the souldiers in their youth are taught to handle their oars , and have somewhat better pay than the land-souldiers . the galleys are not so big as ours , but they are longer , and cut the water better . while the king stays in this place , he diverts himself with seeing these galleys row one against another . in the evening the rowers come ashoar with their captains to kiss the king's hand , and they that have behav'd themselves most stoutly and nimbly , carry off the marks of his bounty . the seven days being past , the king calls before him all the souldiers of the galleys with their officers , and gives them two moneths wages extraordinary , as he does to his land-souldiers . 't is a wonderful thing to behold the vast number of fireworks which they throw about , as well upon the land as upon the water . for my brother , who has been present at all these shews , has told me , that for these seven days together you would think the air and water all on fire . being at bantam i once saw one of these artificial firework-shews which the tunquineses that were there plaid off before the king , and i must confess it was quite another thing from what we make in europe . the seven days being past , the king returns to the city in the same order , and with the same pomp , as he went forth ; and being come to his palace , he goes directly to the apartment of his princesses , where none but his eunuchs accompany him , where he stays all the rest of the moneth . every evening he diverts himself with new fire-works , which are plaid off before the womens lodgings ; where also the eunuchs , together with the comedians and mummers , contribute to divertise the ladies . chap. xiv . of the funeral pomp of the kings of tunquin , and of their manner of burying their dead . when the king of tunquin dies , he is presently embalm'd and laid in a bed of state , where for sixty five days the people have liberty to come and see him . all that time he is serv'd as he was when he was alive ; and when the meat is taken from before the body , one half is given to the bonzes , and the other half to the poor . so soon as the king hath breath'd his last gasp , the constable gives notice thereof to the governours of provinces , and orders them how long they shall mourn . all the military mandarins and judges wear mourning generally three years , the king's houshold nine moneths , the nobility six , and the meaner sort three moneths . during these three years there is a cessation from all divertisements , except those that attend the ceremony of the king's advance or elevation to the throne . all the viands which are serv'd up to the king are vernish'd with black. the king cuts his hair , and covers his head with a bonnet of straw , as do likewise all the princes and counsellors of state ; neither do they leave off that habit till the king's body be in the galley which is to carry him to his enterment . three bells which hang in one of the towers of the palace , never leave tolling from the king's expiring till the corps be put into the galley . the third day after his decease all the mandarins repair to court , to testifie their sorrow which they have for the death of the deceased king , and ten days after that the people are allowed to see the body lie in state , till it be put into the galley . during the sixty five days that the body is thus expos'd , the constable is busie in preparing for the funeral pomp. from the palace to the place where the galleys wait for the body , it is about two days journey , and all the way the order observ'd in the march of the funeral pomp at the interment of the kings of tunquin . 1. two messengers of the chamber proclaim the deceased king's name ; each of them bears a mace , the head whereof is full of combustible stuff for artificial fire or fusées . 2. next proceed twelve elephants ; on each of the four foremost is one bearing the king's standard . then follow four other elephants , with wooden turrets on their backs , and in every one of these are six men , some being armed with musquets , others with fire lances . the four last elephants do severally carry a kind of cage ; some of which are on all sides shut up with glass windows , the other with a sort of grates ; the first being of a square , the other having six sides and facing . 3. then rides the master of the horse , attended with two pages on horse-back . 4. twelve horses are led by the bridle two and two , by as many captains of the guard. the harness of the first six horses is very rich , the bit , and all the furniture of the bridle and saddle are of pure gold , the saddles are embroydered likewise with gold : but the six other horses harness is all cover'd over with gold plates . 5. the chariot which bears the mausolee , wherein is the king's corps , is dragged by eight stags trained to this service . each of these stags is led by a captain of the life guard. 6. then follows the new king afoot clad in white satten , with a straw cap on his head. if he hath any brothers , they attend on him in the like attire ; and they are surrounded with musicians and players on the hoboys , and other instruments . 7. there proceeds afterwards six princesses in white satten , who carry meat and drink for the deceased king. these are attended by two ladies of honour in purple garments ; and about these ladies are several musicians . 8. eight princes of the royal bloud go in purple garments with straw hats . 9. four governours of the four chief provinces of the kingdom , each bearing a stick on his shoulder , on which hangs a bag full of gold and several perfumes ; and these bags contain the presents which the several provinces make unto the deceased king , for to be buried with his corps , that he may make use of the same in the other world. 10. two chariots go next , each drawn by eight horses , and every couple being led by two men. in each chariot is a coffer or trunk full of bars of gold and other riches , for the deceased king's use in the life to come . 11. a great crowd of the king's officers , and of the nobility , do follow this funeral pomp , some afoot and some on horse-back , according to their offices and qualities . place this page 46. representation of the waggons and boates which in forme of a convoy carry the beasts and provision necessarry for the sustenance of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●…end the funeral pompe at the interrment of y e kings of iuquin from choco to bodlego where the body is put in a galley to be conveyd to y e sepul●… a continuation of the order observed at the funeral pomp of the kings of tunquin , setting out from the city of bodlego . the king's body is put into a galley , which is drawn up the river . this river is increased by several brooks that come down from the mountains , and it runs through barren and desart countries . in some of these places they are wont to bury the corps very privately ; for six onely of the chief eunuchs of the court are to know where the king hath been buried . an oath is tendered to them never to reveal the place . and this is done perhaps on some religious motive , and likewise through fear , that the treasures which are buried by him should be digged up . these riches are ordinarily some massy bars of gold and silver , as likewise some pieces of cloth of gold and silver , and such kinds of other rich furnitures , which he is to make use of ( as they say ) when he hath need of them in the other world. many lords and ladies of the court will needs be buried alive with him , for to serve him in the places where he is to go . i have observed in passing through the estates of the raja or prince of velouche , which border on the easterly parts of the kingdom of visapour , that the wives suffer themselves to be buried alive near their deceased husbands , instead of being burned , as they practise in other provinces of the indies . a. here you see the prospect of the city of bodlego . b. the galley where the king's corps is . c. two galleys do carry the lords who go to be buried alive with the king. that which is grated about is full of ladies , who likewise offer themselves to be interred alive with him . d. other galleys , wherein are the treasures which are to be buried with the corps . place this next to , the order in the march of the funeral pomp , &c. spread with violet-colour'd calicut , which is the king's colour . but in regard the king and all the court march afoot both going and coming , they make it seventeen days journey . at every quarter of a leagues end are set up huts , where is ready prepar'd water to drink , and fire to light their tobacco . after the pomp is over , and that the king is returned home , the cloth is taken up and given to the bonzes . as to the order of their march it is thus : the two men that go formost of all , are the two ushers of the door of the king's chamber , who go repeating aloud the name of the deceased king , carrying each of them a mace of arms , the bole whereof is full of artificial fireworks . the twelve that follow , are the twelve chief officers of the galley , which draw the tomb whereon the king's name is written . then follows the grand squire on horseback , attended by two others . next appear twelve led horses , which are led two by two , six of which have their bridles enrich'd with thin plates of gold , and their saddles embroydered . the other six with bridles of gold , and housses embroidered , and fring'd about with a gold and silver fringe ; every horse being led by two men . next to them follow twelve elephants , four which carry each of them a man carrying a standard ; four others which carry each of them a tower with six men apiece , some with musquets , others with fire lances ; the four last carry each of them a kind of a cage , of which one is made with glass windows before and upon each side ; the other like a kind of a lattice , and the other with four kinds of ruffs : and these are the king's elephants which he rode upon when he went to the wars . behind them follow eight horses , every one of them led by a captain of the guard , who draw the herse . the new king , and his brothers if he have any , or the princes of the bloud , follow the herse , clad in robes of white satten , which is their mourning colour . lastly follow two chariots , each one drawn by eight horses , and carrying two coffers , wherein are the panes of gold , bars of silver , rich tissues and habits , which are to be buried with the body of the deceased king. the funerals of the tunquineses . as fer the ordinary funerals of the tunquineses , they are more or less pompous , according to the quality of the persons . at their enterments they use great store of artificial fire-works , which are the companions as well of their sorrow as their joy. they set upon the tomb of the deceased good store of victuals and comfitures , out of a belief that the dead are the better for them . for their priests keep them in that blind error for their own advantage , and so well order their business , that there is nothing left by morning . the same thing is practised by the chineses at batavia , where they have a place without the town to bury their dead , which puts me in mind of this story : every evening the guard is relieved as well in the city as in the fortress . at the same time also they put forth eight souldiers and a corporal at each gate of the city , who go the rounds about the walls of the city , and as far as within canon-shot of the walls , being fearful of being surprised by the king of mataran , or bontam , their capital enemies . now because the chineses burying place lay in the walk of these souldiers , when they saw the provant upon one of the tombs , took it away to their guard , and there feasted themselves . the chinese priests , that usually came about midnight to take away the victuals , finding themselves several times bereaved of their expectations , and suspecting the souldiers belonging to the holland garrison , first complained to the general and council ; but that not taking effect , they resolved to poison both the meat and the drink , to prevent the like fraud for the future . this took so good effect , that afterwards many of the dutch souldiers being poisoned , deterr'd the rest from any more such licorish attempts . chap. xv. of the religion and superstition of the tunquineses the tunquineses as to matters of religion are divided into three sects : the first takes its original from an ancient philosopher called confutius , whose memory is very famous over all china , and the neighbouring countries . their doctrine asserts that man is compos'd of two parts , the one fine and subtil , the other material and gross ; and that when man dies , the subtiler part goes into the air , and the grosser part stays in the earth . this sect maintains the use of sacrifices , and adores the seven planets . but among all their gods and idols they have four in particular veneration ; the names of these gods are rauma , betolo , ramonu , and brama . they have a goddess also , whose name is satisbana , which is she whom the women adore ; but for the king and the mandarins , especially the more studious sort , they adore the heavens . the second sect had for its founder a certain hermite called chacabout , and is followed by the most part of the meaner people . he has taught them the transmigration of souls , and has enjoyn'd his followers to observe 10 commandments . the first is , that they shall not kill . 2. that they shall not steal . 3. that they shall not defile their bodies 4. that they shall not lye . 5. that they shall not be unfaithful in their words . 6. that they shall restrain their inordinate desires . 7. that they shall do injury to no man. 8. that they shall not be great talkers . 9. that they shall not give way to their anger . 10. that they shall labour to their utmost to get knowledge . as for them that design to live a religious life , they must renounce the delights of this life , be charitable to the poor , overcome their passions , and give themselves up to meditation . he taught moreover , that after this life there were ten distinct places of joy and torment : and that the contemners of this law should feel torments proportionable to their offences , without any end of their torments . that they that endeavour'd to fulfill his law , and had fail'd in any point , they should wander in divers bodies for 3000 years before they entered into happiness . but that they who had perfectly obeyed his law , should be rewarded without suffering any change of body . and that he himself had been born ten times , before he enjoyed the bliss which he possessed , not having in his first youth been illuminated with that knowledge which he afterwards attained . this chacabout was one of the greatest impostors that ever was in asia , having spread his opinions over all the kingdom of siam , over a great part of the provinces of japon , and from thence into tunquin , where he died . the third sect is that of lanthu , to whose fables the japonneses and chineses give great credence , but the tunquineses more . he was a chinese by nation , and one of the greatest magicians in the east . he made a great many disciples , who to authorize this black impostor , and the more to impose upon the people , made them believe that the birth of lanthu was miraculous , and that his mother carried him in her womb , without losing her virginity , seventy years . he taught much of chacabout's doctrine ; but that which won the hearts of the people was , that he still exhorted the grandees to build hospitals in all cities where there had been none before . insomuch that several of the nobility betook themselves to those places to look after the sick , as did also a great number of the bonzes for the same reason . while my brother was there , the choüa , a great enemy to these vagabonds , sent for a great number of bonzes and says , or idle fellows , and picking out the strongest and best proportion'd , sent them away to the frontiers for souldiers . 't is the custom of the tunquineses to adore three things in their houses : the first is the hearth of their chimney made of three stones the second is an idol which they call tiensa , which is the patroness of handicrafts , as sculpture , painting , goldsmith's work , &c. so that when they put forth a child to learn any of those trades , before they let him work they set up an altar , and sacrifice to this idol , to the end he may infuse into the lad wit and aptness to learn. the third is the idol buabin , which they implore when they design to build an house . for then they erect an altar , and send for the bonzes and says to sacrifice to this idol . to this purpose they make great preparation of all sorts of viands , and then present him with several gilt papers , wherein are written several magic words , endeavouring by that means that he may not suffer any misfortune to befall the house they are going to build . there are some tunquineses that adore the heaven , others the moon , and others the stars . there are also some that adore five parts of the earth , making a fifth part in the middle of that which is known to us , and to them also , but confusedly . when they worship them , they have for each of the parts a particular colour . when they adore the northern part , they clothe themselves in black ; and the dishes and table whereon they lay their sacrifices are likewise black . when they worship the south their habit is red ; when the east , green ; when the west , white ; and when they adore the middle of the world , they wear yellow . they offer offerings likewise to trees , elephants , horses , cows , and almost to all other sorts of animals . they that study the chinese characters are accustomed every fifth moneth of the year , to sacrifice for the souls of the dead who were never buried . they believe that by so doing their understandings shall be more enlightned for the apprehending of all things . every year , at the beginning of the year , they have a great solemnity , to honour after their death those who in their life-time have done any noble action , and were renowned for their valour , reckoning in that number those that have been so hardy as to rebel against their princes , as being men of courage . three days before this great solemnity , which is perform'd in a large field , they set up several altars , some for the sacrifices , others for the names of the illustrious men whom they design to honour . the eve before above 40000 souldiers spend the night in this plain , where all the princes and mandarins are ordered to meet with their elephants and led horses , and the king himself goes thither in person . after they have finished all their sacrifices , and burnt good store of incense to the honour of the dead , the king and all the mandarins make three profound reverences where the altars are ; then the king shoots with his bow and arrows five times against the altars , where lie the names of those that were so rash as to rebel against their sovereigns . after that the great guns go off , and the souldiers give three volleys of small shot , to put all the souls to flight . then they burn all the altars , and a great number of gilt papers , which were made use of at the sacrifices ; concluding all with a most hideous shout of all the souldiery . which done , the bonzes , says , and such like people , come and devour the meat that was made use of for the sacrifices . the first and fifteenth days of the moneth 't is a wonderful thing to hear the chiming din of their great bells . for those are the more especial holydays set apart for the worship of their gods , and all the bonzes and says give them more than ordinary worship upon those days , redoubling their prayers , and repeating upon those days every one of them a strange kind of charm six times over . at these times several people bring meat and drink to the sepulchres of their kindred , to sacrifice for the good of their souls to eat . the bonzes fail not to be there , and when the others have paid their devoirs the bonzes fall to , and what they cannot eat they give to the poor . but for all the austere lives of these bonzes and says , neither the king nor the mandarins make any account of them , so that they are in credit onely with the common people . ●he representation of the pagods or temples of the idolators in tunquin , with the figures of their dieties , & their different ●…s ; turs which they vse when they doe penance , and accomplish their superstitiu os vowes ▪ or when they practise their ●agic imposturs which they are much addicted nj. thaibout . 2. thaiphou thoui . 3. bagoti , magitians , and witches the tunquineses also have a great veneration for two magicians , and one magicianess . the first of their magicians , whom they call tay-bou , makes them believe that he knows the events of things to come ; so that when they have any occasion to marry their children , build a house , buy land , or undertake any business of consequence , they consult this oracle to know what shall happen to them . the magician courteously receives them , and with a counterfeit modesty demands of them ( for example ) the age of the person concerned . then taking into his hands a great book about three fingers thick , wherein are the figures of men , half men , and several sorts of land and water animals , of circles , triangles , and squares , he goes to work , and at the same time puts into a goblet three pieces of copper , whereon are engraven several characters onely upon one side . after he has shaken the pieces in the cup , he throws them upon the ground as at cross and pile ; if all the characters lie undermost he looks no further in his book , but looks upon it as an unfortunate sign ; but if one or two characters come up , he looks in his book , and makes the person believe what he pleases . but if all the characters happen to turn uppermost , then the magician cries out , that the party is the most fortunate in the world . the second magician is called thay-phou-thouy , to whom they have recourse in all their sicknesses . when any sick person comes to him , he takes a book full of figures like the former ; onely the form of the book is different , for this is not above an inch thick , and about four fingers long , with eight panes full of cyphers . if after several apish tricks which he acts before the sick person to amuse him , he affirms that the distemper comes from the devil , he himself , together with the sick party and they that brought him , do homage to the evil spirit : this homage consists of several sacrifices , and the friends of the sick party present to the devil , or rather to the magician , a table furnish'd with rice and other viands . but if after all these offerings the sick party do not recover his health , all the friends and kindred of the sick party , with as many souldiers as they can get , surround the sick persons house , and shoot off their musquets three times , to drive away the devil . sometimes the magician makes the sick party and his friends believe , that the god of the waters is the cause of the distemper , especially if the sick person belongs to the water , as being a mariner , boatman , or fisherman . and to the end he may be cur'd , and that the appeas'd god may return to his watry habitation , he orders that all the way from the sick parties house to the next river may be spread with all the pieces of stuff which all the kindred have , and that they set up huts at such and such distances , and keep in every one a several table furnish'd with all sorts of viands for 3 days . and all this to oblige the deity to retire , and to entertain him till he gets home . but the better to know the rise of the disease , thay-phou-thouy makes them believe , that they must go and consult thay-bou , who is the chief magician , and if he answer that the souls of the dead have caused the distemper , the magician imploys all his tricks and devices to draw to him those mischievous souls ; and when he has got into his clutches , as he pretends , the soul that is the author of the disease , he shuts him up in a bottle full of water till the party be cured ; and then breaking the bottle he sets the soul at liberty to go about his business . when the party recovers , he makes him and his friends believe , that if the bottle had not been well stopp'd to keep in the soul , their kinsman would have died infallibly . the magicianess , which the tunquineses also consult , is called bacoti , and she keeps a great correspondence with the devil , to whom , if she has a daughter , she offers her as soon as she is born , the more to oblige him . if any mother bewail the death of her child , and be desirous to know in what condition the soul of the child is in , in the other world , she goes to bacoti , who to satisfie the mother presently falls a beating her drum , to summon the soul to come to her , who presently appears , as she pretends , and tells her its condition whether good or bad . but most commonly she makes the silly mothers believe that the soul is happy , and bids them be of good cheer . the superstitions of these people are very numerous , but the most remarkable are these : the studious sort of people are very diligent to learn , how by looking in a mirrour to foretell things to come . there are some that present aqua vitae to the dead , and sprinkle their ashes with it ; but this onely upon the ashes of their ancestors , from whom at the same time they beg for health ; honour , and riches . others there are , that upon the first day of their year take a piece of chalk , and make several figures round , square , and triangular , upon the threshold and steps of their doors . they say those figures fright away the evil spirits . some there are that make great observations upon the feet of their hens , and draw strange conclusions of bad or ill fortune from thence . others travelling into the countrey , if they sneeze but once by the way , return to the place from whence they parted in the morning , saying , that had they gone on , some mischief would have certainly befallen them : but if they sneeze twice , they pursue their journey , never fearing any danger for that day . there are some so superstitious , that going out of their houses , if they meet a woman , they return home again for two or three hours ; but if they meet a man , 't is a good omen . the first fruit which they gather at the beginning of the year , is that which the araguer bears , spoken of in the third chapter . and this is the first which they eat with great ceremony , during the first quarter of their second moneth . to which purpose they are so possess'd with the devil , that they poyson one of these fruits , and give it to a child to eat , believing that by taking away the life of the poor innocent child , they shall thrive the better all the year after . when the moon is eclipsed , they say there is a certain dragon that assails her , and endeavours with all his might to overcome her , with an intention to devour her . then to assist the moon , and to put the dragon to flight , they discharge their musquets , ring their bells , beat up their drums , and make a hideous noise till the eclipse be over : and then they believe that they have rescued the moon , for which they make as great a rejoycing , as if they had obtain'd some eminent victory over their enemies . they are also very superstitious in reference to the hours of the day . they divide the natural day into twelve hours , and to every one they give the name of some beast , as of a tiger , a lion , a bear , a horse , a dragon , an ape , &c. the moneths also and days have their particular names : and when a child is born , presently the father and kindred go to see the name of the beast by which the hour was call'd wherein the child was born ; believing that animal will prove fatal to it . at the time that my brother was at the court at tunquin , the king then reigning being born in the hour of the horse , would never give audience , nor ever stir out of his palace at that hour , for fear some mischief should befall him at that time . that prince was so superstitious , that one of his children dying in the fifth moneth , which bears the name of the horse , he would never permit him to be enterr'd , but caus'd him to be burnt , and scatter'd his ashes in the air. this is that which i could gather of most remarkable and most considerable matters concerning the state of the kingdom of tunquin , either out of the manuscripts which my brother ( who died in the indies ) left me , or from the discourse which i have had with the tunquineses themselves both at bantam and batavia . of the island of formosa . chap. i. how the hollanders possessed themselves of it , and how it was taken from them by the chineses . the island of formosa is about eighty leagues in compass ; so that the hollanders were never in possession of the whole island , but were onely masters of four fortresses , and two and fifty villages , wherein they could number about fourteen or fifteen thousand inhabitants . as for that part which is under the indians , the best discovery that we can give , is onely such as was made by a young hollander upon this occasion . there was in the chief fort belonging to the hollanders a young man , imployed there as an under-factor , who being wild and extravagant , was put out of his place and made a souldier . he not able to undergo that miserable course of life , resolved with himself rather to die , than live in that mean condition . thereupon having at several opportunities made a shift to make up a little pack of what he thought was most fit for the mountainiers of the island , he watch'd his time and stole out of the fort , and took his way directly toward the mountains . with these highlanders he liv'd four years , in which time having learnt the trade and language of the countrey , he ventur'd to return to the hollanders again , who received him kindly , as being willing to understand the government of the people , and by what means they might traffick with them . whereupon the young man made them this relation . but to return to the story ; the governour gave the young man what he desired , and sent him going : but the chineses soon after expelling the hollanders out of the island , it was never known what became of the young man. it may be wondered why formosa was taken so soon : but here were two reasons , first the faint-heartedness of the governour , and secondly his breach of word to a french souldier of rouen , call'd abraham du puys ; for he having served out his time of seven years , desir'd leave to be gone , but the governour , after he had promis'd him fair at first , at length absolutely refused him . soon after the chineses came to besiege the place . the souldier thus disappointed , and seeing himself coop'd up who might have been free , had the governour so pleased , studied a fatal revenge upon all his countrymen ; for being by this means grown desperate , watch'd his opportunity , and flinging himself from the fort into the sea , swam directly to the enemy . the governour offered 200 pieces of eight to any person that would venture after him , and bring him back dead or alive . a serjeant accepted his offer , but it was to get loose as the other had done ; and so they got both safe into the enemies quarters . the chineses presently carried them to the general coxima ; and he being a person of valour and discretion , made very much of them , whereupon they readily and willingly inform'd him of the strength and condition of the fortress . they also advised him to remove his batteries to the weakest part of the town , whereas he was then assailing it where it was most strongly fortified : which if he would do , they assur'd him he should be soon master of the fort. the general was thinking a little before they came to have raised his siege , but upon their encouragement he fell on again according to their direction ; and as he was preparing for a general assault , the holland commander , fearful of losing his life and his estate , beat a parley , and surrender'd the place upon articles . during the siege the hollanders made a salley , but were beaten in again , and fourteen of their men were taken prisoners . the chineses finding those fourteen men in their power , and remembering how cruel the hollanders had been to their nation when they took any of them at sea , brought the fourteen men all together , put out one eye of each , cut off their noses , ears , and one hand , and so sent them back to the fort , with order to tell the commander , that the dutch had taught them that kind of mercy . chap. ii. of maurice island , where they cut ebony . the island call'd maurice island lies almost in 84 degrees of longitude , and 21 degrees of southern latitude , being but 2 degrees and 30 minutes from the tropick of capricorn , right over against the middle of the great island of madagascar , which it has upon the west , from whence it lies 140 leagues , and is in compass about 60 leagues . it bears great quantities of ebony : and here it was that the hollanders did formerly send their slaves , their banish'd and condemn'd persons , to cut that sort of wood , which is labour much more severe and cruel than that of rowing in the galleys . the whole island is subject to those violent and outrageous tempests call'd ouragans , which nothing can withstand , so that the people are forc'd to dig themselves holes in the ground , not being able to keep their huts standing . neither had the poor creatures any other food than a little boil'd rice , and about a farthings worth of salt-fish among four for a whole day . since that the price of ebony being brought very low , the dutch have forsaken the island , the profit not bearing the sorry expences which those poor creatures put them to . so soon as this tree is cut down it must be sawed into planks , and then buried seven or eight foot deep in the earth , which ought to be somewhat moist . there those planks must lie two years , and sometimes three , if the wood be very thick . after that the wood is fit to be wrought upon , neither will it splinter or split , and will the sooner admit of a glittering polishment . this maurice island puts me in mind of a story , that the sieur loocker told me , concerning what befell him in his voyage from holland to batavia in the year 1643. cha abbas the second of that name , king of persia , having a great desire to learn to paint , signified to the hollanders at hispahan , that he desired them to send into holland for some person who was excellent both in designing and painting . thereupon the chief of the factory wrote into holland , and upon his letters the company sent away loocker , to oblige the king ; and to do him the greater honour , gave him the charge of merchant of the vessel , who is equal with the captain , during the voyage ; to whom the wind and season was very favourable till they came to the cape of good hope ; but after they had doubled the point , the pilots bare too much to the north , whereas they should have steered directly east ; so that when they had made the height of the island of madagascar , they met with nothing but contrary winds . for it is observable , that all the year long there blows but one wind toward maurice island ; so that a ship may go thither in eight or nine days , but cannot return in thirty or forty . for you must steer westward to 30 degrees , and from thence eastward to 14 or 15 degrees , and then you light upon maurice island . five days together the ship was but rudely handled by the storm ; which at length grew so violent , and the sea so boisterous , that all the great cabin was broken to pieces , the beak of the ship carried away , and the foremast made unserviceable . thirteen days together they remained in this miserable condition , toss'd up and down by the sea and wind , all which time they never saw the sun , unable to take any height or observation where they were . the fourteenth day it cleared up , and the sun appeared , and then taking the height they observed themselves to be not far from the maurice island , which was very true ; for the next day by break of day they found themselves not above two leagues from the island ; and they found themselves upon the north side of the island , whereas the hollanders liv'd upon the south . and therefore perceiving that if the wind did not change , it would be a long time , and that with great difficulty too , before they could fetch a compass about the island to come to the fort where the hollanders were , they call'd a council , where it was resolved that loocker with ten souldiers should be put on shoar , and that he should endeavour to get to the fort by land , there to make provision of water and refreshments for the rest of the company , against they could come about . maurice island has this advantage , to be furnished with excellent water , and great store of goats , oranges , citrons , and other fruits : but when the ouragans happen there is not one to be seen upon the trees , unless onely upon those which are shelter'd by the ebony boughs , which are thick and strong , and the trees deeply rooted in the earth . loocker thereupon with ten souldiers was put on shoar in a shallop , with provisions for six days . nor was the island in that part above eight or ten leagues broad , which they thought to travel in few days : but the woods were so thick , that had they not been well provided of carpenters hatchets and axes , they could never have made their way . the first day they travell'd not above a league , and the next day not above as much more , being still forced to hack their way along with great travel and pains . so that being now weary and spent , they laid themselves upon the ground to repose themselves , and get a little sleep . when they wak'd they heard the voices of several people , which much rejoyced them , believing them to be the slaves and poor creatures that were cutting ebony not far off . thereupon they fell to work to get as near them as they could : but the woods proved so thick , that they despair'd of doing any good . nevertheless the further they advanced , the clearer they could hear the voices of the people , some speaking dutch , others portuguese . whereupon loocker caus'd one of the souldiers in his company that had a strong voice , to call out in the portuguese language , to the people to come and help them . but instead of that they all betook themselves to their heels , and fled to the commander's lodge , telling him that there were devils in the woods , and that they had call'd to them in the portugal language . the commander seeing both the souldiers and the slaves in such a dismal amaze and terror , knew not at first what to think ; however he endeavoured to resettle their distraction , and to revive a sort of people that were half dead with fear . the next day he persuaded them to return to their work , persuading them to lay aside their vain fears , which proceeded onely from idle apprehensions : but they flatly denied him , telling him that they would rather die , than return to be torn in pieces by the devil . however , others that had not been present at the accident , and therefore gave not so much credit to the report , profered to see the utmost of this business , provided any one that had heard the voice would bring them to the place . away upon this went a good number of them together , and coming to the place fell to work . now because loocker and his companions having labour'd all the night before , were fallen asleep ; for a good while the workmen heard no voice at all , nor so much as any thing stirring , so that they began to laugh at those that had brought them thither , who still obstinately maintained the truth of what they had heard . this dispute at length began to grow so hot and so loud , that at length they wak'd loocker and his fellows , who being now got nearer to them by means of their last nights labour , heard distinctly every word they said , and notwithstanding their distress could not chuse but laugh . soon after loocker and the souldiers call'd out again , work toward us , they cried , we are hollanders , come and help us out of the wood , and we will put an end to the dispute . but the workmen no sooner heard them , but away they ran for their lives , and when they came to the lodge , they were so har'd , so scar'd , and quite out of breath , that the governour in vain endeavour'd to get the least tittle of a word from them . at length being come to themselves , they assur'd him that it was too true that the devils were in the wood , and that the more to deceive and wheedle them , to day they had not onely spoken portuguese , but dutch too . this put the governour and all into a deep consternation , insomuch that they were all at their wits end . but the next morning loocker and his gang having made their way through , the centinel spied them first from the fort , and by the discharge of his musquet gave notice of the approach of the devils . and then it was that the poor affrighted mortals , laying aside their fears , and going forth to meet their own shapes , found them to be a company of their countrymen in distress , whom they then received into their kindness , to give an account of their misfortunes . three days after the ship came into harbour , though in a miserable condition . chap. iii. of the grandeur of the general at batavia , and what befell his wife and his niece . the company to maintain their authority and commerce in the indies , believe it to be to their advantage , that the general whom they send to batavia , and who commands in all the places in asia where the dutch traffic , should keep up the port of a prince . there is no cavalry in europe so well clad or mounted as his ; the horsemen all upon persian or arabian steeds . nor is his foot guard less sumptuous : his halberdiers wear their yellow satten doublets , scarlet breeches lac'd with silver lace , and their silk stockins . but this onely for the general 's guards ; for those which they send abroad to their forts and garrisons , it is a great pity to see how poorly they are attir'd , and how meanly fed . when the dutch fleet arrives at batavia , the souldiers which they bring are drawn up in the parade of the fortress by the major , who chuses out the handsomest to remain at batavia , the rest are sent and distributed into other places . when the general and his wife go abroad , they always ride in their coach and six horses , with six halberdiers attending at each boot , and a troop of horse and two companies of foot for their guard. the authority of the general is very great , though he may be sometimes commanded by his wife : neither is it safe for them that depend upon them , to do or say any thing that may offend them . but for others , who have their imployments immediately from the company , they never oblige themselves to be so circumspect . for truth whereof i will relate the following pleasant story . the wife of general matsuker having one day undertaken to play upon a captain of a ship call'd the lucifer , and to laugh at him , for having lost a bale of goods which had been seized by the company , in regard no particular person is permitted to trade . the captain nettled at her discourse ▪ resolved to be revenged . nor was it long before he found the means ; for being commanded away for maslipatan in the kingdom of goleonda , where being arriv'd , laden , and ready to set sail to return to batavia , the chief of the factory desired him to take in four bales of goods for the general 's wife , as belonging to her , and to deliver them privately to her . this was nuts to the captain : so that being return'd to batavia , he went he went immediately to visit the general , and deliver him the letters which concerned the cargo . immediately according to custom the general invited him to dinner , at which time it is usual for the general to inform himself of the condition of the factory . among the rest of the questions the general asked the captain whether he had any counterband goods aboard , or any that were not upon the company 's sole account . to which the captain answered , that all the goods belonged to the company , except four bales , which the chief factor at maslipatan had particularly recommended to his care , as belonging to madam general . this being publickly spoken in the presence of a great many that were at table , the lady that was not aware of such a blow , was not a little surpriz'd , and the general himself was not a little in wrath , sternly ask'd her how she durst undertake to trade without his knowledge . presently she denied the whole matter , and averred that the captain was mistaken , and took her for some other person . but the general sent for the fiscal , and order'd him to go forthwith with the captain , and fetch the four bales ashoar ; which being done , he order'd further that the goods should be carried into the public hall of the town house , with a writing fix'd upon them , that whoever own'd those goods should come and claim them ; but no body came . so that the captain had the pleasure to see the lady in a delicate raging passion , and the goods dispos'd of to the fiscal , and the poor of the hospital . the same general and his wife having no children , they began to consider to whom they should leave their estates . at length the general bethought himself of a niece he had at amsterdam , and therefore wrote to the directors of the company to send her to him . this niece of his cried pot-herbs and onions about the street to get her living ; in which calling she was at last found out , and brought to the directors , who presently changed her habit , and of a crier of cabbage made her a little lady ; who though she were of such a low condition , was not without a good proportion of natural beauty . the fleet being ready to depart , there was a cabin built on purpose for this niece , and the company having presented her with several pieces of tissue and silks ; recommended her to c. rosse , the viceadmiral's care . this captain had been several times at the indies before , and was both rich and a batchelour : so that when the ship was out at sea , he fail'd not to shew all the respects imaginable to this niece . now this young virgin not being accustomed to the sea , upon the least gust of wind she was half dead ; and all that time the captain would not stir from her bed-side , for fear any accident should befall her . and as he was thus diligent not to stir from her bed-side in fowl , 't is verily believ'd he was seldom far from it in fair weather ; and that instead of sitting by her bed-side , he sometimes got fairly into it . but whether he were within or without , most certain it is , that before madam niece arrived at batavia , she found her self to be with child , though she so discreetly concealed it , that none in the vessel perceived it . the vessel had no sooner passed the strait that lies toward bantam , but madam general with a great number of her friends in several little barques came out to meet madam niece , and were not a little surprized to find her to be a person so well clad and handsom withall , without any appearance of what she had been before . a coach and six horses , and six halberdiers , a troop of horse , and a company of foot , waited upon the shoar for madam general . and thus was madam niece conducted to the fort with great pomp , and as kindly received by monsieur general . some few days after several of the gallants of batavia came picquiering to the house to see madam niece ; and so it was , that all being smitten , every one desired her in marriage : but both uncle and aunt were deaf to all their suits , as having design'd her to a young rich merchant , who was then out of the way . c. rosse laugh'd in his sleeve at the bustle that was made , and still continued his former respects and double diligences , which were the more willingly permitted him in regard of the great care of their niece , for which the uncle and the aunt thought themselves oblig'd to him during their voyage . but at length seeing such a swarm of sweethearts about her , he thought it but charity to undeceive so many poor gulls , and without further ceremony to go to her aunt , and to demand her niece for his wife . the she general who look'd upon herself to be a kind of a queen at batavia , look'd upon it as a high offence and indignity for a tarpaulin captain of a ship to dare to make her such a proposal , having already refus'd such matches , persons that might come to be privy counsellors of all the indies . nevertheless within a day or two after the captain renewed his charge , but then in a majestic fury she utterly forbid him the fort. he taking little notice of her rage , goes to the general , and after some discourse makes the same proposal , and receives the same answer . but then the captain gave the husband such a bone to pick , that he would not give the wife ; sir , said he , twice already have i demanded your niece in marriage , this is now the third time that i make the same demand ; if you refuse me , you shall ask me four times before i accept of her : and so saying briskly left him . the general reflecting upon the captain 's words , went to his wife and told her the story , who guessing at the effects of a long voyage familiarity , call'd madam niece into examination : she not being us'd to dissimulation confess'd the whole matter , and without any more to do was married to the captain , to the great wonder of the whole city , till the birth of a boy at the end of six moneths unfolded the riddle . but this lying in was her ruin ; for about five or six days after , the mother and the nurse being ill , the chief chirurgeon of the fort order'd them to take a little cremor tartar ; and to that purpose sent a young man to the master chirurgeon of the town , to send him two quantities of cremor tartar in two papers . he being drinking with his friends , sends a young barber newly come from holland , to put up the two quantities according to direction . but the barber mistook the glass , and put up sublimate instead of cremor tartar. so the two women taking their doses , dissolved in two silver cups of fair water , died in 24 hours after . chap. iv. of general vanderbroug , and of the original of the city of batavia general vanderbroug was of anverse , and having studied in the jesuits college , retained some tincture of learning , which he endeavoured to improve as much as his business would give him leave . while he was general he caus'd the alcoran to be translated out of arabic into dutch. he was also a man of courage , and several times expos'd himself to great hazards for the service of the company , as you shall see by the following relation . after the hollanders had taken several prizes from the portuguezes by sea , they wanted a place of retreat , where they might repair their endamaged ships , and repose after the toils of the sea. at first they cast their eyes upon the island of java , in that place where the english had built a small convenience for their trade . there is a road in that part , where vessels ride securely all the year , into which a river discharges it self that will receive shallops of good burthen , for above a thousand paces . the water of this river is most excellent ; for being carried never so far to sea , it never stinks , nor engenders worms ; which can only be said of the thames and ganges besides . the hollanders therefore came and lay upon the point of a river , over against the place where the english had their small house . they had with them then the greatest part of the ships which they had in the indies , laden with those great bales of cloth which come from bengale and the coast of surat , so big that a dozen men can hardly manage them ▪ these bales they landed , and of them made a kind of fortification , planting a good number of great guns between them : for they never wanted great guns ever since they traded alone to japon , the onely kingdom of the world abounding in copper ; from whence they brought prodigious quantities to macao and goa , where they cast their artillery . thus the hollanders thought that by sea no body could endamage their small fortification , made of bales of cloth , which was defended by their vessels which they had in the road : but by land they were afraid that the king of the island , viz. either of materan or bantam , might disturb them . observing therefore the situation of the island , which on that side was all covered with woods , which reached on that side within a league of the sea ; and that where they ended , to the shoar there was no other way but a bank , which separated the marsh from the river : so that the hollanders the better to secure themselves against the two kings , resolved to raise a tower upon the bank. in this tower they planted several culverins and small pieces , cramm'd with artificial wildfire , and every evening relieved their guards . the king of materan perceiving this , and believing that the hollanders would not stop here , advanced a powerful army to pull down the tower. to which purpose he brought with him great chains of iron , and cables made of the coco flax ; believing that by the favour of the night , having got his chains and ropes about the tower , by the strength of his men and elephants he might easily pull it down . but having fail'd in his enterprize , and for that the hollanders artillery kill'd him abundance of men , he retreated with his army . but it was not long before he return'd again with a more powerful force by land , and also a great fleet of small vessels to assist him by sea. with these forces he gave a furious onset a second time , which the hollanders with no less vigour sustained , and beat him off . but nothing discouraged with his loss , he resolved to give a third onset , onely he staid some few days in expectation of more forces . in the mean while one of the most considerable captains of his army was accus'd to the king not to have done his duty : though seasonably advertiz'd that the king was resolv'd to seize upon his person , and cut him to pieces . for you must know , that among the javans when any person has merited death , they tie the offender all along upon a great piece of timber , and the next lord or great person that has a mind to try the goodness of his scimitar , comes and cuts the body into four pieces , the first stroak being made upon the brest , the second upon the pit of the stomach , the third upon the lower part of the belly . the four pieces if they be men , are burnt ; if women , thrown to the dogs , which they keep for that purpose . for the javans never burn any person . this javanese lord therefore knowing what he was to trust to , made his escape to the hollanders , and was kindly received by vanderbroug . to ingratiate himself , he told the dutch general all the king's designs in reference to the carrying the place ; where he would make his onset , and what number of men he had . this however did not sufficiently chear up the general , who knew his own weakness . so that the javanese perceiving him still pensive , i find ( said he ) that thou art afraid of the king's strength , and reason thou hast , but be rul'd by me : thou art not ignorant that the javanners are rigid observers of the law of mahomet , and that if any uncleanness from a christian hand falls upon their clothes , they fling them away , and spend six whole days in washing themselves , before they believe themselves clean . hear then , said he ; let all the ordure and dung of the people that are with thee be heaped in a place together , and made fluid in pots for that purpose ; and when they mount their ladders , spare not for showres of that liquor , and i warrant ye they will retreat faster than they came on . farther continued he ; i know that the points of their arrows and cric's are poison'd , and that this poison is so strong , that whoever are wounded therewith die suddenly , unless they have recourse to this onely remedy ; which is to preserve their own excrement , and to dry it to powder ; and when they find themselves wounded , to take a little of the powder , and drink it off in a small beer-glass of water . the general observing what the javan lord had said , when the enemy mounted their ladders , lustily besmear'd them with the liquor , which he caus'd to be prepar'd against their coming ; so that instead of gaining the tops of their ladders , they made all the haste they could down again ; but being hindred by those that follow'd them , they threw themselves headlong to the ground ; by which means several of them were maimed , and several kill'd outright . thus the army disbanded in a moment , and the emperour was the first that took his flight . vanderbroug observing the disorderly retreat of the enemy , took a small party with him , and pursu'd the flying enemy , who being enclosed by those in the fort , that sally'd out upon them , were miserably cut in pieces . but the general having left the greatest part of his men , and returning onely with a small and very inconsiderable company , the javanners who had hid themselves in the mershes for fear , resum'd courage , and suddenly fell upon him in his return , and so encompass'd him on every side , that it was impossible for him to escape . however they defended themselves stoutly for a while , but being wounded with the arrows and cric's of the indians , and not being provided of the forementioned antidote , they died immediately . the general was taken alive , not so much as wounded ; for as he told me afterwards himself , he found they had no desire to kill him . so soon as he was taken they carried him to the emperour , who as soon as he saw him bid him not fear any thing , but told him withall , that it was his pleasure , that he should command his men to quit the fort and tower , and be gone ; otherwise that he would make both him , and all those that should fall into his hands , perpetual slaves . at the same time the emperour with his principal officers , and the general with a good guard , came to the foot of the wall of the tower , where the general in the malay language , laying before them his own misfortune , and the improbability of their holding out long , commanded them to quit the fort , after they had embarqued whatever they saw fitting , but onely 6 pieces of small canon , 200 bullets , and 500 quintals of powder . the emperour was overjoy'd to hear what the general said , and thought himself sure of the fort and tower. but then the general turning to the emperour , told him , that none of his men understood malay , and that therefore it would be convenient for him to repeat the same in flemish . which being granted , he spoke to the souldiers in flemish , and ordered them quite the contrary ; that is to say , that they should not be traitors to their countrey , but hold out the place till death , not minding what became of him ; and to that end , that they should bid the infidels forthwith retire , or else they would immediately fire all their guns upon them . the emperour astonish'd at their resolution retreats , and carries the general with him . being thus retir'd , the general made him believe that he would find a means to write to the company , to give them an account of what had pass'd , and that he was confident they would give such order for an accommodation , as should satisfie his majesty , which satisfi'd the emperour for that time . in the mean while the general found an opportunity to get into a small barque , and to get to the fort , where he was joyfully receiv'd . this recital i had from his own mouth . the general having done this and several other eminent services for the company , and acquitted himself with reputation and a fair estate , was desirous to return home , where the prince of orange , and several of the states had no less a desire to see him . streight he took up his habitation at the hague , and for a good while liv'd splendidly , gave great presents and entertainments to the prince , and several other grandees of holland , by which means he ran himself into so great an expence , that he was forc'd to desire of the company , that he might return into their service . one day the prince of orange asking him what rarities he had brought out of the indies , he call'd for five silver plates , and setting them upon the table , drew out five little bags out of his pocket , and emptied a several bag upon a several plate ; which surpriz'd not onely the prince , but several others of the states then present , to see such a number of diamonds and other jewels of a vast value . it was not without some difficulty that he was again entertain'd by the company ; but at length they sent him admiral of two ships to batavia , where being arriv'd , the general and consuls made him admiral of the fleet that was just bound for the coast of coromandel , surat , and persia . being return'd to batavia , general vandyme and the council sent him to malaca , which the hollanders then besieg'd , and where they found a stouter resistance than they imagin'd . there in an assault upon the town he received a slight wound , of which he was quickly cur'd ; but soon after he fell sick , and died before the town was surrendred . chap. v. of the country about cochin , and how the holland general crown'd one of the indian princes . all the countrey about cochin is planted for the most part with that sort of tree which they call cocos , the fruit whereof produces that sort of wine which the inhabitants call tary , whereof they make their strong water . they mingle this wine with course black sugar unrefin'd , together with the bark of a tree which bears nothing but thorns . this bark causes the tary and sugar to boil and ferment like new wine . when the tary and the sugar have fermented for above seven or eight hours , they distill them in an alembic , and make strong water , which is stronger or smaller , by how much the more often or seldomer it is distill'd . besides the coverture of these trees the whole country is full of cows ; for they are all idolaters in this country , that onely worship their cows for their gods , feed upon their milk , and eat nothing that has life . when you leave the countries of these princes , which they call rajas , travelling toward the north east you enter into the territories of the raja of velouche , which are of a large extent . he and all his subjects being idolaters , unless it be about nine or ten thousand poor people call'd christians of s. john , as being baptiz'd after the same manner that s. john baptiz'd the people in the wilderness . after the taking of cochin , of which we have given a full relation in our indian travels , general vangous , who commanded at the siege , became so haughty that he despis'd all the other officers , as well military as those that belonged to the government and justice of the city . however to recompence one of the raja's by whose means he had taken the city , he persuaded him to quit the name of raja , and to assume the title of king , that he might have the honour to set the crown upon his head. to this end he made great inquiry through his whole army for a goldsmith , and having found out one that undertook it , and caus'd him to make a crown of massie gold , that weigh'd near ten marks , which i believe the raja found more inconvenient and weighty upon his head , than an old muckender with three corners bound about his head , which is the mark of the raja's sovereignty . while they were making this crown there were great preparations for the ceremony : it was performed in a garden near the town , where was set a large tent spread all over with painted calicut . within was a throne erected with a canopy of china damask , and all the steps to the throne were cover'd with persian tapistry . the day being come , the greatest part of the army , officers and souldiers , went to fetch the raja , who lay in his hut a quarter of a league off ; where they mounted him upon one of two elephants which the general sent him , being attended likewise with two led horses , and two palanquins for more state. being come to the place , he was clad in a scarlet robe with great hanging sleeves , and so brought in where vangous was sitting upon his throne , with a sword and a crown by him . the raja being come to the foot of the throne , the major of the army took the sword , deliver'd him by the general , and girt the raja , who then ascending the steps of the throne , prostrated himself before the holland general while he put the crown upon his head. then the new king riseth up , and lays his hand upon the head of a cow that stood near the throne . which done , kneeling with his hands clasp'd , and lifted toward the head of the same cow , he took his oath to be true and faithful to the company , and to embrace their interests . on the other side the general promis'd him on the behalf of the company , that they should assist him when he should have occasion against his enemies . which solemnities being very gravely perform'd , the musquettiers gave three volleys , and the new king was conducted back to his hut with the same pomp that he was brought . thus you see the pride of a pepper merchant , to make kings and domineer over crowns . one other famous act of vangous must not be forgotten . you must know , that at the taking of cochin the jesuits had in that city one of the fairest libraries in all asia , as well for the great quantity of books sent them out of europe , as for several rare manuscripts in the hebrew , chaldee , arabic , persian , indian , chinese , and other oriental languages . for in all the conquests of the portugals , their first care was to summon all the learned people of the several nations , and to get all their books into their hands . during that little time which the jesuits staid in aethiopia they had copied out all the good books that came to their knowledge , and sent all those books of cochin . they had staid longer in aethiopia , had it not been for the jealousie of the patriarchs , and their bishops , which are very numerous ; so that if there be two men in one village that belong to one church , the chiefest calls himself bishop . at their ceremonies of baptism when they name the holy ghost , they apply a hot iron to the neck of the infant , saying that the holy ghost descended upon the apostles in the shape of fiery tongues . the patriarchs and bishops were jealous of the jesuits , finding that they had insinuated themselves into the favour of the king and grandees of the court. which so enraged the aethiopians , that they caus'd the people to mutiny , preaching that the king was about to alter the religion of the country , and to draw along with him several of the lords . and the fury of the people grew to that height , that whatever the king could do or say , he could not appease their fury : so that they put him in prison , and elected his brother in his place . the cause of this disorder was laid upon the jesuits , and was the reason that they were expell'd the kingdom ; neither had they scap'd so , but that they were afraid of the governour of mozambique , and the portugals that inhabit all along the coast of africa . but to tell ye what became of this library , general vangous made no conscience to expose it to the ignorance of his souldiers , so that i have seen the souldiers and seamen tear several of those beautiful volums to light their tobacco . chap. vi. of the sieur hollebrand glins , president of the factory at ormus . when the ships come to ormus , it is a great prejudice for the goods to lie out of doors . for such is the extremity of the heat in that part , that if the spices , especially the cloves , be not carried to the water-side every foot , and there laid to steep in the water for four and twenty hours , they would turn to a mere powder . sugar is brought thither in great wooden chests , but if there be the least cleft for a fly or an emmet to get in , in a small time the chest will be half emptied . as for camphire , which is brought from borneo in pipes , if it lie a little too long in that warm air , it will exhale above half away . to remedy these inconveniences sieur hollebrand resolved to build a bigger warehouse . among the rest of the workmen that were imployed in this building was a gunsmith , who came in the interim in a ship from batavia . this poor fellow was imployed to make locks for the warehouse ; for in those parts they have no other keys , or locks either , than what are made of wood : so that it was a crime for him to be found idle at any time . and therefore the president finding him one sunday in the afternoon drinking with two of his companions that came from the ship to see him , gave the fellow half a dozen good licks with his cane , and would have given him more , but that the smith being a sturdy fellow , and feeling the blows smart , wrested the stick out of the president 's hands , and flung it out of the window . for which the president , upon pretence that the fellow had struck him four blows , which was untrue , as i my self being there could witness , sent him laden with chains to the ship , where he would have tried him for his life , in a full court of the merchants of the factory : but they refusing him , for very madness he took two notaries , that he had a power over , went to the ship alone , made the officers of the ship , and condemn'd the fellow to be hang'd . and he had certainly been executed but for me and some other of my countrymen , ( for the fellow was of geneva ) that threatned the president out of his design . yet he caus'd him to be drubb'd naked at the main mast after that inhuman manner , that he lost the use of one of his arms. this the genevese could never forget , and therefore sought all opportunities to kill him ; to which purpose he put himself in the same ship with hollebrand when he returned for holland . but coming to the cape of good hope , and being sent ashoar in the shallop for provisions , the shallop was overset in a stormy sea , and hollebrand's life thereby secur'd . but before we leave ormus , where hollebrand was building his warehouse that caus'd all this mischief , let us take notice of this by the way , that there is no abiding at ormus till april , lest you pay for your stay with some malignant fever , that may hold a man as long as he lives ; or if he be cur'd by chance , yet will the white of his eyes be more yellow than saffron . this same sort of fever seizes our europeans in the port of alexandretta in syria , and in the islands where the hollanders lade their cloves , nutmegs , and mace. by the way observe , that there is a particular sort of nutmeg which the hollanders call maneque , and we the male nutmeg , as long again and a little bigger than the ordinary nutmeg ; and this sort they never carry into europe , because they sell it to better profit in persia and the indies . this i shall also further add , that the ordinary nutmeg condited , fuddles more than the strongest wine , eating but onely one either at the beginning or ending of the meal . chap. vii . touching the islands of the prince . the fort of batavia has four fair bastions , and is well built but upon an ill foundation , those bastions being plainly observ'd to sink , and requiring reparation from time to time . for the perfecting of which work the hollanders wanted slaves : whereupon a consultation was had where to get slaves . to which answer was made , that there was no better place than the prince's islands . which being concluded , the general of batavia dispatch'd away three the biggest ships belonging to batavia . these ships visited every one of these islands ; feigning that they came from holland and wanted refreshment . so soon as the inhabitants discover'd the vessels , they flock'd to the shoar men , women , and children , as they wont to do , bringing along with them the best of their provision , as coco wine , nuts , and other fruits of the growth of the islands . happy were they that could first get aboard , for they always get more by the mariners and souldiers , than by those that go ashoar to trade . now so soon as they were ashoar , they gave them strong water to drink till they were drunk ; and when the masters of the ships saw them in that condition , they immediately sent a good number of their men well armed ashoar , who bound them that were upon the sand to truck for their goods , and carried them away to their ships , killing all those that made any resistance . but they did them little service ; for finding themselves so inhumanly us'd as the hollanders use their slaves , they took a resolution to eat nothing , and to starve themselves to death , rather than to be forc'd to labour and be beaten every day . chap. viii . how the hollanders sent to declare war against the persians , and of the ill success of their fleet. much about the same time charles constant was sent by the company with a fleet of seven great ships , to declare war against the persians , in case they would not comply with the dutch in reference to their silk trade and their customs . being arriv'd at ormus he left the fleet there , and hasten'd to ispahan , and from thence to casbin , where then the king was . but his embassie had not that effect as he expected : for he thought that the king would have been frighted at the noise of a fleet of seven great ships that lay at ormus , but he was mistaken . for the persian knew he need not send any force against the said fleet , in regard it would be ruin'd without : it being impossible for our europeans to stay at ormus in the heat of somer , as well by reason of the heat , as for want of water ; for there is no good water at ormus , nor upon any part of the coast of persia , but what is kept in cisterns , and that full of worms . 't is true , that upon the coast of arabia there are wells of good water , but when the arabians discover any ships upon the coast , they come down all in arms to defend their wells ; for it is their profit to sell their water , and that at a very dear rate , to those that are in necessity . now the king and council not being ignorant , that the longer the fleet lay at ormus , the worse would be its condition , would not give the commander his first audience in two moneths . during which time there died above half the men ; for from six a clock in the morning till four in the afternoon , if any of the seamen went to take a little air upon the deck , he presently fell down dead . the admiral was to blame not to make provision of water being bound for such a place as ormus . the commander constant did not take the right course to effect his business , by publishing what he intended to present the ministers of state withall . for the lords of persia never take any presents themselves , for fear it should come to the king's ear. but there is a private bill sent to the party for whom it is intended , and he sends whom he thinks fit to receive it . had he so done , and doubled his sum of 5000 venetian ducats , perhaps the athemadoulet might have us'd him more kindly , especially for so long time as that king had . for whatever a predecessor does , a successor changes many things . so that if the deceased king have given any house or land to any person , it must be confirmed by the succeeding king in his first year , or else the gift returns to the king. it is the same thing if any person builds a house upon the king's demesns : which has been a great inconvenience to the austin friers and bare-foot carmelites , because their houses are built upon the lands which cha abbas gave them of the royal demesns . so that every time a new king ascends the throne , they are forc'd to make the athemadoulet new presents , sometimes to the value of the land : for it is a rare thing to find a prime minister that is a friend to the christians ▪ but the jesuits and capuchins , who came after them , provided better for themselves , each of those orders having bought the ground upon which their houses are built . the commander seeing that he could not compass his design , and that the athemadoulet would abate nothing of the forty four tomans which he demanded , went to the divanbegai and told him , that buying the same goods of particular persons , they might be had for thirty two , or at most for thirty three tomans . to which the divanbegai answered him , that all those particular persons paid the king custom , and convoy upon the road , the custom alone amounting to eighteen per cent . which the hollanders did not pay : and that there was not a year wherein they did not bring in goods to the value of 30000 tomans ; and that if account should be taken of the silks which they carried away , and of the goods which they brought in , the athemadoulet ought to make them pay near 50000 tomans for duties . the commander ill satisfied with this answer went to his lodging , and without asking the advice of the merchants that were with him , or of his frenchman , who better understood the practice of the court , or without taking his leave of the king , return'd privately to ispahan , intending for bander where the fleet lay . the athemadoulet being advertiz'd of his sudden departure , was very much offended ; so much the more because at the commanders first arrival he had done him great civilities , even to the furnishing his lodgings after the european manner , with a bed , stools , and tables . thereupon he gave notice thereof to the king , who when he heard of it utter'd these words , has any one given him any distaste , or is he turn'd fool ? he shall be glad to come back again . being come to ispahan , to the great wonder of the franks , who heard nothing of his taking leave of the king , he began to make up his pack , intending for gomrom , in case the king did not send for him again ; which he did , 't is true , but not with those compliments which he expected ; for he flatter'd himself that the king would have petition'd him to return . the king sent for him indeed , but his compliment was not very pleasing ; for the person that brought the message told him , that it was the king's pleasure he should speedily return , and if he would not go willingly he had order to carry him by force . but notwithstanding the king's command and the counsel of his friends , he set out from ispahan for bander , according to his first intent . we accompanied him some part of his way , and being just ready to take our leaves , we saw a persian gentile and well mounted , ( he was a captain of an hundred men ) who calling the interpreter to him , go ( said he ) and tell thy president , that he must return to his lodging , and to morrow make haste to the king , according to the order he has already received : and with that he rode away full speed . the interpreter told the commander what the captain said ; but notwithstanding all this the commander being a person of a hot and obstinate humour , continued his way . neither the merchants of zulpha , nor any of the persian or armenian servants would follow him , fearing the bastinado , and believing he was secure enough ; as it happen'd : for he had not rode far , before three captains with their bows and arrows in their hands bolted out upon him , one of which riding up directly to the commander , art thou ( said he ) the onely person that ever set foot in this empire , that refusest to obey the companion of the sun , whom so great a part of the world obeys ? at the same time came up fifty stout horsemen , and one of them who cammanded them made at mr. constant with his mace. then the admiral was forc'd to lower his sails and return back , forc'd to receive an affront which he might have avoided ▪ when he was come to his lodging , the persian officer without alighting call'd the interpreter , and bid him go forwarn the commander in the name of the king , that neither he nor any of the hollanders presumed to stir out of their houses till further order ; for that if any of them were seen abroad , they should be taught to obey the king's commands . thus the hollanders having been coop'd up nine days , word was brought the commander he might return to cusbin , where he found that all his rodomontado's signified nothing , but that he must comply with the athemadoulet . chap. ix . of the severity of the holland commanders in the indies . general speck , before he came to his imployment , had a daughter by a woman which he kept onely as his mistress , not as his wife . after his time was out he returned into holland , and not being willing to carry his daughter along with him , knowing that she would go off better at batavia than in holland , left her to the care of general com , who succeeded him in his charge . the girl was fair and left rich , so that her father was no sooner gone , but she had many suitors that courted her , without any consideration of her birth , among all which there was none that she fancied , like one that was a superior merchant of the fort , for whom she had a particular esteem . neither did she believe but that general com would have given his consent upon the first request , knowing the young man to be of a good family . nevertheless they were both deceiv'd ; for being ask'd , he utterly denied to yield to any such matter . however , the young man and the maid continued their fidelity to each other , and that with such a close respect , that at length the virgin 's belly began to swell . whereupon she made one of the ladies of the city acquainted how the case stood , as also of her council , believing that the general upon notice how affairs went , would marry her to keep all things private . but so soon as the lady had revealed the mystery , he was so far from answering their expectation , that he threw the young man laden with fetters into prison , and shut up the young woman close prisoner in her chamber . next day he call'd a council , declar'd to them the matter of fact , and gave his opinion , that the young man deserv'd to lose his head , and that the maid should be whipp'd . the council were of a contrary judgment , and advis'd him to reconcile the mischance by a marriage . but notwithstanding all their persuasions the general resolv'd to have his own humour , the next day privately sent for the executioner , and causing the young man and the maid to be brought into his hall , commanded the man's head to be forthwith struck off , and the virgin to be whipp'd though big with child . the sieur goyre commanded the holland fleet that was sent to the manilles , he landed all his souldiers , and most of his mariners . when they began to march , he commanded that not a man should stir out of his rank upon pain of death . it happen'd that a young souldier , who was troubled with the bloudy flux , stept a little aside to ease nature , which the said commander perceiving , caus'd him to be apprehended and bound , and calling a council of war would have had him hang'd ; and when the officers refus'd to give sentence against one that had committed no offence , he caused seven or eight blacks of the low countries to hang him up upon a tree . but the sieur dirk hogel , lieutenant general , marching by in the nick of time , and seeing the poor fellow in that condition , presently order'd him to be cut down , and so sav'd the poor fellow's life ; who returning into holland , and making his complaint to the company , the directors wrote smartly to the general and council at batavia about the business ; who upon examination of the matter , in regard the lad was sent by the directors of the orphans house at amsterdam , condemned the sieur goyre to pay four thousand crowns to the orphans house , and three hundred crowns yearly to the poor souldier . chap. x. touching the women . ofttimes when women think that their amours are most secret , they are by some strange and unexpected accident odly discover'd . while i was at batavia , the secretary of the hospital , as handsom a person as any was in the city , had a wife that pass'd for a batavian beauty , neither indeed was she despicable . this couple had been seven years married without any children ; so that the woman despairing of her husband's abilities , and to know where the fault lay , resolved to bestow her favours upon one of her slaves , who was well shap'd but very black ; chusing rather a private familiarity with him , than with any young hollander , whose frequent visits might breed suspicion . it seems the fault did not lie in her , for her sable gallant had so improv'd his talent , that in a short time she found the effects of change. in short , the womans belly swell'd , and her husband thinking his time had been come , began to boast of his manhood , and great joy there was among the friends of the woman upon the hopes of issue . great provisions were made against the lying in , and the general himself made choice of for godfather . but when the good hour was come , and the woman delivered , their joy was turned into mourning , for the child prov'd one of the sooty of-spring of the sun-burnt race , a perfect black. the husband and mother of the woman blush'd as red for shame as the child was black , and the gossips hung down their heads like bulrushes : nay the husband was so transported with fury , that he could not hide his resolution to murder his wife , for bringing such a piece of live charcole into the world . but he was prevented , and secur'd in the fort by the general , till by the intermission of friends , who wisely laid before him the original cause of his wifes transgression , they were at length made friends , and the slave for having shew'd himself a man , was condemn'd to tug at the oars in the galleys that go to fetch stone for the use of the city . now as a white woman may bring forth a black , so sometimes a black may be deliver'd of a white child . for at baçaim a cafer's wife , as black as himself , was deliver'd of a white child . the cafer seeing his child white , would have immediately fallen upon his wife and strangled her , had not the good women that assisted at her labour prevented him , and one of those gossips was so cunning as to run to the jesuits house , who are well respected by those blacks , to desire father thomas de bare , who had a long time been rector at agra , to come to the cafer's house . presently the father came with another of the fraternity , and finding the cafer stamping and staring almost out of his wits , and in open hostility without all reason , to appease his fury ask'd him whether he kept any hens , and whether he had any that were black . the cafer answer'd that he did keep hens , and that he had likewise black hens . presently the father order'd one to be brought him ; and then holding it in both his hands before the good women , does this hen ( said he to the cafer ) lay thee any eggs ? yes , replied the cafer . of what colour are they , said the father ? white , answer'd the cafer . well then , said the father , thou art worse than thy silly creature , and hast far less reason ; for if this hen which is black lay thee white eggs , why may not thy wife which is black bring thee a white child ? this comparison so wrought upon the cafer , who was no disputant , that he embrac'd his wife , kiss'd his child , and all was well again . though for all the jesuit's comparison it was believ'd that some portugal souldier had quarter'd with his wife , which was the reason of that more than usual production . to conclude , there was a certain woman , the wife of one of the counsellors of batavia , who had both kindness and affection for a merchant of the fort , who was both young and handsom . and it is the custom in that countrey to be not onely kind but free , she had for several years so well supplied his wants , that he was company for the best . it happen'd that this counsellor was sent abroad upon some negotiation , and staid longer than he thought he should have done . for this reason money grew short with the lady ; so that her gallant coming for a supply , and she not having ready money to answer his expectations , she gave him a gold chain worth 400 crowns to pawn for his present necessities till she could redeem it . but this fatal chain was the dissolution of all their former love : for the young gentleman being streighten'd for money , and finding no person that would lend him so much money as he wanted upon it , very fairly goes and offers it to a goldsmith to sell . while this unfortunate lover was driving his bargain in the shop , who in the name of ill luck should come by but one of his mistresses slaves , and spying the chain in his hand , runs and tells her patroness how she had seen her gallant imploy'd . who surpriz'd that her gallant should go about to sell the chain , when he had onely promis'd to pawn it in private and sure hands ; now ( quoth she ) all will out , there will be the devil upon dun when my husband comes home ; and i forsooth that have liv'd credibly thus long , must be the sport of my neighbours and the talk of the town . this produc'd a duel between love and interest , wherein interest getting the victory , away she immediately sends to all the goldsmiths , to give them notice that she had been robb'd of a gold chain , desiring them to apprehend the party that brought it . she also gave the same notice to the chief of the chineses , and desir'd the advocate fiscal to make a public search . well , by these means the chain was quickly found , and the merchant whatever he could say for himself was apprehended and put in prison ; soon after he was condemned for a thief , and sentenced to row all his life in the stone galley , which is the galley that fetches stones for the use of batavia . but happy for him , general vanderlin's lady falling into a hard labour before the time of execution , and desiring his pardon at such a solemn juncture , easily obtain'd it , seasonably recovering him from the misfortunes of folly and necessity . a relation of japon , and of the cause of the persecution of the christians in those islands . the modern geographers have made descriptions of japon , by means of such conjectures as they have drawn from the relations of certain merchants who have traded in those countries . but in regard there are very few merchants who are skilful in geography , as being such who only mind the profit and advantage of their voyages , those descriptions have prov'd very uncertain . as to the knowledge of the ancients , in reference to this part of the world , it is no less imperfect ; and it is but only by conjecture to this day , that we believe the abadii of ptolomy to be that island which is now call'd niphon . that which i could learn of most certainty , was by the relation of several persons who have travell'd these parts , that the empire of japon is at present compos'd of several islands , of which some perhaps may not be absolute islands , but rather peninsula's , and particularly those that make a part of the land of yesso , the inhabitants whereof are vassals and tributaries to japon . nevertheless a holland pilot , who has been industrious to discover whether the whole country it self were an island , or a continent adjoyning to that vast tract of land call'd corea , unknown to this day , in those parts where it extends it self behind china to the bottom of tartarie niulhan , saith , that it is separated from japon by a narrow sea , which at this day is call'd the streights of sanguar . through all the islands of japon , where formerly were accompted to have been 66 kingdoms , there are three remarkable for their largeness , of which that of largest extent is called niphon , the next ximo , and the third xicock . the japonners accompt it a journey of twenty seven days from the province of quanto , to the country of yesso ; and they say farther , that this country of yesso , in those parts which are remote from the sea , is so full of inaccessible mountains , that those japonners who have attempted a discovery by land , could never accomplish their design , being discourag'd by the length of the journey , and the difficulties and badness of the ways . the island of niphon is four times as big as the other two ; and there is also a mountain therein that vomits up flames of fire , like mount etna in sicily ; formerly it was distinguish'd into thirty five kingdoms , but at this day it is only divided into five parts , the names whereof are jamasoit , jetsen , jetsesen , quanto , and ochio , lying all in order as you travel from west to east . these five parts are again divided into several provinces . the island of ximo , or saycock , is situated to the south-west of niphon , being about 160 leagues in circuit . the island of xicock is seated by the south of niphon , being about 120 leagues in compass . the other islands that lye round about are not so considerable , for in those seas lye several islands scatter'd up and down , as in the archipelago , between the morea and the coasts of asia the less . as to the rest , i refer the reader to the map annexed , believing it to be very true , as having been made upon the places themselves . the emperour at present keeps his court in the city of yeddo , in regard the air is there more temperate , and the heats not so violent ; but when he has a son that is arriv'd to the age of fifteen years , he sends him to surunga , there to reside , till the death of his father makes him way to the throne . since yeddo has been made choice of for the seat of the empire , it has so greatly enlarg'd it self from day to day , that it is at present three leagues in length , and three in breadth , very populous , and the houses standing very close together . when the emperour rides through the city , or that there is any publick shew to be seen , it is impossible to get by the crowd of the people , though the women are not permitted to be of the number . the emperours palace is cover'd with plates of gold , to which the palaces of the lords are every way correspondent in magnificence ; so that afar off the city affords the richest and most magnificent prospect that was ever beheld : though it be not so beautiful within , by reason that the ordinary houses are built only of wood. the great dairy keeps his residence at meaco , which is also a very large city , containing above a hundred thousand houses ; it was formerly the capital seat of the empire , at what time the dairy's were laid aside . so soon as he is crown'd by the bonzes , who are the priests and lawyers , he is then no more to expose himself to the light of the moon , nor to shave his head , or cut his nails . the natives report , that the empire of japon was formerly govern'd by a prince call'd dairy , who had acquir'd so high a reputation for holiness , that his subjects ador'd him as a god , and that to increase the awe and reverence of the people , he suffer'd his hair and nails to grow , affirming , that it it was a piece of sacriledge to make use either of razor or sizzars . the princes that succeeded him , though they had only the name of kings , have still preserv'd the same custom , believing that it becomes not their grandeur to appear in view of the moon , as being sons of the sun. if he have a daughter that is ripe for marriage , the emperour is oblig'd to marry her , and she it is that bears the title of empress , though she should happen to have no children , which is contrary to the maxims of all the eastern monarchs , who give the title of queen and sultaness only to her , among all the rest of their wives , that is first brought to bed of a male successor to the crown . at the end of every seven years , the emperour sends one of the chief princes of his court to the dairy with a basket full of earth , and to tell him , that all the lands which the emperour commands , are at the dairy's devotion ; and indeed the empire belongs to him by right of succession , though at present he enjoys only the title , and very large revenues , which render him highly considerable in the empire . the japonners are idolaters , and adore the sun ; but though they have a great number of temples and different idols , yet they are not over obstinate in their devotion , only the emperour is very severe against all other religions . they never stir out of their native country to travel , unless it be to china , and the land of yesso ; and within these few years the emperour has prohibited his people under extream penalties , from having any commerce with foreigners , the chineses and hollanders excepted . he had receiv'd ambassadours at several times from several princes , but never sent any of his own to them again . nevertheless it is affirm'd , that several lords of these islands newly converted to the faith , in the year 1585 , sent their children to rome , to render their acknowledgments to gregory the thirteenth ; and that being return'd back in the year 1587 , to goa , they were afterwards receiv'd , and welcom'd again into their own country with great marks of joy . the little inclination which they have to navigation and traffick , proceeds in part from the great abundance of all things necessary for human support , which their own country produces ; and then in the next place from the jealousies of the emperour , who is afraid of the alterations which new religions may make in his government ; for they are very fickle , and easily seduc'd after novelties , which has been the occasion of many revolts , and civil wars , till quabacondon wrested the empire out of the hands of the dairy ; and reunited all the provinces . they are so fiery and revengeful , that upon the least affront given them , if they cannot have an opportunity of a present revenge , they will rip up their own bellies , and kill themselves . i was told a story to confirm this . two young lords that serv'd the emperour met in the palace , and jostl'd one the other by accident ; the most furious of the two was immediately for drawing his sword. the other told him , the place was not convenient , that he was going to wait ; but that if he would stay for him in such a place , he would give him satisfaction . accordingly the party that thought himself affronted went and stay'd , but his impatience was such , that after he had stay'd a while , not finding the other to come , he ripp'd up his own bowels for very vexation . upon which the people crowding about him , ask'd him the reason of his killing himself ; to which they could draw no other answer but this , a cowardly raskal has affronted me . by and by the other comes , makes way through the throng , and surpriz'd with what he beheld ; poor creature , said he , thou need'st not have doubted my being as good as my word , this dagger shall assure thee of it : and so saying , he kill'd himself upon the place , and fell by the others side . there is no nation under heaven that fears death less than this , or that is more enclin'd to cruelty . if any prince or great lord makes a feast for his friends , at the end of the feast he calls his principal officers , and asks 'em , if there be any that has so much love for him as to kill himself before the guests for his sake . presently there arises a dispute among them who shall have the honour ; and who ever the prince is pleas'd to name , rips up his belly with a cric , which is a kind of dagger , the poynt whereof is poyson'd . this custom is also practis'd upon the death of their masters , or when they lay the foundations of any palace ; for they are so superstitious as to believe , that these victims are necessary to render both the owners of the building , and the habitation fortunate . they punish all manner of theft with death . 't is also a capital crime among them to play for money . adultery is only punish'd in the women : but coynage of false money , setting houses on fire , deflowring and ravishing of virgins , are not only punish'd in the persons of the criminals , but also of those who are next of kin to them . the women live retir'd , and are very faithful to their husbands . the emperour having put to death one of the lords of his court , out of hopes to enjoy his wife ; she fearing violence , besought the emperour to give her time to consider , which was granted for some few days . at the end whereof she shut her self up in a room with her children ; and after she had delivered a paper to one of her servants to carry to the emperour , she set the chamber a fire , and burnt both her self and her children . the emperour met with nothing else in the paper but reproaches of his tyranny , and attestations of joy from the lady , that she had the opportunity to sacrifice her self to the memory of her husband . several other stories i have heard , which make me believe , that this nation is not uncapable of doing actions worthy a roman vertue . the portugals were the first people of europe that discover'd the islands of japon . they were thrown upon the coast by a violent storm , in the year 1542 , and understanding that there was great store of gold and silver in the country , they return'd with a resolution to settle themselves . the first place where they thought to fix was neer surunga , a city which stands about four leagues from the sea : but because there is but one road , and that not very secure neither for shipping , they remain'd there not above five years . at length they took possession of a little forsaken island call'd kisma , which they peopl'd afterward's ; but since the last persecution of the christians , the portugals were forc'd to abandon it , having no more commerce with the japonners . how the hollanders came to erect their factories there , i shall tell the reader in another part of this relation . seven years after the first coming of the portugals to japon , st. francis xavier made a voyage thither to preach the gospel . the first place where he landed was the island of niphon , where he stay'd two years and some months , and travel'd several parts of these islands ; but his principal design being to go to china , he took shipping accordingly . the vessel was no sooner out at sea , but st. francis fell sick , so that the captain put him ashore again in the island of sechen , by others call'd haynan , belonging to china , where in a few days after he dy'd , and never was in china , as some have reported and believ'd . after his death the christian religion spread it self very much in china , the people being very docible , and apprehensive of the instructions which were given them , but the behaviour of the portugals displeasing the principal governours , and those who had most power at court , they did them ill offices to the emperour , and the bonzes misliking the new religion , and jealous of the effects thereof , were the fomenters of continual persecutions against the new converts , pretending they favour'd the designs of the portugueses . nevertheless the christian religion daily got footing , and perhaps the whole nation would have embrac'd it , if the covetousness and wickedness of the christians themselves had not been the chief impediment of their conversion . the hollanders did all they could to lay the fault upon the portugals , but the truth will easily appear by the letter written to one leonard campen , a hollander , wherein it is said , that when the hollanders were ask'd by the natives what religion they were of , they made this answer , we are no christians , we are hollanders . i do not go about to blemish a whole nation for the fault of a few , but only to shew what a dangerous thing it is , to make an ill choice of officers upon the setling of a new commerce in regions so remote . the holland east-india company having set out a vessel for batavia , put aboard about a dozen young boys , and as many girls , taken out of the hospitals in the country . among these boys there was one who was design'd to serve in the kitchin , but fortune made him an instrument of one of the greatest misfortunes that ever befell our age. during the voyage , the merchant having observ'd him to be a boy of a ready wit , and for that reason believing that he might one day prove serviceable to the holland company , caus'd him to be taught to write and read ; wherein he improv'd so well in a short time , that being come to batavia , he was thought capable of a higher employment . the vessel being arriv'd , the general and his council resolv'd to send the same vessel to japon , with some part of the lading which was brought from europe . thereupon the merchant was commanded upon this voyage , and the under accomptant happening in the mean time to dye , this boy was by him advanc'd to the place , and by the merchant carefully instructed in the knowledge of the east-india trade . the vessel being arriv'd at firanda , the new under accomptant believing no place more proper for him them that to raise his fortune , resolv'd to leave his benefactor , and therefore when the ship was to return , he hid himself out of the way , till he knew the ship to be far enough on word on her voyage , and by that means becoming a member of the factory , he grew so perfect in the language of the natives , and so useful to the company , that do length . he came to be president of the factory ; the authority of which employment so puff'd him up , that he was not only for continuing and upholding the commerce of his own , but excluding all other nations . now , as i have already observ'd , the portugals were the first traders , and the first that propagated the christian religion in those parts ; therefore it was that the christian japonners would not trade with any but the portugals , as having known them longer , and finding them more true to their words . this the president observ'd , and made it his business to render them obnoxious at court , and by vertue of his presents , engag'd the governours of provinces , and other great lords , to favour his design . however , the portugals wanted neither friends nor confederates . and though they were not in a condition to be so liberal as the president , yet they made ashift to defend themselves , and render his under hand dealings ineffectual . thereupon finding that those tricks would not take , he had recourse to the foulest of calumnies ; for he counterfeited a letter written in the portuguese language , containing a discovery of a design of the christian japonners to have made a general insurrection , and a particular conspiracy against the person of the emperour . this letter he carry'd to a lord of the country , into whose favour and confidence he had wrought himself , who presently thought it to be his duty to give intelligence of so important a design to the court. the president inform'd him by what accident the letter came to his hands , and gave an account of such circumstances , as made his imposture look with a probable countenance , relating , how that the hollanders had taken a portugal vessel returning from japon to goa , and that the holland captain having taken this letter among other papers , open'd it , and perceiving of what consequence it was , had sent an express to the president to proceed as his prudence , and the affection of the dutch company toward the emperour should guide him . that the portugals , who were but subjects to the spaniards , had a pernicious maxim , not to suffer any religon but their own in any place where they had to do , and that for their own ends they never spar'd either the life or liberty of man ; that they thought it an acceptable sacrifice to god , to cut the throats of those whom they could not convert . and lastly , that the hollanders were a people that accorded with all nations and religions , and minded nothing but their trade . the lord believ'd all these fraudulent calumnies , and sent a copy of the letter to the emperour , the substance whereof was , that the spaniards in the philippine islands , and the portugals in japon , being in confederacy with the christians of the country , had sent to the governour of goa to send by a time prefix'd eight or ten vessels , with men and arms , but especially a good number of officers to command the revolters , for that then there would be a numerous army ready , and that they should easily make themselves masters of japon . the portugals were then under the dominion of the spaniard , and though they would suffer no spaniard in their indian acquisitions but the viceroy , yet several of the religious orders did slip into japon ; carried thither by a true and real zeal ; yet this zeal , when once indiscreet , does as much mischief as covetousness it self . the father paulists , for so they call the jesuits in the indies , by reason that their church in goa is dedicated to st. paul ; these jesuits i say , had made a fair progress , and gain'd great credit among the people , notwhithstanding their continual persecutions , according as the lords of the country were well or ill affected towards them . their number therefore encreas'd , and the new converts had this advantage , that they enrich'd themselves by trading with the portugals , who had made a positive agreement not to trade with the bonzes . this provok'd the bonzes against them , and the multitude of the christians so far augmented the emperour's jealousies and fears , that in a short time they produc'd the effects of open rage and cruelty . the jesuits had converted to the faith a great lord of the kingdom , who liv'd most commonly at bugen , in the island of ximo , a person of great interest and power in the island . he had four sons , two of which liv'd with him , and following his example , had embrac'd the catholick faith. the father was baptiz'd by the name of ignatius ; the eldest of the two was call'd francis , and the youngest charles : the two eldest sons were at court in great favour with the emperour . the younger of the two that had embrac'd the christian religion , addicted himself wholly to the study of the scripture , and retir'd with the jesuits to their seminary . his example had wrought with a great number of young lords , and as he was eloquent besides , he was of great use to the jesuits in preaching the gospel , and reclaiming the people from the grossness of their errors . the japonners are naturally endow'd with a noble mind , and great inclination to learning ; so that there is nothing wanting in that nation but able teachers . not but that they have doctors of their own : the dairy's court is full of them ; where they preserve the annals of their country , and pretend that printing and artillery were in use among them before they were known in europe . from this court come all their books , in regard the persons that attend upon this prince apply themselves only to their studies . it is reported , that they learnt all these things by their frequent commerce with the chineses , and that they are also originally descended from them . and in truth , the greatest province of the island of niphon is call'd quanto , according to the name of the sea-coast part of china , where lies the greatest traffick between the japonners and chineses . moreover , if there be any credit to be given to the chinese histories , they say it was but a small part of their vast-empire , which extended it self from north to south 56 degrees of latitude , from the frozen sea to the equinoctial line , being bounded to the west by the caspian sea , and extending eastward over all the southern america to new spain . father thomas barr , a portuguese , has often told me when i was at agra , a capital city of the great mogul , where the jesuits have a very fair house , that this and several other young lords improv'd themselves so far in six or seven years , that they were as learned as their masters themselves , and that they were more zealous in converting those of their nation . now the jesuits at that time had no house for the instruction of youth and proselytes , and therefore they desir'd this young lord to lend them one of his . thereupon he having four very fair ones , with great revenues belonging to them , gave that which was nearest to the city to his converters . a while after , the youngest of his sons fell sick , and was carried to this house for the air 's sake , where he recover'd by the care of the fathers , and the prayers of the christians ; but his father did not long enjoy the pleasure of so great a cure , which seem'd almost miraculous ; for he dy'd at what time both his sons and the christians stood most in need of his protection . the two eldest , who were with the emperour , understanding the the death of their father , came to take possession of their inheritance , and demanded of the jesuits the house which their father had given them , for in japon no parent can alienate the estate of his children ; nay , when they come to such an age , he is oblig'd to put them in possession of their estates , reserving only such a proportion to himself . the jesuits , loth to part with so fair a convenience , would not quit their hold , though it were for their own quiet , and to engage the whole family to stand by them in their time of trouble . this refusal provok'd the two brethren , and this quarrel between them and the jesuits happen'd at the same time that the dutch president was labouring to bring about his designs . he h●d notice of this dispute , and as he was a great impostor , he made 〈◊〉 his business to enflame the two brothers , not only against the jesuits , but against the portugals in general , giving them a copy of the letter which he had fram'd , as is before-mention'd . these two lords , who were favourites of the emperour , joyning interest of state to their particular interest , made their complaints at court , with extraordinary aggravations ; urging that there was no security for the estates of particular men , for the quiet of the empire , nor the life of the prince , unless not only all the portugals , but also all the natives of japon , who had suck'd their errors , were exterminated out of the island . to make good the reasons of their exasperation they shew'd the emperour a copy of the letter , and put him into such a fright , as well for his person , as the empire , that he would admit of no justification on the other side . some of his lords , who were friends to the portugals , besought him to examin the truth of what was alledg'd , before he proceeded to utmost extremities against a whole nation , and against his own subjects . but he was inexorable , and presently gave private orders to certain commissioners , to go through all the provinces of the empire , and to banish not only the portugals , but also all the christian natives . now in regard they had their private confederates , as well in the court , as in other places , they had intelligence , in all parts , of the cruel resolution tak'n against them , though none were more zealous and faithful to them then the two lords of ximo , francis and charles . thereupon the christians met together to consult for their own safety , and their common preservation , and seeing all attempts to justifie themselves prove ineffectual , they resolv'd to stand upon their guards , and to dye in the defence of their innocency and religion . the two lords put themselves at the head of the christians army , the elder of which had been a souldier , and understood the art of war ; the younger kept up their spirits and courages by his continual exhortations . the emperour's commissioners understanding that the christians were thus embody'd , gave him speedy notice thereof , but said nothing either of the number of their forces , or of their designs . the jesuits and austin fryars at goa , told me , that the army of the christians consisted of above 40000 men , besides those recruits that came up to them before and after the battel was fought . the emperour not beleiving that the army was so numerous , sent against them at first not above 25 or 30000 men , under the command of the youngest of the two lords of ximo , that liv'd at court. but those troops were no sooner upon their march , but he rais'd new forces , and sent another army after them , consisting of 40000 men , commanded by the young lord , to whom the dutch president had shew'd the letter first of all . the christians having intelligence of the approach of these two armies , prepar'd to receive them , choosing an advantagious place to intrench themselves . the first army soon appear'd in sight of the christians , who lay so encamp'd , that the imperialists could discover no more than one part of them . however , before the engagement , the youngest of the christian brothers advis'd his other brother to send to the general of the emperour's army , who was their brother likewise , to desire peace , and to beseech him to intercede for them to the emperour , and to assure him , that they were ready to lay down their arms , and throw themselves at his feet , and to justifie their innocency . to this purpose a letter was fram'd and sent to the general , but the messenger that carry'd it was nail'd to a cross in sight of the whole army of the christians , and at the same time the enemy came on with great fury to assail them . the fight lasted almost three hours with equal advantage ; the captain of the imperialists seeking every where for his brothers , while they strove to avoid him . the christians , who knew that all their safety consisted in their victory , and that there was otherwise no hope of pardon , fought with so much valour ; that the imperialists were forc'd to give ground . their general was slain upon the place , and at length the whole army of the idolaters was cut in pieces . this victory wrought the conversion of several of the idolaters ; and the christians , after they had given thanks to god three days together , prepar'd themselves for a second combat , not doubting but the other army would set upon them while they were weary , and weaken'd by the last battel . but that general more prudent then the former , only posted himself where the christians could not come at him , and writ to the court the particulars of the defeat of the first army , upon which he expected the emperour's orders . in the mean while , the army of the christians daily encreas'd , so that in a few days they were above fifty thousand strong . the emperour , resolv'd to stifle this revolt in the beginning , sent orders through all his empire to make new levies ; and all the while the dutch president 's confederates ceas'd not to aggravate him against the christians , not suffering the other courtiers to open his eyes , and prevent so unjust a prosecution . the defeat of his army had put him into such a rage besides , that though the captains of the christians army did all they could to clear themselves from the false accusations laid upon them , and to obtain their pardons , there was no possibility of being heard . the emperour call'd his council , where the wisest were of opinion , that it would prove the best way to receive the submissions of the christians , who offer'd to lay down their arms upon a general pardon , and the free exercise of their religion . but the president 's cabal carry'd it beyond this sober advice , and the emperour , exasperated by his impostures , took the wrong course . thereupon the council resolv'd with all speed to raise a vast army , which was to joyn with the other , and so to ruin the christians all at a blow . the dairy also , who is consulted upon all important affairs , approv'd this council . thereupon the lords who are oblig'd to furnish the emperour with men , strove who should bring their troops and companies first to the randevouz appointed , which was neer the place where the second army lay ; so that when both armies were joyn'd together , there was in the field a body of 150000 men. the brother of the general , who was slain in the first battel , commanded under the emperour , who resolv'd to go in person . but first of all he caus'd a proclamation to be made in his camp , whereby he forbad any quarter to be given to any christian , unless it were the two brothers , whom he intended to punish openly ; and that they who left the field before the christians were banish'd , should be put , they and their kindred , to the most cruel deaths that could be imagin'd ; but that they should be rewarded that brought the head of a christian to the emperour . the copies of this proclamation were scatter'd in the army of the christians , though they did no harm but only encourag'd them against the idolaters , seeing there was no hope of pardon . nevertheless the youngest of the two brothers offer'd to go and throw himself at the emperour's feet , to implore his clemency in the name of the whole army ; saying withall , that he should accompt himself happy to suffer martyrdom to shew his innocency ; but they would not suffer him to stir . all he could obtain from them , was to write a letter full of respect , submission , and repentance for what had been already done , declaring that they were ready to lay down their arms , if the emperour would grant them pardon , and the free exercise of their religion , offering with the hazard of their lives to make out the falsity of all those things wherewith they had been accus'd . this was by an idolater carry'd to a certain lord who secretly favour'd the christians ; but the emperour toar it without reading it , vowing at the same time , that he would never return to his court 'till the idolaters were all extirpated . the christian army understanding the emperour's resolution , minded nothing more then their own defence . 't is true , the ground where they lay was advantagious enough for the smallness of their number , but the idolaters were three to one ; besides that the idolaters of the country , who favour'd the christians before , now declar'd all against them so soon as they saw the imperial army . so that now both armies lying so near together , several hot skirmishes pass'd between 'em ; and at length it came to a general battel . at first the christians overthrew the idolaters , not able to stand before them : with so much vigour did the youngest of their chieftains assail them . he was remarkable for his habit that day , but more remarkable for his courage ; so that the field was cover'd with the bodies of the slain , fear and dread possessing the yielding enemy . but while the victor forgot his brother's advice , and pursu'd too far from the body of the army , he was encompass'd on every side , wounded , and being carried away by the press of his enemies , was at length taken , and lead before the emperour . his eldest brother , more experienc'd in war , rally'd and recall'd those that had follow'd his brother , and till night maintain'd the advantages , which he had got over the imperialists , who were still supply'd with fresh succours , as necessity requir'd . the next day the fight was renew'd again by break of day , and with a success as honourable , but more bloody to the christians . the third day the emperour enrag'd at such a resistance , caus'd them to be set upon in several places at one time . the general of the christians army rode from rank to rank , encouraging the souldiers both by his exhortations , and his example : but at length having receiv'd several wounds , he was overlaid by the multitude of his enemies that crouded to his destruction . and now the general being lost , and the christians having no person to command them , it ceas'd to be a combat , and became a massacre . however , resolving to dye with their swords in their hands , they flung themselves into the thickest of their enemies , and sacrific'd themselves to their own innocency . their camp was soon forc'd , and all the old men , women , and children put to the sword , except some few that escap'd and hid themselves in the mountains , who afterwards made a relation of this bloody story to them who rehears'd it to me . this was the deplorable end of the christians , and indeed of the christianisme of japon , which the president procur'd by his impostures and fallacies . and it has been made appear by three exact accompts , that there has perish'd , either in battels or by tortures , above 60000 christians . the eldest of their captains suffer'd a most cruel martyrdom for seven days , neither could any offer , that the emperour could make him for his brothers and his own valours sake , induce him to renounce the christian faith. after that , there was a kind of inquisition set up thorough the whole empire , which lasted for several years , whereby those that persever'd in the faith , were condemn'd to most intolerable torments , in so much that the relation which van varen , a hollander , whose credit it would be a vanity to question in this particular , cannot be read over without horrour . in sixteen years , that is , from 1613 to 1629 , the christians were so multiply'd , that there were above 400000 ; but in the year 1649 , the same hollander relates , that those japonners who were brought from thence by the company 's ships to amsterdam , affirm'd , that christianity was utterly extirpated out of the island . being at ogli , a large town upon the fairest arm of the ganges , i met a holland merchant , who had serv'd the company in japon a long time and had made several voyages . he came thither with two 〈◊〉 laden with bars of silver and copper , which he had exchang'd for silks , which the hollanders buy at bengale . this merchant knowing i was there , came to visit me ; and i finding him to be a sincere honest man , and well verst in the affairs of japan , especially in reference to the last persecution of the christians , grew covetous of his converse , and invited him often to my house . in our familiar discourses concerning the settlement of the hollanders in the east-indies , and of the extraordinary gain which they make by their trade there , and passing thus from one thing to another , at length i ask'd him who was the author and contriver of a massacre so horrid , as that was reported to be . whereupon he related to me all the particulars of which i have here made a recital , and many more which i have forgot or omitted , as being either not pertinent to my subject , or else already related by others . he had his information from such of the natives that had escap'd out of the battel , and several of the idolater merchants , in whose memories the fact was then fresh : and indeed he was so ingenious in his story , that i could not find any motive to incite me to misdoubt the truth of it . for many times he could not forbear shedding tears , and to interrupt his discourse with his sighs , often imprecating heav'ns vengeance upon the president , and protesting he wonder'd the company employ'd him so long . but god reserv'd his punishment to himself . for the deserts of his crimes always attending him , and provoking judgments and misfortunes upon whatever enterprize he took in hand , he miserably perish'd in sight of lisbon in fair weather . all the men in the ship were sav'd ; only he returning to recover a certain cabinet of jewels which he had there , the ship split , and the portugals had the satisfaction to see him swallow'd up in the sea , who had been the occasion of the ruin of so many of their country-men in japon ; and immediately they rang their bells in the city for joy of his death . in my last voyage to the indies i was at bandar-abassi , where the hollanders have a factory . thither arriv'd two vessels from japon to take in silks , which the hollanders buy of the persians to exchange in japon . the captain of one of the ships told me , that during several trading voyages which he had made to that island , the emperour had caus'd two inquisitions to be made after the christians ; in the first of which the inquisitors met with 247 , who were all most exquisitely tormented to death ; in the latter they only found 63 , among whom were seventeen children , twelve girls and five boys , of which the eldest were not above thirteen years of age. among all the persecutions which the christians suffer'd , there was none comparable to this for extremity of torments : for the japonners are the most ingenious in cruelty of any people in the world , and the most constant in suffering . for there have been children from ten to a dozen years old , who for 60 days together have endur'd to have their bodies fasten'd to the cross , half burnt , half torn in pieces , while their executioners forc'd them to eat , on purpose to prolong their lives in misery ; and yet they would not renounce the faith which they had embrac'd . neither did this barbarous inquisition extend only to the christians , but to their kindred and relations , nay , to their very neighbours . for if a priest were taken in any house , all the people in that house , and the houses adjoyning , were hall'd to execution , for not having made the discovery . at the beginning of every year there is a new inquisition , at which time all that can write are requir'd to subscribe , or else the chief of the family subscribes for all the rest , that they neither are christians , nor are acquainted with any christians , and that they abominate christianity as a religion dangerous to the state. don john of braganza , being advanc'd to the crown , that sudden change which in one day , and without the least tumult in lisbon , wrested the crown of portugal from the king of spain , wrought the same effect at goa . all the portugals at goa at the same time acknowledg'd their new soveraign ; the viceroy who was a spaniard , was sent away to spain by the first vessels that were homeward bound ; and don philip de mascarennas , a portugal , governour of ceylan , came to goa , and took upon him the command of viceroy . so soon as he came to the government , his first thoughts were how to establish the trade of the portugals in japon , which when they were expell'd , amounted to three millions of pardo's yearly , one pardo being worth twenty seven sous of french money . the hopes therefore of regaining so great a loss , made him toward the end of the year 1642 , take a resolution to send a solemn embassy to the emperour of japon , furnish'd with magnificent presents : for which reason he made choice of what was most rare , and most likely to be acceptable to the emperour , and the grandees of his court. the most costly of these presents was a piece of lignum aloes , otherwise call'd wood of calambour , four foot in length , and two foot in diameter ; a larger piece then which the indies had never seen , having cost 40000 parao's . to this he added a great quantity of fair coral beads of an extraordinary bigness . this is the most acceptable present that can be sent to the lords of japon , which they fasten to the strings wherewith they draw their pouches together . with these he sent a great number of carpets and hangings of cloth of gold , silver , and silk , and several pieces of tissue of gold and silver . 't is said the whole present cost the city of goa above eight hundred thousand pardo's , which amounts to about 86666 l. 13 s. 4 d. of english money . besides all this , the two great ships which were prepar'd for the embassador , carry'd one of them 50 peeces of canon , and the other 35 , both laden with all sorts of commodities which are esteem'd and priz'd in japon , amounting to about 83333 l. 6 s. 8 d. sterling . the equipage of the embassador was no less sumptuous . and because the viceroy would not be thought to give any occasion of offence to the emperour , he would not suffer one jesuit in the train , but only four augustins for the admiral , and four jacobins for the other , men of discretion and conduct . while i was at goa , in the year 1648 , i met with some of these fathers , who gave an exact accompt of the embassy . they made a prosperous voyage , and arriv'd happily at their intended port. but you must understand , that when any ship arrives at japon , no persons are permitted to come ashore , 'till the governour of the place have an accompt who they are , that they may give notice thereof to the emperour , and know his pleasure , whether they shall be received or no. in the mean time the ships rode in a very dangerous place , at the entry of the haven , into which there was no steering , without the assistance of the native pilots . the governour of nangasaqui surpriz'd to understand that they were portugueses , wrote in all hast to the emperour . the dutch president being inform'd of the news , play'd all the pranks he could , us'd all the contrivances imaginable to frustrate the success of the embassy , and to ruine the vessels that brought the embassadour and his presents . to which purpose he found a way to bribe the courrier , who was sent with the emperours orders ; so that instead of twenty days , which were sufficient for his journey , he made it above two months before he deliver'd his dispatches . during which time the two ships had suffer'd very bad weather upon the coasts , and endur'd many a severe storm . at length the orders came that none should be permitted to land but the embassadour , the two captains , and the two pilots , to give an accompt of the subject and cause of their coming . the embassadour being landed , acquainted the governour that he came to compliment the emperour in the behalf of the king his master , and to assure him that they were no longer under the power of the king of spain . that about a year since , a lawful heir of portugal had recover'd the diadem of his ancestors which the spaniard had usurp'd . that this new king was so just and generous a prince , that understanding that some of his subjects had deserted the island of japon , without paying their debts , he had now sent to make a general satisfaction ; but chiefly out of that respect which obliges all soveraigns newly come to the crown , to give notice thereof to those princes , whose friendship they desire . the governour inform'd the emperour of all these things ; but the president having as good intelligence by means of his friends at court , alledg'd to the emperour that they were rebels , who came from the utmost parts of the west , to bring the news and example of their revolt to japon : that the natural restlesness of this nation caus'd frequent disturbances and revolutions among them . that they were never long at rest themselves , nor would suffer others to be at quiet . that considering the experience he had had , he could not be either too cautious for the security of his person , or the tranquillity of his empire . lastly , that the emperour and the empire would be ruin'd past recovery , if those people were ever admitted to set footing therein . this counsel well seconded by the rest of the cabal , easily made an impression in the heart of the prince naturally barbarous , and an enemy to the christians . thereupon he sent an order to the governour to invite all the whites aboard , and to treat them for eight days in the best manner he could . at the end of eight days they were order'd to repair aboard again , and at the same time he made a present to the embassadour , and chief of his train , consisting of six great cabinets , and six coffers lacker'd with black , with figures in relief , intermix'd with spangles of gold , all the embellishments being of massie gold. with them were six cabinets , and six coffers , lacker'd with red , embellish'd after the same manner with silver . i saw some of them when i was at goa , and i must confess i never beheld any so rare and beautiful in that kind , which made me admire the ingenious industry of the artists of japon ; our european imitations of their workmanship being no way comparable to them . the embassadour having receiv'd his present , had order to remove all the goods in the second vessel into the admiral . he would have made great presents to the governour , who refus'd them ; telling the embassadour withall , that he had express command to refuse them , and to declare to the embassadour , that if he did not make hast away , he would sink his ship. that the emperour his master had made a new prohibition , forbidding all portugals and spaniards to venture near his dominions upon any pretence whatsoever ; nay , though it were upon pretence of an embassy , upon pain of being crucifi'd upon the place , without liberty to speak for themselves . as for the debts of the portugals , he had undertaken to discharge them himself ; only he had sent that present to the king his master to thank him for that embassy . the embassadour had no sooner remov'd the goods out of the second vessel into the admiral , but they sank her before his face . and not contented with that affront , the governour sent for all the blacks that were in the admiral , and cut off their heads , pretending they were indians , and that , as such , they could not be ignorant of the rigorous prohibitions which the emperour had put forth , forbidding all strangers , except the hollanders , to set footing in japon . after the portugal embassadour was thus harbarously frustrated and dismiss'd , he sent news thereof to the general at batavia , urging him to execute the design which the hollanders had upon macao ; telling him also , that though there were a probability of a league between the hollander and the portugal against the spaniard , yet that it could be no harm to seize macao beforehand , as they had made themselves masters of several places , while the portugals were under the king of spain . the general taking the president 's advice , was ready to set sail upon this enterprize , when a messenger from portugal brought him the news of the treaty concluded between portugal and holland ; as also of the navy which the hollanders had sent to lisbon to aid the portugals . at first he made as if it had been a false rumour , and put the messenger in prison ; nevertheless while he delay'd the departure of the fleet , he receiv'd express orders from his superiours to treat the portugals as friends and allies . so that he was constrain'd to turn all his forces against the molucca islands , then in the possession of the spaniards . the president was very sorry for the last news , by reason that the general and he had great designs upon the conquest of that place , and had promis'd the company by that means to make them absolute masters of the trade of china , and of all the east . true it is , that macao is very advantagiously seated for those that design to be masters of those seas , especially upon the coasts of quantung and fockien , which are the provinces , whither are brought down all the merchandizes of this empire . it lies at the mouth of the gulph of canton , in a small peninsula adjoyning to a larger island , and built upon a kind of a promontory , on three sides environ'd with the sea , which no ship can come neer by reason of the flats , unless it be on that side next the port , which is defended by a strong fortress . this city drew from the only fair of quanchiu 1300 chests of silks of all sorts , every chest containing 150 pieces , and 2500 lingots of gold , not reckoning the raw silks , the gold wire , and other merchandizes : whence it may be easily judg'd what advantage the portugueses made of it ; and wherefore the president desir'd so much to expell them from thence . but his designs were disappointed , not only by the revolution in portugal , but also by the loss which the hollanders sustain'd of the island of formosae , which the chineses took from them , following the advice of a french souldier , whom the governour of tayovan had refus'd to dismiss after his time was out . for the better understanding this accident , you must know that the hollanders being setl'd in japon , and having excluded all other nations from thence , except the chineses , whom the emperour permitted to return , after that the massacre committed by the japonners in a city of china , of which they had a desire to make themselves masters , had caus'd a cessation of the commerce between the two kingdoms , and constrain'd the emperour of china to set a price upon the heads of the japonners . nevertheless the hollanders did all they could to make a new rupture between the people , or else themselves to seize upon some place that lay proper to ruin the trade of the chineses to japon . to this purpose , not daring to attempt upon the portugueses , they over-ran the seas which environ'd the neighbouring islands , and took the vessels of the chineses which were bound for macao , exercising strange cruelties upon the people that had escap'd into those islands , after the irruption of the tartars into china . coxinga , the son of chinchilunge , that famous pirate , who sav'd the remainders of that ruin'd empire , then commanded those people , and was become formidable to the tartars themselves . who to revenge himself upon the dutch pirates , undertook the siege of tayovan , where they usually retir'd , and by gaining that place drave them wholly out of formosa . this is a large island plac'd at the poynt of the phillippines , stretching out in length from north to south , and to the west lying opposite to the provinces of fockien , and quantung . the chineses call it talieukieu . since which time , 't is very probable that the spaniards gave it the name of formosa , from its beauty and fertility . they being the first people of europe that discover'd it , and inhabited it ; and upon one of its promontories to the north built the fort of kiling . the natural inhabitants live almost all in the woods and mountains , where they maintain themselves by hunting the hart , and wild boar , whose dry'd flesh , skins , and horns they sell to the sangleys , who in exchange bring them other necessaries . the little island of tayovan lent its name to the little fort which the english built , over against the great island ; it was very convenient for the hollanders , who made great advantage of the cattel , hides , and horns , both of harts and bufalo's , which they carry'd from thence , and sold to the chineses and japonners , who make great use thereof in several of their trades and manufactures . but the chiefest advantage which the hollanders made of this island consisted in this , that it lay in the middle way between batavia and japon , and serv'd as a place of security for their ships in bad seasons , and to take in refreshments . there also they laded off several of the goods of the chineses , which they took by way of piracy from the chineses , or which were brought them by the sangleys , who are the original merchants of the chineses , setled at the philippines , but who drive the greatest trade of that country , independent from the spaniards . coxinga , though an idolater and a pirate , banish'd out of his country , and provok'd by the hollanders , had so much humanity as to send to the general at batavia to send away vessels to fetch away his men , and deliver'd them all without suffering them to receive the least injury . he had his friends and favourers in the emperour of japon's court , as being a declar'd enemy to the tartars , whose neer neighbourhood the japonners cannot endure . for so quick a conquest of so many lands and provinces in seven years , as it were only upon sight of the enemy , had very much alarum'd them . he by his friends acquainted the emperour of the acts of hostility , committed by the hollanders against the chinese merchants : adding moreover , that they had made private propositions to league themselves with the common enemy ; and that it was one of the nations of the north , born for the desolation of other countries , and to invade the peace of empires . that they had setled themselves in the islands of the east only by treachery and violence . that for some years since , they had made it their business to cruise the seas between china and japon , on purpose to make themselves absolute masters of the trade , and that if he did not take a speedy course , they would do the same mischief in his dominions which the tartars had done in china . the president had much ado to divert the storm , for the most potent lords at court , although his pensioners and friends , began to open their eyes , and in some measure took coxinga's part , saying , that the chineses were unfortunate enough , in being laid wast by the tartars ▪ without being persecuted and afflicted by the hollanders . that seeing that after they had been expell'd their country , they had nothing left but their boats , and some few rocks for their places of refuge , it was a piece of inhumanity to disturb them in their last sanctuaries , and to deprive them of their liberty of the sea , and their commerce with japon , from whence those miserable exiles had their chiefest support . the bonzes , the merchants , the vulgar people , all took the chineses part . thereupon the emperour sent for the dutch president , and told him , i understand , said he , that thy company abuses my protection , and that their vessels , instead of being contented with the trade which i have permitted them , presume to play the pyrates upon the chineses , and to trouble the seas adjoyning to my empire . if i hear any more of these complaints , i will cause thee and all thy nation to be crucifi'd . i know not how the president appeas'd the emperour's fury ; this i know in general , that the hollanders made a secret alliance with the tartars against coxinga . him the inhabitants of fockien call'd to their assistance , having rais'd an army of 200000 men ; whereupon he went to aid them with a very powerful navy . after several skirmishes , the tartars and chineses came to a pitch'd field , where the captain of the tartars having plac'd the best part of his cavalry in ambush , order'd his men to retreat by degrees , 'till they had drawn the chineses into the ambuscade ; at what time the tartars encompassing them on every side , kill'd 80000 upon the place ; coxinga with his navy not being able to relieve them . during this war , the hollanders took their opportunity , and made themselves masters of the island of fishers , between formosa and the coast of fockien . in a short while after coxinga dy'd , and savia his uncle , the richest merchant of china , who out of his own revenue had disburs'd the expences of the last war , grew weary of the charge , and was desirous to make peace with the tartars . of which one of the sons of coxinga being advertiz'd , seiz'd upon his uncles person , and shut him up in a close prison , where he kill'd himself for madness . the hollanders overjoy'd at the dath of savia , who had always hinder'd them from the trade of the province of fockien , sent a navy against his nephew in favour of the tartars , who made war against him all along the sea-coast . several combats happen'd between the juncks of the islanders and the holland vessels in view of the tartars , who satisfi'd themselves with being only spectators . but all the benefit which the hollanders reap'd from the advantages which they obtain'd over the islanders , was only to put into the hands of the tartars the cities of bemos aed quesmoy , and all the places thereabouts , which coxinga's party possess'd before . for notwithstanding all their kindness , the tartars would not assist them to retake tayovan ; so that they only were content to build certain small forts in the small islands adjoyning to formosa : and since my return from the indies , i never could inform my self of the truth of the issue of that enterprize . but the hollanders were not content with their settlement at firmando , which was an island both desert and barren , seated upon a streight , which separates the point of the land of corea from japon , a place no way commodious for their designs of engrossing the trade of china , as being too remote from nangisaqui : besides , that the north and south winds are so violent at their seasons in this streight , between the two coasts , that it is impossible to come near the shoar when they blow . the president therefore having such good luck in the expulsion of the portugals out of japon , doubted not but that he might obtain the small island of kisma , an island that had been wholly deserted ever since the habitations of the people had been destroy'd . at first he only desir'd leave to build a small tenement for the conveniency of the factors . now between this island and nangisaqui , there is only a narrow frith , not above a musquet shot over . here the president desir'd the governour that he might make a bridge of boats for a more easie intercourse between the city and the port. the governour gain'd by presents , gave him leave to build the bridge ; but seeing that the hollanders made an ill use of it , and that they came too frequently and numerously into the city , he built two forts at both ends of the bridge , and furnish'd them with souldiers , who were to take notice who pass'd to and fro . he also publish'd an order , that such hollanders as came by day into the town , should return to their lodgings before night , upon pain of death . this order , and the little conveniency which they had for lodging in their own quarters , very much troubl'd them ; so that the president made new applications at court , and obtain'd leave to build a factory , and warehouses for their goods . the governour thereupon sent a surveyor to the hollanders , to mark out the ground which the emperour had given them to build upon . this person being largely rewarded , made them good measure , and yet they were not contented ; so that in the night-time they had enlarg'd their quarters , by removing the first marks . the governour , being advertiz'd thereof , began to be very angry ; but they found means to appease him with their presents : so that he easily condescended to the slight reasons which they gave him for what they had done . thus in a short time they finish'd their work , which was without encompass'd with a wall , much like a garden wall , but within contain'd a real fort , flanck'd and lin'd according to all the rules of art ; and which , the outward wall being beaten down , not only defended their bridge , but commanded the entry into the haven of nangisaqui . they took great care not to admit any but hollanders , for fear their design should be discover'd . so that when the whole was finish'd , the president gave advice to the general at batavia what he had done , desiring him to send him eight brass guns , so broken , as to be easily put together in the places where they were broken . he adviz'd him also to put them up in hogsheads , pack'd up like other goods ; and instead of mariners , to send a good number of souldiers , habited like mariners , for the security of the factory . but this stratagem had not that success which he expected ; for about that time the emperour had sent a new governour to nangisaqui : so that when the ships arriv'd at batavia , the new chang'd officers , being more vigilant then the former , coming to weigh the bales as they were put ashore , and finding certain hogsheads at the bottom of the hold , which they could not remove by reason of their weight , they presently brake them up , and perceiving there the broken pieces of canons , carry'd some of them to the governour , who immediately sent intelligence thereof to yeddo , of which the president had as suddain notice by his pensioners . he having his invention at command , repairs forthwith to the emperour's court , and there tells the emperour , that he had receiv'd orders from his superiours to present him with certain peeces of canon , made according to the newest invention of his country , the use whereof was so convenient , that they were with little difficulty and trouble to be drawn up , and made use of , where others could not possibly be brought to play : and that he thought no present could be more acceptable or serviceable to him , to render him victorious over his enemies . upon this the emperour was very well satisfi'd , and sent to the governour of nangisaqui to send him those guns , and withall , not to molest the hollanders , either in their factory , or in vending their wares . having so fortunately disengag'd himself out of these briers , he lays another design , and sends to the general at batavia , a person of a turbulent and unquiet spirit like himself , to set out two vessels , to make a discovery of all the coasts of japon , and particularly of those coasts which were next the gold mines , and to see if they could find any safe harbour for ships to ride in , in those tempestuous seas , or any places proper to fortifie , that they might no longer depend upon the uncertain humour of the court of japon , which was as inconstant as their seas . the general provided two ships , and furnish'd them with excellent pilots , good souldiers , expert mariners , and provisions for two years , with all other necessaries and instruments , as well for delving as building . one of the seven of the general 's council was chos'n supervisor of the enterprize . 't is said , that those two vessels skirted all along the coast of japon , from the east to the south , and from the south to the north , fetching a compass about the islands to the 47 deg . of northern latitude , and that they discover'd one island which they call'd the states island , and afterwards touch'd upon another land which they nam'd the company 's land , inhabited by white people , with long hair , habited after the japon fashion , which they found to be a continent adjoyning to niulhan , and corea ; and that after they had wander'd a long time upon the sea , without any other design then to make new discoveries , they pass'd through the streights of sanguar , which separates the land of yesso from japon , and kept along those coasts of japon to the east , to observe the bays of aizu , and xendai , where are the gold mines . in that part a furious tempest took them , in sight of the mountains , where the gold mines lye , which lasted four days together . the second of these vessels run full against a rock , and split her self , with the total loss of every mothers son in the vessel . the admiral held out a longer time , but coasting the land where the mountains of sataque appear , the tempest grew so violent , that she also brake against the rocks . in this second shipwrack only the admiral , and thirteen persons more escap'd , partly by the help of the planks , and partly by swiming . the japonners upon the coast presently ran to view them , and wonder'd to see people in those parts , whose language they did not understand . nevertheless , they entertain'd them civilly enough ; but in regard they were strangers , and that there was a strict prohibition not to receive any strangers among them upon any pretence whatsoever , they were at a great loss what to do with ' em . one , wiser then the rest , advis'd his brethren to carry them to the emperour , whose counsel was follow'd ; and so they took their journey toward yeddo , which was above a hundred leagues off . the emperour , being inform'd of their arrival , order'd that they should be civilly us'd ; and at the end of eight days sent for them , and caus'd them to be ask'd , of what country they were , and what design brought them into his seas ? the admiral , who was a person of a ready ingenuity , answer'd , that he was a hollander , who all his life time had serv'd his country as a souldier , where he had the command of a thousand horse , and two thousand foot , at what time fortune , or rather the care of preserving his honour , forc'd him from his native soyl. i was , said he , one of the chief commanders in the army , and though i say it , my service had gain'd me a fair reputation . the prince , who commanded us , had a great confidence in me , which made one of his near relations jealous of me ; so that he was not only content to do me all ill offices with the general , but sought all occasions to pick a quarrel with me . i dare be bold to say , that had he not been so nearly related to the prince , i should not have taken his affronts so long patiently . but at length he provok'd that patience to such a degree , and so deeply and openly affronted me , that i was constrain'd to meet him with my sword in my hand . his misfortune and mine so order'd it , that i kill'd him at the first push . my friends assisted me to make my escape , and kept me hid for some days , thinking to have appeas'd the princes anger ; but it continu'd so violent , that they advis'd me to absent my self for some years . therefore to render my exile less tedious , and that i might be still doing something for the service of my country , i desir'd my friends to furnish me with two ships , with a resolution to seek out and destroy all those pirates that infested the indian seas . i have been in chace of them for a whole year together ; and sometimes we met with tempests so violent , that drave us we know not whither our selves , my pilots not being experienc'd in the eastern seas . soon after meeting with another tempest no less rude and boystrous , we were forc'd to let our ships drive as the winds themselves were pleas'd to force them , which at length drove us upon the coasts of this empire , where we have suffer'd shipwrack , not having sav'd above fourteen of four hundred , which i brought along with me . happy in such a misfortune , to be cast upon the territories of a prince so potent and generous , that , no question , will have compassion upon our miseries . when the interpreter had repeated this relation to the emperour , the prince , and all the lords of the court were very much concern'd , and admir'd both the courage and aspect of the stranger . the emperour sent him very rich presents , and to all those of his company ; and gave order , that he should be conducted to kisma , to the holland factory , and that he should be well treated upon the way , during the whole journey , which was five and twenty or thirty days travel . there this famous champion stay'd four months , in expectation of the ships that come every year from batavia to japon ; so that he had time enough to make a full relation of the lands which he had observ'd , and of all the particulars of the shipwrack . one day as he was telling how he had cajoll'd the emperour , and that the president was applauding the quickness of his wit for inventing such an imaginary piece of knight-errantry , a japonese boy that serv'd the president , heard all the discourse , without being observ'd by his master . some months after , the president had beaten this boy , which he , as all the japoneses are of a fiery and vindicative nature , resolving to revenge , went to the governour of nangisaqui , and repeated to him the whole discourse between his master and the admiral . the governour , finding it to be a business of importance , sends advice thereof to the court. the emperour was so enrag'd at the injury and affront put upon him , that he commanded the governour to stop the admiral and his train , and to send him with a good guard to yeddo , and not to let any ship enter the harbour , 'till he had had a full examination of the matter . this order was not so secret , but that the presidents friends had notice thereof , who presently gave him intelligence of it so seasonably , that the admiral was sent away before the order came to the governour . eight days after , three holland vessels arriv'd at kisma , to whom the governour sent express command to keep out at sea , and not to come ashore . the president feigning to be surpriz'd at this prohibition , went to the governour to know the reason , who gave him this answer , the emperour , said he , is acquainted with your tricks , you shall have no more kindness from me ; i have sent to court to give notice of the arrival of your three ships , and i shall follow my orders when they come . upon this the president made no doubt but the admiral 's story was discover'd ; and recollecting with himself that he had beaten his japonese boy , and that he was run away from him , he soon conjectur'd at the author of all the mischief . in short , the governour receives his orders , the tenour whereof was , that he should send away the three vessels , without permitting them to land either men or goods ; and that he should tell the president , that the emperour was satisfi'd that the admiral was a cheat and a spy , whom he intended to punish severely ; and therefore , if he did not send for him to japon by the first opportunity of the winds , he would put to death all those of his nation , and fling their goods into the sea. upon the return of three ships to batavia , there was no small hurly burly in the island ; for by them they understood the danger that their country-men were in , if they did not send back the admiral . thereupon an extraordinary council was call'd , to deliberate upon an affair of so great importance , who were all of one mind , that the admiral was to be sent back , and that it was better for one to suffer , then a whole nation . the admiral being advertiz'd of this their resolution , publickly protested against the violence and injustice they were about to do him ; telling them , that he was born a subject of the republick of holland , who had only the power of his life and death ; that in their service , he would expose his life to a thousand hazards , but that he was not oblig'd to sacrifice himself for the particular interests of a private trade . the ministers took his part , and made it a case in religion . the common people mutiny'd against the general , and the tumult grew to that heat , that the sea-men were sent for from aboard their ships to disperse the multitude . at length , by the interposition of a minister , the business was brought to a conclusion ; who perswaded the admiral by his smooth language , to appease the disorder of the people , by submitting to the result of the council . thereupon he promis'd to return to japon , provided they would allow him what he demanded , not only for his reward , but also that which should bear him out in that same new part which he had in his head to act . first he demanded two ships magnificently trim'd , a train of fifty chosen men , every one of which was to have three changes of habit , of the richest stuffs that could be had : moreover 50000 crowns for his voyage , a cupboard of gold and silver plate , with all equipage proportionable , and that those that accompany'd him should respect him , as a person of great quality . all this was allow'd him , and the admiral departed from batavia , and arriv'd well at nangisaqui . the governour surpriz'd at the beauty of the vessels , could not believe them to be merchants , and therefore sent to know who they were ; but he was more surpriz'd when he knew that it was the admiral . forthwith he dispatch'd a courrier to the emperour , to give him notice , and to inform him with what magnificence the admiral was return'd . the president also sent , that he might have a favourable reception , and to desire his friends to let the emperour know , that this was a person of great quality , whom an honourable action had driven from his country , and that he no sooner understood the accusation that lay against him , but that he was return'd with that equipage that became him , to justifie himself . 'till the order came , the governour , according to custom , caus'd all the sails and rudders of the ships to be brought to him , not permitting any person to come ashore . at length the order came , that the admiral and his attendants should be receiv'd into the city , together with all things necessary for their persons , and that they should be convoy'd to yeddo , and that in all places where they came , they should be nobly treated . the president accompany'd the admiral to assist him , as well with his coun●ils , as with the favour of his friends . their entry was very magnificent , and the richness of their habits brought the people from all parts , as being mainly greedy after novelty , so that the noise thereof was spread all over the court : yet the emperour would not admit them to their audience upon the day which they desir'd . two months were elaps'd , during which time the admiral kept open table , and display'd his dasling riches to the eyes of the japoneses , and being of a quick and apprehensive wit , he caus'd himself to be instructed in the language of the island , and in a short time he began to understand many words . when the emperour sent for him , he clad himself and his train in a richer habit then that which they had on when he made his entry . at first the emperour seem'd to be angry ; i understand , said he , that thou art an impostor and a traytor , that thy birth is obscure , and that thou art come as a spy into my kingdom , and therefore i am resolv'd to punish thee according to thy merits . when the interpreter had explain'd the emperour's words , the admiral with an undaunted countenance , sir , said he , a prince so great as you are , should rather be a comfort and support to the unfortunate , then add to their affliction . fortune , that persecutes me , has in nothing been more cruel to me , then in raising those calumnies , with which she has endeavour'd to blemish my reputation with your majesty . she might expell me my country , and cast me upon unknown coasts at the other end of the world ; but she can never inspire into me thoughts unworthy of my birth . this is the second time i have been within your dominions , the first by occasion of shipwrack , the second to obey your majesties commands . the first accuses none but the winds . and had i been guilty of what i am accus'd , i should never have ventur'd my self into your hands so far off from your power . but , sir , my accusers have one advantage which i have not ; they speak your language , i understand it not , nor how to make you apprehend the truth of my justification . allow me eight months to learn the speech of your country , and then , if you will be so gratious as to hear me , i make no doubt but to confound my accusers , and to satisfie your majesty in all things . the emperour was surpriz'd , and mov'd with his answer , but more especially at his request of eight months to learn the japonick language . i grant it thee , said the emperour , for it is but just that a person accus'd should have both the liberty and means to do it . and in the mean time i will take care that thou be honourably entertain'd in all places where thou hast a desire to reside . the admiral us'd this liberty with so much prudence , and got so much the love of the courtiers by his carriage and his liberality , that by their converse , he not only learnt the language , but by vertue of their good character , the emperour would often send for him , and ask him several questions concerning our europe , in reference to the qualities of the countries , the manners of the people , the several forms of government , the extent of the several kingdoms , their riches , strength , and war-like discipline ; of all which , the admiral gave him so handsome an accompt , that the prince took great delight in his discourse . and at length he had gain'd so much the favour and confidence of the emperour , that he utterly laid aside all the ill thoughts which he had of him , and condemn'd to death , as a false witness , and a traducer , the japonese that had accus'd him . after so fortunate an escape , the admiral thought it but common prudence to make a fair retreat in the grandeur of his reputation , and thereupon he took leave of the emperour , who loaded him with honours and presents . the courtiers were also sorry for his departure , so that some of them accompany'd him back , and took order for his entertainment , which was very magnificent all the way to nangisaqui , where he took shipping a few days after , and return'd to batavia . all the people throng'd to the port to see him when he landed . he told them in few words the success of his voyage . some applauded his ingenuity and courage ; others extoll'd the service which he had done the company and nation . the council receiv'd him also with thanks and praises , and gave him all the gold and plate which he had brought back . a while after he departed for amsterdam , where he was no sooner arriv'd , but he presented a petition to the states general against the east-india company , for sending him back to japon , and for reparation of the violence and injury done him . the business was long in debate , but at last the company was condemn'd to pay him great damages , and interest for the same . but to return to the president : he began now to be weary of being confin'd to one factory , though he made up his pack well enough where he was . but his ambition carry'd him farther , and he thought he had done service enough to be advanc'd to a higher dignity . neither was his presence so necessary at japon , where he had settl'd the dutch trade in as good a condition as it could well be . and in truth , the hollanders had then almost the whole trade of the east-indies . they had taken from the english , formosa , amboyna , and ●ooleron , and by that means engross'd all the trade of cloves , mace , and nutmegs . they had taken baton by surprize . the inhabitants of the celebes , ternate , and tidor , were become their vassals ; and the king of macassar having made an alliance with them , had expell'd the portugueses out of his dominions . by means of their factories in sumatra , they had got all the pepper trade of the western coast of that island into their hands , besides several other advantages which they had in several other places , where they had encroach'd upon the portugals , spaniards , and the english themselves . the east-india company at that time entertain'd 140 ships , part men of war , and part merchant-men , provided with great guns , ammunition , and provision of all sorts , and in these ships above 6000 men , part souldiers , part mariners . batavia was the soul of their conquests , made upon the ruins of the portugueses , which had they lain all together , would have made a large empire , and by which they might have grown infinitely rich , had not the expences of their navies and souldiers eaten out the gains of their vast trade . one of their wisest generals told me frequently , we have , said he , but too many fortresses , we need no more then the cape of good hope , and batavia , factories well settl'd , good ships , and honest men to serve us . for in short , their officers pillage unmercifully , and cause the commerce and dominion of their country men to be detested by the indians , through their covetousness and cruelty . i know my self , that in the year 1664 , the expences of the hollanders in the east-indies amounted , communibus annis , to twelve millions a year , not to reckon shipwracks , decay of ships , and wast of goods , and yet their cargo's for asia and europe have not amounted to above ten millions ; and sometimes the cargo's are so mean , that the receits do not answer the expences . nevertheless their perseverance and courage were worthy of admiration . for what could be more to be admir'd , then to see that a small number of merchants , assembled at first upon the single score of trade , should afterwards presume to make war in regions so far distant , assail so many princes and nations , plant so many colonies , besiege so many cities and forts , and lastly , set forth so many navies at such prodigious expences , that it would put many potent soveraigns to a plunge to do as they did ? this was the estate of the holland east-india company , at what time the president , the principal subject of this relation , was recall'd from japon to batavia , there to take upon him the office of chief director . he carry'd thither great store of wealth , and built several magnificent houses in the city . his authority also was very large ; but he exercis'd it according to his usual custom , and was hated by all the officers of the company , and the citizens themselves . he thought himself secure of the employment of general , but he was deceiv'd in his hopes ; upon which he took pet , and return'd for amsterdam , where he liv'd quietly for some years . at length his turbulent and ambitious spirit put him upon new designs , to revenge the injury which he thought he had receiv'd . to which purpose he return'd to the indies . his undertaking was not so prosperous for those that employ'd him , and who merited to have been better serv'd . he pillag'd , couzen'd , and caus'd several disorders in their affairs , and at length returning home again , perish'd in the river of lisbon with his money and jewels , as hath been already related . the end of the first part. a relation of what pass'd in the negotiation of the deputies which were sent to persia and the indies , as well on the behalf of the king , as of the french company , for the settling of trade . in the relation which i have undertaken , i shall make a faithful report of things in such manner as i saw them transacted by the deputies sent to persia , and the indies , as well on the behalf of the king , as of the french company , for the settlement of trade . the thirteenth of july , 1665. the sieur lalin , gentleman in extraordinary to the king , and the sieur de la boulaye , a gentleman of anjou , with the sieurs beber , mariage , and du pont , deputies of the new french company , for the settling of trade in persia and the indies , arriv'd at ispahan , and took up their lodgings at zulpha , being the suburbs of the same city , where also at that time liv'd the sieur l'estoile , a french merchant . lalin and boulaye , without saying any thing to the deputies , deliver'd to l'estoile the letters which monsieur de lyonne had written to him ; the inscription whereof was thus . to mr. l'estoile , first valet du chambre to the king of persia , or in his absence , to mr. logis , his son in law. which was not a little to be admir'd at by the franks , who had sojourn'd any time in that country , to find that monsier boulaye , who had been before in persia , and should have better understood the custom of the court , should be no better able to instruct a secretary of state , then to let him give l'estoile the title of valet du chambre to the king of persia , who has none to serve him in his chamber but eunuchs , and never suffers a christian to touch his habits , for fear of being defil'd . the purport of the letters , was to admonish l'estoile to support ; assist , and protect the deputies in the business upon which the company had sent them ; and in case of losses by the way , to furnish them with such necessaries as they should want . the king of persia was then three days journey from ispahan ; for which reason a messenger was dispatch'd with a letter to the nazar , or grand master of the house , and another to the mirzateker , or his lieutenant , to know whether his majesty would command them to wait on him there , or whether they should expect his return to ispahan . in the mean while the deputies could not agree amongst themselves : for the three merchants beber , mariage , and du pont affirm'd , that the two gentlemen were only interested by the by in this negotiation ; and that having no right to take cognizance of the affairs of the company , they ought not to trouble themselves any farther , then the king's letters directed them , in the affairs of the company . that the effect of the king's letters was no more , then that two gentlemen , desirous to see the court of persia , were joyn'd with the deputies of the company ; and therefore it belong'd to them only to treat with the ministers of the king of persia . that the gentlemen had no more to do then to deliver the king of france's letter to the persian king , and to desire a nomination of commissioners to treat with the deputies . this contest , which all the franks in vain endeavour'd to compose , came at length to the nazar's ears ; who was strangely surpriz'd at it , having then a design to procure an order from the king to remove out of ispahan and the suburbs , all the christians of what opinion soever , and place them over against zulpha . however , the deputies rais'd new objections and difficulties every day ; which father raphael of mans , superiour of the order of capuchins in persia , employ'd all his credit and industry to accommodate . he wrote them out several forms of a letter , which they were to send to the nazar ; but those that pleas'd the one party , did not like the other . at length father raphael , weary of scribling and altering , amending and correcting , and all to no purpose ; told them seriously , they did ill to act in such a manner , and to insist upon idle formalities ; that the persian style , wherein they ought to write to the nazar , ought to be concise and plain , without superfluities , or impertinencies ; and lastly , that all their contentions did but redound to the disadvantage of the company , whose interests they pretended to manage . after several contests , father raphael , at last , finish'd the letter to the content of both parties , which was transcrib'd into the persian language ; with another to the mirzateker , and both were dispatch'd away . the nazar having read it , presently inform'd the king of the french companies design , and of the arrival of the deputies . his majesty commanded him to let them know that they were welcome , and that in a short time , he would return to ispahan , and give them audience . some few dayes after , the court return'd to ispahan , and while the king stopp'd at one of his houses near the gates of the city , the nazar sent for father raphael , to know of him who the french deputies were , and who had sent them into persia , to which the father gave him the best satisfaction he could . for the nazar wonder'd that they were come into the kingdom , and sent , as they said , from such a potent prince , and yet that the governours of erivan and tauris should know nothing of their passage through those cities . the athemadoulet also was in the same astonishment ; and it gave them reason to suspect both the quality of their persons , and the reality of their commission . for either they were ignorant of the custom of the country , or else they did ill to travel incognito , like ordinary tradesmen , and persons of mean condition . but father raphael having assur'd them , that they were sent by the king of france to settle a company of trade , and that he had letters of advice thereof out of europe , the nazar bid father raphael tell the deputies they should be in a readiness , for that the king would give them audience in a few days . but the former misunderstanding , still continuing between the gentlemen and deputies , father raphael fearing some mischievous consequence of it in the presence of the king , or that they should make some dispute for priority , the father represented to the nazar , that whereas the deptuies were of two orders , the one of gentlemen , and the other of merchants ; therefore to take away all suspition of jealousie , it would do well , that his majesty would be pleas'd when he admitted them to their audience , to permit the gentlemen their seats on the one side , and the merchants on the other . which the nazar approv'd , and the king allow'd of the same day . the 27 th of september , the king being at his palace of scader-abbas , upon the bank of the river , between the bridge of zulpha , and the bridge of schiras , caus'd a preparation of artificial fire-works to be made , which came to above 2000 l. and early in the morning caus'd notice to be given , that he intended that day to give audience to the king of france's deputies . father raphael also had order to be ready with the deputies , to the end , the mehemender , or master of the ceremonies , might not be oblig'd to wait . accordingly that very day the mehemender came to l'estoile's house , and from thence conducted the deputies , with all their train , and the rest of the franks then resident in those parts all mounted on horse-back , with a march so slow and grave , and for the advantage of the sight so far about , that it was almost night before they arriv'd at scader-abbas ; at what time the mehemender enter'd the palace alone , leaving the merchants at the door . in the mean while , the merchants believing that father raphael did not favour them so much as the gentlemen , cry'd out aloud , that they would have an interpreter also for themselves , or else would go no farther . father raphael , who acted only by the nazar's order , and for the advantage of the french nation , told them , that whither they went any farther or no it was all one to him : that for his part he was not there as an interpreter , either for the one or the other , but only in obedience to the king's commands . in the mid'st of this debate the mehemender return'd to carry the deputies to their audience ; five hundred musketeers being rank'd in order upon the bank of the river , to give them a volley as they pass'd along . the mehemender's march at first was slow and grave , but approaching the place where the king was , and from whence he had a view of the deputies , he caus'd them to double their pace to the foot of the steps , where the lackeys took off their shooes ; and from thence they proceeded into the hall of audience , where the kans , and other great lords were sitting . upon each side stood the youth of quality , sumptuously clad in tissue of gold and silver , their cloaks and mantles being lin'd with martins , sables , and other rich furs . the deputies being come into the king's presence , the mehemender caus'd them to kneel , and bow their heads to the ground three times : that done , he caus'd them to rise , and lead up lalin by the hand alone , as being the person who had in charge the presenting of the letter to the king. after him follow'd boulaye , and the rest of the deputies , and thus they mounted up to the place where sate the athemadoulet , and the nazar . the king was seated upon a scaffold somewhat higher then the rest , encompas'd with 150 young gentlemen magnificently clad , to whom the sieur lalin , at the head of the deputies , made his compliments in french , and then humbly presented the kings letter , seal'd with a flat seal upon a flying label , enclos'd in an embroider'd box , with the arms of france and navar , in relief , upon the lid. father raphael explain'd to the king the effect of lalin's speech . after which the king gave a little bow with his head , and at the same time gave a sign to the master of the ceremonies to carry them back to their places . being come to the bottom of the hall , where the officers had order to separate the gentlemen from the merchants , the officers by mistake put boulaye with two of the merchants , and mariage one of the merchants with lalin , which made boulaye cry out aloud in the turkish language menbeg-zaddè , i am a gentlemen ; but the thing being done , and the king being present , there was no help . then the persian musick began to play for a quarter of an hour ; which having given over , the master of the ceremonies came again , and carried up father raphael , and the two gentlemen , as he suppos'd , of which mariage by the forementioned mistake happen'd to be one , again to the king : at what time lalin with a comely grace made his harangue , and set forth the occasion of his deputation to his majesty , of which his majesty testifi'd his good liking by a nod of his head. for lalin had a handsom presence , and spake with an acceptable tone , and his magnificent habit very much added to the comely air of his person . the speech was expounded by father raphael ; which when he had done , the king ask'd the deputies several questions , and then with his hand made them a sign to retire to their places , beck'ning at the same time to father raphael to stay ; and causing him to come near him , more particularly inform'd himself of the power of the king of france , the extent of his dominions , his military discipline , and his councils : of all which the father gave him the best accompt he could , and then with the king's leave , retir'd to his place . this scene being over , a flagon of gold , and a glass were sent to the deputies , attended with a short banquet of fruits , and other sorts of food ; the instrumental and vocal musick playing all the while . which being over , the king again sent for lalin , mariage , and father raphael , and after a short discourse , having dismiss'd all but father raphael , he fell into a dispute with him touching the unity of the divine nature , the necessity of one prophet , and how mahomet was the seal and crown of all prophets . he seem'd to admire that the franks , who had the reputation of being people of wit and discretion , could think jesus christ to be a god : to all which particulars , the father endeavour'd to give the king the best satisfaction he could . but then , father raphael being desirous that the three deputies should partake of the king's favour as the other two had done . whereupon the king sent for the other three deputies , and having discours'd a while with boulaye , while father raphael interpreted between them , in a short while he dismiss'd them all again , but father raphael , with whom he enter'd into a more jocular discourse then the former , of the colours , black and white , and of the beauty of the french women , the king confessing that naturally he did not love brown women , the white complection being more agreeable to him , as being that complexion which alone compos'd the beauty of women . the father modestly made his answer , that beauty consisted only in fancy ; for that the persians lov'd thick and full eyebrows , which were not at all esteem'd in france . then the king casting his eyes upon the box wherein the king of france's letter lay , he took out the letter , and observing it to be a small piece of parchment , and not such a one as he had receiv'd from several princes and potentates of europe , nor indeed like those which the jesuits had brought him formerly from the king of france himself , in a fair piece of parchment , with a large seal deep cut , he gave evident demonstrations of his contempt of it , and was about to have thrown it away . father raphael perceiv'd him to be out of humour , to whom the king in pursuance of his dislike , said , raphael , i never receive open letters without a seal , take it , and let me see it no more , for i do not believe it comes from so great a king as the king of france , and at the same time made him a sign to retire . he durst do no otherwise then take the letter , and so returning to his place , he told both lalin and mariage what had pass'd in his discourse between him and the king. two hours , after that , were spent in beholding the mummeries of their common dancers , a pastime very usual in persia . which being over , the king sent again for lalin , mariage , and the father ; and after some few questions , to whith they gave the best answers they could , he again dismiss'd both the deputies , retaining only father raphael with him . the father , then taking his opportunity , told the king , that he had always observ'd it to be the custom of the athemadoulet to cause the letters , which the european princes sent his majesty , to be interpreted in his presence . and therefore , added the father , i beseech your majesty to permit me to give the king of france's letter to the athemadoulet , to the end , it may be truly interpreted to him according to usual custom . thereupon the king made a sign to the father to give it him , and glad he was to be so rid of it . the father observing the king in a good humour , spoke to him in behalf of the other three deputies , that he would be pleas'd to admit them to be sent for a second time , in regard the others had been sent for three times . but the king told him , it was enough for him to speak to the gentlemen , let his ministers talk with the merchants . the father being then dismiss'd , he sent for lalin alone , for whom he shew'd himself to have a very great kindness and affection ; and at the same time commanded the nazar to bring him the next day , together with father raphael , and lagis the genevese , who was retain'd in his service , to court , for that he intended to be merry with them . then he went on , and told lalin , that so soon as the french ships were arriv'd , he would send an embassadour to the king of france , and make a strict alliance with him . lalin reply'd , that his majesty of france desir'd nothing more . why then , reply'd the king , is not my alliance sufficient , but that you must go seek the alliance of the blacks , from whom you will not draw those advantages , with which you flatter your selves ? for you must know , that the deputies kept their affairs so secret , that no body knew of them but all the world , the servants as well as the masters . not considering , that the persians are good politicians , and that that court is never without spies . therefore the king knew , that as soon as the deputies had dispatch'd at his court , they were to depart for the indies , with which nation he keeps no good correspondence . and for that reason , he was not a little offended with them , though they endeavour'd to persuade him , that their errand to the indies was only for linnen and spices . the deputies presented to the king a very fair fuzee , together with the kings picture , in little , drawn to the life , which was so much the more esteem'd , because at the same time several large cuts had been brought to ispahan , and presented to the king , which perfectly agreed with the picture in oyl , by which the whole court was convinc'd that it was the real portraiture of the king. when these presents were laid before the king , he ask'd the deputies , for which of the eastern nations the french had most affection ; to whom m. lalin made answer , that certainly for the persian ; thereupon the king return'd , that certainly they had reason ; for that the persians were white , like the french , and that it was impossible for them to have any affection for the indians who were black . at length the king , to shew the deputies his highest favour , would have them drink the hezard piche , in a golden cup , which holds about a pint of paris . he order'd the wine to be the same which he drank himself , which was in a bottle of chrystal glass , studded with diamonds . lalin drank couragiously , and so did mariage ; but father raphael made a fair excuse , and got off . after midnight the zerhaftes , or table-cloaths of cloth of gold were spread upon the floor , and several roasted viands very hot of the spice , and dishes of salt fish , purchas'd from the caspian sea , were brought and set upon the cloaths ; together with several pastrie meats , dry'd raisins , comfits , almonds , and pistaches , and other provocatives to drink . the repast being ended , several buffons were brought in , who sung and danc'd after the turkish fashion , and made a hundred wry mouths and ugly faces . among the rest of the divertisements , there were two men introduc'd , that play'd one against another with each a battoon in his hand , with a piece of linnen dipt in naphta , ty'd to the end of the stick , which cast forth a very clear brightness in the dark ; at the same time four artificial whirle-winds were made to rise one after another , which were all hovering in the air at once , and in a continual agitation . three hours after midnight the masters of the ceremonies came to raise the deputies to take leave of the king ; and so leading them to the lower end of the hall , after a profound reverence , they retir'd , not one person beside stirring out of his place , to the end they might have time to take their shoes without confusion . when they were gone , the king dismiss'd the court , and then it is that the croud is so great , that not one in twenty but loses their own , and gets whose-ever shoes he can lay his hands on . the deputies and father raphael being upon their return home , by that time they got half way , met an officer belonging to the athemadoulet , who told father raphael that his master expected the french begzades at his house by ten a clock next morning , to treat them , by his majesties order . father raphael , lalin , and boulaye , were punctual to their time , and no sooner did the athemadoulet know of their arrival , but he came down into his hall of audience , to receive them , where he had also order'd a very fair banquet to be ready for their entertainment . there father raphael left them , while he went with the athemadoulet's secretary , to translate the king of france's letter into the persian language ; which being finish'd , and he come again into the hall , after several civilities past on both sides , the father and the deputies return'd to zulpha . the merchant deputies offended at the honour which the gentlemen had receiv'd , would have gone in their turn ; but father raphael told them , that it was not the custom in persia to visit the prime minister , without being sent for . in the evening , father raphael , and the begzades received new orders to attend the king , but the king stirr'd not out that evening , so that their journey was in vain . the merchants still perceiving the honours which were done the gentlemen , and believing father raphael to be the cause of all , they began to rail at him , and give him foul language , and threaten'd to write into france to give an accompt of his behaviour . father raphael netled at the language of the deputies , told them , that he had done what in him lay to procure them the same honours , which the others had receiv'd , though they were so little sensible of it . that he would continue his endeavours for the advancement of their affairs , though not for their own sakes , yet for the sake of the company , that had sent them . which answer , though it were sharp enough , and shew'd that the father was angry , yet he did not forget , that they were his countrymen ; so that he ventur'd to carry them twice to the prime minister of his own accord , contrary to the custom . the first time he was not to be spoken with . the second time , he made an errant to him with the three deputies , to present him a copy of the letter from the directors of the company , in the persian language ; at which time he shew'd them the deputies , acquainting him withal that those were the persons with whom he was to treat in point of trade . to which the athemadoulet reply'd , that he had no commission from the king to meddle with those deputies , but only , to entertain the begzade that brought the king's letter , which he had already done . thereupon the father desir'd him he would be pleas'd to speak to the king to nominate commissioners to treat with them , which the athemadoulet promis'd to do . that day in the evening , a messenger was sent to father raphael , to acquaint him , that the king had appointed the nazar to treat with the deputies the next day , and to know their demands . of which the father gave the deputies quick intelligence . the next day , being the first of september , father raphael fail'd not to be with the deputies very early in the morning , to bring them to the nazar ; but he was very much surpriz'd to see , that they would not go altogether , but still loo'k with an evil eye one upon another , and continued their former differences . to the end therefore that he might set things to rights , he went to the nazar , and told him , that he thought it would be the best way for the merchants deputies to come first , because that they were the persons with whom he was chiefly to treat . the nazar answer'd , that the king understood that they were all five in the same commission joyntly . to which , when the father answer'd the second time , that it would be the best way to do as he had propos'd ; the nazar with a surly countenance , why , what 's the matter now ? said he to the father ; are not you french-men asham'd to be thus at odds one with another , and to give all the world , nay the very foot-boys occasion to discourse of your divisions ? what would they have us think of them and their commission ? are they so little afraid of offending the king ? or , is their king more indulgent then the king of persia , who would never pardon such faults in his subjects ? to this rebuke the father made no reply . only he desir'd the nazar , that he might have two horse-men to attend the deputies at zulpha , telling the nazar not a word of his design to bring the merchants an hour sooner then the gentlemen . this fell out to the fathers desire ; for the father sent one of the horse-men to zulpha , to the gentlemen , with order to drink with them , and not to be over hasty , but to bring them fair and softly along with him ; with the other he made hast to the merchant deputies , and causing them to double their pace , they got betimes to the nazar's house , where they were civilly receiv'd . dupont presented the nazar with the deputies commission , translated into the persian language ; after which they fell into a discourse , which lasted above three quartes of an hour , concerning the customs , tolls , and quality of the merchants , and the justness of the french in their dealing . they had just finish'd their discourse of trade , when the nazar was advertiz'd , that the three gentlemen were arriv'd ; who thereupon desir'd father raphael to go and receive them . the father went and waited upon them in , neatly chiding them for having stay'd so long , and making the nazar wait . well said he , now you are together , go into that cabinet , and write down your demands , and the articles of your commission . the merchant deputies , which had now discours'd with the nazar what they had to say , were well enough content to enter into a general conference with the gentlemen . then calling for pen , ink and paper , they made a draught of their demands , the chief of which were , three years immunity from customs and tolls , to begin from the time of the arrival of our ships ; and that after that , they should enjoy all the priviledges and favours granted to other nations . they also desir'd precedence above all other nations , when they should be call'd to court , as they suggested , that they had at the court of the grand signior . and lastly , they requir'd a house for those that belong'd to the company , to live in the city . these demands were dictated word for word by father raphael , to the nazars secretary , in the name of all the five gentlemen ; and because the nazar's secretary knew not how to pronounce them , the father undertook to write them in the persian character ; which being done , and the writing read in the hearing of the deputies , the nazar took the paper to present to the king. thus after a fair banquet , accompany'd with music , both vocal and instrumental , the deputies were dismiss'd by the nazar , who bid them rely upon his care ; for that he would do them all the favour that lay in his pow'r , and give them his majesties answer in a short time . the deputies very well satisfy'd with the nazar's reception , sent him afterwards a present , which was a shame both to the nation and the company , that pretended to such great and high things , and endeavour'd to six and opinion of their wealth and grandeur among strangers . for they sent him only a tin cup enamel'd , and eight little cases of perspectives , or looking-glasses , the whole not amounting to above 40 crowns . they also made much such another present , but meaner , to the mirzateker , consisting of about a dozen pair of gilt scissars for women . we must speak the truth : for they were not a little saught at for their ridiculous presents , which were the scorn and contempt of those that receiv'd them , when the deputies were gone . to father raphael they presented a purse , with 40 tomans , or six hundred crowns in it , believing that he would never accept of it ; and indeed he refus'd it with scorn ; not a little angry with them , that they should have such mean thoughts of him , as to believe him mercenary . two days after , the nazar gave notice to the father , that the king had granted the french their demands ; and had order'd every one of them a calaat , or a vest-royal , and in respect of superiority , a horse for monsieur lalin . that the kings answer and the grant were both ready for the directors of the company , according to their desire . the king was then onward upon a journey to mazandran , three days travel from ispahan , at one of his palaces , call'd tajabat . a pleasant situation , in the mid'st of a great valley , shaded with trees , and full of villages . the ninth of october , came a letter from the nazar , to father raphael , signifying the king's pleasure , that both he and the deputies should repair to tajabat with all speed . thereupon the father and they made such hast , that in less than three days they got to tajabat , where the nazar order'd them to lye in the house of an armenian renegado . the king sent them immediately eight or ten bottles of wine , with four gold dishes , full of lovely fruits , and tapistries for their dining room . but these presents occasion'd new quarrels ; for there being two factions , and both living apart , there was a great dispute who should have this present . father raphael , having done all that possible he could to reconcile the business , and not being able to persuade them , in a just passion , bid them take their swords and pistols , and go and decide the quarrel in the field . till now , said he , i have done all i could to conceal your detestable divisions from the court , which nevertheless , is but too well acquainted therewith : is it your design to publish your own ignominy , and to make not only your selves , but the whole nation of the french ridiculous to the persians ? at length they were so far reconcil'd , that one room serv'd them to feed , and consequently the same furniture . for the father's reproofs had put them a little out of countenance . the seventeenth of october , the mehemander came to the deputies lodgings , and brought five royal vests ; the richest , which was of tissue of gold , was for monsieur lalin ; the next , not altogether so rich , for monsieur boulaye ; and the other three of a lower price , for the merchants ; the value of the whole might amount to 600 crowns , for which the french deputies most generously gave the officers that brought them 25 or 30 crowns , as a gratuity . the officers of the stable also brought two horses for the gentlemen , for which they receiv'd six crowns in gold , as a reward . i confess , i should have been asham'd of such a poorness of spirit , at such a time as that . at length also the ragan or patent for the company was deliver'd into the hands of the deputies , faithfully translated by father raphael to this effect . that whereas the merchants of the kingdom of france , who are favour'd by the favour extreemly royal , and the justice excessively royal , being made constant in the hope and participation in the time , have presented their petition , which is arriv'd at the ear of the ministers commissioners for the court of grandeur and high fortune ; their intentions and demands have found the visage of acceptation , and we have strictly commanded , that the conservatours of rights , tolls and priviledges , acknowledge them for exempt and priviledg'd , during the space of three years ; and that there be nothing demanded upon their goods and factories , conformable to the request of the deputies , &c. the next day , the mehemander bachi , came early in the morning to attend the deputies , and bring them with all speed to the court : where being admitted into the garden , they met the king a horse-back , and all the court a foot. the athemadoulet held the king's answer to the king of france , in a bag of cloth of gold , seal'd with the kings seal upon red spanish wax . the sieur lalin then , and the rest of the deputies were order'd to go neer and kiss the kings boot , who kept his grandeur , without speaking a word . when they had so done , the athemadoulet calling them to him , there , said he , there is the answer for the grand cha , that is , for the king of the kings of france . the deputies having made their obeysances to the king , the whole court took horse ; and the king took the road of cachan ; and within an hour , that campaign , which look'd like a thick peopl'd city , became as desert as the most part of persia . the deputies , having read over the patent , began to find many defects , and mariage would fain have follow'd the court for amendments , and would have persuaded lalin and father raphael to have gone along with him . but father raphael over-persuaded them to retun first to their lodgings at zulpha , and there to hear the patent distinctly read over , and to consider better of it . when they came to zulpha , and that they had debated upon the meer letter of the patent , then they were worse mad then they were before . then there were so many cavils , so many disputes , so many exceptions , and so many expositions put upon the words conformably and reasonably , that they must get a horse back immediately . boulaye stopp'd this fury for a while ; so that after many disputes and consultations , it was agreed , that mariage , as chief of the negotiation , and lalin , should follow the court ; and that boulaye , breber , and dupont , should proceed forward to the indies . the sieur l'estoile , and all the rest of the franks , were of opinion , that lalin should forthwith depart for france , with the king's letter . but their counsel was not follow'd , and so the deputies divided themselves : lalin and mariage to follow the court , which was then remov'd as far as mazandran : and the other three to pursue their journey to the east indies . the two former fain would have had father raphael have accompany'd them to the court ; but he fairly excus'd himself . neither would l'estoile permit his son , to whom he allow'd 20 tomans a year , to return to the court , choosing rather to send him to bander with the other three . whereupon , the seventeenth of november , they set forward upon their journey . du pont , without doubt , was the most solid and judicious of all the merchants , but he took it so to heart , to see the dis-union among them , that he fell into a languishing disease at ispahan , and dy'd not far from schiras . as for lalin and mariage , they left ispahan the fifteenth of december , and arriv'd at court soon after , where they lay a long time neglected , their divisions still continuing , which made them contemptible to the persians , and ruin'd the affairs of the company . one evening , the nazar sent them a flow'r , advising them , that as that flow'r never chang'd ; so it became them not to vary in their resolutions . after a long and tedious stay , mariage obtain'd some few impertinent alterations in his patent ; and permission to make wine at schiras , as the english , hollanders , and portugueses had . with these alterations they both leave the court ; and mariage would certainly have accompany'd lalin , who had an intention to see ardevil , tauris , and kom , had he not been solicited to return to zulpha , by a young dalilah , that had smitten his heart . for by the means of an old woman , the mother of one of his lacqueys , he had debauch'd a young armenian virgin , whom he kept privately to himself ; yet not so privately , but the noise thereof was quickly spread all over zulpha . all the armenians were scandaliz'd at it , and sent to seize the baud , to punish her , by their laws , as she deserv'd . mariage advertiz'd thereof , flew out of his lodging to her assistance , and to protect her from justice . but seeing the people in an uproar , and finding the stones to flye too thick about his ears , he was forc'd to mind his own safety , and to seek for shelter in the next house where he could be admitted . but the business was not so put up , for the armenians , wondring to see that a deputy of an illustrious company , who was come to the court of persia upon so serious an affair , should do so much wrong to his nation , by publickly appearing in so shameful an action , and so unworthy of a person in public employment , that they resolv'd to prosecute him all manner of ways . they were resolv'd , to that end , to have sent into france an express , to have complain'd to the king of his ill management and bad behaviour . but mariage at length restor'd the armenian girl which he had kept close lock'd up ; after which time the armenians never look'd upon him but with scorn and contempt . lalin being return'd to ispahan , departed thence the 22th of november , 1666. for bander , with a resolution , to travel into the indies . but he fell sick at bander , and thinking to return to schiras , for the air 's sake , he dy'd by the way at a village call'd bend-ali . a gentleman endow'd with noble qualities , and whose gentile and generous behaviour was an honour to his nation . the thirtieth of the same november , mariage also left ispahan , and departed for bander , with one father mercier , a jesuite , whom he took along with him as his almoner , and lewis l'estoile , his kalmachi , or interpreter : there he stay'd four months for the arrival of the ships , but none coming , and the heats encreasing , he resolv'd to spend the rest of the year at schiras . as for the jesuit , and young l' estoile , because there was no converse but with the people of the country , they return'd back to ispahan . boulaye and beber arriv'd at suratte the first of april , 1666. being come to the bar , they sent to father ambroise , chief of the mission of the capuchins , who presently attended them with a sloop , which he had obtain'd of the governour , and brought them home to the capuchin's house , where they stay'd till they departed for agra . sometime before was arriv'd there a merchant of aleppo , who had run himself out at heels , and of a maronite christian was become a roman catholick , in hopes to patch up his broken fortune , being in truth a meer counterfeit , and a hypocrite : for these levantine christians seldom change their religion , but upon some motive of interest ; and when they have got a good sum together , they presently whip back again into their own country , and for a small piece of money obtain absolution of their patriarch . thus several of the religious franks that travel out of europe into asia are often deceiv'd , making a great noise of their conversion of the levantines , when the conversion , at the bottom , is only an outward conversion , and a meer piece of gullery . among many others that i could relate , i will only mention one , of a franciscan , call'd paul stella , who coming with 400 crowns , or thereabouts , in his pocket , for his subsistance , a maronite smelt him out , and under the pretence of giving him the honour of his conversion to the catholick religion , never left him till he had suck'd him dry , and turn'd the channel of his money . this maronite merchant before mention'd , whose name was chelebi , shew'd himself very zealous for the capuchins , and he had reason enough ; for the capuchins of aleppo had been very serviceable to him , and had help'd him in his affairs when they were at the lowest ebb . they were overjoy'd at his arrival at surat , and gave it out immediately that it was he that had given them money for the building their house and church . but when i came to look over my accompts , i found that the money that had pay'd for the ground and a good share of the building , came out of my purse ; father ambroise having promis'd that i should be reimburs'd upon my return to paris . but i never heard more of my money , nor indeed did i ever look after it . the reason why the capuchins were willing that the aleppo merchant , who never had disburs'd a peny , should own the expences of their house and church , is this ; because no frangui christian is permitted in the indies to enjoy the propriety of houses , or to make any reparations of those which they hire , without the leave of the governour of the place . both the english and holland companies are only lessees to the indians ; the great mogul having suffer'd from the christians in several places , where under pretence of repairing or adorning certain houses , which they possess'd by way of propriety , they have so well fortifi'd them , that when the governours have come to require any duties from them , they have made them good so long , till they have forc'd the governours to yield to their demands . so soon as the deputies were landed at surat , they presently spread abroad a report , that there were seven or eight ships belonging to the french company that would suddainly follow them . the aleppo merchant was overjoy'd to hear the news , and was in great hopes , that by the favour of the capuchins , and the advantage which he had of speaking several of the asiatick languages , that the greatest part of the french merchandize would pass through his hands . upon these hopes he made great treats , and presented large presents to the deputies , and maintain'd their servants at his own charges . he found the deputies to be sufficiently covetous , but he was still in great expectations , that his civil entertainments , and the presents which they receiv'd from him , would oblige them to acknowledge his kindness , and that one day he should find himself repay'd by the management of their business ; but he was foully mistaken . for it cost him above 1500 rupies , part which he spent upon them himself at surat , and partly what his nephew furnish'd them withall at agra for their present occasions . three or four days after their arrival at surat , the english president sent to visit them by some of his council , and would have waited on them himself , but that he lay then ill of the gout . the holland commander did the same with his council , shewing all the civilities and kindnesses that lay in his power ; and a few days after invited them solemnly to a great feast , with as many as they could bring along with them . in the midst of their jollity the king's health was sent about , and after that , the prosperity of the french company ; which oblig'd boulaye to begin another health to the happy progress of the holland company . but when it came to mr. beber's turn to drink it , notwithstanding all that boulaye , and the rest of the company could say to him , they could not oblige him to pledge it . nay , he did worse then this , for he threw the glass , wine , and all at his feet ; and when he had so done , he rose in a heat from the table , and after a pitiful manner left the company , and went home to his lodging , though without any attendance . the hollanders were so discreet as to take little notice of his folly , but remain'd very merry at the table with mr. boulaye till midnight . but they could not forbear telling their friends , that they wonder'd , in regard there were so many discreet and ingenious men in france , that the company should make choice of such a fool for the management of such an important affair as he was sent about ; and that they foresaw he would do the company no small injury . while the deputies stay'd at surat , the governour of the place , at the request of father ambroise , entertain'd them , and shew'd them all the respect that could be shew'd to strangers . one day that they were in discourse together , he told them , that if they would follow his counsel , he adviz'd them not to go to court till their ships were arriv'd . but seeing that they were resolv'd to the contrary , he offer'd them money , horses , and souldiers , to attend them , with letters of recommendation to some of the grandees of the court. the cha-bander , or provost of merchants , made them the same offers that the governour had done ; all which they refus'd very obstinately . more then this , they behav'd themselves very ill , in reference to the presents which the governour and the cha-bander sent them , for they gave their servants that carry'd them not a doight , which is look'd upon as a very dirty action in the indies . for the indians never give their servants any other wages , then what they get by carrying presents from their masters . and the more they have given them , the more honour it is , both for him that receives , and him that sends the present . the deputies then being resolv'd for agra , hir'd their waynes , and their oxen to carry their luggage , and five and twenty souldiers for their convoy . they likewise made a great noise , of their being honour'd from so great a king , and so noble a company . upon which score , they ought to have had five or six wains for their baggage , every one their pallaquin and a led-horse , and every one a flag with their arms or their cyphers , which is the gentile way of travelling in india , and as i was always wont to travel . but they took but five and twenty souldiers , whereas they ought to have hir'd an hundred and fifty at the rate they talk'd . but instead of so doing , three days journey from surat , beber began to quarrel with boulaye , that they had too great a train at their heels , for which he blam'd the advise of father ambroise and the merchant of aleppo : that for his part he would pay for no more than four souldiers , and that if he would not send the rest back , he should pay them himself . upon which , they agreed to send back the six souldiers which the governour had order'd to attend them as far as brampour ; upon their dismissment , not giving them so much as the worth of a pipe of tobacco . when they came to agra , the nephew of chelebi , the aleppo merchant , fail'd not to wait upon them , and to offer them his service . there was at that time a french chirurgeon , whose name was james , he spake good indian , and was married in the country to the daughter of a portugal : the nahab , the king's uncle and grand vizier , had a great kindness for this chirurgeon ; and by his procurement it was , that the deputies had audience of giafer-kan , for so was the nahab call'd . they requested of him , that by his favour they might present a letter from their king to the great mogul , as also that they might be admitted to treat concerning the settlement of a french trade in the countrey . the nahab told them , that he would speak to the king , and take care that they should be admitted to their audience in a little time . with that he order'd them to be conducted to the lodgings appointed for them , which they found ready furnish'd with all necessary provision for the belly ; but their lacqueys and servants were to cook it themselves ; for it is not here as it is in persia , where the meat is sent ready drest out of the king's kitchin to the embassadors table . the nahab , who understood that they had brought no presents , neither for him , nor any of the grandees of the court , nor for the king himself , was not over hasty to admit them to their audience . so that it was above a month before the deputies could set eyes upon the nahab again , though the chirurgeon , and other franguis , us'd all their interest in their behalf . being very weary of this delay , they gave it out , that they could stay no longer at agra , in regard they were to be at surat upon the arrival of the french vessels . upon which false report , the nahab sent to them for the king their master's letter , that he might present it to the great mogul himself . upon this demand of their letter , they were quite blank , not being acquainted with the manner how the kings of india receive those letters which are brought them by embassadors : for they never receive any with their own hands , but such as come from the grand signior : all other letters , according to the grandeur of the kings that send them , are put into the hands of the grand officers of the court , who present them to the king : and the more potent the king is , from whom the letter comes , through the fewer hands it passes before it is presented to the great mogul . for the present state of europe and asia is very well known in the court of the great mogul , and the difference between the soveraigns of both , in reference to their grandeur and puissance . neither is there a stranger that enters into the kingdom , of whom the governour of the frontier province does not give advice to the nahab ; and if he appear to be a person of ingenuity , there 's no help for 't , but he must go to court , where he is caress'd , on purpose to get information of the country from whence he comes . but to return to the deputies , they obstinately refus'd to send the letter to the nahab : at which he was not a little troubl'd ; fearing lest upon the arrival of the french vessels , it might be the occasion of a rupture , and hinder the conclusion of the treaty of commerce . moreover he was not a little jealous , lest they should seize upon the great mogul's vessels in their voyage to mecca , as hugh lambert the holland pyrat did , who took all the baggage belonging to the queen of visapour , when she was going to mecca and medina . the nahab having made these reflexions to himself , so wrought with the king , that he consented that the deputies , contrary to custom , should be admitted into his presence , there to give the letter into the hands of the prime minister , to be by him presented to the king. this , as i said before , was an unusual favour ; and yet the deputies were so obstinate , as to reject this proposition , saying , that they would rather return home , and carry back their letters , then not present them to the king themselves . this obstinacy of theirs , to maintain their own conceited humour against the custom of the countrey , was very much blam'd by all people , that admir'd at the patience of the nahab , who at length sent them word , they might take their own course , since they refus'd the honours which he would have done them . after that , the deputies staid ten or twelve days in the city , flattering themselves , that the nahab would comply with their folly ; but they were deceiv'd . for the nahab offended at their idle carriage , took such order , that not one person living , either merchant or other , went to visit them all the while . so that they resolv'd to return to surat , in expectation of their ships . when they left agra , they went and lay two leagues off from the city in the field , setting up one tent apiece , ( and those pitiful ones heaven knows ) to serve for them and their servants , whereas they might have lodg'd with more security in a fair inn that stood not far off . now it is the custom at the great mogul's court , that every night some prince or great lord keeps guard in his turn for a week together , having under him five or six thousand horse , that beat the road for three or four leagues round the place where the king quarters . a party of these horsemen scouting by the deputies tents , and enquiring whose they were , one of the servants reply'd , that they were the tents of the french deputies : of which the horsemen gave immediate notice to their captain , at that time the grand provost of the empire . a person handsom , well endow'd , and a great lover of strangers , who had rais'd himself by his valour , as being an abyssin by nation . so s●n as he understood that they were the french deputies , he sent one of his principal officers , with fifty horse , to desire them to give them leave to guard them that night , because they were in no security , and for that if they came to any mischief the head of their captain must answer for it . but they very ill receiv'd the kind proffer of the provost , proudly answering , that they were strong enough to guard themselves , and the first that came near them should know whether the french had courage or no , adding withal , that if their captain were afraid , they would guard him , with a deal of other scurrilous riffraff which very much surpriz'd the officers . the next day they set up their tents about a quarter of a league farther , because they expected something to be brought them from agra . the conteval or grand provost admiring they made such slow journeys , and that they had now pitch'd in a more dangerous place then before , sent the same horsemen with the same proffer , or else that they would be pleas'd to lye in an inn where they might be safe . boulaye was of the mind that so kind an offer should not be refus'd : but beber gave them nothing but bad language ; reviling their captain , that he was afraid they should go and lye with his wives , offering if he pleas'd to go and guard them . he spoke half portuguese , half italian , which being a kind of lingua franca , some of the horsemen made a shift to understand him , and having made a report to the grand provost of his insolent answer , the lord was not a little nettl'd at it , and therefore resolv'd to be reveng'd . about midnight fourscore or a hundred horse came and cut all the cords of bebers tent , thinking to have let it fall about his ears . but he found a way to quit himself by the assistance of his servant ; and endeavour'd to escape to the house of a dervich on the other side of a small rivolet , nere the place where the tents were set up . but the moon shining as bright as day , he could not hide himself from the pursuit of the horsemen , who shot at him , and with their arrows wounded him in three places , once in the thigh and twice in the buttocks . boulaye hearing the noise which the horsemen made , peep'd out of his tent , and seeing so many horsemen in pursuit of beber , was not a little daunted . he was afraid of running the same risco ; but not having long to consider , he took his purse of duckets , and fled till he got about half a league off , where he lay all night under a great tree . but by the consequence he found that the horsemen had nothing to say to him ; being satisfi'd when they saw beber fall , as believing him dead . for had they not thought him so , they would never have left him , till they had quite done his business . but to colour the business , that it might not seem a point of revenge they broke open all beber's chests ; that it might seem as if he had bin robb'd ; but they found very little or nothing to enrich themselves . so soon as beber's boy saw that the horsemen were gone , he ran to the town for a pallanquin to carry his master thither . being brought to the town they laid him in the jesuits house , where boulaye also arriv'd not long after and took up his quarters , to the great consolation of the jesuits , whose revenues are but small in those parts , where there are no devout people to leave them legacies . their ordinary was very sparing ; but it was such as the deputies must be glad of . though it were a feast for boulaye , who was not wont to make better chear . for a sheeps head , of his own purchase , usually serv'd him two meals . which made him ridiculous to the franks , who liv'd after a more splendid rate . at smyrna and aleppo , when he was not invited by the franguis , he had recourse to his sheeps tongues , or a cold piece of double tripe , which he carri'd to the poor cabaretts of the greeks , taking his chopin of wine to wash it down : and such was his good husbandry that what was left was order'd to be set up for his supper . one day he had drank a little more then he had bled , and the franguis found him a sleep in the street , about a hundred paces from the cabaret . they had so much charity for him as to remove him to his lodging , lest other nations should laugh at the choice which they had made of an envoy to settle the trade of such a considerable company . as for beber , who lov'd good chear when it cost him nothing , as being a true exemplar of covetousness , he complain'd of the jesuits entertainment , though they out-run the constable to treat him like a deputy . his man who had more wit than he , and plainly saw what a trouble he was to his hosts , made them a merry relation of the noble table which his master kept for him , how he had made provision of a barrel of herrings ; which when invitations fail'd , he warily fed upon , rubbing his bread with the tail to give it a haut goust . for my part , said the boy , i am but a poor servant , yet i have made a shift to spend an hundred and fifty crowns which i had got in the service of the consul of smyrna . 't was my misfortune to be inveigl'd out of his service , for i was with a noble master where i got money ; but in this man's service i have eaten all that i had got before . two days after i arriv'd at agra , and heard of beber's being wounded and where he lay , and went to give him a visit . and as i never went unprovided in my travels with all things necessary , i had some oyntments and plasters , which were very serviceable to him . it was an easie thing to observe that boulaye was glad of the opportunity of beber's being wounded , that he might have the sole honour of giving the letter to the king. for he pretended to be the true envoy from the king of france , and that beber was only sent to bear him company . la boulaye therefore believing that the business would take effect , persuaded the chyrurgion already mention'd to solicit the nahab who had a kindness for him , so close , that thereby the nahab permitted him to bring the letter . but boulaye who thought he should give it himself to the king , was much surpriz'd when he saw that the nahab , who had got the letter into his own power , gave it to one of the meanest officers of his court , who by the prime minister's order , gave it to another , and he to a third , who brought it back to the nahab , who at length presented it to the king , but not in the presence of boulaye . and thus you see the effect of the ridiculous pride of the deputies , boulaye was forc'd to stay in an outer court , having two more to pass thorough before he came into the king's quarter . where , while he remain'd big with expectation , word was brought him , that the king would return an answer to the king his master , so soon as the ships should be arriv'd ; and so he was forc'd to go back to his lodging with the melancholy dissatisfaction of a frustrate hope . the wounded gentleman being new cur'd , but still very lame , desir'd audience of the nahab , that he might have justice for the mischief done him by an assassination and a robbery . the nahab readily admitted him , limping when he came into his presence worse then when he first left his bed . the first compliment he made was of the wounds he had receiv'd , and then he demanded satisfaction for the loss of his blood , and the goods which had bin stolen from him . the nahab promis'd him to inform the king of the business , assuring him that he should have no wrong done him upon the high-way within the territories where he had to do . four or five days after , the nahab sent to beber to know how much the loss which he pretended to have receiv'd amounted to . beber brought in an account of four and twenty thousand roupies , or 12000 crowns , and for the loss of his blood , he left it to the kings generosity . his accompt he made out thus : imprimis . a note for the value of six thousand roupies which he had lent a merchant when he departed for marseilles , which note was among the papers he had lost . as to that , the nahab ask'd him whether the notaries in france did not make an entry of such publick acts as were sign'd before them ▪ beber made answer , that he should never be paid , if he could not produce the same paper that had bin taken from him , and that he could not demand his money without it . the nahab replying ; that that was contrary to the custom of all nations , and that he knew it could not be as he said , added withal , that he should take no care for his satisfaction in that particular . after that he read on . item . five thousand roupies in gold and silver money . item . four thousand roupies in gold lace and galoon to trim his clothes . item . two diamond rings at two thousand one hundred roupies . item . two other rings , a topaz , and another of sea-green water , which cost three hundred roupies . item . his clothes , his linnen , and for a chest of medicaments , which might be worth 4000 roupies ; of which he had procur'd his chirurgeon to give in a bill . item . a chain of gold valu'd at 500 roupies . in all amounting to 24000 roupies , as i said before . two or three days after , the king caus'd an order to be deliver'd to him for the payment of his money at the treasury-chamber . upon which order , he agreed with a merchant to be paid at surat . and when he was ready to depart , the king commanded 12000 roupies to be paid him for the loss of his blood. but that sum he never receiv'd . for being in haste to be gone to surat , and failing to present the treasurer , he drill'd him out so long , that his patience was quite tir'd , and so he was forc'd to go without it . i could never understand the policy of the great mogul to pay beber the sum which he said had bin taken from him ; when the nahab knew to a thread what he had lost , and had given in an accompt thereof to the king ; the whole not amounting to 2000 roupies . and as for the franguis , so soon as they understood that he had demanded 4000 roupies for his chirurgeons chest , they all cry'd out that it was a meer cheat . for a few days before beber arriv'd at agra , the chirurgeon had receiv'd 200 roupies by the charity of the franks to return to surat , and he fell sick the next day that this bill was presented to the nahab . after the mogul had read the king of france's letter , the nahab by order of his master , order'd a lodging to be provided for the deputies , which overjoy'd the jesuits , who were by that means rid of two very troublesome guests . as for boulaye , in regard the king had signifi'd his pleasure , that he would not return any answer to the king's letter till the arrival of the ships , he never troubled himself any farther ▪ but staid till the waters were fallen , that he might go to bengale , and from thence to golconda to settle a trade in those parts . but beber moil'd like a horse , and did nothing but run to and fro , to know the king's pleasure touching the settlement of trade . but the nahab either laugh'd at him , or took little notice of what he said . for indeed by beber's outward appearance , and deportment , no man could make any other judgment of him , but that he was a poor spirited fellow , and one that knew not what it was to live . for all the europeans that travel into persia and the indies are always richly habited , nor would any of them keep beber company , who by his habit look'd rather like a footman , than a deputy of a royal company of trade . at length a whim took him to make himself a suit of painted calicut , after the french fashion , the like whereof had never been seen in the country ; the whole suit not standing him in above 13 livres and 13 sous . for the trimming of his new suit he took off the ribbands of his old cloaths , which he was two days lathering , and smoothing with a taylers goose . when he had got this rare habit upon his back , he went to visit the nahab , who was then attended by the principal lords of the court. who when they saw him enter , fell all a gazing upon him , and ask'd one another whether that frangui were turn'd faquir , or a dervich of hossen mamout , which they usually call the ragged saint . for you must know , that all the faquirs or derviches that are of this order , never apparel themselves but with such rags as they pick up in the streets , and if they meet with any pieces better than other , they make of them a kind of galoon to trim the rest . they also carry half pikes , with a great company of tatters fasten'd to the end of them , to make a shew of their beggery . beber's habit very much surpriz'd the nahab , and all others that beheld him so ridiculously accouter'd . as he pass'd one morning by my window , i bid him good morrow , telling him withal , that he look'd more spruce and gay than he us'd to do . he reply'd , that he had reason so to do , for that he had receiv'd letters from surat , by which he had advice , that the country people upon the coast of cape st. john had decry'd four vessels out at sea , which they could not make to be either english , or hollanders , from whence he concluded that they were the companies ships ; and that he was going to the nahab with the news . but i prevented him at that time , telling him that i had often observ'd that rascally sort of people to come both to the english and hollanders , with such kind of intelligence , on purpose to get money ; when indeed they had never seen any such sight , and admonishing him not to believe reports upon such slight foundations . i ask'd him what date his letters bore ? he told me , thirty days ago . then , said i , if the discovery had bin true , the nahab would have had notice of it in fourteen ; and then he would certainly have told you of it , or my self ; for it is but two days since i took my leave of him . thereupon he took my counsel and resolv'd for surat in a few days . three days after that the chirurgeon had given in his bill for the chest of medicaments that he had lost among beber's baggage , he was so touch'd in conscience , that he fell sick , and dy'd in two days . upon his death-bed he ask'd pardon of god for the cheat which he had consented to , to ask 4000 roupies for that which was really worth but four hundred ; 200 of which he had receiv'd from the charity of the franguis , the rest upon the sale of a horse . for my part , finding that beber was resolv'd for surat , i made what hast i could out of agra , to be quit of his company . but the second day after my departure , having set up my tent by a rivers side , just as i was going to dinner i spy'd beber coming , nor could i get rid of him afterwards till i came to surat . so that we were forc'd to travel together , though he committed a thousand impertinencies by the way . among the rest , he put one trick upon the chief of the cheraffs or bankers at brampour , not to be passed over in silence . in regard the ways were bad , and that he had but one pitiful weak chariot , and four weak boys , which with the help of oxen , were hardly strong enough to help him out when he stuck in the mire , he seldom came to his journeys end till two or three hours after me . now upon the report that ran of the french ships being seen out at sea ▪ and the general belief that beber would be one of the principal trustees of the company , several , as i said before , courted him , and sought to engage his friendship . being arriv'd at brampour , the chief of the cheraffs , attended by a dozen of his servants came to visit us . upon the first acquaintance beber told him that he wanted a pallaquin to go to surat , whereupon the cheraff civilly offered him his , and caus'd it to be trimm'd up for his better accommodation . beber thought that trimming would have bin finisht in one day , when indeed it requir'd three or four . the next day i order'd my coach to be got ready , and order'd my pallaquin to be carri'd away . beber , who verily believ'd that the company 's ships were already in the road of surat , began to curse and bann the cheraff , who presently came to him and endeavour'd to appease him with good words . he told him , it could be no prejudice to him to stay a day or two ; for by that time the roads would be better , and he might travel the faster . but beber , being transported with passion , was so far from taking the cheraffs reasons for satisfaction , that snatching a cudgel out of his waggoners hands that stood next to him , he gave the cheraff three or four good licks cross the shoulders . the merchants and other people that were in the inn , were strangely surpriz'd at such a piece of rudeness , and ran out presently , some with stones , and others with cudgels , making a hideous noise , and crying out , that they had never seen the like . they took it for a most enormous crime , to strike the chief of the cheraffs , above fourscore years old , whose very age ought to have bin protection enough from such an affront . good luck it was for beber , after such a rash action committed , that i was well known at brampour , having been there ten or twelve times , and in some of my travels having dealt for above 200000 roupies . there were none of the cheraffs with whom i had not dealt by letters of exchange , and very few merchants or brokers who had not had some business or other upon my accompt . they cry'd out , speaking of me ; see there the monsieur franqui , with whom we have dealt so often , yet never heard him give us an ill word . another good chance he had to meet there the coutevall's lieutenant , and three merchants of surat ; and thus between us , having disingag'd beber out of the brabble wherein he had so sillily bemir'd himself , we made him get into my coach , and so packt him out of the city . i follow'd him two hours after : for had he staid longer in brampour , i believe the faquirs and derviches would have beat out his brains . for he was no sooner gone , but a great number of that sort of rabble came to the inn , crying out , where was that dog of a cafer that had beaten the cheraff . thereupon , seeing the multitude encrease , i stole out of the town , without saying a word , and rid on till i got three leagues from brampour , to an old town call'd badelpoura , where i overtook beber , who had hir'd a coach made after the fashion of the country . it was but reason , that i should have my own coach to sleep in in the night : for though in all places where you come to lye in the night , the indians will offer you a little bed to lye on , yet in regard the rains were but just over , the bedsteads were so full of puhies , that there was no resting . these punies are ingender'd by the moisture which the rains , that fall for four months together , cause in those countries . which being over , and the sun recovering its wonted heat , the women carry forth their beds every morning , and beating them , well with good big sticks , never leave till the punies fall to the ground , and there turning up their bellies presently dye . these beds consist of four feet and four round stayes , as broad and as long as you please . to the staves are fasten'd girths about four fingers broad , which are much more commodious than the bottoms of our beds that are plank'd with deal or other wood . over the girths they only lay a single coverlet or sheet , which is a manner of lying easie enough , considering the heat of the country . the fourth day after our departure from brampour , being near a great town call'd semqueles , in a flat country , we perceiv'd all the plain cover'd with tents . it appear'd to be the camp of one of the chief kans , or lords , whom the great mogull had sent with 50000 men against the rebel raja sevagi . this lord , understanding who we were , very civilly sent us melons , and mango's , and bid his officers tell us withal , that we were out of all danger , and might safely pursue our journey . whatever i could say to beber , to perswade him that it was but an act of civility and good manners , to wait upon the prince , i could by no means engage him . i seeing his impertinency , shifted my habit , and sent one of my servants to the camp , to learn whether the kan drank wine ; and understanding that he did , i took a bottle of spanish , and another of schirus wine , and a small pocket pistol delicately embellish'd with silver ; and with this small present away i went to wait upon the general . being come into his presence , i excus'd beber , as not being well , and immediately presented him the little pistol , which he took , and bid me charge , being desirous to try it . after he had shot it off , said he to his lords that stood by , now must we confess these franqui's to be ingenious . this man sees that i am going to the wars , and presents me wherewithal to desend my life . then casting his eyes upon the little hamper , where the bottles were , he ask'd what it was ? they told him in his ear. oh , said he , looking at the same time upon two or three mim bachi's , or colonels that were present , this franqui gentleman has given me a bottle of wine , well we must drink it ; for i find i shall please him in so doing . when the mollah's heard him talk of wine , they slunk away ; which made the kan laugh heartily . these are agi's , quoth he ; they have bin pilgrims to mecca , and never drink wine after they come home again . having taken my leave , he sent me a pomere , which is a kind of scarf that may also serve for a girdle . it was made of white sattin with flow'rs of gold , and might be worth about a hundred roupies . he that brought it , told me , i should do the kan a great kindness , to send him another bottle of wine : thereupon i sent him two of three , which was all my store . he sent me six horsemen to conduct us three days journey , till we had pass'd a great river that flows from the mountains of the south , which washing the city of baroche , from whence it takes its name , falls into the bay of cambay . when we came to our last stage , which is a great town , call'd barnoli , from whence it is but 14 leagues to surat , beber sent one of his hirelings to give notice thereof to father ambrose . when the news came , the father went with the aleppo merchant , often already mention'd , to borrow the english president 's coaches : and there were about 15 or 16 more coaches all in a train , with several horsemen and merchant banians that made hast to meet the deputy . this happen'd upon the first of november , 1666. they carri'd with them provision enough to make merry , and every banian had his present ready . for my part , i as soon as i had saluted the father capuchin , i went directly to my lodging , where i had left two servants to take care of a sum of money which i had receiv'd of the king of persia , unwilling to hazard it upon the road. for in whatever part of the indies i came , i had credit enough to buy without money . i only gave my bills for payment at agra , visapour , golconda , or surat , where i generally left my money , as having receiv'd it there for the most part of the lords or kings of the country . as for beber , he was no changeling , the follies that he committed are too numerous to be related : but how he began the year 1667 , is not to be omitted . m. thevenot , upon his return from madraspatan and golconda , lodg'd in the capuchins house . beber going to visit him , told him , that the capuchins were the hollanders spies , and that he had often advis'd father ambrose to break with them , and not to go any more to their house . that while he frequented their society , the french company would be sure to find some obstacle in their trade when the ships should arrive ; and that if the hollanders had not been at agra , they might have done what they pleas'd with the king. that the hundred thousand roupies which they had presented to the king and grandees of the court , had hinder'd them from obtaining what they design'd . by which it appear'd , he understood not the humour of the hollanders ; for they are not so liberal : nor would all their tricks , or presents have any thing avail'd them , the great mogul being desirous that all nations should be welcome to his dominions , especially merchants , as well they that import little , as they that bring in much . m. thevenot told him , that he had never observ'd so much of the hollanders in all his travels ; for if it were true , that they had such a desire to hinder the trade of other nations , they would not afford them passage in their ships , or to put their goods aboard , as they often did . moreover , they send away many times one or two ships according to the quantity , laden all with strangers goods , from maslipatan or surat , in which ships , there is not oft-times so much as one bale belonging to the company . and this , added he , is farther observable , that they afford their freight cheaper then the english , or any other nation , who have ships in these parts . thus monsieur thevenot endeavour'd to convince m. beber ; who would have had father ambrose have fallen out with the hollanders . but he knew better things then to disoblige persons to whom he was so much beholding as he was every day . for every week they allow'd the house a certain quantity of bread and meat , and upon fast-days sent them fish , eggs , brandy , and wine , which were no such unkindnesses to be quarrell'd with . monsieur thevenot at the same time told beber , that he should do well to repay father ambrose the money which he had borrow'd to pay for the coach which he had broken to serve him , as also that which he had given the seamen , for trying if they could discover the companies vessels upon the coast . but he turn'd his deaf ear to that discourse , and would never be persuaded to reimburse the money which father ambrose laid out for him . monsieur thevenot perceiving his unwillingness , and pressing him to do things handsomly , put him into such a chase , that he fell a swearing after such a violent rate , in a parlour , that was parted only by a thin board from the place where the mass was said , that one of the fryers , just ready to go to the altar , came forth to desire him to leave his blaspheming . but beber's insolence took his admonition so ill , that he very rudely beat the fryer in mr. thevenot's presence ; swearing , that had it not been out of respect to him , he would have knockt him o' the head . the capuchin being so injuriously us'd , came to me , being hardly able to stir his neck , by reason of one of the blows that beber had given him . i chaft his neck with oyl of coco's , and wrapt it up warm : but we durst not speak a word of beber's idle action , for fear of exposing our selves to the laughter of the english and hollanders , who would have made good sport with it . besides these enormities , he put away his servant that had sav'd his life , and kept his wages . after that he went to lye at an apothecaries house , whose name was mouillon , who came from goa , with a good quantity of portugal wine , and kept a tavern at surat . while he lay there he had a great contest with the merchant , who receiv'd the 24000 roupies , which the king had given him for the loss which he alleadg'd that he and his chyrurgeon had sustain'd . for the merchant would acknowledge the receipt of no more then 23900 roupies , the other hundred being deducted for fees of the treasury . he also maintain'd , that the merchant had receiv'd the 12000 roupies which the king had allow'd him for the loss of his blood : but it was known that the grand treasurer would never pay that money . thus when he saw that his cheats were discover'd to all the world , he began to bethink himself how to get away : and we observ'd , that he would fain have quitted surat without noise . but there is such good order taken both by land and sea , that no person can go away without the knowledge and leave of the governour . for as the countrymen that come from the other side of the water cannot return unless they shew a mark in their hands made with red earth at the custom-house ; neither horse nor coach can stir without a note from the chabander , and another for the radars , who lye sometimes two or three leagues from the town . beber nevertheless had some assurance from his vintner , that he might get into a boat , by bidding the boatmen carry him to reynel , a large town on the other side of the water . the master of the boat ask'd him for his ticket , but beber answer'd him with his cudgel , forcing him forward , and telling him , he was not to demand billets of such a person as he was . as he was got half way the river a great number of souldiers hollow'd after the boatmen , to row the strangers back ashoar . but beber laid his hand upon his sword , and compell'd the boatmen to go forward . that evening , beber being return'd , the poor boatmen were apprehended , and bastinado'd till they were almost maim'd . the people cri'd out , that it was the frangui that ought to be so serv'd , and not the poor watermen , who had done nothing but by constraint . thus did this envoy behave himself both in persia and india , to the great hindrance of the french nation . now let us see what became of both boulaye and beber after all their extravagancies . the sieur de la boulaye , according to the accompt given by the hollanders that were at agra , left the town five or six days after my departure . knowing i went to surat , he had plaid his game so well with me , that he got a hamper of twelve large bottles of wine for 138 roupies , though they cost me more , for which he gave me a note of his hand , that i have still in my custody , to be paid at surat , upon the arrival of the french companies ships . from thence he travell'd to patna , where he staid nine or ten days , partly with the english , partly with the hollanders : from whence he departed for daca , the residence of the governour of the province . the governour of the province of bengale was then the great mogul's uncle , whose name was cha-est-kan , a potent prince , who has always under his command thirty or forty thousand men . at patna , boulaye had a project , that from thence he might easily pass into china , and to that purpose he there embarqu'd with some persian souldiers , who were going to list themselves under cha-est-kan . but after that , to this hour , it never could be certainly known what became of him : but by all probable conjectures , it is verily believ'd , that the persian souldiers murder'd him and his little slave , in hopes of some good booty . of the truth whereof , the observation that follows was no small evidence . about a quarter of a mile from daca lies a town , where five several mungrel portugal officers , belonging to the governour of bengale , as canoneers and carpenters , and some of the same nation that serve in the cavalry of cha-est-kan . there they have also a small church very well built , where an austin fryar officiates , to whom , about three months after boulaye's departure from patna , a certain persian in the habit of a souldier , with two more companions , brought two large books , the one in folio , and the other in quarto to sell . the fryar , who was a mungrel also , understood no latin ; but finding them not to be in the portugal language , would have stopp'd the books as stoln from the hollanders , had not the souldier been too strong for him . these books were thought to have been boulaye's ; who , to my knowledge , had two chests full , well bound ; in reading whereof he spent the greatest part of his time . his avarice was his ruine ; for had he taken a bark by himself , as i did when i went from patna , and had oblig'd the watermen to give him good security , he could have run no hazard . for my part i took one with four and twenty men ; and every one , knowing i never spar'd for cost , gave me excellent security . these barks are little galliots , which will undertake to carry you to your journey's end , and name your own day . if you will lye ashoar every evening , they will set up your tents ; and stop at any town or city to take in provisions . i never made so pleasant a voyage in my life , nor with less trouble . for in these barks , there is a room where the sun cannot come in , where you may repose in the day time , and sit in the cool air on that side from whence the breez comes . there is another place cover'd for your kitchin ; and another little garderobe for the private deeds of nature . by the way i kill'd great store of large geese , cranes , and crocodiles , which i gave the watermen , who were very glad of them ; for they sold them in the towns as they row'd along . the people in those quarters are very good natur'd and officious . dyet is little worth , as being the place where you may buy a hundred pullets for a crown : and for three or four pence , you may buy a fish of a prodigious length and bigness . beber's end was no less sad . for when the french companies ships were arriv'd , m. caron , who commanded them , and m. rambos , with an armenian , who had the management of the chiefest part of the business , had been acquainted with what had pass'd at surat , between beber and the capuchins . presently affections and interests parted . caron and rambos took beber's part ; the armenian held for the capuchins , which was at length the ruin of beber and rambos . the holland commander going aboard to visit the sieur caron , upon his return would not permit the captain to stir out of his cabin ; so that rambos and the armenian took upon them to wait upon the commander . upon this occasion the armenian took upon him to precede rambos , and briskly threw himself before the french-man ; who being provok'd at the affront , gave the armenian a swinging cuff o' the ear before all the company . to be short , the sieur caron , rambos , and beber holding all together , the armenian found himself too weak to resist : and in regard he had the management of the cash , he was accus'd of misbehaviour , and was condemn'd to be hang'd . but because they could not execute the sentence which they had given at surat , they sent him away to the council royal of the island of madagascar , of which m. mondevergue was chief ; who was so far from confirming the sentence given at surat , that he admitted the armenian to justifie himself ; and finding that he was not only innocent , but that he might be very useful to the company , he sent him back to surat with more power then he had before . this put beber and rambos into a fit of despair , to see the person whom they thought to have ruin'd , now above them . thereupon they found a way to get 12000 roupies a piece for their wages , which they pretended to be due from the company : and with that and 24000 roupies which beber had of his own they embarqu'd both together for goa . where , being arriv'd , beber dy'd soon after : but as for rambos , he return'd home again through ispahan . observations upon the trade of the east-indies . that nation which has a design to settle a trade in the east-indies , must be sure in the first place , to possess themselves of a convenient place in that country , to carine their ships , and shelter themselves during the tempestuous seasons . this want of a good haven is the reason that the english have not made those advantages which otherwise they might have done ; because it is impossible that any vessel should remain in those seas without being carin'd , or else eaten by the worms . therefore , because it is a long way from europe to the east-indies , it would be requisite to have a retreating place at the cape of good hope , to take in fresh water and provisions , whether going or coming ; but especially in their return , in regard that the ships being then laden , cannot take in water for any long time . the road of the island of st. helen's , where the english have built a fort , is a very commodious place : and if the water be not so good upon the north-side , yet the plain is an excellent spot of ground to sow , with convenience of all things necessary for human support . this advantage the english and dutch have depriv'd all other nations of , by their forts upon the cape of good hope , and st. helen's . and therefore some river's mouth , near the cape of good hope , ought to be sought for , for the same purpose , which would be far more convenient then the dauphin island , where there is no trade but that of buying cattel for their hides ; which being a trade of so little consequence , would ruin a company to follow it . the reason why i make this proposal is , because that in the year 1648 , two portugal vessels being bound from lisbon to the east-indies , and resolving to touch at the cape , to take in fresh water , mistook their just depths , so that the sea running high , they fell into a bay , 18 or 20 leagues from the cape , upon the coast that looks to the west . in that bay they found a river , whose water was very good ; and the blacks of the country brought them refreshments of all sorts of fowl , fish , and bullock's flesh . there they staid above 15 days , and before they set sail , they took two of the negro's , which they carri'd along with them to goa ; to teach them the portuguese language ; on purpose to try if they could discover by them any knowledge of the trade of the country . the dutch commander at surat desir'd me , to inform my self , when i went to goa , what the portugals had learnt from those two negro's . but one st. amand , a french ingeneer , who was supervisor of the fortifications of goa , told me , that he could not make them learn one word of the language ; and that he could only guess by their signs , that they had some knowledge of ambergreece and elephants teeth . the portugals however made no question but to meet with gold , if they could find a way to trade higher up i' the country . the revolutions of portugal , and their wars with spain have hinder'd them from making any more particular discovery of the coast . which it were to be wish'd the french would undertake , provided they gave no cause of jealousie to the hollanders , of what they were going about . there is also a necessity of possessing , or at least having the liberty of some place near surat , to ride safe in , and to wash and tallow in , in case they should be staid by the rain-seasons . the reason is , because that during that ill season , at what time it is impossible to keep the seas , the mogul jealous of his fortress of surat suffers no foreign vessel in the river , where nevertheless , the ships being unladen , may ride securely from the terrible tempests that last for five months . the only secure place for the companies vessels would be the town of dia , belonging to the portugals . the advantage of the situation is considerable for several reasons . the circuit of the city contains almost 400 houses , and might be capable to receive a greater number of people , where the ships would find all conveniencies during their stay . it is seated upon the coast of guzerat , upon a point of the gulph of cambaye , looking toward the south-east . the form of it is almost round ; and above half the circle environ'd by the sea. it is not commanded by any hill ; and the portugals have begun those fortifications , which might be easily finish'd . it contains several wells of very good water , and a river which falls into the sea near the city , whose water is better then that of surat , or souali , and the harbour is very commodious for shipping . the portugals , when they had first settl'd themselves in the indies , kept there a fleet compos'd of galleys , brigantines , and other light vessels , whereby they made themselves masters , for a long time , of all the trade of the places we have treated of . so that no ship could trade , without the governour of dia's passport , who made it in the name of the viceroy that liv'd at goa . the imposition , which the ships paid , was sufficient to maintain the fleet and garrison , and to enrich the governour besides . when the rain-seasons are over , that the wind sits at north and north-east , you may sail from dia to surat in three or four tides with light vessels ; but great ships that are laden must fetch a compass about the bank. the city has no land belonging to it , but what it stands upon , yet it would be no difficult thing to agree with the raja , or govervour of the province , and to obtain as much as should be sufficient for the inhabitants . neither is the land about it very fertile , and besides , the people are the poorest in the whole empire of the mogul . nevertheless the country is so well stor'd with cattel , that an ox or a bufalo will not cost above two piasters . the english and hollanders make use of these cattel to feed their people , and to spare the provisions of their ships , while they stay at souali . but it is observable that the bufalo's flesh in those parts causes frequent dysenteries , which the bullocks flesh or beef never does . the raja that commands the country has only the title of governour for life . which is common to most of the raja's in the mogul's empire , whose ancestours were lords of provinces , where now their descendants only enjoy the titles of governours . having thus got possession of a good post ; the next thing of importance is to choose out two men considerable for their honesty prudence , and skill in trade , who are to be allow'd the full of their expences . these two persons are to serve the company , the one in the nature of a president , with a council , consisting of a certain number of persons , to assist him . the other in the quality of a broaker , who must be an idolater of the country , and not a mahumetan , in regard all the workmen he has to deal with are idolaters . civility and faith of promise are altogether requisit to gain credit among strangers . and these particular qualities are requir'd in the particular broakers , who are under the broaker-general in the provinces where the factories are settl'd . good intelligence is necessary for these two persons , to understand the alteration of manufactures . this alteration happens either through the craft and subtilty of the workmen and the merchants themselves , or by the correspondence of the broakers and workmen . which alteration may cause so much dammage to the company , that the broakers shall gain ten and twelve i' the hundred by it . if the president and broaker-general combine with the particular broakers and merchants , it will be a difficult thing for the company to avoid being deceiv'd ; but if these two persons are but faithful and honest , the fraud may be easily remedi'd by changing the particular broakers . the officers of a company may be unfaithful to their trust in this respect : when a vessel arrives in port , the president for the nation receives the company 's letters , and the bills of lading ; upon which he calls his council , sends for the broaker , and gives him a copy of the said bills . the broaker shews them to three or four of the principal merchants of the country , who are wont to buy by whole sale . if the president and the broaker hold together for their own profit , the broaker instead of facilitating the sale as he ought to do , advises the merchants to be shie , and to offer only such a price : then the president sends for the broaker and these two or three merchants ; and in the presence of the council he asks the merchants what they will give for the goods in the bills of lading mention'd . if the merchants are resolute to give no more then so much ; the president puts off the sale 15 days longer , more or less , as he pretends himself press'd to sell . in the mean time he sends for the merchants several times for a shew , and at length , to avoid suspicion , and to discharge himself , he asks the advice of the council , and as they approve , orders the delivery of the goods to the merchant . but though the temptations be very great , to which these two officers are subject , by reason of their pow'r , their frequent opportunities , and their distance from their superiours , the company , besides their being wary in their election , may remedy these disorders by depriving them of that pretence , which the dutch commanders and broakers have , of being constrain'd to sell off presently to the merchants in gross , to avoid the expences of delay . the errour which the hollanders commit in this respect is , that their officers bespeak every year upon credit all the goods which they have occasion for in the empire of the mogul , according to the orders which they receive from batavia . the credit of this advance costs them sometimes twelve , sometimes fifteen per cent ; so that so soon as their laden vessels are arriv'd in the the port where they are to be sold , they are oblig'd to sell them presently off at the merchants rate first offer'd to their broakers , to make up a present stock to pay off their credit for the goods bespoke for their ships to carry back again , and to get more credit for the next year . this is that which cherishes that confederacy between the president , the broaker and the merchant , who makes advantage enough of this necessity of selling . whereas the better way were , for them that carry the same commodities which the hollanders do , to carry money also to pay the workmen for the goods bespoken for the next year . the company making this advantage shall not be put to pay that great interest of 12 and 15 per cent. : and besides , they shall have better goods , and better cheap . the ships loading shall be ready before they arrive in port ; and being quick laden they may return before the bad season . neither shall the company be put to sell their goods at a low price ; because their broakers will have time to stay for the coming of merchants from other parts ; or else because they have time enough to send them to other places , where they are sure of a quicker sale . observe also , that it is far more profitable to carry to the indies gold and silver in ingots , rather then ready coin'd ; for being coin'd the money is valu'd only according to their alloys ; and there is always a defalcation made for the charge of coinage . the broaker also , if he be dishonest , may combine with the master of the mogul's mint , which is settl'd in several parts of the empire , and put a lower value upon the gold and silver then it deserves , by telling the president and council , that upon the touch it appears to be no more worth . but it is an easie thing to avoid this deceit , provided the president be a person of credit and prudence , by sending for one of the refiners of gold and silver , that live in the country , who perfectly understand the touch of metals , and to let him essay the gold and silver before the broaker's face . this is that which the sieur walkenton did for the holland company in their factory at casambazar , where he bought every year six or seven thousand bales of silk . for by this essay he found , that his broaker being in confederacy with the master of the mint , had cheated the company of one and a half and two per cent. in the value of the gold and silver which was brought him from japan , as well coin'd as in barr , to a very considerable sum of money . the broaker also may confederate with the master of the mint to couzen the merchant in weghing his gold or silver , by making use of false weights or scales unduly pois'd . but that fraud is easily avoided , if the president and his council will be but so patient as to see their metal weigh'd themselves , and take care that the weights be right , and the scales true . one of the most important observations in reference to the trade of the company , and discipline of their factories is this : to prevent the merchants or under-merchants , accomptants and under-accomptants , who officiate under the commanders and broakers , from driving any particular trade by themselves , for they having a familiarity with the men of manufacture , and finding by the letters of advice what goods are likely to be most vendible next year , buy them up upon their own accompts , and find a way to lade them off in the company 's vessels , to the great dammage of the whole , though to the great gain of particular people . and this the president permits them to do , either for his own interest , or by connivance under the pretence of their small wages . the captain of the vessel also winks at what they do , because he has a spell for loading and unloading . and because these people having no great stocks , are desirous to put off their goods with the first opportunities , they give order to their correspondents to under-sell the company ten or twelve in the hundred , which is the absolute ruin of a trade . to remedy this disorder there ought to be a fiscal , or king's proctor , in every of the chief factories belonging to the company , to act in the king's name , and by his authority . he is to be independent from the president and the broaker , in the exercise of his office ; so that he may have an eye , as well upon their behaviour , as upon the demeanour of the under officers . he ought to be a person of good credit , resolute and vigilant ; and he must have a strength of men correspondent to his employment , and a deputy to act under him . he is to have good information of the departure of all ships when they are once laden , and when they are ready to set sail for the port whither they are bound . when he hears of the arrival of any ship , he ought to go himself , or send his deputy with a sufficient guard , to take an accompt of the ship 's lading . if it be a place near to which there are any small islands , or by-nooks , it behoves him to take care that no goods be privately convey'd ashoar in those private corners , where there are receivers a now ready : and whatever he finds thus privately unladen he shall have power to confiscate . he shall also confiscate whatever he finds not mark'd with the company 's mark. he may also discharge any inferiour officers to whom any such bales shall belong ; and for the superiour officers , he shall complain of them to the company . he shall have pow'r to open all private letters , to inform himself of prohibited goods , and private correspondencies . this prohibition of private trading cannot be too severely impos'd , and it is observ'd with so much exactness in holland , that when one of the company 's ships is ready to set sail from amsterdam , a burgomaster gives the captain and all the rest of the seamen their oaths , that they shall be contented with their wages , and meddle with nothing of trade . all the officers of the factory should be advanc'd by degrees , so that a sub-accomptant may have hopes to be a president ; that the hopes of advancement may oblige them to live with more credit , and cause them to study to make themselves more capable of all the intrigues and subtilties of the trade of the country . it is of great importance not to shew any favour in this particular of preferment , unless he have pass'd through all particular degrees and offices beforehand . and thus much concerning the discipline of the factories . of the commodities which are brought as well out of the dominions of the great mogul , as out of the kingdoms of golconda and visapour , and other neighbouring territories ; and also of the weights and prices of the said commodities . of their silk . kasembasar , a village in the kingdom of bengala , sends abroad every year two and twenty-thousand bales of silk ; every bale weighing a hunder'd pound . the two and twenty bales make two millions and two-hunder'd-thousand pound , at sixteen ounces to the pound . the hollanders usually carry away six or seven-thousand bales , and would carry away more , did not the merchants of tartary , and the mogul's empire oppose them : for they buy up as much as the hollander ; the rest the natives keep to make their stuffs . this silk is also brought into the kingdom of guzerat , the greatest part whereof comes to amadabat , and to surat , where it is wrought up . in the first place they make carpets of silk and gold , others of silk and silver , others all of silk : for the worsted carpets are made at vettapour , some twelve leagues from agra . in the second place they make satins with streaks of gold and silver ; others plain : with taffata's after the same fashion . in the third place they make patoles , which are a sort of silk-stuff very thin , but painted with all sorts of flowers , the manufacture whereof is at amadabat . they cost from eight roupies to forty the piece . this is a commodity wherein the dutch will not suffer any one of the hollanders to trade in particular : for they transport it to the philippine-islands , to the islands of borneo , java , sumatra , and other neighbouring islands . the raw-silk of kasembasar is yellowish , as are all the raw-silks that come from persia and sicily ; but the natives of kasembasar have a way to whiten it , with a lye made of the ashes of a tree which they call adam's fig-tree ; which makes it as white as the palestine-silk . the hollanders send away all their merchandize which they fetch out of bengala , by water , through a great canal that runs from kasembasar into ganges , for fifteen leagues together ; from whence it is as far by water down the ganges to ouguely , where they lade their ships . of the calicuts : and first of the painted calicuts , call'd chites . chites or painted calicuts , which they call calmendar , that is to say , done with a pencil , are made in the kingdom of golconda ; and particularly about maslipatan . but there is made so little , that though a man should employ all the workmen that understand the art of weaving calicuts , he would hardly find enough to make three bales . the chites which are made in the empire of the great mogul are all printed ; and nothing so beautiful , neither for the figures nor the fineness of the linnen . those which are made at lahor , are the coarsest , and consequently the cheapest of all . they are sold by corges , every corge consisting of twenty pieces , which cost from 16 to 30 roupies . the chites which are made at seronge , are sold from 20 to 50 roupies the corge , or thereabouts . these chites serve for coverlets for beds , for sofra's or table-cloaths after the country-fashion , pillowbears , handkerchiefs , but more especially for wastcoats as well for the men as women in persia . the fine calicut chites are made at brampour ; and are us'd for handkerchiefs by those that snuff tobacco . the women also , over all asia , make veils of these calicuts , to wear over their heads , and about their shoulders , which veils are call'd ormis . the basta's or calicuts painted red , blue , and black , are carri'd white to agra , and amadabat , in regard those cities are nearest to the places where the indigo is made that is us'd in colouring . they cost from two roupies to 30 or 40 a-piece , according to the fineness and the quantity of gold at the ends , and sometimes upon the sides . the indians have a way to dip some of these calicuts in a certain water that makes them look like water'd-chamlets , which adds also to the price . that sort which is sold for two roupies , and so onward till ye come to twelve , is transported to the coast of melinda , and it is the greatest trade the governour of mosambique drives , who sells them to the cafres , that vend them again among the abyssins , and into the kingdom of saba : for those people not understanding the use of soap , need no more but only to wash these calicuts in water . that sort which is valu'd from 12 roupies upward , is transported to the philippine-islands , the islands of borneo , java , sumatra , and other adjacent places . where the women wear no other clothes , then a single piece of this calicut . one part whereof , without cutting it , serves for a petticoat ; the other they wind about their stomachs and their heads . white calicuts . vvhite calicuts come partly from agra , and about lahor , part from bengala : some from brouda , baroche , renonsari , and other places . they are brought out of the loom to renonsari , and baroche , where they are whiten'd by reason of the convenience of their meadows , and the great store of limons that grow thereabouts . for the calicuts are never so white as they should be , till they are dipt in limon-water . the calicuts that come from agra , lahor , and bengala , are sold by the corge , and they are of several prices , from seventeen roupies to three or four-hunder'd , as the merchant will have them wov'n . the calicuts that come from renonsari , and baroche , are one and twenty cubits long , new out of the loom ; but in the whitening they shrink to twenty cubits . those of brouda twenty cubits from the loom , and shrink in the whitening to nineteen and a half . all the calicuts or bafta's that come from these three cities , are of two sorts : for some are broad , some are narrow . the narrow are those i have already mention'd , the prices whereof are various , from two mamoudi's to six . the broad bafta's are a cubit , and one third part wide ; the whole piece twenty cubits long . the usual price of them is from five mamoudi's to twelve : but a merchant being upon the place , may cause them to be made much more large and fine , till they are worth five-hundred mamoudi's a-piece . i saw two pieces sold for a thousand mamoudi's . the english brought one , and the hollanders another , each piece containing eight and twenty cubits . mahamed alibeg returning into persia out of india , where he had been embassador , presented cha-sef the second with a coco-nut , about the bigness of an austrich-egg , all beset with pearls : and when 't was open'd there was taken out of it a turbant that had sixty cubits of calicut in length to make it , the cloath being so fine , that you could hardly feel it in your hand : for they will spin their thread so fine , that the eye can hardly discern it , or at least it seems to be but a cob-web . twisted-cotton . cotton twisted and untwisted comes from the provinces of brampour and guzerat . untwisted cotton is never transported into europe , being too cumbersome , and of little value ; only they send it to ormus , balsara , and sometimes to the philippine-islands , and the islands of sinde . as for the twisted cottons , the english and hollanders transport a good quantity , not of the finest , but of that sort which is pric'd from fifteen to fifty mamoudi's : it serves for wicks for candles , for packsaddles , and for the ground of silk-stuffs . indigo . indigo comes from several parts of the great mogul's empire ; and according to the diversity of the places it differs in quality , and consequently in price . in the first place , it comes from the territories of biana , indoua , and corsa a day or two's journey from agra : which is esteem'd the best of all . it is made also eight days journey from surat , in a village called sarquess , two leagues distance from amadabat . here the flat indigo is made . there is also indigo little inferior in goodness and price , which comes from the king of golconda's territories . the mein of surat , which contains 42 serre's , or 34 and a half of our pounds , is valu'd from 15 to 20 roupies . they make as good as this at baroche . that which is made up about agra is made up in half balls , and is the most sought for in all india . it is sold by the mein , which in those places contains 60 serres , or 51 and three quarters of our pounds . the usual price is from 36 to 40 roupies . there grows also indigo some 36 leagues from brampour , about a great village call'd raout , and round about the neighbouring towns in the road to surat : of which the natives usually make above a hunder'd-thousand roupies . there comes indigo also from bengala , which the holland-company transports for maslipatan . but they buy this indigo , and that of brampour and amadabat , cheaper by 24 in the hunder'd , then that of agra . indigo is made of an herb which they sow every year after the rains are over : which when it is grown up , is very like our hemp. they cut it three times a year ; first when it is about two or three foot high ; and they cut it within half a foot of the ground ; the first cutting far exceeds the two latter . the second cutting is worse then the first by ten or twelve in the hunder'd . and the third worse then the second by 12 in the hunder'd . the difference is found by breaking a piece of the paste , and observing the colour . the colour of that indigo which is made of the first cutting , is a violet-blue , but more brisk and lively than the two others : and that which is made of the second is more lively then the third . when they have cut the herb , they throw it into pits which they make with lime , which becomes so hard , that you would judg it to be one intire piece of marble . they are generally fourscore or a hunder'd paces in circuit ; and being half full of water , they fill them quite up with the herb. then they bruise and jumble it in the water till the leaf , for the stalk is worth nothing , becomes like a kind of thick mud . this being done , they let it settle for some days ; and when the setling is all at the bottom , and the water clear above , they let out all the water . when the water is all drain'd out , they fill several baskets with this slime , and in a plain field you shall see several men at work , every one at his own basket , making up little pieces of indigo flat at the bottom , at the top sharp like an egg . though at amadabat they make their pieces quite flat like a small cake . here you are to take particular notice , that the merchants , because they would not pay custom for an unnecessary weight , before they transport their indigo out of asia into europe , are very careful to cause it to be sifted , to separate the dust from it ; which they sell afterwards to the natives of the countrey to dye their calicuts . they that sift this indigo must be careful to keep a linnen-cloath before their faces , and that their nostrils be well-stopt , leaving only two little holes for their eyes . besides , they must every half hour be sure to drink milk , which is a great preservative against the piercing quality of the dust . yet notwithstanding all this caution , they that have sifted indigo for nine or ten days , shall spit nothing but blew for a good while together . once i laid an egg in the morning among the sisters , and when i came to break it in the evening it was all blew within . as they take the paste out of the baskets with their fingers dipt in oil , and make it into lumps , or cakes , they lay them in the sun to dry . which is the reason that when the merchants buy indigo , they burn some pieces of it , to try whether there be any dust among it . for the natives who take the paste out of the baskets to make it into lumps , lay it in the sand , which mixes with the paste , and fouls it . but when the merchants burn it , the indigo turns to ashes , and the sand remains . the governours do what they can to make the natives leave their knavery ; but notwithstanding all their care , there will be some deceit . salt-peter . great store of salt-peter comes from agra and patna ; but the refin'd costs three times more then that which is not . the hollanders have set up a ware-house fourteen leagues above patna , and when their salt-peter is refin'd , they transport it by water by ogueli . a mein of refin'd salt-peter is worth seven mamoudi's . spice . cardamom , ginger , pepper , nutmegs , nutmeg-flowers , cloves and cinnamon , are all the different sorts of spices known to us . i put cardamom and ginger in the first place , because that cardamom grows in the territories of visapour , and ginger in the dominions of the great mogul . and as for other spices , they are brought from other foreign parts to surat , which is the grand mart. cardamom is the most excellent of all other spices , but it is very scarce ; and in regard there is no great store in the place where it grows , it is only made use of in asia , at the tables of great princes . five hundred pound of cardamoms , are pric'd from a hundred to a hundred and ten rials . ginger is brought in great quantities from amadabat , where there grows more than in any other part of asia ; and it is hardly to be imagin'd how much there is transported candited into foreign parts . pepper is of two sorts . there is a sort which is very small , another sort much bigger ; both which sorts are distinguish'd into small and great pepper . the larger sort comes from the coast of malavare ; and tuticorin and calicut are the cities where it is brought up . some of this pepper comes from the territories of the king of visapour , being vended at rajapour , a little city in that kingdom . the hollanders that purchase it of the malavares , do not give money for it , but several sorts of commodities in exchange ; as cotten , opium , vermilion , and quicksilver ; and this is the pepper which is brought into europe . as for the little pepper that comes from bantam , afchen , and some other parts towards the east , there is none of it carried out of asia , where it is spent in vast quantities , especially among the mahumetans . for there are double the grains of small pepper in one pound , to what there are of the great pepper ; besides that the great pepper is hotter in the mouth . the little pepper that comes to surat , has been sold some years for thirteen or fourteen mamoudi's the mein ; and so much i have seen the english give for it , to transport it to ormus , balsara , and the red sea. as for the great pepper , which the hollanders fetch from the coast of malavare , five hundred pound in truck brings them in not above thirty-eight reals ; but by the commodities which they give in barter , they gain cent. per cent. the nutmeg , the nutmeg-flow'r , the clove , and cinnamon , are the only spices which the hollanders have in their own hands . the three first come from the molucca islands ; the fourth , which is cinnamon , from the island of ceylan . 't is observable of the nutmeg , that the tree which bears it is never planted , which has been confirm'd to me by several persons that have liv'd several years in the country . they related to me , that the nutmeg being ripe , several birds come from the islands toward the south , and devour it whole , but are forc'd to throw it up again before it be digested . the nutmeg then besmear'd with a viscous matter , falling to the ground takes root , and produces a tree , which would never thrive were it planted . this puts me in mind of making one observation upon the birds of paradise . these birds being very greedy after nutmegs , come in flights to gorge themselves with the pleasing spice , at the season , like felfares in vintage time ; but the strength of the nutmeg so intoxicates them , that they fall dead drunk to the earth , where the emets in a short time eat off their legs . hence it comes , that the birds of paradise are said to have no feet ; which is not true however , for i have seen three or four that had feet ; and a french merchant sent one from aleppo as a present to lewis the thirteenth that had feet ; of which the king made great account , as being a very lovely fowl. but notwithstanding all the hollanders projects , you may buy cloves at macassar without purchasing them of the hollander ; in regard the islanders buy them of the dutch captains and soldiers , which the hollanders have in those places where the cloves grow , giving them in exchange rice , and other necessaries for the support of life , without which they would starve , being very sadly provided for . when the natives of macassar are thus furnish'd of cloves , they barter them in exchange for such commodities as are brought them ; sometimes they give tortoise-shells in exchange , and gold dust ; by which the merchant gains six or seven in the hundred , being better than the money of the island , though it be gold , by reason the king oft-times enhances the value of it . the places where cloves grow , are amboyna , ellias , seram , and bouro . the islands of banda also , in number six , viz. nero , lontour , poulcay , roseguin , and grenapuis , bear nutmegs in great abundance . the island of grenapuis is about six leagues in compass , and ends in a sharp point , where there is a continual fire burning out of the earth . the island damme , where there grows great store of nutmegs , and very big , was discover'd in the year 1647 , by abel tasman , a dutch commander . the price of cloves and nutmegs , as i have known them sold to the hollanders at surat , was as follows . the mein of surat contains forty serres , which make thirty-four of our pounds , at sixteen ounces to the pound . a mein of cloves was sold for a hundred and three mamoudi's and a half . a mein of mace was sold for a hundred and fifty-seven mamoudi's and a half . nutmegs for fifty-six mamoudi's and a half . cinnamon comes at present from the island of ceylan . the tree that bears it is very much like the willow , and has three barks . they never take off but the first and second , which is accounted the best . they never meddle with the third , for should the knife enter that , the tree would dye . so that it is an art to take off the cinnamon , which they learn from their youth . the cinnamon spice is much dearer to the hollanders then people think ; for the king of ceylan , otherwise call'd king of candy , from the name of his principal city , being a sworn enemy to the hollanders , sends his forces with an intention to surprize them , when they gather their cinnamon ; so that they are forc'd to bring seven or eight hundred men together to defend as many more that are at work . which great expence of theirs very much enhances the price of the cinnamon . there grows upon the cinnamon tree a certain fruit like an olive , though not to be eaten . this the portugals were wont to put into a caldron of water , together with the tops of the branches , and boil'd it till the water was all consum'd . when it was cold , the upper part became a paste like white wax ; of which they made tapers to set up in their churches , for no sooner were the tapers lighted , but all the church was perfum'd . formerly the portugals brought cinnamon out of other countries , belonging to the raja's about cochin . but the hollanders have destroy'd all those places , so that the cinnamon is now in their hands . when the portugals had that coast , the english bought their cinnamon of them , and usually paid for it by the mein fifty mamoudi's . drugs that are brought to surat , and brought from other countries , with the price of every one by the mein . salt armoniack , according to the usual price , costs by the mein twenty mamoudi's . borax , comes unrefin'd from amadabat , as does salt armoniack , and costs by the mein thirty-five mamoudi's . gum-lack , seven mamoudi's and a half . gum-lack wash'd , ten mamoudi's . gum-lack in sticks of wax , forty mamoudi's . there are some of these sticks that cost fifty or sixty mamoudi's the mein , and more when they mix musk in the gum. saffron of surat , which is good for nothing but for colouring , four mamoudi's and a half . cumin white , eight mamoudi's . cumin black , three mamoudi's . arlet small , three mamoudi's . frankincense , that comes from the coast of arabia , three mamoudi's . myrrh , that which is good , call'd mirra gilet , thirty mamoudi's . myrrh bolti , which comes from arabia , fifteen mamoudi's . cassia , two mamoudi's . sugar candy , eighteen mamoudi's . asutinat , a sort of grain , very hot , one mamoudi . annise-seed gross , three mamoudi's and a half . annise-seed small and hot , one mamoudi and a half . oupelote , a root , fourteen mamoudi's . cointre , five mamoudi's . auzerout , from persia , a hundred and twenty mamoudi's . alloes succotrine , from arabia , twenty eight mamoudi's . licorice , four mamoudi's . lignum aloes , in great pieces , two hundred mamoudi's . lignum aloes , in small pieces , four hundred mamoudi's . vez-cabouli , a certain root , twelve mamoudi's . there is a sort of lignum aloes very gummy , which comes to , by the mein , four thousand mamoudi's . gum-lake for the most part comes from pegu ; yet there is some also brought from bengala , where it is very dear , by reason the natives fetch that lively scarlet colour out of it , with which they paint their calicuts . nevertheless , the hollanders buy it , and carry it into persia for the same use of painting . that which remains after the colour is drawn off , is only fit to make sealing wax . that which comes from pegu is not so dear , though as good for other countries . the difference is only this , that it is not so clean in pegu , where the pismires foul it , as in bengala , where it grows in a heathy place , full of shrubs , where those animals cannot so well come at it . the inhabitants of pegu never make any use of it in painting , being a dull sort of people , that are in nothing at all industrious . the women of surat get their livings by cleansing the lake after the scarlet colour is drawn from it . after that they give it what colour they please , and make it up into sticks for sealing wax . the english and holland company carry away every year a hundred and fifty chests . the price is about ten pence the pound . powder'd sugar is brought in great quantities out of the kingdom of bengala ; it causes also a very great trade at ougeli , patna , daca , and other places . i have been told it for a very great certainty , by several ancient people in bengala , that sugar being kept thirty years becomes absolute poison , and that there is no venom more dangerous , or that sooner works its effect . loaf-sugar is also made at amadabat , where they are perfectly skill'd in refining it ; for which reason it is call'd sugar royal. these sugar-loaves usually weigh from eight to ten pound . opium is brought from brampour , a town of good trade between agra and surat . the hollanders buy great quantities , which they truck for their pepper . tobacco also grows in abundance round about brampour ; sometimes there has been so much that the natives have let vast quantities rot upon the ground , for want of gathering . coffee grows neither in persia nor in india , where it is in no request ; but the hollanders drive a great trade in it , transporting it from ormus into persia , as far as great tartary , from balsara into chaldea , arabia , mesopotamia , and the other provinces of turky . it was first found out by a hermite , whose name was sheck-siadeli , about twenty years ago , before which time it was never heard of in any author either ancient or modern . deceits in silk wares . plain silk wares may be alter'd in length , breadth , and quality . the quality shews it self when they are of an even thread , when the weight is equal , and when there is no cotton thread in the weft . the indians not having the art of gilding silver , put into their strip'd wares threads of pure gold , so that you must count the quantity of gold threads to see whether the silk have its due number . and this also you must observe in your silks wov'n with silver . as for taffata's , you are only to mind whether the pieces be all of a fineness , and to see by unfolding some of them , that there be nothing within to augment the weight , and then weighing all the pieces by themselves , to see that they all agree . the colours of those carpets which are made in india , do not last so long as the colour of those which are made in persia ; but for the workmanship it is very lovely . the eye of the broaker is to judge of the largeness , beauty , and fineness of those carpets which are wrought with gold and silver , and whether they be fine and rich . but whether they be carpets , or other stuffs mix'd with gold and silver , it behoves the buyer to pull out some of the gold and silver threads , to see whether they be of the right value or no. deceits in the white calicuts . the deceits usually put upon calicuts , are in fineness , length , and breadth . every bale may contain two hundred pieces ; among which they will juggle in five or six or ten , less fine , or less white , shorter or narrower than according to the scantling of the bale , which cannot be found out but by examining them piece by piece . the fineness is discern'd by the eye , the length and breadth by the measure . but the indians practise a more cunning way , which is to count the number of threads which ought to be in the breadth , according to the fineness of the scantling . when the number fails , it is either more transparent , more narrow , or more course . the difference is sometimes so difficult to be perceiv'd , that there is no way to find it out but by counting the threads . and yet this difference in a great quantity comes to a great deal . for it is nothing to cousen a crown or two crowns in a piece that comes but to fifteen or twenty crowns . those that whiten these calicuts , to save charges of a few limons , will knock the calicuts excessively upon a stone , which does fine calicuts a great injury , and lowers the price . as for their calicuts dy'd blew or black , you must take care that the workmen do not knock them after they are folded , to make them look sleek ; for many times when they come to be unfolded , you shall find holes in the creases . as for your painted and printed calicuts , which are painted and printed as they come out of the loom , the merchant must take care that what he bespeaks be finish'd before the end of the rains , for the thicker the water is where they are wash'd , the more lively will the printed and painted colours appear . it is easie to distinguish between the printed and the painted calicuts ; and between the neatness of the work : but for the fineness and other qualities , they are not so easily discern'd ; and therefore the broaker must be more careful . cheats in cotton . the cheat in the weight is twofold . the first , by laying them in a moist place ; and thrusting in the middle of every skain something to add to the weight . the second , in not giving good weight when the broaker receives it from the workman , or merchant that delivers it . there is but one cheat in the quality , that is by putting three or four skains , of a coarser commodity then that which is uppermost , into one mein . which in a great quantity mounts high ; for there are some cottons that are worth an hunder'd crowns the mein . these two cheats being often us'd by the holland-company , there is no way but to weigh your commodity in the presence of the dutch-commander , and his councel , and to examin every mein skain by skain . when this is done , they who are order'd to be at his examination , are oblig'd to fix to every bale a ticket of the weight and quality : for if there be a faileur , they who fix the ticket are engag'd to make good what is wanting . deceits in indigo . i have told you , that when the work-men have made up the indigo-paste into lumps , with their fingers dipt in oil , they lay them in the sun a drying . now those that have a design to cheat the merchants , dry them in the sand , to the end that the sand sticking to the indigo , should encrease the weight . sometimes they lay up their paste in moist places , which makes it give , and consequently renders it more heavy . but if the governour of the place discovers the cheat , he makes them severely pay for it : and the best way of discovery is to burn some pieces of indigo , for the sand will remain . indian broakers . the broakers are as it were the masters of the indian families ; for they have all goods at their disposal . the work-men choose the most aged and most experienc'd , who are to endeavour equal advantages for the whole tribe they undertake for . every evening that they return from their business , and that ; according to the custom of the indians , who make no suppers , they have eaten some little piece of sweet-meat , and drank a glass of water , the eldest of the tribe meet at the broaker's house , who gives them an account of what he has done that day , and then they consult what he is to do next . above all things , they caution him to look to his hits , and to cheat , rather then be cheated . finis . catalogus librorum . folio . catalogus impressorum librorum bibliothecae bodleianae in academia oxoniensi per tho. hide . oxonii è theatro sheldoniano , 1674. charletoni ( gualteri ) m. d. exercitationes de differentiis & nominibus animalium , quibus accedunt mantissa anatomica & quaedam de variis fossilium generibus , deque differentijs & nominibus colorum . ( figuris ) oxoniae è theatro sheldoniano , 1677. ferrarij ( jo. bap. ) lexicon geographicum , vol. 2. cum additionibus ant. baudrand . isenaci 1677. historia & antiquitates universitatis oxoniensis , vol. 2. oxoniae è theatro sheldoniano . 1674. jamblicus ( chalcidensis ) de mysterijs aegyptiorum , g. l. interprete & notis thomae galei t. c. c. s. oxonij è theatro sheldoniano . 1678. marmora oxoniensia ex arundelianis , seldenianis , aliisque conflata ; cum comment . humphredi prideaux , seldeni & lydiati annotationibus . oxonij è theatro sheldoniano . 1676. theatri oxoniensis encoenia , sive comitia philologica , jul. 6. ann. 1677. celebrata . aelfredi magni anglorum regis vita , à dom. johanne spelman conscripta , & annotationibus illustrata , oxonij è theatro sheldoniano . 1678. dr. henry hammond's sermons . 1675. a table of ten thousand square numbers , by john pell , d. d. 1672. the commentaries and life of julius caesar , with the notes of clemens edmonds . 1677. pocock's ( edw. ) commentary on micha and malaohi . oxf. at the theater . 1677. tavernier ( jo. bapt. ) travels through turkey into persia , and the east-indies , ( with cuts ) lond. 1677. charas ( moses ) royal pharmacopoeia galenical and chymical . lond. 1678. webster ( john ) displaying of supposed witchcraft . 1677. the natural history of oxford-shire , being an essay towards the natural history of england , by r. plot , l. l. d. hugo . grotij opera theologica , vol. 4. 1679. episcopij opera , 1678. an english bible in folio , now in the press at the theater in oxford . judge hales origination of mankind , 1677. qvarto . historia jacobitarum in aegypto , lybia , nubia , aethiopia tota , & parte cypri insulae habitantium , per jos . abudacnum , oxonij è theatro sheldoniano . votum pro pace christiana , aut. andr. sall , d. d. oxonij è theatro sheldoniano , 1678. lightfoot ( jo. ) horae hebraicae & talmudicae in corinthios . paris●●…s 1677. joannis bonae ( cardinalis ) opera theol. 1677. binchii ( m. joan. ) mellificium theologicum . amst . 1666. seldenus ( jo. ) de nummis . londini 1675. mercurialis ( hier. ) de arte gymnastica , ( cum figuris . ) amst . 1672. moses maimonides de jure pauperis & peregridi apud judaeos . heb , cum notis humph. prideaux oxon , 1679. horroccii ( jer. ) opera astronomica , nec non wallisii exercitationes tres . 1678. paladius de gentibus indicis & bragmanibus g. l. londini 1665. ferrarij ( alex. ) euclides catholicus . londini 1676. testamentum graecum . genevae . duporti gnomologia homerica . 1660. bonham's ( josua ) sermon at the visitation held at leicester , april 29. 1674. sermon preached before the artillery-company , by william durham . les motiss de la conversion à la religion reformée du francois de le motte . a londres , 1675. pharmacopée royale , galenique et chymique , par moyse charas . paris . 1676. an english bible , with the liturgy , apocrypha , and singing psalms . oxford at the theater , 1675. and in small 4 o , 1679. cook ( john ) sermon before the mayor , decemb. 19. 1675. on john 8. 34. 1676. luzancy 's abjuration-sermon at the savoy , july 11. 1675. on john 8. 32. 1676. pell ( john ) introduction to algebra . 1668. senault ( jo. fr. ) christian man. 1650. a sermon at the marshal turenne 's funeral , decemb. 15. 1675. 2. sam. 3. 32. 1677. tillotson 's ( jo. ) sermon before the king , april 18. 1675. psal . 119. 60. 1675. twisden's ( sir roger ) historical vindication of the church of england . 1675. wilkins ( jo ) sermon before the king , march 7. 1669. on prov. 13. 16 , 17. 1674. sermon before the king , march 19. 1670. on ecclesiastes 12. 14. 1671. cole ( gilbert ) conferences against the church of rome . oxford , at the theater , 1674. allestrey's ( r. ) divine authority of scripture , a sermon , 2 tim. 3. 15. 1673. character of the last day , a sermon before the king , 2 pet. 3. 3. by john fell lord bishop of oxford . 1675. clarendon ( edward earl ) survey of hobs's leviathan . oxford , at the theater , 1676. octavo . testament english for children : printed at the theater , oxon. 1679. homeri ilias graecé cum scholiis didymi . oxonii è theatro sheldoniano . archimedes arenarius cum notis jo. wallis . oxoniae è theatro sheldoniano . 1676. oughtred ( guil. ) opuscula hactenus inedita notis jo. wallesii . oxonii è theatro sheldoniano . 1677. eugalenus ( seres ) de scorbuto . hagae-com . 1658. grammar english and french , by the messieurs of the port royal. 1674. lydiati canones chronologici . oxonii è theatro sheldoniano . 1675. mayern ( theod. torq . ) de arthritide . lond. 1676. gregory's nomenclator . 1675. needham ( gualt . ) de formato foetu . londini , 1667. parei ( david ) chronologia sacra . amst . 1641. ruarit , gro●ii , &c. epistolae . amst . 1677. rhetore , selecti . gr. lat. per tho. gale. oxonii è theatro sheldoniano . 1676. psalterium graecum juxta m. s. alexandrin . cum versione vulgata . oxonii è theatro sheldoniano . 1678. sandii ( chr. ) interpretationes paradoxae quatuor evangel . cosmop . 1670. — historiae ecclesiastae . cosmop . 1669. smith ( tho. ) de ecclesiae graecae hodierno statu epistola . londini 1678. theocratus cum scholiis graecis , è theatro sheldoniano . georgii diaconi epitome logices aristotelis oxonii . art of speaking , london , 1676. boyl ( rob. ) against tho. hobs. lond. 1674. — of effluviums . lond. 1673. — of gems . lond. 1672. barbets ( paul. ) chirurgery ( with cuts . ) lond. 1676. barnets ( gilb. ) mystery of iniquity . lond. 1676. basilius valentinus of natural and supernatural things . lond. 1670. fourneil's discourse , with the general systeme of the cartesian philosophy . lond. 1670. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a63407-e820 * tunquin ch . 7. p. 18. * tunquin c. 11. p. 35. the present state of the united provinces of the low-countries as to the government, laws, forces, riches, manners, customes, revenue, and territory of the dutch in three books / collected by w.a., fellow of the royal society. aglionby, william, d. 1705. 1669 approx. 458 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 222 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26549 wing a766 estc r21416 12616748 ocm 12616748 64416 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26549) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64416) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 339:30) the present state of the united provinces of the low-countries as to the government, laws, forces, riches, manners, customes, revenue, and territory of the dutch in three books / collected by w.a., fellow of the royal society. aglionby, william, d. 1705. [11], 414, [18] p. printed for john starkey ..., london : 1669. attributed to william aglionby. cf. bm. advertisement: p. [7]-[18]. reproduction of original in newberry library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng netherlands. 2004-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the present state of the united provinces of the low-countries ; as to the government , laws , forces , riches , manners , customes , revenue , and territory , of the dutch . in three books : collected by w. a. fellow of the royall society . london , printed for john starkey , at the mitre , betwixt the middle temple gate , and temple-bar , in fleet-street , 1669. the preface . the netherland-provinces have rendred themselves so conspicuous and considerable amongst the other states of europe , that the sole mentioning of them might suffice to awaken the attention , and invite the regards of all persons , whose more elevated genius leads them to the contemplation of the rise , growth , and grandeur of states and empires ; which affording the greatest instances of humane wisdome and industry , as well as they are the most remarkable theatres of divine providence , are certainly the most adaequate objects for rational and considering men : for which reason possibly few books less needed a preface , than that which is now in the readers hands ; and the present state and government of the netherlands in the title-page , may seem to carry invitation enough with it to render all other superfluous . scarce any subject occurres more frequent in the discourses of ingenious men , than that of the marvellous progress of this little state , which in the space of about one hundred years , ( for 't is no more since their first attempts to shake off the spanish yoke ) hath grown to a height , not only infinitely transcendnig all the ancient republicks of greece , but not much inferior in some respects even to the greatest monarchies of these latter ages . nor is the wonder inconsiderably augmented , in that the lesser moiety hath farre exceeded even the whole it self , and seven provinces are become greater than seventeen ; with a manifest verification of that aenigmatical aphorisme , dimidium plus toto . to which it may likewise be added , that for above sixty years of that above-mention'd hundred , they were continually engag'd in a warre against the greatest king of this western world , besides what contests they have since had with other neighbours : and nevertheless , that difficult exercise of their nonage not only promoted their growth , by necessarily exciting the industry natural to that nation , but likewise contributed to rènder the constitution of the state it self more robust and athletick . 't is the portraiture of this flourishing common-wealth which is here presented to the ingenious , drawn by the elegant pen of a virtuoso of the royall society ; who the more to gratifie the reader , and compleat his work , hath collected out of severall authors a summary account of the lives of the earls of holland , down to the alteration of government , which commenc'd about the year 1567. which lives compose the first book , order of time requiring the same to be prefix'd before the description of the confederate commonwealth , or government of the states generall ; whereunto is particularly annex'd that of the states of holland and zeeland , as examples of the rest . the third and last book exhibits the extent and nature of the soyl of holland , the manners , customes , and trade of the inhabitants , together with particular descriptions of all the considerable cities and towns of that province , and an appendage of divers treaties of alliance made between this and other neighbouring states . besides all which the reader will finde variety of politick reflexions and discourses interspers'd throughout the whole work , which concurre to the accomplishment of the same , in reference to the two principall ends of books , instruction and divertisement . the first book , containing the history of the earls of holland . chap. i. what pass'd before the earles of holland . there is all the probability in the world that this fair province of holland has not alwayes been as rich and as populous as we now see it ; but quite contrary , it was a kind of a desert once , and full of great forrests . the first people that inhabited it were a colony of germans , which came out of their countrey some time before the birth of our saviour , and it is from thence that it has the name of batavia , if we believe the roman history , and particularly tacitus , lib. de moribus germanorum . there is no doubt but the batavi are the chief in strength and valour among the germans , and that this nation which was formerly called cattes , and which upon a sedition at home invaded these islands which the rhene makes , and are now become subjects of the roman empire , are the noblest portion of the german state , since history makes so much mention of them , and that it appears so in their humours , customes , and manners , of which the chiefest are these following . 1. that they pay no tributes . 2. that they are free from all contribution towards the war. 3. that they are alwayes reserv'd for the war. 4. that they have the most honourable rank in the army , as being esteem'd the best souldiers , and the best skill'd in lancing their javelots . 't is by their help , sayes tacitus , that the romans have extended their empire beyond the rhene . the romans in truth did think themselves happy to have them for friends and companions ; not that i deny but that they were in some way conquered by the same romans , whom they assisted much in their wars against the brittains , or english ; witness the brittain castle built by the same romans ; for as tacitus sayes , it was only by the force of the batavi and the tongri that the romans did overcome the brittains : besides the emperours were so convinced of their fidelity , that they us'd them as guards to their persons ; but because the romans did begin to oppress them , they revolted from them , as it is reported by tacitus in the fourth book of his history , in these words : the batavi having been us'd in the wars of germany , did furnish the empire with arms and men ; their principall leaders were julius paulus and claudius civilis of the royall bloud ; paulus being accus'd of rebellion was kill'd , and claudius put in prison , but set at liberty by galb 〈…〉 civiiis , being a man of parts , took notice of the disorder the empire was in , and observing the natural aversion the bataves had for the romans , because that in raising of souldiers among them , they aim'd more to satisfie their avarice and foul luxury , than to supply the legions ; he fomented under hand at first their discontent , then appearing openly , exhorted them to recover their liberty , and cast off the yoke of slavery . we are not , said he , treated like companions , but like slaves ; remember the glory of your ancestors , and look upon the disorders of the empire , and the gaules your neighbours , who will joyn with you in the design of recovering your liberty . thus it appears by this writer that the batavi were to have been the romans companions , and that it was for the breach and non-performance of that promise that they revolted , and maintain'd a bloody war , in which were perform'd many noble actions . the end of this war was a peace , in which the batavi were ca●l'd the brothers and friends of the romans , the title of companions seeming not kind enough , since the countrey was over-run by the danes and normans , who were long masters of it , but in the time of pepin king of france they recover'd their liberties . chap. ii. therry of aquitain , the first earl. the most receiv'd opinion of the learned antiquaries is , that thyerry , or childeric , duke of aquitain , was made earl of holland by charles the ball'd , emperour and king of france . he took possession of it in the year 863 , and tam'd the fury of the frizelanders ; his subjects growing weary of the long peace which he did politickly keep with all his neighbours , conspir'd against him , and drive him out of holland ; but , by the assistance of the emperour's forces , he subdued them , and punished the authors of the rebellion . his wife was jane , daughter to king pepin of italy . having reigned forty years in holland , he dyed peaceably , leaving his state to his son. thyerry , the second . succeeding his father , married hulgard , daughter to lewis king of france . he overcame the frizelanders in two pitch'd battels , and re-built the monastery of egmont which they had burn'd . he died after he had governed eighty eight years , and lyes buried at egmont . arnulph , or arnout , the third . this earl maintain'd a long war against the frizelanders , in which he was at last kil●'d , and buried at egmont , having reign'd five years . thyerry , the fourth . thyerry the third was preferr'd to the dignity of earl of holland before his elder brother , and married the daughter of the emperour otho . in his time there appeared a comet , which seem'd to prognostick the war that happen'd with the bishop of utrect ; after the loss of much nob●lity , the said bishop was taken and kept prisoner for a long time , because he did obstinately refuse all conditions of peace . this duke to revenge his fathers death , over-ran and ruin'd most of east-frizeland , and at last gave it to florent his younger son. after this he undertook a pilgrimage to jerusalem , and died coming back . thyerry , the fifth . thyerry the fourth of this name , and earl of holland , being gone to leege to a publick turnament , and having in it kill'd the bishop of cullen , in revenge thereof was pursued to dort , and there kill'd . florent , the sixth . florent the first of this name succeeded in his brothers place , who died without issue ; he forsook frizeland to come and govern holland ; he had w●r with the archbishop of cullen , the bishop of leege , and the earl of louvain , whom he defeated luckily by a stratagem invented by an old man , who advis'd him to cause deep ditches to be made upon his enemies way , and to cover them over with straw and hay ; this design succeeded , and his enemies falling in great numbers , he charg'd them so smartly and at such an advantage , that he obtain'd a great victory : the archbishop nevertheless having rallied his scattered army , came again into holland , and was again defeated . a little after the earl florent was treacherously kill'd . gertrude of saxony , the seventh . this princess took the reins of the government in hand after the death of her husband , and during the minority of her son. she was married a second time to robert of frizeland , and died , having govern'd in great tranquillity . she left divers children by both her husbands . robert of frizeland , the eighth . this prince is reckoned amongst the earls of holland , though he were but guardian to the young thyerry ; he acquitted himself with much integrity and honour of this his employment , but he was driven out of his state by godfrey of lorrain , who by the strength and assistance of the bishop of utrect , possest himself of his countrey . godfrey , the ninth . godfrey being in possession of holland , built the town of delft , subdued the frizelanders , and after a happy reign was at last treacherously murdered . thyerry , the tenth . this prince , the true and lawfull heir , having at last recover'd his own , made it his business to clear his countrey of the bishop of utrect's forces ; which he did by making peace with him ; after which he set upon the frizelanders , and having pass'd his army over the ice , he encountred theirs , and kill'd four thousand upon the place : nevertheless they rallied , and coming up with new forces , challenged the earl and his army ; which he bore so impatiently , that immediately charging them with all fury , he routed them , and in pursuit of his victory spar'd neither man , woman , nor childe . this bloody execution made them promise obedience . after which the earl died in 1091. having reigned fifteen years : his w●fe was of the house of saxony . florent the fat , the eleventh . this flo●ent govern'd holland for thirty one years , being a very tall corpulent man , his inclination was peace , and was very charitable . he left four children by his wife petronella of saxony , sister to the emperour lotaire . he died in the flower of his age , and left the administration to his wife , during the minority of his children . all his subjects had a great respect and veneration for his piety . thyerry , the twelfth . thyerry the sixth of that name was married to sophia , daughter to otho count palatine , by whom he had four sons and three daughters . he chastized the friz●landers , but they rallying again fell stoutly upon north-holland , and burnt the town of alcmaer , being in a way to make their anger still more sensible to his state , if he had not resolutely opposed them . a little after hearing that his brother-in-law was taken prisoner by them , and that his forces were also defeated by the bishop of utrect , he immediately led his army , and sate down before the town with so much resolution , that he had undoubtedly taken it , had not the bishop for a last shift put on his pontificall habit , and come out with the rest of his clergy to excommunicate the count. thyerry then fell upon his knees , and to avoid the excommunication , asked pardon and raised his siege . he was at l●st kill'd by the frizelanders , having reign'd forty five years . florent , the thirteenth . florent took place after thyerry , and married with great transport of joy the daughter of the king of scotland , which wibold abbot of egmond had brought to one of the sea-towns . he had by her four sons and four daughters . he chastized the frizelanders , who had once again burnt alcmaer , and died gloriously at antioch , after he had seen the sarrasins defeated and driven out of the holy land. thierry , the fourteenth . thierry succeeded , and had by his wife alide of cleves two daughters , whereof one was married to henry of gueldre , and the other to the earl of loen . he made war in brabant , and took boisteduc ; but was at last taken prisoner by the duke of lorrain . ada , the fifteenth . ada countess of holland , and daughter to thierry , did not govern long ; for being married to the earl of loen , whom most of the neighbouring princes did envy , there were many seditions fomented in her state , which at last broke out with great effusion of blood . william the sixteenth . william the first of the name succeeded his brother thierry , and his neece ada. he had war with the bishop of utrect , and on both sides the countrey was much ruin'd ; but by agreement at last he was to pay to the bishop a thousand talents . upon the news of the death of his uncle the king of scotland , he immediately rigg'd out a great fleet , to put himself in possession of that kingdome ; which he thought was his right , and in pursuance of his design landed in scotland , and took divers towns ; but hearing the earl of loen his nephew was come into holland with an army , he forsook the uncertain for the certain . he had two wives , alide of gueldres , ( by whom he had three sons and two daughters ; ) and mary , daughter to the duke of lancaster , who had no children . he died in the year 1223. having reign'd nineteen years . florent , the seventeenth . florent the fourth son to william , was married to matthild , daughter of the duke of brabant ; who had two sons , william and florent , and two daughters , alide coun●ess of hainaut , and matthild countess of heneberg , that had at one birth as many children as there are days in the year . this prince was extream valiant , which was the cause of his death ; for the countess of clermont having heard much of his valour , was so desirous to see him , that she entreated her husband to publish a solemn turnament ; florent fail'd not to be there , and by his noble carriage so charm'd the countess ; that she could not hold praising of him before her husband ; who thereupon conceiv'd so much jealousie , that he caused him to be barbarously murder'd in the flower of his age . his body was transported into holland , and buried at rinsburg . william , the eighteenth . william the second , being yet under age , succeeded to his father , under the guardianship of his uncle the bishop ; his wife was elizabeth of brunswick , by whom he had florent . this prince was of a very warlike temper , and by reason of his valour was chosen king of the romans , at the age of twenty years . he first held a court at the hague , to hear the complaints of the hollanders and zelanders ; in the protection of whom , he sent his brother with an army against the flemmings , who were entred the island of walkeren in zeland . there was so stout a ●encounter between the two armies , that the ground for a great space was all covered with the blood of the flemmings . the king upon the news ●astened into zeland , and sav'd the lives of the rest of the flemmings , but sent them away stark naked . after this he went into germany , where he was receiv'd with great honour and joy ; coming back , he overcame the frizelanders in one battell , and a little before the second he was kill'd , having govern'd twenty one years . it was he that founded the colledge of the heemrades , where a diikgrave presides . florent , the nineteenth . this prince was two years under the guardianship of his uncle and his aunt , alide countess of haina●t . to make up the difference between the hollanders and flemmings , he married beat●ix of flanders , by whom he had five sons and three daughters , the youngest of which , margaret , was queen of england . to revenge his fathers death he fell upon the frizelanders , whom he worsted , and recover'd the dead body of his father , which he caused to be buried with royall obsequies . in his old age he corrupted the wife of one gerard de velsen , a gentleman of his court , whom he had much lov●● ; and it was rather to affront him , than out of a desire to satisfie his lusts ; but gerard and herman de vourd , his father-in-law , resolv'd to be reveng'd , and by conspiracy seized the earls person , and carried him to the castle of mude ; where , hearing of the preparations made in holland against them , they made the earl get on horseback , thinking to convey him into england ; but being too hotly pursued , gerard gave him twenty two wounds with his sword , and left him dead in a ditch . this murder remain'd not unrevenged ; for some authors write that gerard being taken , was put into a hogshead full of sharp nails , and so rolled up and down the streets at leyden till he died . john , the twentieth . john the first of that name , being in england at the time of his fathers death , there was some trouble in holland , which was soon appeased by his presence . he married elizabeth , daughter to edward king of england , by whom he had no children . in his time there was a giant in holland , nam'd nicolas , to whom other men compared were but dwarfs ; his shooe was so wide that four men together could set all their feet in it . the said earl john died at harlem , having reigned three years , and made room for the house of hainaut . chap. iii. the house of hainaut . john of hainaut , the twenty first . john the second of this name , son to alide countess of hainaut , sister to king william , succeeded his cousin-german in 1299. and took in marriage philippine , daughter to the duke of luxemburg , by whom he had three sons and four daughters . he was five years earl of holland , and did defend with much vigour his brother , who was bishop of utrect , against those who endeavoured to deprive him of his bishoprick . it is said , that in those dayes there was seen in the air an arm'd knight , who with a loud voice animated the people to war , and that the sea also was seen full of ships , which vanished before the eyes of them that curiosity had brought upon the shore . these apparitions were taken as prognosticks of the war , that a little after happened between the hollanders and flemmings in zeland ; in which the flemmings were defeated by the valour of william , son to the earl john ; but he outliv'd his victory a very small time , and lies buried at valenciennes . william , sirnamed the good , the twenty second . william the third , by reason of his good nature and vertuous disposition , was call'd the good. he had divers children by his wife jane of valois , viz. william , lewis , john , margaret dutchess of bavaria and empress , jane countess of juliers , philippine queen of england , and elizabeth . in his time holland was much aff●●cted with plague and famine . in the year 1328. philip king of france gave a great overthrow to the flemmings , being assisted by the forces of this earl. he reign'd thirty three years . william , the twenty third . this young prince led an army into spain , to assist that king against the infidels , and got much honour in that war. being come back into holland , he besieged utrect , and being ready to take and sack the town , he was prevail'd upon by the gentry to give the citizens their lives , upon condition that five hundred of the best qualified should come bare-foot and bare-head , and fall down upon their knees before him , and crave his pardon for their faults . after this he went against the frizelanders , where fighting too boldly , he was kill'd near staveron . he left no children by his wife jane of brabant . margaret august , countess , the twenty fourth . this princess was daughter of william the good , and wife to lewis of bavaria , emperour . she came with a great retinue into holland , and having took possession gave the government to her son william , reserving for her self a pension every year . she sold all the estates the frizelanders had in holland , to revenge her brothers death . she died in the year 1355. and in her ended the house of hainant . chap. iv. the house of bavaria . william of bavaria , the twenty fifth . vvilliam the fifth , duke of bavaria , and son to the empress margaret , govern'd three years , and had no children by his wife , who was of the house of lancaster . he ran mad , and kill'd a gentleman of great quality ; whereupon his subjects gave him a guardian , who was albert , the twenty sixth . albert , his brother govern'd as guardian for the space of thirty years ; after which time the right fell to him , and he reign'd sixteen more . he had by his first wife , william , albert , and john , afterwards bishop of leege , katherine dutchess of gueldres , mary of burgundy , jane of austria , and jane queen of bohemia . in second marriage he took the daughter of the duke of cleves . the frizelanders felt the effects of his just anger . william , the twenty seventh . william the sixth , son to albert , was twice married , first to the daughter of charles king of france , who died without issue ; secondly to the daughter of philip the bold duke of brabant , by whom he had a daughter call'd jacqueline . he made war with the duke of gueldres ; but after he made not only peace but friendship with him . a little before he died he made an assembly of the states , in which his daughter was by common consent proclaim'd his heiress . he died in the same year , which was the thirteenth of his reign . jacqueline , the twenty eighth . jacqueline being sixteen years old , was married to the dolphin of france , son to charles the sixth , who died the first year of their marriage , and left her at liberty to marry john son to the duke of brabant ; but this marriage being void , by reason of the proximity of blood , they being cousin-germans , before the cause could be decided at rome ; she went into england , and there was married anew to humphrey duke of gloucester , brother to king henry : but this marriage being likewise made void by the pope , she married francis de borsales , who was taken prisoner by the duke of burgundy . in her time there were many civil wars ; and by her death her state fell to philip of burgundy , and in her ended the house of bavaria . chap. v. the house of burgundy . philip the good , the twenty ninth . philip of burgundy , son to john of burgundy , and margaret daughter of albert , duke of bavaria , added this noble accession to his dutchy . he had three wives , the first michelle , daughter to charles the sixth king of france , who died without children . his second was claudina , daughter to robert earl of heu , who was also barren . his third was isabelle of portugal , by whom he had three sons , who died young , and the fourth nam'd charles earl of charolo●● lived . he govern'd thirty four years ; he was a vertuous witty prince . one day some body telling him , that the inhabitants of g●●nt did much court his son charles ; he answer'd that they were much given to love their masters son , but that they would hate him when he should be their master . he receiv'd some injury from the king of england , and in revenge , besieged calais with a prodigious army ; but the inhabitants of ghent and bruges forsaking his army , because he did not act according to their hasty expectations , were the ruine of his design . this prince was the first that instituted at the hague the order of the golden fleece , and it has been since transferr'd to the house of austria . his ordinary stay was at bruges in flanders , where he died . charles earl of charolois , the thirtieth . charles , sirnamed the warrier , succeeded to his father . by his first wife katherine of france he had no children ; but by his second , elizabeth of bourbon , he had the princess mary . war was this princes inclination , which he begun against the king of france , lewis the eleventh . he chastized the inhabitants of liege , and caused the town to be laid waste . he was still out-witted by lewis , though he were assisted by the constable de st. paul , whom lewis beheaded . he drove the duke of larrain out of his countrey , who recover'd it again by the assistance of the swissers , against whom by his fault he lost a great battle , and in the hopes of revenge , having engaged them with a new army , he lost above sixteen thousand men . and at last ( his ill fortune still pursuing him ) he went to besiege nancy , and was there betrayed by an italian , whom he loved and trusted too much , his army defeated , and himself kill'd upon the place . it is thought that his design was to have extended his dominions as far as italy , by lorrain and the swissers ; and that he had often desir'd the emperour , to erect his states into a kingdome . never prince was more courted by forreign powers than he ; for he had one only daughter , extream handsome , and who was to inherit all his dominions ; he promis'd her to none , but gave fair words to all . his death was much resented by his subjects , and hardly beleev'd by the hollanders . lewis king of france was very glad of his death , for he stood much in awe of his power ; and 't is thought , that he prevailed with money upon this italian , to betray him . mary countess of charolois , dutchess of burgundy , and countess of holland , the thirty first . the loss of this great warriour , brought a great consternation amongst his people , and made them assemble the generall states at louvain , to take care for the safety of those provinces , and their mistress . this young lady was then about fourteen years old , when the tragick news of her fathers death , reach'd her ears . the emperour ferdinand did desire her for his son maximilian ; and lewis of france for his dolphin charles ; and it seem'd that the ladies inclinations were more inclin'd o the french : but they too hasty to seize the prey , having entred artois with an army , the states gave her to maximilian , the emperours son ; the countess of meguen her governant having boldly said , that the princess was of age to bear a man , and therefore they should not give her a childe , such as the dolphin of france was . the french upon this marriage were so incensed , that they laid wast all the countrey of artois ; and from thence fell upon hainaut . they tryed also to annoy these provinces by sea , but were beaten by the hollanders . this excellent lady having liv'd some years in admirable union with her husband , fell one day as she was a hunting , and broke two ribbs ; whereupon a feaver citing her , she died in the year 1482. she left a son call'd philip , and margaret her daughter . chap. vi. the house of austria . maximilian , the thirty second . this imperiall prince having married the princess mary at ghent , was declar'd earl of holland . his first care was to invite all his nobility , to be reveng'd of the french , for pillaging maries territories : in effect he defeated them , and took the town of tournay ; and a year after he constituted for his lieutenant in holland , nun. de lalain seigneur de montigny , and knight of the golden fleece . after the death of mary , the french pretended that the care of the children did belong to them ; but it was judged for the father . he was at last chosen emperour , and died in the year 1519. in january . thus the low countreys became annexed to the house of austria ; and by the marriage of philip , maximilians son , to jane of castile , was fram'd that great house , which has so long given subject of fears and jealousies to all europe . philip of austria , the thirty third . this prince , firnam'd the delight of mankind , for his beauty and goodness , was married to jane , daughter to ferdinand of castile . he brought her into the low-countreys , and there she was brought abed of charles , who was afterwards emperour ; as also of another son , nam'd ferdinand . then he return'd into spain , and so won the hearts of all the nobility there , that his father-in-law ferdinand became jealous of him , but durst not trust any body with his jealousie : nay such was his distrust , that he began to hate that great captain , d●n gonsaloe . but philip freed him from his fears , by dying in spain , which made many suspect poison . his wife did love him so passionately , that she ran mad , and died not long after him . charles the fifth , of austria , emperour , king of spain , and earl of holland , the thirty fourth . charles was born at gheat , in the year 1500. the twenty fourth of february . his father died when he was but six years old ; and at fifteen , he was receiv'd as prince in the low-countreys ; at eighteen he was acknowledg'd king of spain ; and proclaim'd emperour at nineteen . he was very well bred up by his aunt margaret , and his tutor , adrian of utrect , whom he afterwards made pope . he was solemnly crown'd king of spain at valladolid ; but while he was absent in the low countreys , the spaniards revolted from him . francis the first , king of france , stood with him to be chosen emperour , but fail'd of his pretensions : thence sprung an animosity between them , which caus'd many bloody wars , wherein charles his good fortune prevail'd ; for he took francis prisoner , and for his ransome , made him yeeld all his right to naples , milan , and the low-countreys . in his time , and under his colours , rome was taken , and sack'd , and the pope kept prisoner . he bought the lordship of utrect and transilvania , and annexed them to the rest . solyman the emperour of the turks , had besieged vienna ; but hearing of charles his approach , rais'd his siege , and march'd away . he overcame the protestant princes , took the duke of saxony , and the landgrave of hessen . he pass'd over into africa , and took the town of tunis . these are couragious actions ; but the boldest of all was , when he trusted his person in the hands of his mortall enemy , francis the first ; which was upon this occasion : the inhabitants of ghent were revolted , and did desire the french to protect them ; charles then in spain , demands passage through france ; and safe conduct , which was ordered , and nobly observ'd by francis , who caus'd him to be sumptuously entertain'd all along his journey . being arriv'd in brabant , he found his rebels ready to submit ; he receiv'd them to mercy , but with very infamous conditions for them , by the advice of one of his counsellors , who was afterwards banished flanders , for being the author of so severe a proceeding . after this , having made peace with the other protestant princes , he came and laid siege to mets , a town in lorrain , where he was worsted , and forced by the valour of the duke of guise , who was within the town , to retire , having lost the greatest part of an army of a hundred thousand men . this so much afflicted the emperour , that he was divers daies before he would be seen in publick ; and it is thought that from that time forward , he fram'd the design of resigning his crown . in pursuance of this resolution , he call'd the states to brussels , and there in the presence of his son , having recited his actions , and given account of his government , he desir'd to be eas'd of the burden in his old age , and so absolv'd them from their oathes of allegiance , and dispos'd of all , in favour of his son philip. i desire you , said he , to obey my son , to keep peace and union amongst your selves , to observe your old religion , and to forgive me if i have offended you . then turning to his son , he desir'd him to confer the love he owed him as his father , upon the people . his speech ended with tears in his eyes , and drew showers from his spectators , and old servants . philip his son having kiss'd his fathers hand , commanded cardinal granvell , because he could not speak french himself , to assure the states of his good favour , and of the desire he had to follow his fathers example and instructions . two moneths after he resign'd all his kingdomes to philip , and sent the imperiall crown to his brother ferdinand . and then charles who had been one of the greatest monarchs of the world , being become a private person , embarqued for spain in the year 1556. and arrived there in a few dayes , passing the rest of his life , which was just two years , in the solitude of st. just. in this retir'd place he died in 1558. having enjoyed the empire thirty six years . i have spoke a little more at large of the actions of this prince , than our method bears , for two reasons ; first , because he is the author of many fine laws and constitutions , which are to this day observ'd in holland . secondly , because his memorie is yet in great veneration amongst these nations . some of the citizens of utrect , having carried themselves very insolently towards him , he patiently endur'd the affronts , that he might give an example to other princes , how they are bound to observe themselves , the laws they lay upon their people ; though in this case it were not he , but one of his officers that was in fault . it is said that he gave the citizens of utrect this priviledge , that their estates should not be confiscated , though their persons were executed , and that for what crime soever , but that their heirs may enjoy it , in paying five pound fine . in all his wars , he had no faithfuller subjects than the low-countrey people ; witness his own words at ingolstat , where he had like to have been quite oppress'd by the pretestant army ; he still cheer'd up himself and his souldiers , by saying , courage , my low-countrey subjects will be here shortly : and when he saw them arrive , he cryed out with joy , we have now vanquished our enemies . in his life time , martin luther began his reformation , and had converted the greatest part of germany , to whom the emperour was forc'd to grant a toleration , in matters of religion . john calvin likewise writ against the church of rome , and his books met with as favourable a reception in holland , as luthe●s did in germany . the emperour endeavoured by strict edicts , to stop the course of this change , and recommended to his son philip to do so likewise . philip the second , king of spain , and earl of holland , the thirty fifth . in the year 1556. philip took in hand the reins of government in the low-countreys , and made philibert , duke of savoy , a great and stout prince , his lieutenant and governour in all the low-countreys . the truce that was between france and spain , being broken , by reason of the succour which the french sent the pope , queen mary of england declar'd war likewise against the french , at the instigation of her husband , king philip. the duke of savoy comes into picardy , and defeats entirely the french army upon st. laurence day , with so great a slaughter of nobility and gentry , that it astonish'd the whole kingdome . paris it self being forsaken by its inhabitants , was in danger of being lost , had the conquerour followed his victory . but the duke of guise coming out of italy , soon recruited , and set a new army on foot ; took ca●ais in seven dayes time , which had been so many hundred years in the power of the english. fortune continuing still averse to the french , they received another overthrow in flanders , where the earl of egmont behav'd himself as nobly , as he had done in the first battell of st. laurence , and was the cause of the winning of the day . 't is true that ten english men of war , which happened by chance to be near the shore , play'd with their great guns upon the french army , and much disorder'd it . after this , queen mary of england dying , left philip a widower , and he took to his second wife , isabelle of france . philip before he embarqued for spain , being desirous to provide for the peace and tranquillity of the low-countreys , made margaret of austria , dutchess of parma , and bastard daughter to charles the emperour , his regent and governess over all the low-countreys . the earl of egmont was made governour of flanders and artois ; the duke mansfield , of luxemburg ; the earl william of nassaw , prince of orange , was made governour of holland and zeland . chap. vii . containing the memorable passages under the government of margaret of parma . king philip having install'd and setled this princess in the government of the low-countreys , left her at brussels with an ample power , and embarqued at flushing for spain . after his departure , that peace and tranquillity which he left things in , lasted not long ; for what with the discontent of great ones , who thought themselves neglected , and the jealousies of the people , who were afraid of being oppress'd by the inquisition , all men were ready and dispos'd for tumults . adde to this the non-performance of that promise , which the king had made at his going away , which was to recall all spanish and forreign forces out of the low countreys . the first appearance of sedition , was a petition presented to the princess , by five hundred gentlemen , dress'd like beggars . to content them , the spanish forces were with-drawn ; and not long after cardinal granvell , whom they much envied , was recall'd . but still in every place there was execution done upon those , whom they call'd hereticks ; who by their constant sufferings , so animated the people , that at last they would no longer endure they should be put to death , but rescued them out of the hands of the hang-men , by force . the king having notice of all , order'd that the councell of trent should be publish'd in the low-countreys , the execution of which caus'd more troubles , and gave occasion to the count egmont , to take a journey into spain , there he was very well receiv'd by the king , soon dispatch'd ; and in his return home , he brought with him alexander , prince of parma , son to the princess regent . prince maurice of nassaw was born in this year 1565. in which was fram'd the league or confederation of the nobility , which was followed by the revolt and rising of the meaner sort , who broke down images , and altars , invaded monasteries and nunneries , and at last attak'd towns. but their fury was stop'd by the countrey people , called wallons , who fell upon them , and routed them . the confederates made a new assembly at leege , and there the regent sent to them the prince of orange , and the count egmont , to desire them to forbear all new designs . they sent her another petition , which she defer'd to answer , till the generall assembly of the knights of the golden fle●c● should be holden . in this very year , the prince of orange , the count egmond , count lewis of nassaw and horne , met at dondermond , to consider whether it were safe for them , to let the king , who did threaten to appear with an army , come peaceably in , or oppose his passage by main force . upon this consultation , the gentry and the merchants joyn'd with them , and all resolv'd to maintain by force , that which they had obtain'd by petition from the princess . the prince of orange , his brother , and hogestract , met at breda , and writ to fgmont , to know whether he would joyn with them ; but he refus'd it . in 1567. was struck the first stroke of war , between beauvor for the princess , and the lord of tholoze for the confederates , who were routed , and their leader kill'd in the sight of the inhabitants of antwerp , who stood upon their walls , and looked on for a while ; till at last seeing their party worsted , they ran to their arms , but were app●ased by the prince of orange . the princess ▪ taking heart at this , propos'd a new oath of allegiance ; but it was first refus'd by brederode and horn , and then by the prince of orange himself , who forsook all his employments and charges , and retir'd with his brother into germany . before he went he had a meeting with the count egmont , and he told him in the presence of count mansfield ; i foresee , said he , that thou wilt be the bridge , over which the spaniards will march into the low-countreys . this departure of the prince of orange , and his friends , did for a time so ●●artle most of the towns , that they began to ask pardon and submit . the small army which brederode had gather'd together , was routed and dispersed , and he forced to fly with his family into friezeland . this made holland and zeland receive garrisons , and drive away the protestant ministers , insomuch that all was setled again , and obedience restor'd to the prince . hereupon the princess writ to the king , to come in person , and by his presence heal up a wound , which else might open afresh ; but philip , glad ( it may be ) of this occasion , of diminishing the priviledges of his low-countrey subjects , sent the duke of alva with an army to execute his commands . the princess soon perceiv'd , that the severe proud nature of the duke , would undoe all that her milde temper had made up . in effect , as soon as he came , he clap'd up the earls of horn and egmont : whereupon the princess desir'd leave to be gone for italy . before her departure , she took her leave by letters of most of the cities ; and the nobility shewed their respects , in waiting upon her to the borders of germany , where she left them , to their great sorrow , for the loss of so wise and moderate a princess . chap. viii . containing the government of the duke of alva . the duke d'alva having pass'd by savoy and lorrain , with an army of 10000. spaniards and italians , all old souldiers , he was sent by the king , to punish and chastize all those , that had any hand in pulling down churches and monasteries ; or that had any way favour'd the former confederations . this he executed by a court of twelve , who were to judge soveraignly , and without appeal , of all delinquents . this was call'd the councell of blood , and so frighted the people , that thousands of them fled with their families , into neighbouring countreys , to the great detriment of those provinces , as the princess margaret had well fore-seen . the prince of orange , and they that were with him , had wisely avoided this storm , which they fore-saw ; but henry of erederode , the earls of hooghstract , culemburg , and bergue , were cited before this councell ; but they ran into germany , and implor'd the succour of the princes there . in the mean time the duke of culemburghs house was razed to the ground , and philip his son taken from louvain , and sent into spain to be bred . by this time the princes had got an army ; and hooghstract fell upon artois , and was there defeated by davila . lewis of nassaw , with his brother adolfe , invaded friezeland , and routed the earl of aremberg , who oppos'd them : the earl and adolfe were both kill'd . d'alva hearing this , resolv'd to meet ●hem in person ; but before he undertook his journey , he made nineteen gentlemen be publickly executed ; and a little after , caused the earls of horne and egmont to be beheaded ; no prayers nor entreaties made in favour of so great a warriour , being able to prevail with his fierce temper . he valued as little the threats of vengeance , that were made after their deaths ; but in pursuance of his design , went and fought the army of lewis , which he utterly ruin'd ; and immediately turn'd head to the prince of orange , who was got into brabant with another considerable army : him he overcame by policy ; for he refus'd to fight , knowing , that the princes army for want of pay , would soon disband , which accordingly fell out . after this , he demanded the tenth penny , through the whole low-countreys ; and that was the apple of division , which separated and divided the low-countreys , and made two states of them , one part remaining under the spanish domination , and the other making up that powerfull body of the united provinces , now acknowledg'd by philip the fourth , to be soveraigns . all the people were very much shaken in their affection to spain , by the former causes ; but this last did as it were , precipitate them into war and discord , which have at last by the exactness of their discipline , produced that incomparable fruit of peace and tranquillity . this tenth penny was a new tribute upon all merchandises ; besides there was a twentieth upon immoveables , and a hundredth part upon all for once . but the people concern'd in this demand , chose rather to put hands to their swords , than to their purses ; and yet by a strange , but necessary effect of their resolution , they have been forc'd to lay much heavier burdens upon themselves , to enable themselves to maintain the war : but the desire of liberty made them endure joyfully that , which they were so much afraid of from anothers hand . in the mean time , the councell still proceeded to execution upon the guilty , and those that refus'd to pay this new imposition : and though the states did represent what damage would befall the countrey , by the removall of mark-lands , yet he being jealous of his authority , made them go on . but there happened an accident , which much vexed the duke , which was , that queen elizabeth of england , stop'd in her harbours , divers ships loaden with money , destin'd to pay his army , and caus'd it to be transported into the tower of london , where i● remain'd , never to be repayed . this disappointment cool'd the dukes heat a little , and made him publish a solemn pardon for the following year ; but in vain , for by this time he was become so odious , that all the people forsook , and turn'd to the prince of orange , as it appear'd not long after . about all-saints day , there hapned an unlucky presage of the following calamities , and which was indeed a great one it self ; for the sea having broken the dikes and sluces , over-flowed almost all friezeland , with a great part of holland and zeland ; they say , that above 20000. persons perished in friezeland alone . this great misfortune made them represent to the duke , the impossibility of paying the taxe he requir'd ; who little satisfied with their remonstrances , was upon the point of dealing severely with some citizens of bruxels , when the news came that the * gueux d'eau , or water gueux , or beggars , had surprized the bril upon palm-sunday . the chief of this faction was the earl of lumee ; who being cast there with his fleet by a storm , found occasion of surprizing the place , and there discharg'd upon the church-men , the hatred he owed the spaniards . the count de bossu hastening to its relief , was beaten off , and then seeking to secure dort , he was refus'd entrance . upon this news , all the towns of holland cast off the yoke , and joyn'd with the prince of orange , except amsterdam and schorhof : flushing in zeland followed the example of the rest , being animated to it by a priest. the province of overissel chang'd likewise : but nothing so much troubled the duke , as the taking of mons in hainaut by the french , under the conduct of lewis of nassaw . for fearing lest charles of france should take this occasion , of invading the low-countreys , he immediately turn'd all his forces that way , which gave time to the hollanders , to frame their small commonwealth , and give it some foundation . he besieged mons by his son at first , and at last came himself , and took it , in spight of lewis and his army ; who endeavouring to succour the place , were beaten , and forc'd to a retreat . mons being recover'd , many other towns yeelded ; and malines for having receiv'd a garrison from the prince , was sacked . the dukes son frederick , following his fathers foot-steps , recover'd overissel and friezeland ; from thence passed into holland , and by the bloody action he committed at naerden , he fastened an indeleble hatred upon his nation . harlem also was taken ; but alcmaer stood out , and much fortified the confederates . the year 1573. was famous , by the duke of alvaes leaving the low-countreys . he was recall'd by philip , who thought his absence might bring a calm in this troubled sea ; but the agitation was too great to be so soon layed . he was a cruell proud man ; a very good souldier , but inexorable in his chastizings : if he had made a mixture of severity and mildness , he had without doubt better fitted the humour of the nations , he had to do with . he is to this very day in great aversion among the hollanders , who call all cruell men by his name . it is said of him , that he bragg'd he had brought above 18000. to their end , by the hand of justice : i know not whether it be true ; but i know that the states have founded the justice of their pretensions , upon his cruelties . he govern'd six years , and left no body afflicted for his depart . it was said , and well said , that either king philip should never have sent him , or never have recall'd him . chap. ix . the government of don lewis , and the great councell of state. lewis of requesens , high commander of the kingdome of castilia , was sent in the place of the duke ; and his famous statue which he had caused to be set up in antwerp , was pull'd down by his order , to the great satisfaction of the states . his first care was to set out a fleet , to succour mondragonius , a brave captain , who had defended middleburgh almost two years ; but he was ignorant that the sea was the throne , these nations intended to settle their empire in . the earl bossu had been beaten the year afore by the hollanders ; and now the zelanders burn'd and destroyed this fleet , in the presence of don lewis , and took middleburgh . the count lewis of nassaw had worse fortune ; for having brought a brave army out of germany , he was met at nimmiegue by davila , and entirely defeated ; himself and his brother slain . this victory was followed by a sedition in the spanish army , which much weakened their power ; but being appeas'd , were sent before leyden , in hopes of having the pillageing of that town ; but being there shamefully repulsed , their indignation fell upon their generall , whom they detained in prison , till they had received their full pay . after that they took oudewater and schoonhof . many propositions and treaties were advanced ; but none taking effect , don lewis fram'd that famous enterprize , by many thought impossible , of besieging ziriczee . this island was in the confederates hands , and the royalists waded through the sea up to the neck , to go and besiege it : 't is true , there was no hopes of a return , the sea being encreased by the flowing water . ziriczee held out nine moneths , after which it yeelded . vitellio a great captain died during that siege , and don lewis followed him shortly after . by his death , the authority came into the hands of the cou●cell of state ; who for want of union , ruin'd the kings affairs , and gave occasion to a fourth sedition of the spaniards . a little after followed the pacification of gand , and the alliance of the provinces , against the spaniards ; who seeing themselves generally hated , and that the inhabitants of antwerp , were about to divide the town from the cittadell , by a trench , agreed at last with the governour davila , and sallying out , plunder'd the town for three dayes together , which was a most barbarous and detestable action . chap. x. the government of don john of austria , and of the prince of parma . don john of austria was receiv'd governour , upon condition that he should subscribe to the pacification of gand , which he did ; but finding himself without authority , he surprized namur ; whereupon the states proclaimed him as an enemy , and raised an army . he was a bastard of charles the fifth , and had made himself famous , by that immortall battle of lepanto against the turks , in which he was generall . the states chose in the mean time the archduke matthias , brother to the emperour rodolf , for their governour . then having assembled their army at gemblours , they faced don johns forces ; who couragiously engaging them , obtained the victory , but liv'd not long after it , declaring alexander , prince of parma , for his successour . this was that famous alexander , who by his valour and conduct , reduced all artois , hainaut , flanders , and brabant , to their obedience ; who took antwerp , malines , ipres , brussels , and many other cities ; and at last he had brought the confederates to the necessity of submitting to some forreign prince for protection , if god had not raised up prince morrice to defend them . in the mean time the archduke matthias , finding that the states had a mind to be rid of him , and were ready to call the duke of alencon , and make him duke of brabant , left the low-countreys . the duke of alencon went first into england , in hopes of being married to queen elizabeth ; but the match being deferr'd , he went into brabant , and took possession of the dutchy . in the year 1582. the prince of orange was shot in the face with a pistoll , which made the people take some jealousie of the french , and threaten to cut their throats , and their new dukes . he on his side did complain , that all the authority was in the prince of orange his hand ; and thereupon fram'd a design upon antwerp , but fail'd when it came to the execution , so that they were forced to leave the town : and soon after alexander made them quit the countrey , in which he did still advance , having taken tournay , oudenard , and breda , defeated biron , and taken dunkirk . all this while , william prince of orange , was seriously employed in framing , and giving laws to this new commonwealth ; but being wakened by the progress of alexander , duke of parma , he made a remonstrance to the united provinces , that now there was but two wayes left , to provide for their safety ; the one was , to submit , and patiently yeeld to the spanish domination ; the other , to declare the king of spain to be fallen from , and to have lost his right to the said provinces ; and thereupon choose another prince , mentioning the duke of alenson . the last of these was followed ; and in a generall assembly at antwerp , king philip was depriv'd of his right and power in those provinces , and the duke of alenson , as it has been said before , chosen in his place . it is to the great wit and prudence of this prince of orange , that holland owes its liberty ; but he liv'd not to enjoy the fruit of his labour , for he was assassinated at delft , the same year and day that the duke of alenson died at chastea● thyerry . alexander having reduced ipres and bergue , resolv'd , against the opinion of all , to besiege antwerp ; and though he met with inconceivable difficulties in the execution , yet he atchiev'd his enterprize with great glory . but his noble actions , and the brave resistance of the united provinces , with all the series of the long war they have maintain'd , for the defence of their liberties , have been eloquently written by divers good authors , to whom we refer the reader : our scope in this short narration being only to instruct him , how holland and the other provinces were govern'd before their union ; which having perform'd , we now come to our main design , which is , to give a particular account of this union , of the conditions upon which it was concluded , and by which it yet stands , as it follows in the second part of this book . the second book , containing the state and government of the united provinces of the low-countries . chap. i. the league and union of the provinces . it was in the year 1579. that some of the 17. provinces formerly under the dominion of philip king of spain , began to be call'd the united provinces , because of the league and union which they made to defend themselves against the spaniard their common enemy ; and though these provinces be now in the number of seven , yet at first they were not so many , but those that are mentioned in the annals are these following ; gueldre , zutphen , holland , zeeland , the diocess of utrect , friezland , or that country which is call'd omland , situated between the rivers ems and larica , the country about nimmiegue and arnhem , the greatest part of the grietmans of friezland , antwerp , ypres , and breda . the provinces call'd overyssel and groningue followed their example , and were admitted into the union in the year 1594. here follow the articles of this union . 1. that all the aforesaid provinces shall be as straightly and intimately united , as if they did all make up one entire province and politick body ; and that they shall never be capable of being dis-united by any will , codicil , gift , cession , sale , contract , agreement , or mariage of any prince , nor by any other means whatsoever . 2. that every one of these provinces shall inviolably keep and enjoy all their immunities , customs , priviledges , and statutes of their ancestors ; that they shall help one another against all enemies whatsoever ; that if it should happen that any contentions should arise between the said provinces , that the de-bate should be judged either by the ordinary judges , or by umpires friendly chosen , and in the mean time they shall forbear troubling and offending one another till sentence be pronounced . 3. the said provinces shall be bound to defend and protect each other mutually and freely , against all princes and lords either of their own country or foreigners , who shall offer to invade them , or commit any act of hostility whatsoever ; and for this effect they shall raise such forces , and such money and contribution as shall be thought fit , and judged necessary by the greatest and major part of the confederates . 4. to the end that the said provinces be alwayes in a readiness , and provided against all designs of their enemies , the frontier towns shall be fortified , and provided with men and ammunition at the publick charge , by the consent of all the provinces ; and that those whose towns are already fortified , shall nevertheless contribute as the rest ; and if there be found necessity of building any new forts , demolishing or changeing the old ones , that it be done at a common charge . 5. and to the end that the necessary means whereby to answer all these designs fail not , there shall be leavied and raised every where alike , and by the same form and way , taxes and imposts upon all sorts of wine , beer , wheat , corn , salt , cloths , silks , cattle , till'd and pasture grounds , the weight of merchandizes , weighed in publick weights , &c. that those regal rights belonging heretofore to the king of spain , shall still remain and be converted to the use aforesaid ; that all the money raised by these , or any other wayes , shall not be destin'd nor imployed for any other use than for the defence of the said provinces ; and the said imposts shall be lessened or encreased according to publick emergencies . 6. that the frontier towns shall be bound to receive or dismiss all garrisons by the command of the states , as likewise to pay them their pay out of the publick money ; and to the end the safety of the said towns be the better preserv'd , it is agreed that the officers of the garrisons shall be sworn , not only to the states general , but also to the magistrates of the particular towns they shall be in ; that care be taken to make a military law , to the end the souldiers be not trouble some to the inhabitants ; that the souldiers themselves in garrison be not freed from paying the imposts , and there be a sum set apart by the states to pay the citizens for the lodging and quartering of souldiers . 7. that a moneth after the publication of this union , there be a general review made of all those that have attain'd the age of 18. years , and are under 60. and that their names be registred and declared to the states general , to be imployed as they shall think fit . 8. that there be made neither peace , war , nor truce , nor new imposition without the consent of all the provinces , not one resisting or standing out ; and as for the other things , that concern the administration and execution of the said alliance , that they be undertaken and perform'd by those that shall be appointed by the greatest part of the confederates ; yet that all be call'd if there be either peace or war , or some other important business to be decided ; if the states cannot agree , then the business be put to the arbitration of the governors of the particular provinces , and that all may follow their decision . 9. that none of the said particular provinces shall make league or union with any neighbouring power , or strange and remote prince or people , by their own private authority , and without the consent of the rest ; and likewise that if any princes desire to come into the aforesaid alliance , that they shall be received by common consent . 10. that all approve of , or reject the same coyn , stamp , and money ; and that as soon as can be , there come forth a rule or settlement for coyning , which all shall follow . 11. as for the publick exercise of religion , whether or no any other ought to be receiv'd besides the protestant , let every province dispose and ordain about it as they please ; provided still that they be all bound to let every man have the liberty of his conscience , without persecution for that subject . 12. if there should happen any contests between any of the provinces , that then those of them that shall not be concern'd , shall have power to determine about the debate of the others ; but if in these divisions all were concern'd , then let the governors of all the provinces meet and decide the matter in a moneths time , after which there shall be no appeal , exception , revision , or nullity to be pleaded . 13. that the said provinces and members of this union do take a special care , not to give any occasion to foreign princes to make war against them ; and therefore that they carry themselves towards strangers with the same equity , justice and moderation , as towards the naturals ; and if any of the members do infringe and break this article , it is the duty and power of the others to constrain them to observe it by all means whatsoever . 14. the states and governors of each province shall not lay a heavier imposition upon those of their subjects that shall travel to and fro , than upon those that are found inhabitants . 15. that the government and publick administration be well setled , as it is agreed ; that there be chosen in the name of all the confederates some plenipotentiaries , and that these plenipotentiaries do assign the day and place of the assembly of the states of each province ; and that they send to them in due time the grievances , and heads of matters they are to treat about . yet if there be such points as require secrecy , that then they reserve to declare them in the assembly general of the states ; that all the provinces being thus advertiz'd , do send their deputies with their instructions and powers necessary to the place of the assembly general ; that the preference be given by the plurality of votes , except in important affairs ; that if some provinces do neglect to send their deputies , that those that shall meet do nevertheless debate and deliberate , and decree , as if all had been there ; but if the things to be debated will endure a delay , then the provinces that have not sent their deputies shall be call'd upon two or three times , and those that have not convenience of sending their deputies , let them send their advice by writing . 16. if the states of the particular provinces , have any knowledge of those things that deserve to be examin'd and pass'd in the council of the states general , let them give notice to the plenipotentiaries , who shall assign and call together the assembly of the confederates . 17. if there should be any difficulty about the interpretation of these articles , or any doubt arise , let the sence of the major part of the confederates be taken for the true meaning of all . 18. if it be found necessary to abolish or change any laws already made , or make any new ones , let it be done by the votes and consent of all . 19. let all observe , and solemnly swear to keep inviolably these laws ; that if any thing be done either directly or indirectly contrary to them , let it be ipso facto void ; and let it be lawfull for the other provinces to seise and take the cities , possessions , and goods of those that shall infringe them , and persist so to do . in short , if in these constitutions there be any thing against the right of any particular province now constituting , it shall not be sufficient to make a general renunciation to it , except it be preceded by a particular renunciation of each of the confederates . these are the laws that have been the foundation and basis of this commonwealth , and are still exactly observed in all points , except in the 11th . article concerning religion , which was alter'd by the states general in the year 1583. and since by the union of utrect , it is free to amplifie , change and shorten any of the said articles , when the safety of the provinces should require it ; the states ordain'd , that no religion should be henceforth receiv'd , but that which is publickly taught in the united provinces , which is the reformed ; but that if any members , provinces , or papish towns would enter into this alliance , that then they should enjoy the liberty of their religion , in subscribing to the rest of the articles . chap. ii. the rank and dependencies of the united provinces towards one another . having made a slight draught of the commonwealth of these u●ited provinces , we must now consider what are these provinces thus united ; and to that end it is observable , that all those towns that do depend on the administration and government of the states , do send their deputies to the hague , and do share in the government ; but that those cities and towns that have been added , and subjected by the force of armes , are as conquer'd nations used to be with the romans . 't is true , that those towns that by the happy success of the states armes have been with great cost and time conquer'd in brabant , have often solicited their admission and reception into the body of the commonwealth ; but because they have stood the state in so much blood and treasure , and that they are incapable of assisting and being a help against the enemy , by reason of their long sufferings , and also because it is fit that they alone who first conspir'd to this alliance , should enjoy it , they have not yet obtain'd their request . but to know whether those towns of brabant , to the number of eight , viz. bolduc , breda , berguenopsooun , mastrect , grave , steenbergue , heindove , and helmont , do deserve the priviledge that the countrey of drent now enjoys , viz. of having particular treasurers not accomptable to the states general , is a point which deserves a greater discussion than is here to be expected . however within these few years the said towns have a court of judicature , which does soveraignly and without appeal judge and decide all controversies arising in those parts . this court sits at the hague , and is made up of seven counsellors , one secretary , one attorney of the exchequer , and one attorney general : the towns likewise conquer'd in flanders have a court of judicature at middlebourg , determining all causes soveraignly . the countrey of drent has many great priviledges , as the power to choose a governor ; to contribute to the publick necessities as other provinces do ; and it has also an ambulatory court of justice , which goes from town to town to hear causes , and decree upon them without appeal ; besides it has the liberty of naming commissaries for the treasury ; but it has not yet the priviledge of sending deputies call'd pensionaries to the states general , because they did not at first come into the league and alliance made between the other provinces ; and also because since that time there has been no occasion of making any articles with any of their towns , except couverde , which is disputed too ; there being in this countrey scarce any place which has ju● civitatis , except the little town of mepp●l , which would sooner attain its desire of taking share in the government , if by the consent of drent it were united to some of the neighbouring provinces . to drent is ordinarily joyn'd the mannor or demean of rhun , which is an antient lordship of the house of munster . but gueldres , holland , zeeland , utrect , friezland , overyssel and groningue , with omlund , are of the first alliance , and have for armes a lion holding in his paw seven arrows , the symbole of their union , and the states general do use it as their publick seal . this order which we have set down , though it were so at first , was nevertheless disputed between friezland and u●rect , they both pretending to the precedency ; but besides that utrect is in possession , it has two strong reasons : the first is , that formerly all friezland was subject to the bishop of utrect , as for the spiritual jurisdiction ▪ ●ly . that a 〈…〉 utrect had declar'd for the union , when divers towns of friezland were yet in suspence . chap. iii. what was the form of the general assemblies , till the time of the earl of leicester . from the first time that the deputies met to make and ordain laws , about the setling and firm establishing of the commonwealth , it was agreed by the 17th . article of the union of utrect , that as often as the confederates should have occasion to deliberate about any thing in a set place , they should send thither their deputies , and these deputies were call'd the states general of the united provinces . but the states being not alwayes in a capacity to meet , by reason of divers obstacles , and there being a great necessity of a perpetual senate or council , it was found requisite to establish a council of state , ( den raed van staten ) which was made up of one president , of the deputies of the provinces , of one treasurer , and three secretaries . there was in those dayes no set place for the meeting of this council , because that then the settlement was not compleated , and things were uncertain : but here are the articles which this council was bound to observe , and which were to guide them in their administration . first , that in the exercise of their charge they should not so much endeavour the benefit and advantage of those provinces which they were deputies for , as the good of the whole commonwealth . 2. that they should observe the laws prescribed them by the authority of the states general . 3. that they shall take care of the publick treasure , and pay the wages to all those to whom wages are due . 4. that they shall take care that the affaires of the confederates do not receive any disadvantage or trouble . 5. that they shall send every three moneths to the states of each particular province , a compendium of all their consultations , and the accounts of their expences and receipts . 6. that the states general shall consult and deliberate with them in affairs of importance , and that they shall call them together , according to the 19th . article of the union . this last article was to be understood of such affairs as could not be delayed for their importance . by succession of time , the common-wealth continuing to prosper and advance , and the earl of leicester being expected in these parts from england , to govern as lieutenant to queen elizabeth , there was reason to fear that which had already happened , viz. that he or others sitting for him , in the states , should endeavour to dive into the secret of deliberations ; whereupon it was resolv'd , to settle , besides this council of state , the soveraign council of the states general , who should alwayes sit at the hague , leaving to this council of state the care of smaller and less important business . chap. iv. in what consists the superiority of the states general , and what sort of affairs are determin'd by them , which cannot be determin'd by the states of the particular provinces . since that time , that is , ever since the year 1587. the soveraign administration of business has been in the power of the states general and their soveraign council ; and in it is not only all majesty and soveraignty , by vertue of the union , but they have also the power of deciding some business which the particular provinces cannot . 1. for in the first 〈…〉 lone that give audience to the ambassadors of princes and foreign states , and do also send in their own name ambassadors abroad for the good of all . 2. this assembly alone proclaims war , and has the management of it both by sea and land. 3. it is to them that the officers and souldiers are first sworn , and then to the general that commands the army . 4. some deputies of this assembly are alwayes appointed to accompany the general in time of war , without whose advice he cannot lawfully begin any enterprize of importance . 5. this assembly has also its envoys in the meetings of the east and west india companies , because there are often deliberations of war and peace . 6. it is this assembly that has the power of chosing a general both by sea and land , and of obliging him to take the oath of allegiance to them . 7. they give safe-conduct and passes to all strangers that desire to passe through their countrey . 8. they can pardon and forgive fugitives , and those that have turn'd to the enemies . 9. they make orders about the transport and entries of merchandises . 10. they alone exercise the power of soveraignty over the conquer'd cities and towns of brabant , flanders , and other places reduced by force . 11. they ought to take care that all the provinces remain in friendship and amity one with another ; but they ought to comport themselves rather as remonstrancers than as commanders . and in short , they are to take care of all that is directed and addressed to them by commissions ; and whosoever shall well weigh these things , will not wonder if they are honoured with the title of illustrious high and mighty , though the states of holland enjoy only the quality of noble and powerfull : chap. v. how far the power of the states generall does extend . the states generall are alwayes upon the guard , for the rest of the provinces safety , and for all publick advantages . if therefore the governour generall , or the embassadours and envoys of other princes , do make any propositions , that are of concern and importance to the commonwealth , it is order'd , that the deputies do give account of it by letters , to their respective provinces ; and according as their answer is , it is determin'd by the plurality of votes , except in cases of contribution , for then there is requir'd an unanimous consent of all the provinces . from whence it appears , that the states generall being the representatives of those that send them , have no power beyond the extent of their commission , and in such things only as are mention'd by it ; but do stand in need of new orders , when new business happens , and without them they cannot deliberate , nor give their vote in the assembly . so that it appears , that they have but a fiduciary and delegated power ; their decrees are of no force , if they are not agreed to by the particular provinces : and to them these decrees are directed to be published , rather in a precary and submissive way , the stile running ; we pray and require our dear and beloved the states , governours , deputies , &c. of the respective provinces , &c. besides this , every province makes laws at home as they please . chap. vi. who are those that are ordinarily chosen for deputies to the states generall ; and of the order which is observ'd amongst the deputies . this high councell alwayes sitting at the hague , is composed of the deputies of the seven provinces , in the order above-mentioned . they are sent in uncertain number ; for some provinces send two , some three , or one , or a greater number ; but all the deputies of one province , though never so many , make but one vote , or su●●rage . the provinces that send them , furnish them for their expences , and give them a considerable allowance . the time of their deputation is not limited neither ; for some provinces send them for two years , some for four , six , or more , some for all their life . now all these provinces are of equall authority in the states , though holland , which is the strongest of all , have the custome of drawing some others to its party , and particularly , when zeeland joyns with it . but that which is worth observation , and contrary to the opinion of some strangers , is , that though the provinces be very unequall in strength and dignity , and that some contribute four times as much in peace and war , towards the publick ; yet have they all equall right in deliberations , and none has an authority over the other . between the deputies , they observe the order that is receiv'd in their respective provinces , for their precedency . in gu●ldres the gentry goes before the deputies of the towns , and the deputies of nimegue precede all the others . in holland the deputies of towns yeeld to the deputies of the nobles . in zeeland the deputy of the marquess of terveer , and of flushing , precede all the others , as representing the nobility . in the diocess of utrect , the deputies of the chosen , or eleu● , have precedency before the nobility , and before the deputies of the town of utrect it self . in friezeland the deputies of the countrey , call'd ( goon ende wolden ) do precede the deputies of towns. in overissel the nobles deputies carry it , before the deputy of the three great towns ; and the same precedency that groeningue has upon omland , its deputy has upon the deputy of the other . these things deserve to be taken notice of , because it is ordinarily the first deputy that presides ; and he being absent , the next takes his place : but the same does not preside alwayes in this great assembly ; for the president is changed every week , and the deputies of the provinces take it by turns . some strangers have been grosly mistaken , to write , that the governour generall was the perpetuall president of this assembly ; which is so far from being true , that he has not so much , as the liberty of giving his vote . it cannot be denied indeed , that the states do often ask his advice , and hear his propositions ; and by a receiv'd custome , the president does every day see him , to know whether he has any thing to propose . when the president takes the votes , he begins by gueldres , and goes on to holland , zeeland , &c. and having the opinion of all , he concludes according to the plurality of votes ; except it be an affair of great consequence , and that the deputies desire to have time , to advise with the states of their provinces . the clerk or secretary does at the same time , draw up the resolution of the company , which the president signs , and the secretary after him . chap. vii . of the orders that the states of holland and west-friezeland give to their deputies in the states generall ; and of the oath they take . since that the government of holland shall be hereafter propos'd , as a pattern of the other provinces ; it will not be amiss to produce here the orders , that the states of holland and west-friezeland gave upon the third of march , in 1643. to the deputies they sent to the states generall . 1. there shall be sent on the behalf of holland and west-friezeland , none but capable and sufficient men , that shall not be before-hand engaged in another employment , by oath or pension . 2. it is not lawfull for the deputies to go beyond the terms of the treaty of union at utrect , and the commands of their provinces . they shall let pass nothing , that shall be contrary to the priviledges , immunities , and customes , receiv'd by our ancestours , without a speciall order from their states . 3. the said deputies shall not , neither in this assembly , nor out of it , treat of peace nor war , nor grant patents or priviledges , that might be damageable to holland or west-friezeland ; nor levy or cashier souldiers ; nor change the current coyn ; nor forgive traytors : but whensoever things of that nature shall be afoot , they shall give notice to the states of holland and west-friezeland , or in their absence , to the councell of state. 4. they shall neither sell , nor alienate the dominions , rights , and priviledges belonging to the publick , by vertue of their publick union , without a particular and speciall consent of the provinces . 5. all the revenues and prerogatives that belong to the publick , by vertue of treaties and agreements made with forreign powers , shall be applied to the benefit of the publick union , and shall be put in the hands of the treasurer , and the councell of state , and the states generall shall not dispose of them . 6. the deputies shall not , neither by themselves , nor by others , exercise any sort of judicature upon any cause ; but shall send the parties either to the councell of state , or to the admiralty , according as the affair is : but they may pronounce sentence upon such law-suits , as are subject to be re-viewed . 7. they cannot by their authority , hinder and suspend the execution of any sentence , given by any court whatsoever , either in criminall or civill matters . 8. as soon as the states of holland and west-frieze shall meet , they shall immediately send them all the deliberations made in the states generall . 9. they shall communicate the affairs and concerns of these countreys , to none but their states ; or in their absence , to their councell of state : and if there fall out any thing that may concern north-holland , they shall immediately give notice to the deputies of that place . 10. the councell of state , and the colledge of the 〈…〉 iralty , shall leave that very thing 〈◊〉 the order so prescrib'd ; and shall not change , either by themselves , or others , any part of these instructions . 11. they shall not dispose of the pri 〈…〉 pall military , and pol 〈…〉 ck offices , without the particular consent of the states of holland ; neither shall they make such presents , as might lessen the revenue of the publick . 12. they shall have six shillings a day allowed them for their wages . 13. the deputies shall swear to observe all these articles ; of which , the states of holland and west-friezeland , do reserve to themselves a more ample interpretation . this order has been made and confirm'd by the said states the ninth of march , in the year 1643. here follows the formulary of the oath . i a. b. do promise and swear perpetuall fidelity to the states of holland , and west-friezeland , as being the soveraign lords of the said provinces ; and that i will not assist neither by counsell , nor by deed , or any manner , in any thing that shall be prejudiciall to the aforesaid authority ; and that if i perceive any such thing doing by others , i will immediately give notice of it to the states , or in their absence , to their councell : likewise that i will defend to my utmost , the prerogatives and honour of the said countreys ; as likewise the reform'd religion , as it is now taught in those provinces . in a word ; that i will further and advance , as much as in me lyes , the interest of the said provinces , both in the states generall , and abroad , as far as it stands with the benefit of the publick union . i do likewise promise to keep secret all things , that shall require to be so kept ; that i will receive no forbidden presents ; and that i will do all things according to those orders i have now or shall have hereafter . chap. viii . of the great assembly extraordinary . besides the assembly of the states generall , alwayes residing at the hague ; there is besides a great assembly , call'd in the language of the countrey , de groote vergaderinge ; which is also convocated to meet at the hague , for affairs of extraordinary importance . this assembly never meets , till all the provinces have first given their consent ; who do not only prescribe the time and place , but do also examine before-hand , in their states , all the points that are to be put in deliberation , that so they may be able to give positive and certain orders to their deputies ; and yet are these deputies often obliged to write back , and have recourse to those that sent them . the order of this assembly , is the same with that of the states generall , and they have the same power . chap. ix . of the councell of state , which is the greatest after the councell of the states generall . it appears by what has been said before , that there is a councell of state of more ancient standing , than the states generall . but since the establishment of this last , the first takes cognizance of smaller affairs ; as of those things that concern taxes ; or the militia ; or those that regard the towns and fortresses conquer'd , and the visit of the fortifications of them . this councill is compos'd of the deputies of all the provinces ; and the generall of the army , ( when there is one ) is perpetuall president of it , and has his vote . there are twelve counsellors from the provinces ; two from gueldres ; three from holland ; two from zeeland ; two from friezeland ; and utrect , overissell , groeningue , and omland , each , one . and because the generall is often absent , therefore they choose a president , which ordinarily fall to them by turns . hereof every man makes a vote , and they reckon by pole ; and then the greatest number carries it . they sit as long , as it pleases the states that sent them . friezeland having alwaies had a governour apart , he has had the priviledge of appearing and sitting for them , and of appointing some body to do it in his absence . this councell being ( in effect ) as a help to the states generall , they treat much about affairs of the same nature , and often do give an account of what they do , to the states generall ; who upon their information , do decree : and then the decree runs thus : by the commandment of our lords , the states generall of the united provinces , upon the relation of the councell of state , of the same provinces . and besides the secretary , the president ( pro tempore ) in the councell , signs it . this councell does ordinarily meet apart , and of its own accord ; but sometimes extraordinarily it joyns with the assembly of the states generall . when that happens , if the generall of the army is there , he takes place among the deputies of the states generall , and he takes the most honourable place , at the upper end of a long table : and as it often happens , when the counsellors of state are dismiss'd , he may keep his place , and assist at the other deliberations of the states . now every time that this councell meets alone , there are two counsellors supernumerary , who have only deliberative voices , and not definitive votes , that do assist at it . the one is the superintendant of the treasury ; and the other is the treasurer , or receiver generall himself . the first keeps account , and controuls all publick expences , though he keep not the money ; the other has in his hands all the publick treasure , of which he gives good account . he is ordinarily heard after the intendant , whose counsell they commonly ask first . chap. x. of the power of the states of every province . each province has a soveraign power within it self , and may exercise all supreme jurisdiction , except such as ought to be common to all by vertue of their union . for example , that can make laws obligatory to their subjects ; choose magistrates ; punish criminals ; coyn money ; set up universities ; make the dividends of generall taxes ; and impose such as are necessary for the states of the province . yet this is not to be so understood , as if this soveraignty of the states , did exclude the soveraign jurisdiction , which many towns do exercise within their precinct : for the end of the state● being to preserve every ones liberties and priviledges , it is not to be thought they will take away any , that shall be consistent with the government . as for example , dort , nimmegue , deventer , de camp , de zwoll , and gr●eningue , have many priviledges , which we shall else-where take notice of . likewise the countrey of drent does exercise by its states , a royall and absolute authority , and does commit the administration of it to its deputies . omland likewise has the power of imposing taxes upon its ●nhabitants , though it make up one province ▪ with groeningue . now here are the particular acts of soveraignty , of which every province ▪ in particular is barr'd , and which do only belong to them all united . for they cannot 1. undertake a new war. 2. make peace or truce . 3. lay impositions , which concern the common union . 4. m●ke alliance with neighbours . 5. set the value of money , or make laws concerning the publick . all these things cannot be done but by common consent . chap. xi . of the states of holland and zeeland . in holland and west-friezeland the states are compos'd of two sorts of members ; viz. of the nobles , and of the deputies of towns ; the nobles that are famous not only by their antient extraction , but also by the lordships and castles which they possess , are the chiefest : they ordinarily meet to the number of twelve or thirteen , and have the first voyce . the towns which send their deputies are these , dort , harlem , leyden , amsterdam , tergou , rotterdam , gorchom , schoonhove , la brille , al●maer , enchuse , edam , monichdam , and purmerent . if there be any difficulty about tributes , or if it be to declare war , or make peace , then these following towns are likewise assembled by d●puties , wo●rde , geertrudenbergue , naerde , muden , o●de ▪ watre , huesdam , wesop , and wourcom . the deputies of towns are ordinarily bourgmasters , to whom is ordinarily joyn'd an alderman or counsellor , who is call'd a pensioner . the great assembly , call'd ( groot mogende ) that is , great and mighty , is at the hague , and is vulgarly call'd , the assembly of the states of holland and west-friezeland . besides this assembly which is held but from time to time , there is another ordinary assembly , which also sits at the hague , and is a representative of the states of the province , and in their absence takes care of the treasury , and all ordinary affairs ; and , if there be occasion , it convocates the great assembly : one nobleman and the deputies of towns sit in this , and is call'd , the counsellors deputies of the lords of the states of holland and west-friezeland : the advocate pensioner of holland is the moderator of these two assemblies , and it is he that gathers the votes , and performs the office of speaker ; and eight dayes after their separation , he is bound to send to the nobles , and to the deputies of towns , the deliberations and resolves made in the assembly . zeeland being also govern'd by states , there are two sorts of members , viz. the nobles , and the deputies of towns ; the prince of orange , as marquess of treveer and flessingue , represents the nobles by his deputy in the assemblies at middlebourg , and has the first place . the towns that send their deputies are middlebourg , ziriczee , tergoes , tertole , flessingue , and treveer ; these states meet as often as they think fit , and in the intervals seven deputies supply their room ; one in the name of the prince , who represents the nobility , and in the name of each town one , to whom are added the pensioner and the secretary . besides , walachria , which is the principal island of zeeland , has the right of holding a particular assembly at middlebourg , which is ordinarily call'd , the assembly of the states of the isle of walachria , and is composed of one deputy in the name of the prince of orange , and of six others ; three for middlebourg , flessingue and treveer , two for the rich landowners of the island , call'd ( de breed geerfde ) to whom is adjoyn'd a secretary . chap. xii . of the governors of the united provinces , untill the year 1650. william prince of orange was the first governor general of the united provinces ; and since by the desert of this family , this so great a charge has been continued in it , it will not be amiss to set down their titles and lordships here . they are princes of orange , counts of nassaw , catinilibogue , viande , diest , lingue , meurs , bure , and leerdam , &c. marquess of treveer and flessingue , lords barons of breda , grave , cuych , diest , grimbergue , harental , branendock , warneston , arlac , noseroy , saint vite , doesbourg , polan , wilemstad , nieuward , ysselstein , of the fort saint martin guertrude●bergue , chasteanrenart of the two swal●es of naddwick , vicounts hereditary of antwerp and besanson , governors of gueldres , holland , zeeland , west-friezeland , zutphen , overyssel , and generals by sea and by land. this first noble prince having been wickedly assassinated in the year 1584. brought such a consternation upon the united provinces , that many towns , nay some provinces , fell back under the spanish domination . the earl of meurs was governor of gueldres and utrect . the hollanders and zeelanders chose by provision the prince maurice , younger son to the deceased prince william . william lewis earl of nassaw had been receiv'd general in friezeland not long before ; the earl of hohenlo had the conduct of the army , and the council of state the management of affairs . but things were in so great a confusion , that the states m●strusting their own strength , offer'd themselves to the french ; who having used them ill , they address'd themselves to ' queen elizabeth of england , with whom they prevailed at last to send them robert dudley earl of leicester . he came into holland in 1585. with so absolute a power , that no governor before him ever had the like ; for he had power to name one half of the council of state ; and because he was a credulous easie man , he suffer'd himself to be led by the nose by some strangers about him , who little intended the advantage of the low-countries ; and himself being a particular enemy to prince maurice and the earl of hohenlo , at last the hatred against him became great , and all the affections of the people and souldiers turn'd to maurice : the treacherous actions of stanly and york , english commanders who had deliver'd deventer and zutphen to the spaniard , had much exasperated the states ; and now a general fear began to possess the lovers of their countrey , least they should either be sold or oppress'd : whereupon the states of five provinces gave all the charge of governing to prince maurice , who being setled , did soon quash all jealousies and suspicions which did already make people apt to sedition and tumults . but since our design is not to write annals , we need not here recite all the glorious actions of prince maurice ; it is only fit to observe , that william lewis earl of nassaw , then governor of friezeland , and since 1550. governor of groningue and omlande , was alwayes in perfect intelligence with his cousin maurice ; and so this famous couple of the nassavian family advanc'd the affairs of the united provinces conjoyntly . maurice died the 23. of april in the year 1625. he was a very great captain , and of incomparable conduct in war , and politick affairs . maurice being dead , and spinola the spanish general having then besieged breda , a town of great importance for the states , they presently chose henry frederick of nassaw , his brother , for general in his room , and not long after gueldres , holland , zeeland , utrect and overyssel accepted of him for their governor ; groningue , omlande , and drent , submitted to ernest lasimir of nassaw , brother to william lewis of nassaw , who was also governor of friezeland . prince henry was a worthy successor to his brothers deserts , as well as honours , and carried himself with singular valour and prudence ; his cousin ernest was no small help to him and the provinces , being a most excellent field officer , and in that imployment he died at the siege of ruremonde in the year 1632. his successor to his governments of friezeland , &c. was his son prince henry ; the a●hilles of the hollander ; he was young , and by his beginnings did promise so much as might make all men wish him a longer life ; but he was kill'd in the year 1640. his very enemies bearing witness of his noble valour ; and the friezelanders much afflicted chose his brother william frederick of nassaw , who worthily supplyed his brothers loss . groningue , omlande , and drent , coming back to henry frederick prince of orange , who died likewise at the hague in 1647. the 14th . of march , having first forced the spaniards to make peace . his only son william took the oath of allegiance to the states the same day , as general of all their forces both by sea and land. a little after , six of the provi 〈…〉 s chose him for their governor , as they had promised his father ; but friezeland alone being already provided of prince william frederick , made no change , but engaged that in case he should die , they would then choose the prince of orange . but o unexpected misfortune ! just as all the provinces were in hopes of living in a flourishing condition under the protection of this william the second , he died at the hague in the year 1650. and that in so short a time , that the noise of his disease did scarce fore-run the news of his death ; he left the princess his lady with child of a son , of whom she was brought abed eight dayes after the princes death , who is the now prince of orange , whom god keep and preserve , and give him his ancestors spirit . chap. xiii . of the charge of governour . it is a hard matter to reduce the charge of governour under certain heads , because hitherto the provinces have given them such different instructions , that they have had a hand in every thing . the states general have hitherto communicated all their designs and counsils with the three princes of orange , that have succeeded one another ; as also the president of the states general has alwayes used to wait upon his highness before the sitting of the company ; besides , by reason of the great estates they possess in zeeland , and other provinces , they enjoy peculiar priviledges , and have in that consideration and others , many advantages which the provinces may either amplifie or restrain at their pleasure . but leaving all this aside , and considering barely what belongs to the office of a governour , we may particularly stay upon these six points . 1. the governour general may pardon and forgive all capital crimes , that deserve death ; this prerogative is call'd ( trech van pardonneren . ) 2. in those provinces that have courts of judicature , he is alwayes the president of them , and his name and titles are in the front of all their acts and decrees . 3. in certain places where that custom is receiv'd , he names the magistrates , either out of a certain number proposed to him , or absolutely as he pleases . it is thus practis'd at nimmegue ; every where in holland , except at horne , enchuse , edam , and monchenda● ; in zeeland every where , except at tergoes ; in utrect every where ; in friezeland the governour does the like . this priviledge is extended even to the nomination of ( amptmans , or drostampen , ) of the dignity of patricians , or ( ra●ts heers-ampten ) and many other which would be too long to name here . 4. he may send ambassadors to foreign princes for his own particular concerns , and give private audience to the ambassadors of foreign states , that are sent to the states general . 5. it is his duty to see the states orders executed in those provinces in which he is governour . 6. by the 9th . and 14th . articles of the union of utrect , he is made umpire of such contests as should arise between the provinces , or between any members of one province , or even between the states and some of their subjects ; touching all which he alone can pronounce a soveraign and definitive sentence ; and if the affairs be of very great consequence , then he may joyn with him some counsellors of state , without exception of persons ; and it is expresly enjoyn'd to all parties , to acquiesce and submit to his a●bitration . we shall speak elsewhere of the other attributes of governour , that have ●elong'd to him as general by sea and land ; for these two great charges are not , as some strangers do , to be confounded ; and he that is governour of the provinces , is not alwayes general of their forces . chap. xiv . whether or no the united provinces can subsist without a governour . since we have numbred up the governours of the united provinces , and declar'd freely what is their authority and power , it is now fit to consider whether they are so necessary to the states , as to make them incapable of subsisting without them . many strangers are of opinion , that these provinces cannot be without a governour general ; and the same opinion has taken root in the hearts of many natives , who are not able to discern those things in the treaty of utrect which are essential , from those that are mutable , and may be otherwise disposed of , as the circumstances of time do vary . but since the soveraign power has never been entirely resigned into the hand of any one governour , though some have had very many of the prorogatives belonging to it , it is evident , that they in whom the soveraign power remains , can perform by themselves those offices which they are pleas'd to trust a governour with : therefore if a governour does nothing but by commission , and that because of the absence of those who impower him to act for them ; why shall not they , if they be present , take upon them the execution of those things that were before committed to anothers care ? and though governours be often nam'd and mention'd in the treaty of utrect , yet was it not intended for a governour general , for even at that time utrect had its particular governour ; and some years after it was govern'd by the same governour that holland and zeeland was . 't is to as little purpose that some pretend , that it is necessary that each province should have its particular governour , who may in fit season prevent and calm all occasions of civil commotions , as the dictators did in rome ; but in vain , for who sees not but that as hitherto the way of determining those contests has been by referring them to the governour , and some deputies of another province ; so they may , if they please , leave out the governour , and refer their debates to the deputies of other provinces alone : particularly considering , that it has been hitherto observ'd , that no governour ever undertook the person of an umpire , before he had consulted with the states generall ; who being above any inferiour province , have the power of hindring the progress and encrease of any dissention . chap. xv. of the riches , by which the united provinces do maintain themselves . by the treaty of union made at utrect , it was ordained , that there should be raised an equall summe of moneys in every province : but experience hath taught us , that such an equality was very unjust . for , for example ; is it fit that there should be no more laid upon an acre of land in holland , which is very rich , and yeelds twice as much as in any other place , than upon an acre in gueldres , which is poor , and yeelds not half the revenue . the same difference is to be observ'd in all other things . it has therefore been judg'd by common consent , more just and profitable for each province to make a new order every year ; in which each should be taxed according to the then abilities of the said province , and according to the publick exigencies . so for example ; if there be necessity of raising 10000. pound , holland alone shall furnish 4000. five hundred of it ; zeeland and friezeland a 1000. a piece ; gueldres utrect , and groeningue , 3500. and transisulania , or overissell , the rest . this order being once agreed upon , it belongs to the states of each province , to consider how it shall be levyed : and this is the true reason why the taxes and imposts are so different in the dominions of the states generall . these levyes thus order'd , are not alwayes receiv'd in money , and return'd to the publick treasury of the states generall , but are distributed by tallies in the province it self , to those to whom the states do owe ; which is a very wise caution ; for it is certain , that money still lessens as it passes through the hands of many receivers . 2. among these levyes , it was thought fit from the very beginning , to give leave to all to transport certain merchandize into the neighbouring low-countreys , still remaining under the spanish jurisdiction ; but there was and is an impost laid upon them ; for the receit of which there are officers , and seachers upon the frontier . but to the end this licence might be no wayes prejudiciable to the affairs of this rising commonwealth , they forbid the transport of arms or ammunition , under pain of death . yet at last when victuals and necessaries for life grew dear among their enemies , and that there was an evident advantage for the confederates to furnish them with those things , licence was granted , and they drove such a trade with their enemies , as made themselves grow rich and powerfull . 3. there is likewise a great summe of money rais'd upon the granting of passports , to those in the spanish dominions , who desire to transport themselves into the territories of the states ; for every passport costs fifty shillings of english money . and yet lest this also should prove prejudiciall to the state , they seldome grant any to those amongst their enemies , who are either in military or politick employments : and to any others they scarce grant them for longer than the time of six moneths . 4. the contributions that are levyed upon those villages , and that part of the countrey which lyes between the enemy and them , make another part of their supplyes ; for these bourghs pay as much to the states , as to the spaniards ; and there are treasurers upon the frontier for the receit of it . 5. the imposts payed in the conquer'd towns of brabant and flanders , make another part of their revenue ; for there is excise upon wine , and beer , and salt. a tax upon houses , and upon lands . 6. they receive a part of the plunder made by the souldiers upon the enemy . 7. they have hitherto had from the french and the english great summes of money , as long as they have had war with the spaniards . the french to make diversion , did maintain in the service of the states , a body of 6000. foot , and 2000. horse at their own charges for many years . the serene state of venice , in vertue of a treaty made in 1622. did promise 4000. pound a moneth in time of war. 8. they have money at use , ( that is ) they keep a bank of such moneys as are lent the state by particulars , and pay use for it ; five in the hundred is the use the state payes . all these great summes of money are by the order of the states , committed to the care of a particular councell , call'd , a general directory for the treasury , which is composed of the deputies of each province . chap. xvi . of the principall forces which do maintain the commonwealth of the united provinces . the greatest internall or defensive strength of these countreys , does lye in their situation , which makes all their towns easily to be fortified . as for the externall , it consists in their leagues and alliances with foreign princes . let us speak first of the situation . that situation which is advantagious for the defence of a countrey , the exercising of commerce , and consequently growing rich , must needs proceed from the neighbourhood of the sea , and the affluence of great rivers and channells ; thence comes the proverb , the hollanders are born for the sea , and the sea for them : of which they are well convinc'd , and consequently spare no cost nor industry to be the masters upon this element ; having long ago graven upon their coyn this motto , imperator maris est terrae dominus . if the spaniards had been so wise , as to have spent that treasure in hindring the hollanders trade and navigation , that he layed out upon attaking their countrey , he had undoubtedly ruin'd them ; and he now perceives it , and does endeavour by all means , though too late , to obstruct their commerce . besides the sea , there are the rivers of rhene , meuse , and jud , that do make the countrey almost inaccessible . besides , if any enemies be taken on this side these rivers , there is a law which is exactly observ'd , which commands to hang them up immediately . the strong towns are upon the borders , not only in brabant , flanders , gueldres , and friezeland , but also upon the confines of germany , as rhinbergue , wesel , and divers places bordering upon the dutchy of cleves . the reason whereof is this : the war being kindled between the spaniards and the united provinces , the spaniards did first begin to seize , and put themselves in possession of the towns of the dutchy of cleves , and of the electour of cullen , that they might the better annoy the hollanders ; who fore-seeing the mischief like to arise from thence , sent an army , and seized as many of these towns as they could , put garrisons into them , and nevertheless still preserv'd the inhabitants in all their propriety , liberty , and priviledges . hereupon arose great contests between the emperour the duke of cleves , and the electour of cullen on one side , and the hollanders on the other ; but the hollanders kept possession . besides the garrisons they maintain in all frontier towns , they have also two magazines in each , one with ammunition for war , the other with provisions for life . a governour commands the garrison : they that command in small frontier towns , are call'd commanders ; and they that command in great strong towns , are qualified governours . and for the greater safety of the said towns , the keys are partly in the governours , partly in the bourgmasters hands . the civill and military powers are likewise so distinct , that the governour has nothing to do with the inhabitants , nor the judges of the place any power over the souldiers . as for the land-forces , they consist of strangers and naturals ; but the strangers do exceed the naturals in number , who are more enclin'd to long voyages and trade , than to warre . neither is the state endanger'd , by putting the force and military power in stangers hands ; for they being of different nations , as english , scotch , french , &c. have different inclinations , and aversions , and so will hardly conspire to oppress their masters , who do alwayes mingle them in their strongest towns. it is believ'd , that the number of souldiers paid by the states , and sworn to them , does come very near one hundred thousand . the companies are for the most part of a hundred men ; some few excepted , who are either stronger or weaker , as necessity requires . the regiments are of ten , twelve , fourteen , sixteen , eighteen companies . each regiment is commanded by a collonel . the horse is much inferiour in number to the foot , because that in these countreys , the greatest employment for souldiers is besieging and defending of towns , in which the horse are not so necessary , as in set battles . there are two sort of horsemen distinguish'd by their arms , viz. cuirasseers , that wear iron breast and back-pieces ; and arquebusiers , that carry short guns on horseback . their horses ought to be sixteen handfull high , measuring from the hoof of the fore-foot , to the top of the shoulder . the infantry has about four shillings and six pence a week pay ; and the horse about fifty shillings a moneth . they that are payed by the states money , are soon and exactly payed , but they whose payment is assign'd upon the money that comes from france , wait a little longer for it . it is very observable in these provinces , that though there be no money in the treasury , yet the souldiers receive their pay every week or moneth ; for every regiment chooses an agitatour , who resides near the states to sollicite the payment of those he represents ; and when there is no money in the publick treasury , he may confidently , and does borrow and take up money for the present necessity ; and it is repaid him again with interest by the states order . the hopes of the great profit there is to be made , engages these sollicitors to do thus ; for when they advance their money , it is at the rate of 10 per cent. gains , which they t●●e upon the arrears which the state owes to the officers . but this produces another inconvenience , which is , that the officer being forc'd to give so much to the sollicitor out of his pay , endeavours to recover it again upon the states , and musters more men in his company than he really pays . besides their pay , the souldiers have likewise their lodging free , and the states do pay to the inhabitants of all towns upon that score , six pence a week for each souldier they lodge , and this is call'd service-money . if the enemies besiege a town , and that the money laid up in it for the paying of the souldiery come to fail , they make money of tin , brass , leather , or pastboard ; which the magistrates set a price upon , and such a one as exceeds very much the price of the matter of which such money is made . in the mean time the souldiers take it freely ; for the siege being raised , or the town yielded up , there comes a treasurer who gives them currant money for their other . all sorts of provisions that are brought to the armies , are free from all imposts and tributes , in favour of the souldiers . in the siege of towns the souldiers have likewise gratuity given them , some provisions for their diet out of the publick magazines . the souldiers and inferiour officers being made prisoners , are at liberty in paying their ransom , which by agreement between the states and the spaniards , is a moneths pay of the prisoners . the inhabitants or citizens are not so mildly dealt withall , for they are constrained to pay whatsoever the enemy demands , or to rot in prison , till there be a general exchange made of prisoners , which is once or twice a year . the women and children under twelve years old are not to be taken . so much for the forces in ordinary ; in extraordinary dangers there are extraordinary forces rais'd , which they call waertgelders ; to encourage them the more the states do promise them ten pence a day : but because that many , in hopes of so great a pay , do forsake the ordinary companies , and take imployment in these new ones , it has been often thought fit to command out , instead of these waertgelders , the train-bands of every town , and to mingle with them some old souldiers , and so make them fit for service . every souldier as well in the army as in garrison , is subject to the jurisdiction of a council of war ; which is compos'd in the field , of the general , and some high officers ; and in a garrison , of the governour and his captains ; they judge according to the articles of the formulary prescribed and printed by the states order . the pay of souldiers on ship board is 12 s. and 6 d. a moneth , besides which they have their diet , which he that commands the ship is bound to find them , and receives from the states 6 d. a day for each man. at sea there is no such custom as the ransom at land ; nay at first all prisoners were bound hand and feet , and thrown over-board ; but because so great a cruelty displeased both spaniards and hollanders , they agreed there should be quarter given , but not at such easie rates as at land. the spaniards reason for this his so great a severity , was that he might deterr the hollanders from venturing to sea ; but it produced only this , that it made them defend their ships with more courage and successe than before . ostend and dunkirk were the places from whence they made most incursions upon the hollanders , which made them every year put a fleet to sea , and come and besiege the ports of these two towns. chap. xvii . of the alliances of the united provinces with foreign princes . the external forces of the united provinces are their alliances , which they maintain either by their ambassadors , or by their agents . they allow their ambassadors ordinarily a thousand pound ; only he that is in this quality at constantinople is allowed more , that he may maintain the glory of his nation to the eyes of that ambitious people . let us consider these alliances one after another . with the emperor of germany there is no alliance , but only a friendship , observ'd since these many years in appearance , though not in reality ; for the emperor has often sent great succours to the spaniards under-hand , and the hollanders have done the same to the princes of france and germany . yet the emperor has by divers embassies press'd the united provinces to declare themselves members of the empire , as their princes were formerly ; writing to them in the stile of faithfull and well-beloved . but the states have been so far from consenting to such a proposition , that they have often order'd that such letters should be sent back again to the emperor , without being opened ; saying , that theirs was a free absolute state , which had never yielded to pay homage to any prince . in the mean time , there passes between them all commerce and offices of friendship . there was likewise a league and union made between the united provinces , and the princes of germany , to protect them from the oppression which threatned them from the great power the emperor was got into ; and in this they did nothing but what the care of their liberty did force them to , for had those princes been over-power'd , the low-countries might have feared the same fate . above two hundred years ago there was an alliance between the anseatic towns , and the low-countries ; and there happening to be amongst the united provinces some of these towns , as amsterdam , middlebourg , dort , which now make a part of the common-wealth , it was thought fit to renew the alliance , which was accordingly done in 1614. by a new treaty , in which the states oblige themselves to maintain the rights and priviledges of the said anseatic towns. this the emperor took so ill , that he endeavour'd to make those anseatic towns that were in the empire , liable to the crimes of treason and rebellion against his imperial majesty ; but by their ambassadors they proved , that time out of mind they had the right and priviledge of making such alliances . the treaty of alliance made formerly with the king of denmark , concerns nothing but a reciprocal liberty for traffick , and commerce ; and yet these states have often been forc'd to complain to their ambassadors , of the excessive rates and customs they did pay in passing the sound . but the necessity they stand in of venting their commodities , makes them undergo this hardship , and has produced of late a more strict alliance for the maintaining of trade . they are likewise in friendship with the king and commonwealth of poland , particularly for the great quantities of corn that come from thence ; though the imposts be there likewise very high , and such as have often made the hollanders think of changing their market , and buying in muscovy ; which they would have compass'd by this means : the countrey people in muscovy are such slaves , their duke being the proprietary of all their lands , that they never trouble themselves to plough or sow more land , than just as much as will make such a product , as can find them and their families food . thence it happens , that huge fields of good ground lie wast . now the hotlanders design was , to perswade the duke of muscovy to force his subjects to till more ground , and so he would be able to drive a great trade ; and to further this , they offer'd to leave overseers that should direct the work . while this was a treating , the poles fearing the consequence , bated their imposts and customs , and so things remain as they were . in the year 1615. there was a treaty made likewise with the king of swedeland , and traffick was the ground of it . a little before the said king fell upon germany , the amity was renewed , and it was agreed , that the united provinces should give the said king 400. pound a moneth as long as the war should last between him and the house of austria ; but since these few years , the succour that has been given to the dan●● , and the interruption of trade in that kings dominions , have almost chang'd this friendship into war. there has been likewise a very good treaty for trade , made with the duke of muscovy , where , mongst other things , liberty is granted to levy souldiers here in his name , and to transport ammunition for war into his dominions . trade has also made the states make treaties with the emperor of the turks , the sophy of persia , and the pirates of thunis and algier . in italy the states have no alliance , but with the venetians ; which is yet maintain'd for the honour of these two commonwealths , which are the only flourishing ones in europe ; and for certain reasons the venetians do give five hundred pound a moneth to the hollanders , towards the maintenance of the war with the spaniards ; as also the hollanders have promis'd the like succour to venice , if it should be attaqued by the spaniard . in the first birth of the common-wealth , there was a most advantagious treaty made with the english , under the reign of queen elizabeth , who maintain'd this reeling state by the succours of men , and great sums of money , which she sent over to them ; though in such a way , that the hollanders were bound to respect her as if they had been her subjects . now that the peace is made with the spaniards , there remains nothing of this alliance , but the liberty of trade and commerce , and the use of the english ports . there has been likewise many treaties with the king of france , and the states of the united provinces have receiv'd from him great sums of money towards the carrying on of the war. chap. xviii . of the admiralty , and care that is taken to maintain a sea-strength . since it is true , that a state is maintain'd by those means by which it is first acquir'd , the united provinces ought not to neglect their maritine affairs , because they have and do really get all their subsistance out of the sea. this sea-strength consists in a number of men of war , par● whereof belong to the states , and part to particular men , and are call'd privateers . the first are set out at the charges of the publick ; the other borrow only the states banner and commission , though to encourage them the states have propos'd to them a set price , according to the value of the thing they take from the enemy . the men of war of the states , serve to convoy merchant-men to and fro , and preserve them from danger of pirates and enemies . the privateers are most imployed to give chase to , and take the rich india ships of the spaniards coming from the west-indies . the high admiral , who at present is the governour general of the states , commands over all ships of war , but he seldom goes in person , because his presence is necessary at home ; his room is supplyed by a vice-admiral . the great council , call'd the states g●neral , being as well oblig'd to look after the maritine affairs , as the land business ; and yet finding themselves over-burden'd with business , they have discharg'd that care , by choosing some others to compose a body or council , which shall order all sea-affairs in the name of the states . there are divers of these assemblies , and particularly in those three provinces which are near the sea , viz. in holland , at amsterdam , roterdam , and horne , this last is sometimes transported to enchusen , which is a town of north-holland ; in zeeland , at middlebourg ; and in friezeland , formerly at do●cum , but is now transported to harlingue . each of these assemblies consists of seven counsellors or senators , who being chosen by the members of each province , are delegated and impower'd by the states general ; they have a secretary and a treasurer . the governour general is the head of all these assemblies , as high admiral ; the vice-admiral represents him in his absence ; these deputies did formerly use to meet at the hague twice a year , and do still meet there , when the affairs require a conjoynt deliberation with the states , about the necessary means of securing the sea , and furthering commerce . they have a treasury particular to themselves , and the money which is in it , is gather'd from the money that their own merchants and strangers pay for convoys ; and likewise from the imposts laid upon commodities , that are transported from one harbour to another . there is likewise brought into this treasury all the money that is rais'd by giving licenses to transport commodities to the enemies . the deputies of these assemblies are bound to give an account every quarter , of all their expences and receipts , to the commissioners from the states general . they have also the power of naming captains to the men of war , but then the admiral chooses out of those that they have nam'd . in a word , their charge is so to secure the sea , as there be no interruption neither from pirates nor enemies of any other sort , in trade and navigation ; to judge and determine all causes between seamen and officers , and that soveraignly and without appeal ; provided the summe in dispute exceed not fifty pounds ; observing exactly all brevity and expedition , not suffering long harangues in any cause , or giving leave to the parties to reply more than once or twice , and that because ordinarily sea people have occasion of departing upon long voyages , and cannot come again suddenly . last of all , it belongs to them to see that the states be payed their proportion of what is taken . the fifth part of all prizes belongs to them ; the tenth to the amirall ; and the rest to those that have set out the privateer ; as also to the captain and sea-men . this is only to be understood of privateers . chap. xix . of the particular government of the towns in holland . vve have seen hitherto what is the government of the whole body of the united provinces : now we may descend to the particular towns. the towns are govern'd by a bailif , a senate , or councill , by bourgmasters , or consuls , and by aldermen . there is but one bailif in each town , who to say true has no power of himself to pronounce judgement ; but in criminal causes he is as it were an attourney-generall , and manages accusations against offenders in the name of the states . this is done before the aldermen , who have power to examine the heads of the accusation , and to pronounce sentence . the bailifs have no sallary , and all the profit of their places rises from the fines that are lay'd upon the guilty . the senate , and the greatest , is that which is call'd ( den breeden ra●d● or de vroedschap ) in most towns , as at leyden , it is compos'd of about fourty persons , according to the number of the richest citizens , more or less . the ancient laws admit none to be of this senate , but such as are of the richer sort . this assembly seldome meets , but upon the occasion of choosing new magistrates ; as also when the states of the province are to meet , then the heads of the deliberations are examin'd in this senate before-hand . they do also controle and correct their bourgmasters , and aldermen , if in the assembly of the states they chance to go beyond their commission . and to the end they may do it without fear , it has been ordain'd by our wise ancestours , that the charge of senatour should be perpetuall , that so they may not fear to be persecuted , for what they shall do in the defence of the publick liberty . the bourgmasters and aldermen are chosen from amongst these senatours , by the plurality of voices . in some places there are four bourgmasters , and in some there are but two . their office is to determine all that concerns the good order of the town ; as also to inform themselves of all the fallings out of the citizens , and bring them either by themselves , or others , to an agreement : which if they cannot compass , then their duty is to cite them before the aldermen . they meet in a common chamber , and give audience to all inhabitants without distinction . in some places there are seven aldermen , in others nine ; they are the judges of the town who meet three or four set times a week , and determine all civill causes between the inhabitants , and judge all crimes propos'd by the bailif . for the first cognizance of the cause belongs to the judge of the place , where he that is cited dwells . except they be priviledged causes , the towns judge of no greater summe than five pounds , and the bourghs of thirty shillings ; though in very great cities they may judge as far as thirty pound . the appeal is first to the court of the province , and then to the great councill , where there is a double number of judges ; they that are cast are fin'd for having appeal'd without reason . in the court of the province the fine is three pound ten shillings ; in the great councill , of six pound ; and when the process is re-viewed , if the sentence be confirm'd , the fine is of twenty pound . as for criminall causes , the judges are absolute , and there is no appeal from them , neither in the villages , nor in the towns ; except the bailif require that the criminall should undergo a severer punishment , and then the accused has liberty to defend himself . there are two sort of laws in holland ; the first sort is the customes , priviledges , and constitutions of the countrey , and former princes , and of the states . the second is the roman law , call'd the civill law. moreover , that the course of justice be not retarded , nor the judges time taken up in petty businesses , there are chosen by the aldermen , a certain number of the richer sort of citizens , who are call'd commissaries of small causes . these take cognizance of all causes that are not above five pound ; as also of all actions for reparation of honour ; and of the differences between masters and servants , and such like . an alderman presides ordinarily in this assembly , and is ordinarily a good civilian . there is also in the senate , or town-house , and in the colledge of the bourgmasters , one who is call'd a syndi● , or pensioner , who ought to be eloquent and learn'd , as being the speaker of the whole town , or corporation , in their most important affairs . chap. xx. of the tributes and imposts ; of how many sorts they are ; and of the manner of levying them in holland . since as tacitus sayes , there is no war without pay , nor no pay without tributes , and that that is the particular case of the united provinces , who have been long in war , to which they have all contributed their share ; it is fit to consider of the wayes they use to levy them . there are two sorts of tributes ; the ordinary , and the extraordinary . the ordinary , which being once granted , are alwayes continued ; the extraordinary , which are levied but for some certain time , and are then left off . there are three sorts of extraordinary tributes ; viz. the tribute by head , or pole-money ; the chimney-money , and the land taxes . the pole-money is so levied , that the state has twenty pence for every head ; they that are extream poor are freed from this tribute . to my remembrance this was never practis'd but once , and then too there was great murmuring , and many refus'd to pay . the chimney-money is that tribute , which is paid for every chimney or hearth , which is twenty pence ; and in this the hollanders have imitated the spaniards in the kingdome of naples . the third tribute , call'd a land taxe , may be properly call'd the two hundredth penny , for out of two hundred pound a year , for example , is paid one pound to the states . so out of four hundred , two pounds , or fourty shillings . to this may be objected , that it is a very hard thing , if not impossible , for the perfect knowledge of the true value of mens estates to be had . it is answer'd , that the magistrate does take his measure from the publick voice , and the generall report , that any man has to have such and such revenues . and because in this there is room for a mistake , the law gives any man leave to complain of the greatness of his taxe ; and if he will take his oath he is not worth so much as the world values his estate at , his taxe shall be moderated . as for the ordinary tributes , the chief are these following . 1. the tribute from salt , call'd in dutch ( sonte geldt ) it is levied after this manner : the magistrate of the town visits each family , and reckons every head of it ; then they guess at the quantity of salt that they may reasonably be thought to spend in one year ; and thereupon they exact from them a summe of money , proportionable to the quantity of salt they are to have . and in some towns they set a price upon the measure of salt , high or low , as they please . 2. the excise upon beer , which all the citizens pay without distinction , comes to twenty pence a barrell ; except the small beer , which is not worth above half a crown a barrell , paies nothing . 3. another excise upon beer , paid only by brewers , which comes to twelve pence a barrell . besides , all seamen , marriners , and merchants , pay excise for all english and german beer they bring in . 4. the victuallers , and those that sell beer , pay other twenty pence for every barrell . 5. every hogshead of vinegar paies nine shillings . 6. the impost upon french wines mounts to six pence upon every stoop . rhenish and spanish wines pay twelve pence a stoop . brandyes of wine pay ten pence . of beer , five pence . 7. butter payes six shillings a barrell , which contains three hundred and twenty pound . and for the little barrells , call'd ( kops tuchen ) there is paid a farthing a piece . 8. a piece of oyl paies six shillings ; if ▪ fish. oyl then four shillings and six pence . 9. candles of wax , and tallow , pay ten pence a hundred weight . 10. the impost of round measures , is that money which is paid for all those commodities that are measur'd in round measures , as corn , seeds , salt , lime , &c. and the merchants that buy great quantities , do nevertheless pay this impost . 11. turfs for fewell pay a penny half-penny a tun ; and coals from england and scotland pay thirty shillings for every hundred tun. the coals burnt in the light houses pay nothing . 12. the impost upon hard merchandizes , as five pence for every hundred of lead ; three half-pence for every thousand of lime-stones . 13. for wood to burn is paid the eight part of what it costs . 14. silk and gold stuffs pay , of twelve pence , one , in every yard or ell. 15. woollen cloths pay thus ; every piece of english cloth not being yet dyed , payes three pound , if the said piece be worth sixteen florins of flanders , that is nine pound , or thereabouts . every piece worth twelve pound payes four pound , &c. hangings and other houshold-stuff pay one penny in nine of what they are worth . the way of prising merchandize is to ask the merchant himself , what he values it at ; if he undervalue it to save custom , then the master of the custom-house may take it , and pay to the merchant the price he values it at . 16. the impost upon all corn that is ground in the mills in holland , which every body payes without exception , comes to five pound , one crown , and twelve pence for every quarter of wheat ; to half as much for the quarter of rye ; to five and thirty shillings for barley and oates . 17. the impost upon all cattle , sheep , or hogs that are kill'd , comes to one penny in seven of the money they are sold for . 18. there is also three pence a moneth paid for every horn'd beast above three years old ; as also two pence a moneth for every horse above three years old . 19. the imposts upon herrings and salt-fish , brought to the citizens houses to sell , comes to twenty pence a pannier . 20. the retail fishmonger payes for s●urgeons and salmons the 9th . penny of what they cost . 21. tobacco payes 10 pence a pound ; the barrel of soap 11 shillings ; every barrel of pitch 16 pence . 22. every chariot and little bark payes 20 pence a year ; every coach payes 10 shillings a year . 23. all farms and rack rents pay the 16th . penny of the value they yield yearly ; and those lands that the proprietary keeps in his own hand , are valued and estimated by the magistrate . 24. all lands that are sowed with any sort of grain whatsoever , or whatsoever trees they are planted with , pay 4 pence half-penny an acre , reckoning from the moneth they were sowed or planted , to the moneth that the recolt is made in . 25. every house payes about the 8th . part of the rent it is let for ; as if for 48 pound a year , it payes 6 pound to the states ; but because the rent of houses is subject to rise or fall , the magistrate sets a constant price upon them , according to their bigness and conveniency . 26. the tribute for servants and maids comes to 20 pence a head , which every master or mistress is bound to pay for them . 27. the impost upon all immovables that are sold , under which title great ships are comprehended , comes to the 40th . penny , that is out of the price of the thing sold the state has the 40th . part , which is a very considerable tax , for there is no place in the world where immovables alter their property so often as in holland , it being a proverb of leyden , that every three year half of the town is sold or alienated . 28. the tribute due for the great and little seals , is a groat for every sheet of paper where the great seal is applyed , to two pence where the little. to understand the greatness of this tribute , the reader must know that the states of holland have ordain'd , for no other end than for this , that no wills , contracts , or any sort of writings that shall be produc'd before the judges , shall be written in any other paper than that which is sealed by the states , else they shall be void ; and hereupon they thought fit to have two seals , one for businesses of small importance , and a great one for important affairs . there are many other sorts of tributes , which it would be too long to relate ; besides , they have all been publish'd together by the states order . now let us consider the wayes of levying these tributes , which that we may the better do , let us consider those deliberations and opinions touching this matter , which were had when it was first debated . the proposition of finding a way of raising these revenues being made , some were of opinion to give authority to the magistrates of towns , or to some persons whom the state should pay to gather these taxes , and be accomptable for them ; thinking it neither safe nor profitable for the states to farm them out . and here are the reasons they relyed upon . 1. because publick persons , and particularly magistrates , have a greater authority with them , and so are fitter to keep the people more in awe . 2. because many of these revenues , as the excise upon beer for example , could not be fixed and certain ; for sometimes one town consumes more one year than another , so that there could be no measures taken with farmers . 3. they represented , that it was dangerous to trust in subjects hands the publick revenue ; for what if the farmers should play the knaves and break , and hereupon they concluded that farmers were not fit men . some of a quite contrary opinion did maintain , that there were certain imposts which ought to be farm'd out for so much a year ; adding , that the impositions were laid upon two sorts of things , upon stable and constant ones , as houses and lands which remain , and whose number and value were easily known ; and upon uncertain ones , as the consumption of wine and beer , &c. the first sort they allow'd to be rais'd by magistrates , the other they desir'd to farm out , and that for divers reasons . 1. because the people do by all arts and cheats endeavour to avoid the paying of these excises ; that the farmers for their own concern would be very exact and quick-sighted in the discovery of such frauds . 2. these farmers would have power enough , for they would be backed by the civil power . 3. that it was of consequence for a state to know precisely its revenues ; which could not be if they were not farm'd and stated . that without this the state could not know how to frame designs , nor what to trust to in the execution of them . that thus doing , that is , by farming , the state would come to a better knowledge of its true revenue ; for by enhancing of it every year , they would at last raise it to the utmost . that it would be expedient to farm these incomes to citizens , only for one year , that so the condition of many citizens would be better'd , and they enabled to offer more to the commonwealth . 4. lastly , that there was no fear of their breaking , for they would require from the farmer such security as should secure the publick ; besides , that they might be order'd to bring in every moneth a part of the money . this opinion was followed , and this way of proceeding is observed to this day ; and this is the way they take of farming them out . the states by proclamation publish , that such a day such revenues are to be farm'd , and that they will let those have them that shall bid highest . he that obtains it , gives security immediately , and such as the state may lay hold on if he fail . there has been two things invented by the farmers to hinder fraud , and stealing of custome and excise ; the one is , that all porters do take every year an oath , to carry no merchandize whatsoever into any citizens house , without giving notice to the farmer , and taking a pass from him . the second , that they that are once discovered to have cheated the farmers , are soundly fin'd , because that faults that may be easily committed , and which are very profitable to the offenders , cannot probably be hindred but by rigorous penalties . chap. xxi . of the east and west-india companies . this methinks is a fit occasion to speak of these powerfull corporations ; for they do make a great part of the strength of these nations , and are a source of riches to them . these companies are assemblies of particular merchants , establish'd and confirm'd by authority in their union . by which power they may , to the exclusion of all others , raise souldiers at their own charges ; make leagues and alliances with the indian princes ; and to bring home certain commodities from the indies , which none other must vent but they . two things particularly were the cause of this enterprize , of sayling to the indies : the one was the strict prohibitions of the king of spain , forbidding the hollanders all trade and commerce into spain , the only place from which those indian merchandizes could be fetched . the other was the unreasonable rates that the spanish merchants did then sell their wares at ; with the exorbitant customes that strangers who traded with them , were forced to pay . insomuch that spain was become the only magazine and bank of riches in europe , having assembled all the treasures of the richest part of the world , whereby they might subdue the rest . there happened at this very time another accident , which much contributed to the framing of this design . one cornelius houtman a hollander , having divers years faithfully serv'd the spaniards and portuguesses , in their navigation to the indies , was at last taken prisoner by the negroes , and not like to come out of captivity , except he could pay a ransome far beyond his riches and power : he in this strait implor'd the help of some merchants of amsterdam , who redeem'd him , upon condition that he should reveal to them all the secret and profit of the spaniards navigation to the indies . by this means it came to be known , that their gain was for every five or six pound , a hundred . one only thing did seem then most to oppose the hollanders design , and that was , that it was with some regret , that they did see that the venetians trade would now fall to the ground . for whereas hitherto they had receiv'd the merchandizes of the indies by persia , and so over-land to the grand caire , and did then furnish the rest of europe with them ; it was easie to foresee , that the hollanders would be able to perform this voyage by sea with less cost . but self-love , together with the desire of being reveng'd of the spaniard , prevail'd against this obstacle . but let us consider the first rise of this company . the first company or association of merchants , ( for at first they were not authorized , as they now are by the states ) chose for curators or directors , these following ; henry hudd , reynier paw , charles de oude , jean poppey , henry duick , theodore de os , silvard petrisein , and arnould ten grooten huyle . these considering that the way by the glaciall sea , though the shorter by 2000. leagues , and the safer from enemies , was nevertheless the more dangerous , because they were not sure of a passage ; fitted out four ships , and sent them by the ordinary way , under the conduct of cornelius houtman , in the year 1595. but being return'd two years and four moneths after , with much less profit than was expected , that did not hinder them from setting out a new fleet. and as they were busie about it , they had notice that some other merchants of amsterdam had the same design ; whereupon they propos'd to them to joyn their purses , which they did , and made up a fleet of eight ships , under the conduct of james van neck . at the same time there was fram'd a company at rotterdam , who undertook the way to the indies by the straight of magellan , and the south-sea ; james mahu undertook the voyage . but before that the fleet of eight sail could be come back , the same associates sent out three more ; and a little after return'd back four of the eight that had been sent first , with a very considerable lading , and much to the advantage of the adventurers . the noise of the great gains to be made this way , made some other merchants , for the most part brabancons , compose another company , call'd the brabant company , and in the year 1599. this company sent four ships , to which the first company added four more . the spaniards in the mean time considering the great progress of these new enterprizes , and fore-seeing the ruine of their rich trade by them , resolv'd to use all possible means to crush them while they were yet in their birth . whereupon they fitted out a fleet of thirteen strong men of war , who meeting with five hollanders , engaged them , but were at last constrain'd to fly , and yeeld the hollanders the victory . this check making the spaniard sensible that strength and open force were not like to prevail , they went another way to work , and employed the portuguesses , whose interest was very strong with most of the indian peoples and princes : they endeavoured by all means to make the dutch so odious to those nations , that they should abstain from all trade and commerce with them , representing them as pirates and rebels to their king. but the states generall being inform'd of this hard measure given them by the portuguesses , gave order to all their subjects , to assault and take all ships that should any wayes strive to oppose their navigation to the indies . thus they struggled pretty well with this great obstacle . but the merchants themselves being divided into different companies , and not acting all unanimously , did spoil one anothers trade ; for either they would all come to one port of the indies , and so enhance the price of the natives commodity , and debase their own , or commit some other errour , which made most of their ships return with much less profit than might have been otherwise expected . the states considering these inconveniencies , resolv'd to make up one certain company of all the different adventurers that would come in , and to grant to them alone the priviledge of trading to the indies , under certain conditions . this order of the states being publish'd , many out of hopes of gain , others out of love to their countrey , put in different summes , which all together made up six hundred thousand pound , the first stock upon which this company has built its prodigious encrease . all those that had conributed were call'd partners , in dutch ( participanten ) because they had part in all the profit and loss of the company . but all those that had contributed more than six hundred pound , were call'd head-partners , ( hooft-participanten ) and out of these alone were , and are to this day , chosen the curators or directors of the company , with a very large power . all these head-partners together , have the priviledge of naming out of their own number , the curators , and then in some places the states of the province , in others the magistrates of towns are to choose them out of those that are nam'd . the curators are bound to give an account of all incomes and expences , once a year to the head-partners . they manage all the business of the company , and are continued in their employment all their life-time , or at least for one and twenty years . they hold their assemblies in the most convenient places of each province , and their assemblies are call'd chambers . in each of these chambers , there are a set number of curators ; at amsterdam there are twenty ; in zeeland twelve ; upon the meuse fourteen ; and fourteen in west-friezeland . besides these ordinary assemblies , there are setled in each province some extraordinary ones , upon occasion , to which the chambers send their deputies , and all the chambers of that province are bound to stand to the deliberations of this that is made up of them all . this chamber is setled at amsterdam for holland , and at middlebourg for zeeland . this extraordinary assembly consists of seventeen deputies , call'd ( de vergaderinge van seventien . ) each chamber knows the number of deputies that it must send to this assembly , some more and some less , proportionably still to the first money that they put in . this is the form of government that this company lives under within the states territories ; and amongst all its constitutions this is the principall , that the curators shall employ with all care and speed the summes that shall be furnish'd to them , for the setting out of a strong fleet well arm'd , to drive the portuguesses and spaniards out of those forts and strong places which they hold ; and in buying those manufactures and wares which we exchange with the indians , giving a yearly account of their receits and expences ; that out of the product something may still be layed aside , whereby to confirm and advance the companies trade and settlement in those parts ; that the rest shall be equally distributed to all the sharers , to every one according to the proportion of the money first put in by them . and this distribution is commonly call'd uytde●linge . this noble establishment thus begun , fail'd not of a very happy success ; for now all interests being united as well as strengths , the work was carried on unanimously : and by the exchange of some things , ( of small value with us ) as looking-glasses , feathers , chrystall , and glass rings , bracelets , babies , and other such bables , made at nurembergue in germany , the company receiv'd from the silly indians , silk , stuffs , pearls , all sorts of aromatick druggs , of great value , and things of that nature . to this adde , the taking of divers strong places and forts from the portuguesses and spaniards , who at first little dreamed of being invaded so far off , by those whom they thought they did put so much to it at home . by these means , in six years time , viz. from the year 1602. to the year 1608. the company came to see their capitall summe of six hundred thousand pound , encreas'd to almost three millions of english money , besides all the gain that had been distributed among the partners . and besides , their conquests are such , and their dominions so enlarged in the indies , that they have under their power or protection divers great kingdomes and countreys ; besides many others who have granted to them alone , exclusively to the spaniards and portuguesses , the liberty of trade amongst them . things being brought to this flourishing condition , it was thought fit to lay the foundation of a new common-wealth ; and for this purpose they chose a town which they call'd batavia , which is so well fortified and encompass'd with a strong wall of bricks , that it was able these late years , to hold out before all the forces of the great emperour of java , who besieged it with an army of two hundred thousand men . it was order'd that the governour general of the indies for the company , should here reside , and keep a royal court ; where he enjoyes the same power that the governour general does in holland ; he keeps a greater equipage , and marches with more state than some kings of europe , that he may the more be respected by his own subjects , and the barbarous nations round about . at first this dignity was for life , but because it seem'd dangerous to let so much power reside in one man so long , it was resolv'd to follow the spaniards custom , and limit the time of their government to three years . in this town are likewise establish'd two soveraign courts , in one whereof fits the governour with his associates , to treat of the publick affairs of the society , as peace , war , alliances , trade , &c. the other is a court of justice , where causes are tryed between particular men . besides this , there are in all provinces and islands depending upon the company , two soveraign magistrates ; one of which commands the militia , which is quarter'd in different places , to be in a readiness to keep the natives down ; and the other has the care of all that concerns trade ; and to the end that they may not behave themselves dishonestly , there are adjoyn'd to them certain officers call'd censours , who keep a register of all occurrences , and give account of them every quarter to the governour and his council . out of these registers the council picks the condition and posture of the companies affairs , and having drawn it up , sends it into holland ; and the curatours thereby know how to govern themselves in their supplyes . at the same time there was some project made for the better multiplying of this colony , that so at last they might equal the indians in number , and not need to drain europe every year for men . to further this , they built a publick house , in which were maintain'd at the publick charge great numbers of young maids , brought from holland ; and the souldiers and seamen had liberty to make their addresses and marry them . but this did not succeed , for it was found by experience that the children born of dutch parents in the indies , were not so lusty nor so long liv'd as those that were born of a dutch father and an indian mother . the trade to the indies is driven with ready money , or with exchange ; the japponeses take ready money ; all the indians exchange their commodities for ours , which at first were of so small a value , and theirs so rich , that for every five pounds worth of ours , we had a hundred pounds worth of theirs . some of these nations have given to the hollanders alone , the priviledge of trading with them ; for example , they alone can buy pepper , and by consequence set what price they please upon that commodity . every year in certain seasons the fleets set sail for holland , and every year new fleets go from holland for the indies . the merchandizes brought from india to holland , are publickly exposed to sale , and the money produced , distributed among the sharers ; so for a hundred pound which a particular man ▪ shall have put into the common stock , he shall have rarely twenty , sometimes thirty , and most commonly fourty pound profit ; so that the annual rent comes almost to half the capital . this distribution is made either in money , or merchandize ; the truth is , that heretofore they did seldom use to deliver out any merchandize , but of late some nations of europe having gone about to set up the same trade to the indies , the hollanders to discourage and break them at their first beginings , did think fit to make a distribution of merchandize . whereupon there coming abroad at once so much , the price of all could not choose but fall , and so make these strangers not able to afford them at such easie rates . 't is true , that this did the company themselves much prejudice , but still it was a less loss to them , for the greatest mischief that can befall them , is that other nations find the way to the indies . there is besides , this considerable advantage , that all the sharers do not only make a vast interest of their money , but their capital encreases every day , as the companies stock encreases . so if he that has put in at first 400 pound , will sell ( which they seldom do ) his right to another , he will without difficulty get 1800 pound for it ; and it is to be hoped , that at last the very annual distributions will be worth the capital every year . some years ago the company of the west-indies was establish'd after the same model ; and a purpose to cross its settlement , the king of spain demanded a truce of twelve years from the states ; one of the articles of which was , that the hollanders should undertake no navigation to the west-indies : he obtain'd it , and all that while the design was crush'd ; but shortly after the truce expir'd , it was again set a foot with more eagerness . the capital of this company was seven hundred thousand pound , and the curatours having set out a brave fleet , the town of st. sauveur , otherwise call'd baia de todos los santos , was carried and taken from the spaniards ; but shortly after it was unfortunately lost again . in the mean time , the booty made by taking and plundering the spaniards and portugu●ses ships was so rich , that the sharers of the company receiv'd five and twenty per cent. at the first distribution . a little after the spaniards silver fleet , valued at twelve hundred thousand pound , having been taken , the sharers had half their capital refunded to them ; but experience soon made appear , that in this the curatours were rather prodigal than liberal , because that the company having then no setled establishment in the west-indies , it had been better to have imployed that money towards a further confirmation of their affairs , particularly having undertaken so smart a war against the spaniards and portugueses . for this reason , their capital being exhausted by following misfortunes , the curatours were fain to exact a new contribution from the sharers , viz. the moiety of what they had given at first , which made up twelve hundred thousand pound , to which were added four hundred thousand pound more , and resolution was taken to pay interest of six per cent. for all the money advanc'd to the company . their treasury thus recruited , gave them courage to undertake a new expedition , upon the great town of fernambove ; after this they invaded some borders of africa , from whence having driven the portugueses , they got into possession of the trade with the africans , who sell their young negroes . this is the sinew of the west-india trade , for they being of a strong robust constitution , are able to endure those hardships in the sugar mills and mines , that no indians or europeans are able to undergo . though things have since succeeded pretty luckily , yet have not the curatours made any dividends amongst the sharers ; not but that they have brought from thence twice or thrice every year vast quantities of rich ladings , which they have well sold ; but because they have alwayes been forced to maintain war , till the portugueses revolted from the spaniards . the orders and constitution of this company , are conformable to those of the east-indies , except that there are alwayes some deputies from the states general , that do preside in their extraordinary assemblies ; and this because the states have contributed a great sum of money towards their first establishment . the soveraign command both by land and sea , is in the hands of a captain general , that resides in brazeel ; it is now prince maurice of nassaw . there are added to him as his councel , two or three of the curatours of the company ; there is also a soveraign court of justice to hear and determine causes between particular men . this company has other designs , and does not resolve to keep within the streight limits of brazeel , but endeavours to open a passage to those rich m●nes of silver which the spaniards and indians are at present in possession of ; this enterprize seems likely enough to succeed , particularly since the chilians , an indian nation that inhabits the sea-side , is in war with the spaniard , and wants nothing but armes and discipline ; which the hollanders will be easily induced to furnish them with , it being so much their own advantage . the souldiers of this company and officers , are sworn not only to the curatours , but also to the states general , and to the general of the army ; because it is not safe that private men should have an army at their command . these two companies have the priviledge of trading alone into both the indies , not for ever , but for twenty or thirty year , more or less . and it was wisely order'd so for two reasons : first , because it may be the necessity of affairs might have been such , as to have oblig'd the states to make peace or truce with the spaniards ; which it may be would not have been obtain'd , without relinquishing the trade to the indies , which they could not do had they granted a perpetual priviledge to these companies . secondly , that whensoever they demand the renewing of their priviledges , the commonwealth may take occasion to demand a round sum of money in acknowledgement of the favour they receive . in a word , these two companies are so well establish'd , as to be upon all occasions a very great prop to the state ; for they are a nursery of souldiers and seamen , out of which in time of war the states may upon a sudden be provided with ships , armes , and some thousands of men , and by which in time of peace , many thousands got a very handsom livelihood . chap. xxii . what judgement may be made of the lasting or decay of this commonwealth . cardinal bentivoglio , who was for some time the popes nuncio in the low-countries , has writ the history of their wars , and in his book has given me occasion of adding here this chapter . for he has propounded the same question , and after he has brought some reasons , which seem to conclude in favour of the perpetuity of this commonwealth , he does produce some others to shew that a contrary opinion is more likely . 't is certainly a great vanity to go about to dispute about futures ; yet the form and government , and present felicity of a state , may give us leave to give a guess at its future happiness . and first , if we consider the cause of the founding of this state , we cannot think that it will ever be dissolv'd : for that was the recovering of lost liberties , and the preservation of them when recovered ; two things mightily priz'd by all mankind , but particularly by the northern nations of the world . besides , not only by this the liberties of all its subjects are secur'd , but none of the neighbouring nations can stand in fear of losing theirs , by the increase of this ; so that it will be no bodies interest to procure a change ; for the people cannot be more easie than they are already : adde to this the mutual aversion between the spaniards and the hollanders , that it is natural to fear , and not to trust those that we have offended . besides , let any body cast back their eyes upon the first change , and they shall find it such as no body is offended at . 't is most certain , that when in government men pass from one extremity to the other , there are many whom a desire of the first government does sollicite and possess ; but here it was not so , for except the change that was made of the person of the king of spain , for the states general , there was no change made in the laws , constitutions , and customs of these provinces . since therefore that the antient laws , and magistrates , and all other priviledges do remain , it is easily agreed , that the change was scarce sensible to the inhabitants . and upon this we may found this maxim , that those states that have suffer'd least in their change , are like to last longest . the inequality of strength and riches in these provinces , is one of the tyes of their perpetuity , though ordinarily it be the cause of ruptures and fallings out in these cases . if we consider the riches of these provinces , and the industry of the inhabitants to acquire them , we may certainly conclude that they will not be wanting to themselves in their government ; besides , without doubt as long as the spaniards power shall give occasion of jealousie to europe , england and france will never forsake the protection of holland . if we consider also the example of some commonwealths of our time , as of the swizzers , who do not only maintain themselves free from neighbouring princes , by the natural situation of their countrey , but are a terrour to many of them . these are our reasons , but cardinal bentivoglio brings some against them as follows . liberty begets license , that begets inequality , inequality begets monarchy ; so the romans having driven out kings , gave themselves up to the enjoyment of their liberty ; after that , they fell out by the inequality of charges and honours , and at last fell under the domination of emperors . to this is answer'd , that it is in vain that this example is alleadged , because the change proceeded from the oversight in the constitution of the roman government , in which it was not provided against inequality ; but it is not so with the hollanders . as for what he sayes , that the authority of the governour general is too great , we do confess it ; yet the authority of the states is above it , for in him lies only perswasion , in them the power of commanding . if it be objected , that the charges of a war are here incredible and excessive , and that the treasury must needs be exhausted . i shall answer , that our enemies are not in a better condition , but there is this difference between us , that our enemies grow beggars , and we grow rich under this oppression . if it be further urged , that one province , holland , is much superiour to the others in strength and riches , and so may usurpe the domination over the rest . i shall answer , that in this inequality of power , all the provinces are equal in authority , and do not meddle with one anothers affairs . as for the diversity and plurality of religions , it is so far from being an apple of discord , that it is a tye of union and concord , every one being pleas'd with the liberty he has to enjoy the freedome of his conscience . chap. xxiii . an abridgement of the state of the united provinces , by paul merle . germany which is one of the noblest parts of europe , is divided into two parts , high and low . it is not our design to say any thing of the higher germany . the lower , call'd the eye of the north , by reason of its excellency , is compos'd of seventeen provinces . those of them that lye upon the banks of the river rhin towards the north , were us'd to be reckoned among the lordships of the upper germany ; and the others upon the banks of the same river , towards the east , were anciently esteem'd dependances of gallia belgica . each of them have been govern'd till within these few years , by their particular princes and princesses . the provinces of brabant , limbourg , luxembourg , and gueldres , were govern'd by dukes . flanders , artois , hainaut , zeeland , holland , namur , and zutphen , by earls . antwerp which bears the title of the marquessship of the holy empire , by a marquess . friezeland , utrect , overyssell , malines , and groeningue , by bishops and particular lords . the emperor charles the fifth was the first soveraign of all these rich provinces ; to the possession of which he attain'd , by being heir to the branch of burgundy , and the houses of spain and austria . philip his son was his successor in his time . the exorbitant punishments inflicted on those that professed protestant religion , with the intolerable severity of the inquisition ; the breach of the peoples priviledges , made them revolt , and endeavour to maintain by force , that which tyranny would extort from them . their enterprize has been bless'd with success ; for seven of these provinces have cast off the yoke of obedience due unto him , and have made an union and league together for their defence , whence they are call'd the united provinces , and are gueldres , zutphen , holland , zeeland , frieze , utrect , overyssell , and groeningue . these are the provinces , for whose service that incomparable hero , morice of nassaw , son to william prince of orange , has waged and managed a war against the most powerfull prince in europe , with a success worthy his prudence and courage . he was so accomplish'd a prince , that it is better to be silent , than to go about to praise one , whose merits can never be equall'd with words ; but they are written in the hearts of all the nations he so highly obliged by his singular valor and conduct . the provinces above-mentioned having occasion to treat of their publick concerns , send their deputies to the hague , some one , some two or more , according as their rank and priviledge is . they are ordinarily chosen among the most sufficient , able , and pious men , and such as deserve to be admir'd for their experience . they are commonly call'd the states generall , and have the power of treating and concluding the most important affairs of the commonwealth , as peace , war , &c. in a word ; their duty is to answer all the ends of government , that they may preserve the commonwealth flourishing , and safe . but i have undertaken to give a particular account of the government of the hollanders , and i think fit to give the reader notice , that whatsoever is said of them , may be applyed to the other provinces , only things are done in holland with a greater apparatus , and more solidity . thyerry of aquitain was the first earl of holland ; thirty earls or countesses have succeeded him in this dignity , all upon condition to preserve the priviledges and immunities of the people ; which having been exactly observ'd by them all , were first violated by philip the second , king of spain , for which he was deposed , and from that time forward the soveraign power devolv'd to the states . the states are a publick assembly of the nobles and the deputies of towns. the brederodes have the first rank among the nobles ; the wassenars were more ancient ; the egmonts the powerfullest ; the scages follow the brederodes ; then the assendelf ; the douses ; the warmonts ; the podgeests ; the matenesses , and others . the reader must forgive me if i am mistaken in this account . three nobles and no less are us'd to sit in the states of holland . the towns that send deputies , never send fewer than two . there are six principall towns who have this right ; dort , harlem , delf , leyden , amsterdam , tergou . there are also some others , as in south-holland , rotterdam , gorchum , schiedam , schoonhoove , the brill ; in north-holland , alcmaer , horn , enchuse . it is likewise practis'd to call the nobles to ordinary assemblies ; but when there is an extraordinary deputation for making of peace or war , &c. then the other smaller towns may likewise send their deputies . the states of holland meet ordinarily every quarter once , and sometimes between while , and that at the hague , as the states of gueldres at nimmegue , or zutphen . the provinciall advocate presides in these assemblies , and takes care that they be held with order , and things manag'd with prudence . he resides ordinarily at the hague , and does no other office but this ; he is to shew himself impartiall and just even to the least borrough or corporation ; he must take care that nothing pass that is contrary to the customes and priviledges of the province . the first day of the assembly he is to perform the office of speaker , and to break the matters to the deputies , to ask their advices , and take their votes , and declare for those that are the major part . he is also to keep a register of all that is done , and to send a copy of it to all the nobles and towns , within eight dayes after the rising of the assembly . the states being solemnly assembled , and having all taken an oath of fidelity and secrecy , do deliberate about the propositions made by the advocate , which are ordinarily reduced to heads . their ordinary matters are subsidies , contributions , &c. changes in state and government , peace , war , leagues ; of alienating , giving , and otherwise disposing of things belonging to the province ; of granting priviledges , patents , and many other things , which for brevity i omit . as for the order observ'd in giving their votes ; the nobles begin , then the towns follow in the order they are set down above ; every one says his opinion and reasons with leasure , and quietly , no body interrupting him , and that which the major part carries , is the law. the states as it has been said , meet but once every three moneths ; therefore because there may be extraordinary business , they choose certain deputies , who sit alwayes to deliberate of such matters as happen between the meeting times , and which cannot be deferr'd . by the care of these all land and sea-affairs are govern'd , and all ministred . the deputies are call'd collegues , and they that take care of the sea-affairs , counsellors of the admiralty . they are six in the colledge of deputies , and are most commonly chosen for one year , out of the nobles and citizens of towns , and are bound by oath to observe carefully , and without interest , all that shall be commanded them , to take neither bribe , present , nor pension from any person or persons . they are to confer notes with the governour of the province , and to give him good and faithfull counsell . they are also to take great care , that the resolves and orders of the last assemblies be put in execution ; to deliberate of all such things as are not left to the governours care ; to call together the states upon such occasions as will admit of no delay . they are also to provide , that the towns and villages of the province do live in peace and union one with another ; and that there be no violation of the states orders , either by force or fraud ; to sollicit punishment against riotous souldiers and officers that commit exactions and extortions . they are also to keep a register of the arms that are in the magazines ; that the ordinary proportion of ammunition be deliver'd to the garrisons ; that from time to time there be made fortresses and forts in holland , and those kept in repair . it is not to be forgotten , that it is to them at last that comes all exchequer suits about the publick revenue and receit of customes , &c. in the absence of the governour generall they determine all causes concerning prisoners of war , touching plunder and booty , &c. here follows the method they use in all their affairs . 1. they do the business that concerns the whole province . 2. those affairs that regard towns and corporations . last of all , they decide the controversies between private persons . the counsellors of the admiralty who are six in number , ought to be very carefull , and to act conjoyntly with the admirall , the states , and their deputies , to have alwayes a convenient fleet ready , to secure the sea from pirates , and that all merchants and passengers passing to and fro upon rivers and channels , be duely provided of pasports . they are also to find out the ablest pilots and stoutest captains , and when they have sworn them , give them their orders . they are soveraign judges of all abuses and frauds committed in falsifying and counterfeiting pasports ; as also of all quarrels and suits between sea-men and souldiers aboard the ships . in a word ; they have all the power that admirals do enjoy in england , france , or any other countrey . i have not time to shew here by what agents and officers the states do administer justice to their subjects ; keep accounts of their treasure ; give livings and fees to be held from them ; and many other things , which would require a greater volume . it remains to satisfie some politicians curiosity , who would know it may be , whether our state be monarchie , aristocracie , or democracie ; or of which of these it participates most . to which i answer , that i think the government of holland to be a fit mixture of them all . in the person of the governour generall , who commands the armies both at land and sea with an absolute authority , is seen monarchie ; the states represent aristocracie ; and democracie is seen in the government of the cities and towns , for nothing is done without the consent of the meanest inhabitant . chap. xxiv . the proclamation of the states of holland and west-frieze , touching the ancient right of the common-wealth of holland . the knights , nobles , and towns of holland and west-frieze , representing the states of the said provinces , after a mature deliberation and communication of the business with the nobles and senates of towns , and carefully weigh'd their advice and answer , have in discharge of their oath and duties , thought fit to publish and make known to all the world by a publick edict , the state of government of the said provinces , being perswaded , that all readers will be inclin'd to pitty and favour the deplorable estate of our countrey . it is most certain for that in past ages , for the time of 800. years , the soveraign administration of the provinces of holland , west-frieze , or zeeland , was committed to the care of earls or countesses , who had receiv'd this power from the states , and that upon certain conditions . these earls did govern with so much moderation and prudence , that they did never undertake either to declare war , or make peace , or lay imposts or taxes , without asking the advice and consent of the nobles , and of the magistrates of towns , though they had their own privy councellors , men of great capacity and abilities ; but they did much yeeld to the authority of the states , for any business that concern'd these nations . this government thus founded upon equity and justice , could not choose but attract the blessings of heaven upon its lords ; and indeed it did , for no princes ever perform'd more glorious actions , or receiv'd more demonstrations of honour from their neighbours , than they . william the second , earl of holland , was chosen emperor in the year 1247. and that which is yet an addition of glory for these princes , is , that they have maintain'd many bloody wars , obtain'd many famous victories , and alwayes so defended the very borders of their states , that their enemies have not been able to get any ground upon them . we may also protest with truth , that in the space of 800. years , holland and zeeland were never conquer'd nor subjected by any strangers whatsoever ; neither did they pass under the power of any foreign prince , which is an advantage that we believe no state in europe , except it be the republick of venice , can brag of . we do ingeniously confess , that the firm constitution of this our government , does consist in the union and good intelligence which is between the states and the prince ; for the power of these earls was very inconsiderable without the help of the states , they having nothing but their own demean or revenue to live upon , and uphold the splendor of their court. we have also observ'd , by what means and authority they have often made their courts remember that duty , which some evil counsellors had perswaded them to forget , and that not only by remonstrances and petitions , but often by chastizing and personally punishing those , who wickedly abusing the princes authority , did lead them so much out of the way of justice and moderation . we find likewise in our histories , that the states have chosen guardians for their princes under age ; and that william the fifth being run mad , they created a lieutenant-governour in his room . in a word ; 't is a thing question'd by no body , that the soveraign power was alwayes in the states , whensoever their princes came to die , or were otherwise disabled from performing the functions of their charge ; and in those cases they did appoint a governour , whom they called guardian , or ( ruwarde . ) under the domination of the dukes of burgundy this right was also maintain'd ; for a little after the death of charles their duke , and his daughter the dutchess mary , maximilian of austria having undertaken to introduce some novelties , and oppress the authority of the states , was so oppos'd , that had he continued he had without doubt undone himself . the emperor charles being yet minor receiv'd guardians , and the provinces receiv'd governors from the said states ; and though their liberties had suffer'd some diminution under the dukes of burgundy , yet did the said emperor alwayes respect and honour them , as being perswaded that without their assistance his power could not stand . upon this subject he gave many grave admonitions to his son , wishing him to govern with all moderation ; and not by any means to exasperate that power , whose consent he must have to enjoy his prerogative . and indeed he now knows to his own and these provinces great cost , the truth of what his father did foretell ; for there can be no other cause alledged of the troubles and revolutions of the low-countreys , than his going about to infringe their priviledges , and fasten the yoke of servitude about their necks . though these things be as clear as day , yet we have thought it necessary to publish them to the world ; because that many being yet in suspence and ill-inform'd , do think that the states are only a tumultuous assembly of some deputies , who being men concern'd in the quarrell , do carry on things more according to their own ends , than to the publick good . but they that will open their eyes , and consider the noble actions perform'd in holland and zeeland within these fifteen years , will easily see that they cannot be the effect of some few persons passion , but they must necessarily be seconded by the unanimous consent of whole nations . therefore that none may any longer have the least pretext for their doubts , we will give such evidences of our power , as shall shew whence it is der●v'd . the princes that heretofore govern'd , were not only possess'd at first of this honour , by the consent and agreement of the states , but have also been continued in this their dignity , by the same , means that all those bodies of which they were made heads , did remain in the same entire state of liberty ; a thing which it may be we should not now be able to brag of , had not the states alwayes had a vigilant eye upon the actions of ambitious princes , and the malice of ill counsellors , and applied present remedies upon all occasions , and so stop'd up the way to tyranny , as to make it not worth their while to endeavour it . these states are divided into two bodies ; the nobility , and the towns. the nobility , by reason of their ancient extraction , their rich possessions , and their gallant actions , do justly compose the first body , and meet with the deputies of towns in publick assemblies , to provide for the common-wealth . the towns have almost all the same government . the colledge of senators of the towns is chosen from among the patricians , who in some places are forty , in others thirty four , twenty , more or less . being once rais'd to this honour , they enjoy it as long as they live , or as long as they have jus civita●is : when they die or remove to other places , others are chosen in their place by the common consent of the citizens . these colledges alone have the power of deliberating and determining the affairs of the towns , and that which is resolv'd upon in these assemblies , is by the people receiv'd and obeyed . in this colledge are every year chosen the magistrates , viz. four bourgemasters , three , two , or seven aldermen , ( for so 't is they call the judges ) to administer justice for one year . in some provinces these magistrates are chosen absolutely ; and in others there is a double number chosen , and out of them the governor chooses those that are to be judges . the bourgemasters duty is to take care to make good orders be kept throughout the city in all things , and to provide that the publick be no wayes dammaged . the aldermen determine causes , and punish crimes . the colledges have the super-intendance over all these in holland , zeeland , and west-frieze ; insomuch that the princes of these provinces had not reserv'd to themselves any other power , than to create one to preside in these assemblies . this is the true state of these countreys ; whence may be inferr'd , that the magistrates , the senates , and the nobility joyn'd together , do represent the whole body of these nations , and that their government is so equally temper'd , as to subsist as long as it has done , and with as much if not more felicity . when publick affairs require that these colledges of the nobility and towns should meet , they are advertis'd of it by their deputies , who do call them together by express writs sent to them , in which the heads of the matters to be deliberated upon , are inserted . these having been discuss'd and weigh'd in the assembly , deputies are sent to the states generall , with power to consult and determine such things , as shall be found necessary for the good of all the provinces . the nobility is present in a competent number . the towns send one bourgemaster , with some senators . their duty in generall is to treat and decide , concerning all that has any relation to the welfare of the state ; and particularly they are bound to provide for the maintaining of the immunities and priviledges . these assembled are call'd the states ; not that they are , but because they represent a nobler and more powerfull assembly which sent them thither . neither is it to be imagin'd , that one can easily by favour and faction attaine to this degree of honour ; for besides that naturally the common people are averse : for those that seem to desire the choice of such a one , is void of its self . besides , who would be so mad in the age we live in , as to purchase ambitiously an employment , which carries with it nothing but cares and afflictions ; and which , by the malice of those who study to defame and black the most unspotted reputation , is a place of danger , rather than a degree of elevation ? certainly they that are well acquainted with our common-wealth , will witness how many artifices , nay what threats and constraints we are fain to use , to get the deputies to accept of their charges . when these assemblies are dissolv'd , the deputies are bound to give an account of the resolutions to those that sent them . this is that foundation upon the which our commonwealth was first built , and has stood for this 700. years , as it appears by our histories . 't is by this union that we have maintain'd a war for these many years , without the loss of any of our members ; and that since our league , no towns have revolted , nor none of our armies divided into parties : for which no better reason can be given , than that we have proceeded in all things justly , according to the constitution of our government . for this reason that every one might share in the government , we have granted to many small towns , who formerly did not use to be call'd to the generall assemblies , the priviledge of sending their deputies , and taking part in the administration of all affairs , that so they may the more willingly support the paying of taxes , which they themselves shall have thought fit to impose . upon the same score the nobility has the liberty of assisting at these publick assemblies , in such numbers as they please . provided still they be of the body of the great assembly , except those that are priviledg'd . if any body can prove that any of the nobles or deputies of towns has gone beyond his commission , or has come short of it , or any wayes fail'd in the trust put in him , he shall be bound to come in the presence of those that did depute him , and justifie himself ; and in case he refuse , he shall be punish'd according to the rigour of the law ; and we shall think our selves oblig'd to those that shall accuse him , and bound to thank them , as true and faithfull lovers of their countrey . but as for those that do cast aspersions , and forge calumnies against the states , it is fit they should know that they are much mistaken , if they think to deal with the nobility and deputies of towns , as with private men . for though they may be led away , and induc'd to deride their actions and resolutions , innocently , and only to make sport ; yet do we here declare , that those we shall find doing so maliciously , and with a design of subverting our state , by vilifying the governors thereof , we shall hold as enemies , and punish accordingly . therefore be it known to all , that we that do here declare that the soveraign power is in the states , do not mean that it is in the deputies , but in those that sent them , whom they represent by vertue of their commission . this is a truth which many princes , and particularly her most serene majesty the queen of england , as also his excellency the prince of orange , when he was sworn governour , did both acknowledge . neither do we think that any body can dispute so constant a verity ; for else it would follow , that the states have not , now they are free , so much power as they had before : and not only the contracts made with the english , and the creation of the governor generall , would be invalid , but all that the states have so nobly perform'd , since these fifteen years , would be unjust , which no body but our greatest enemies will , or dare say . from what has been said , it appears how great a necessity there is of keeping inviolable the authority of the said states , as the foundation of all the safety of our commonwealth , and of letting every body know , that the soveraign power is no less in them now than it was under their former princes . decreed at the hague , and order'd to be publish'd by the common consent of the states . made at har●●m● the sixteenth of october , in the year 1587. the third book containing the delights of holland . chap. i. of the original of holland . some writers say , that the word holland is deriv'd from the g●rman word holtlandt , which is as much as to say , a countrey of wood ; and they found this their conjecture upon the names of many villages , which have been nam'd from their woods . our annals likewise do say , that formerly this province was full of forrests , and the sea-side all border'd with trees . there was not above a hundred years ago a large forrest in the island of texel , ( which does as it were make up the tail of the lion , which the seventeen provinces put together do represent . ) and to this day there are bodies and stumps of trees , which do often hurt ships , and entangle their cables about their roots , which in a storm is often the cause of the loss of divers ships ; for that reason the fishermen never cast their nets there , for fear of tearing them . some others say , and that probably enough , that the word holland does denote the property of the earth , which in most places seems hollow , and quakes as if it swam upon the top of the water . to this purpose guicciardin tells a story of a cow , that passing in a meadow half a mile from harlem , fell into a ditch , and was drown'd , and ●●re● dayes after was found in a lake hard by the town , on the east-side of it , which had no communication with the ditch . the third opinion , and that which is most likely to be true , is , that these provinces having been conquer'd by the normans , they gave them the name of the provinces they came out of . and in effect , not only whole provinces , but many towns and villages have the same names here , and in denemark , as zeeland , oland , besides the kingdome of norway ; the towns , as schagen , bergen , valkenburg , and many others , which it is needless to set down . in all antiquity it is observable , that when ever a nation did enlarge by conquests or colonies , the same custome was put in use . so the french having entred gallia drive out the romans , and call'd the countrey france . the spaniards do the same in the west-indies . and to go no further , the dutch themselves have given the name of batavia to that great town in the indies , which they have made the seat of their trade and empire in those parts . these northern nations , not content with their having deluge-like over-run these countreys , pass'd into neustria , and call'd it normandy ; and to this day the people of that province have an accent much resembling that of the danes in their tongue , which is not a small conjecture that they are come originally out of the north. our authors do not agree about the time that these nations did invade holland , and whether they were again driven out by the french or no. chap. ii. of the length and breadth of holland ; the number of its towns and villages . under the name of the low countreys are comprehended the seventeen provinces , and before these troubles flanders was esteem'd the best of them ; but now holland may more justly claim that title , as being the richest countrey in the world for its bigness . holland is encompassed almost on three sides by the ocean , viz. on the west , the east , and the north ; it has brabant , the river meuse , and utrect , to the south . it may be said of this province as an ancient said of france , that there is no desert , solitude , nor empty place in it ; for there has been such an affluence and concourse of people by reason of the wars , that it is almost too little to hold them . the circuit of holland is only a hundred and fourscore miles , and in this compass are comprehended great lakes , and a part of the south sea. its length is taken from the island schelling , in the north , to the river scheld , and zeeland in the south . the breadth is not above twenty four miles , if we take it in a straight line in the middle , from catwyck by the sea-side , to woerden , a small town upon the frontiers of utrect . the chief and principall towns are six in number ; dort , harlem , delft , leyden , amsterdam , goude . the others that are less towns , but who do send their deputies to the states generall , are these ; rotterdam , gorcum , schiedam , schoonhove , briel , alcmaer , horn , enchuyse , edam , monnicken-dam , medenblick , and purmerend . the other towns are not admitted to the same priviledges , either because they are built upon the conquer'd countrey of brabant , as gertrudenbergh , heusden , workum ; or because they have particular lords , that will not have them belong to the states , as vianen is owned by the brederodes , and yselsteyn is claim'd by the states of utrect ; or else because they are poor , and cannot bear the charges of deputies , as woerde , audewater , heukelom , asperen , leerdam , naerden , w●sop , and muyden , of which mention shall be made hereafter . the principall burroughs which have the priviledges of towns , though they be not wall'd , are , the hague , vlaerding , grav●sant , delfs-haven , beverwyck , schagen , nieuport . there are in holland above two hundred villages , which if you consider for their building , trade , and riches , they may take place of many towns in other countreys ; but the fairest of them are nortwic , reensburg , worbury , maeslant-s●●ys , egmond , ryswyck , geervliet , &c. vlaerding re●nsburg , and bev●●wyck were in former ages reckon'd amongst the strongest and fairest towns of this province ; as also geervliet . but holland is much chang'd since its troubles , and many towns are risen by trade and their situation , which before were very inconsiderable . i have heard old women say , how they could remember that lootwyck was as big again as it is now , and that it has been by little and little eaten away by the ocean , it s too powerfull neighbour . in the year 1574. at schevelinge , near the hague , the sea broke in , and carried away 121. houses , as any body may see it recorded upon a picture in the church . in a word , the ruine of the neighbouring provinces , and the great a version of the people to slavery , has made them all resort to this , and there produce that plenty and abundance of all things , which commonly follows great numbers of people , particularly being so situated , as to take the advantage of three great rivers , and the sea. chap. iii. of the division of holland , and the nature of the soyl. holland is divided into the south or meridionall part , which reaches from zeeland , brabant , and utrect , to the dike at sparendam , and that is above half holland ; and into north-holland , or west-frieze , which reaches from amsterdam to the north sea : and the people though penn'd up as it were in so small a compass , does nevertheless differ very much in manners , customes , and cloathes , in these parts . the kennemaers , which the annals speak so much of , did live between harlem , alcmaer , beverwy●k , and purmerend . there is a little mountain between these towns , which carries the name of st. albert , and there the earls were install'd lords of the kennemaers ; and near that place they kept their courts , as well because of the beauty of the countrey , as for the convenience of many fair castles that are built there , such as cleves , brederode , velsen , egmond . waterland is so call'd , because of the abundance of waters , on the top of which it seems to swim . there are in it but three little towns , viz. edam , monnicken-dam , and purmerend . that part of holland which is nearest the north , has a soft moorish soyl , not at all fit to be till'd . from the downs to the frontier of brabant , 't is nothing but meadows , which towards the end of october begin to be cover'd with water , and which encreases by continuall rains and storms , and that lasts all winter , insomuch that in most places you see nothing but some steeples and houses , which look as if they came out of the sea ; all these fine meadows being then cover'd with boats , and the dikes with passengers . this water does mightily fatten the ground ; and in the beginning of february , ( provided the frosts do not hinder it ) begins to be emptied , by the admirable invention of those wind-mills , which drive away these deluges of water , and confine them to certain channels . the earth being dry begins about march to look green , and then the cattell come out to grazing . now it is to be observ'd , that the favourable wind for holland is the south-east , and the worst is the north-west . to prevent the dangerous effects of so much water , this countrey is full of banks , rais'd by the industry of the inhabitants , and which have cost vast summes of money to make , as they do still to maintain and keep in repair . the chief is the bank of the river issel , that of the meuse , of sparendam , and of medenblick . the care of them belongs to the dyckgraves of each hundred , and to the heemrades , who are gentlemen of the countrey . in the year 1638. the dike of issel broke by the thawing of the river ; for the rhyne carrying huge mountains of ice , they eat into it , and made 〈◊〉 breach of many foot , not far from utrect ; whereupon almost all holland was overflown with clear water , which did little hurt : the breach was soon made up , and the water drain'd by the help of the wind-mills . the earth produces all sorts of fruits and good corn about r●●nsbourg and nortwyck , as also near vooerschote and warmont , but not enough for the vast multitudes of people that swarm in this countrey , therefore the great supply is from poland and moscovy . there grows besides here hemp and flax , for fine linnen , and sayls , &c. there are incomparably more meadows than arable grounds , which feed a world of cattle ; particularly a large sort of cows , vvhich give great store of milk , of which is made excellent butter , and rare cheeses , which are sent all the world over . in some places there are cows that yeeld three great pales full of milk a day . every spring there comes great store of ●ean cows and oxen from dannemark , jutland , and h●lstein , which are within three weeks time fa●●ed upon these excellent pastures . in some places they ●owe the grass twice a year ; and the hay is much better than in any other place ; it is for that reason , that the horses and cows are bigger and taller than in any other place . the earth of which the turss are made is call'd veens , which being cut out of the ditches , and exposed to the sun-beams , grows hard , and then being kept some time in a barn or garret , grows dry , and fit for fewell . the best are those that come from friezeland , and they use them in brewing and baking . they have all much sulphure in them , and being mingled with wood , make an excellent fire . the mountains of sand call'd downs , serve as a bar to the fury of the ocean ; and though they seem barren , yet have they an advantage , which is , that they are full of rabbits , which are both a pleasant diversion , and a good provision for passengers . the sea-side from the meuse to the texel is about a hundred miles in length ; and there is so plain and smooth a way between the mountains and the sea , that it is a great pleasure to travell in it either afoot or on horse-back . when the sea is calm , you may see the ships under sail ; and if there be a storm , it is with a kind of terrible delight , that you may perceive the threatning sea come , and spend all its fury upon this even shore . there are some pleasant forrests standing yet , as that of the hague and harlem . there is likewise a wood at sevenhuyse , a fine village five leagues from leyden , where the scholars go twice a year to take the sport of shaking the trees , and making a great sort of bird that builds in them fall at their feet . it is most certain that this province was anciently full of trees , which ( according to the opinion of some authors ) were destroyed by that horrible storm , which hapned in the year 860. and which shut up the mouth of the river rhene near lat●i● , made it take another course , and mingle with the meuse , after a great devastation of woods , lands , and houses . in proof whereof you see that the channell that comes from u●rect , and passes through leyden , retains yet the name of the rhyne . the countrey people in digging do find to this day in the veens , and other places , great bodies and branches of trees , particularly towards the south . nay they have found nuts entire and well preserv'd in the bottom of the water , though there has been no trees to bear them since this hundred years . and indeed it is no wonder that a countrey formerly over-run with wood , should now be so empty of it , since we know that germany which is now so full of towns and cities , was anciently one great forrest almost . the air is pretty well temper'd in holland , though cold do a little predominate , there being continuall winds and frequent rains ; but the inconstancy of the climate is such , that the seasons seem to be in a perpetuall confusion . it rains ordinarily in the dog-dayes ; and sometimes in july it is as cold as in december . likewise in winter it is sometimes so warm and milde weather , that one can hardly endure a fire : but as the heat is never violent , so the cold is seldome lasting , according to the proverb that sayes , that rigorous masters do not govern long ; yet is there no such generall rule but admits of an exception ; for there has been long and hot summers , and violent cold lasting winters : the annals speak of some , as of the year 1149. when the channels are frozen , they slide upon them with a certain sort of shooes call'd skates , which have a long , shining , narrow , crooked iron , that stands out before . they that are perfect in this exercise turn their feet inwards , that the iron may take the more hold of the ice , upon which they fly like birds in the air with that swiftness , that one can hardly follow them with the eye . the women too use this as a diversion , and many do very pretty tricks upon the ice ; but most are content with a straight course , as much as needs to get heat and ground . every sunday after sermon all the people of the towns come out upon the ice , some to slide and others to look on . i knew a young clown of ten year old , who did brag that he had gone eighteen miles or six leagues in an hour upon his skates . the same laid a wager with a peasant his neighbour , that he would sooner slide three leagues , than the other should ride one and a half with the best horse he should get . it is ordinary for these sort of people to go from leyden to amsterdam in an hour and a quarter , if the ice be even , and yet that is near eighteen miles . there are besides things call'd traisneaur , like our sledges , that are of two sorts , some that are drawn by horses , and others that a man drives before him as he slides upon the ice . there are also boats , that having a great iron under them , sail along , and go sometimes fifteen leagues an hour ; but that is seldome practis'd , because there is danger in it , and because that often the ice is not even . when it has snowed and frozen together , they use great sledges to go across the meadows , and not follow the ordinary way . some wonder to see the countrey people carry great poles upon their shoulders ; but the reason of it is , that if the ice should break , they might by the favour of their poles , ( both ends of which would lye upon the two extremities of the crack'd ice ) get out again . the temerity of the hollanders deserves to be blam'd ; for many will venture upon one nights ice , and thence happen many sad accidents . holland is so flat and even a countrey , that you see not a mountain nor a hill , except those sand-hills that keep out the sea. it is almost all meadows , cut into a thousand channels , which in summer by their delicate green , and their variety of flowers , are a pleasant object to look on . 't is true , that in some places the earth produces corn , beans , pease , and all sorts of grains ; the mountains of sand are full of rabbits ; the waters of excellent fishes ; and the air supplyes them with fowl from the northern parts , viz. with woodcocks , snipes , hernes , &c. insomuch that holland may be call'd very justly , the marrow of the low countreys , as well for its fertility , as for the delights and pleasures that may be enjoyed in it . it seems a terrestriall paradise for its meadows and pleasant fields , the channels and rivers so ingeniously contriv'd for trade , and the noble magnificence of its buildings . we must needs confess that there are very few plow'd grounds , considering the vast numbers of people that must be fed ; and yet there are no where greater store-houses , nor better furnish'd than here : nay holland may with reason be call'd the store-house of europe , considering the vast transportation of all sorts of grains that are made from hence into italy , spain , england , france , and brabant , when their own corn has fail'd them by any accident of war or famine . that great man scaliger speaking of the wonders of this province , sayes , that here grows no vines , and yet here is more wine than in any one place in europe . in effect , the wines of the rhene , the mosella , and the mouse , come to dort , and from thence into all the other places of these countreys . the wines of france , spain , and greece , come to amsterdam and rotterdam . there grows very little wood , and yet there are no where to be found more carpenters and joyners than here . and it may be there is not in the rest of chrystendome , so many ships and boats as in this one province : there is scarce a peasant but has his boat to bring his commodities to the towns. to be short ; sayes he , we live amongst the waters , and yet we drink not of them . there are no flocks of sheep , and very little flax ; and yet where is made more cloth and linnen than here ? i adde , that there are no mines in holland , and yet all sorts of mettals are more abundant here than in any part of the world , as it appears by the rich furnitures and ornaments of the houses of our citizens , whose wives delight in that more than in any thing else . strangers cannot easily conceive these wonders , or at least they alone amongst them that understand the secret of trade , and what vast advantages the hollanders have reap'd from that war , which they so long and so generously maintain'd against spain , and which at last ending in an honourable peace , has left them masters of the trade of the world , fetching by their ships from the remotest parts of it all that 's good and precious , and to be had for money . chap. iv. of the manners and dispositions of the inhabitants . the old hollanders were formerly despised by their neighbours , for the grossness of their temper , and the simplicity of their life . they were us'd to be call'd block-heads , and eaters of cheese and milk : but as they formerly had the reputation of silly , so now they are esteemed as subtil and understanding a nation as any is in europe ; as may be well evidenced from their treaties and alliances made with strangers . this i think proceeds from that commerce they drive through all the world , and from the mixture made amongst them by divers strangers that have setled in these parts ; for above half those that do inhabit the towns are either strangers , or descended from them . they all love their liberties , even those that have made but a few years stay in the province , as if the genius of it had a secret power over mens inclinations . it is not lawfull to beat nor strike any body . servants have as great priviledges as their masters , who dare not abuse them with blows . and if any body chance to be so far transported by their passion , as to 〈…〉 t their man or maid-servant , and 〈◊〉 come to the hearing of the magistrate , they are fined for it , and often forc'd to pay them their whole year of wages , though not due , and so turn them away . there are no slaves in holland , but any man in that condition is free as soon as he sets his foot on that ground . the hollanders are very constant in their resolutions , and seldome desist till they have obtain'd their end . they are not so much upon the punctilio of honor , as the other nations , but are rather given to trade and getting , and they seem as if they had suck'd in with their milk the insatiable desire of acquiring . they never complain of the pains they take , and go as merrily to the indies , as if they went to their countrey houses . they are of a strong constitution , tall proper men , and very capable of whatsoever they undertake . those amongst them that prefer the study of liberal arts to the desire of growing rich , do succeed as prosperously ; for without doubt or flattery , holland has produced as many learn'd and ingenious persons as any province in europe . others follow the art of painting , and transport themselves into italy , where are the best masters of the world ; and by these means good pictures are very common here , there being scarce an ordinary tradesman , whose house is not adorn'd with them . if there be any body that has any new invention or discovery , he shall be sure to find money for it here , if it will yeeld any . above all things the hollander , hate all quarrels and duels ; as likewise they abhor all treacherous actions , blasphemy , swearing , &c. they are no wayes bloody-minded , but much more enclin'd to compassion than their neighbours . i pass to their way of living . and first of their winter-provision . in the beginning of autumn when the turfs are dry , they lay in their provision of them . towards november they buy an oxe , or half a one , according as their family is , that they salt and smoke for summer , eating it with butter or sallet . every sunday they take out a great piece out of their salting-tub , upon which they dine : this piece comes every day after upon the table all the week long , with some other dish of boyl'd meat , or milk. they do not love pottage so much as the french ; neither do they much esteem leek , or garlick , or onion . they are not nice in their diet , and none amongst them , but the very rich , do eat after the french fashion . they have that common custome of all northern nations , which is , that they delight much in drinking and feasting with their friends ; if any chance to be quarrelsome in his drink , he is presently driven out of the company . here we must not omit a certain custome , which has for drift , peace , amity , and concord : all the towns are divided into divers quarters , called neighbourhoods ; every one of these has a master , and he has his counsellors ; if there happen any quarrell , the parties appear before him , who endeavours to agree them ; if he cannot , then they may go twice a week before the commissioners for hearing of quarrels , and keeping peace amongst neighbours ; if they cannot bring them to take or give satisfaction , then they may go to law. the treasurer of each neighbourhood receives the fines , which are these following : if any one has not waited upon a dead body of the neighbourhood going to be buried , he is fin'd three half-pence . the heirs or kindred of the dead person are bound to make a present , according to their quality , though there be no set tax . for a childe they give not so much as for a person of age . the gift that is made for a married person , is call'd in the language of the countrey a fat dish . when a citizen purchases a house , he is bound to a present proportionable to the value of his house . when there is a pretty round summe of money got together by six or seven years gathering , the master and his counsellors meet at the desire of the neighbours , and appoint a day for a treat , which lasts ordinarily three or four . 't is most commonly in autumn , and there every one comes with his wife , but without either children or dogs , under pain of being fined . before they sit down , the laws of the feast are publickly read ; amongst which the chiefest are , that you must not blaspheme , nor start any discourse about religion , for fear of falling out . then the master sits down with his wife , and the counsellors next to him of each side ; the others draw lots for their places . if any one press another to drink more than he is able , he payes a fine ; if he strike , he is banish'd the company , and not admitted the next day without asking pardon . at eight of the clock every one goes out , and waits upon the master to his lodging , where they begin to drink afresh , till wine and sleep part them , and bring them to their own homes . all the time is pass'd merrily , and without ceremony , as if they were all equall . the four dayes being ended , they summe up what they have spent ; and if the publick purse cannot pay the charges , they supply it by an equall contribution . i have recited this custome at large , that from it may be deduced some knowledge of their humour . they are very patient , and not so hasty as other nations , and have a proverb amongst them , which sayes , that rich people do not use to fight . they ha●e going to law ; and as for affronts and injurious words they are made amends for , by the recantation and confession of him that is in the wrong ; then they shake hands , and are made friends . the married women and maids are very fair and chaste . they have a great care of their house , and keep all their cupboards , cabinets , even the floors , extream neat : some of them are so curious , as not to let you come into their rubb'd rooms , without putting on a pair of slippers , or making your own shooes very clean . the women do enjoy as much liberty as their husbands ; and it is an unpardonable fault to beat them . i have often heard them say , that if a husband does beat his wife , he is bound to give his neighbours a gammon of bacon ; and if she beat him , she is bound to give two . every day they rub and wash the lower floors , and straw them with fine sand , and make them so neat , that strangers often make a scruple of spitting in them . if the citizens wives are thus neat , the countrey people are no wayes inferior to them in that point ; for they keep all even to their stables very clean . the houshold-stuff of the better sort is very rich , of gold and silver , and carv'd work ; good hangings ; excellent pictures ; rare cabinets , fill'd with china , &c. i have observ'd one thing of the hollanders by living long amongst them , which is , that they do not easily give credit to such as tell strange stories and wonderfull accidents , hapned a great way off ; and when , by their silence and postures , they seem to admire it , 't is then that they believe least of all what you say , but they do not take pleasure in contradicting . they are not given to swearing , nor robbing ; but are tender-hearted , and inclin'd to pity , and will not willingly see any body wrong'd in their presence . they are a little too indulgent to their children , and are punished for it ; for many of them rebell against their parents , and at last go away to the indies , the ordinary vent of these provinces . when any body tells them of their fondness to their children , they presently say , does any body spoil their own face , or cut off their own nose ? they are very laborious and industrious , and in the name of liberty and profit undertake any thing . they love familiarity , and are much taken with people that being of great quality do not refuse to eat and drink with them . prince william the first , prince of orange , won their hearts with that popular way , and did the king of spain more mischief by it , than if he had been at the head of an army against him . they despise and undervalue proud people ; and to please them , you must conform to their humour . they are very free , and open apparently , but are indeed alwayes upon their guard . they hate cheats , and are seldome deceiv'd twice . those amongst them that are descended from strangers , do retain something of their first origine , and are a good while before they become right hollanders . we have spoke already of their diet ; but this is only to be added , that trade having brought riches , sumptuosity has followed : so that the hague may be call'd a compendium of the most glorious courts in chrystendome , and amsterdam the magazine of all that 's precious in europe . chap. v. of the trade of the hollanders ; and the wayes of getting a livelyhood . it is an ordinary saying in holland , that he that will work can never want , and it is a very true one ; for there are so many trades kept going by their great commerce , that no body can want work . all arts are here exercised ; and experience shews , that manufactures are better made here than in the other provinces . all turns to account here ; and even they that make clean the kennals with an iron , and nets at the end of it to bring up the ordure , may earn half a crown a day , if they will work hard . children , as so on as they are bound apprentice , get their own bread . amongst the countrey people , some make butter and cheese ; others cut up turfs ; every market-day they bring their milk , and butter , and whey to town , which the tradesmen and journeymen live most upon . among the citizens , some put out their money , and live upon the interest ; others trade with it , and are call'd merchants . their chief commodities are butter , and cheese , and cloth , and many other manufactures , as we shall see in the description of leyden . the situation of this noble province is such , as if nature intended it for the generall mart of europe ; for it has the neighbourhood of the sea , and is it self full of navigable lakes , rivers , channels , all which are night and day loaded with boats and passengers . many channels have been made since the publication of the peace with spain , as that from leyden to harlem , and from amsterdam to goude , which is call'd ( trech-sch●ite● ) because there the boats are drawn by horses , that so they may come in at set-times . the said channels are made with the greatest ease that can be ; for as soon as you have digg'd three or four foot , you meet with the water . the herring-fishing is properly the golden mines of this countrey , by the great revenue it brings yearly to it . it is a hard matter to say how many thousands of men are kept by it ; for besides those that go to sea , who are a great number , there are employed as many more in making of boats and barrels to pickle them up in . every summer in june there sets out a fleet of fishermen from the meuse ; they call them busses . they cast their nets near the english coast upon midsummer-eve , according to the ancient custome ; they pickle them up in barrels , and serve all the rest of the world with them : the last fishing is most valued , and the herrings of that fishing are all carried abroad . ten dayes after midsummer they may sell them publickly , but not before ; then many go up and down , crying , fresh herring , which are esteem'd as a dainty by every body . the name of the man that first invented the way of pickleing them , deserves to be known ; it was william bueckeld , and he died at bieverliet , in the year 1347. charles the fifth emperor went one day to see his tomb , in acknowledgment of the service he had done his countrey . the merchants do every day encrease their trade by making societies and companies , and setting out men of war at their own charges to protect their ships home . they never want seamen , for the hollanders do delight in going to sea ; nay i have heard many of them say , that they could never enjoy their health but at sea. there are many of these companies ; as that of moscovy , for furrs , skins , and rye ; that of island and groenland , for the fishing of whales : but the chiefest of all , and who with force and arms drive a prodigious trade , are the east and west-india companies , who have a patent from the states . the west-india company had made great profit by the taking of the baia de ●odos l●s sanctos , and of the silver fleet which jason peter hain brought into holland , in the year 1629. which also was the cause of the taking of bosleduke from the spaniards . the taking of fernambuco did likewise give hopes of conquering the rest of brasil ; but after the depart of the noble count morice of nassaw , the negroes and portugueses joyning together , revolted , and reduced the company to great extremities ; since it has suffer'd another defeat , which has almost made an end of ruining it . it has often been proposed to unite it with the east-india company ; but all in vain , for the one is too high and rich , and the other too poor . the east-india company has its principall seat at amsterdam . 't is this company that has kings and kingdomes tributary to it , and depending upon it . 't is this company that makes the hollanders name famous in the remotest parts of the earth , and triumphs over the riches of the orient , bringing home pearls , diamonds , gold , all sorts of aromatick druggs , &c. besides batavia , the principall town , the company has a great number of strong forts well in order , to protect their merchants , terrifie strangers , and keep the indians in awe . 't is thought that the company payes above 10000 men ; the places and employments are much valued , and not to be come by but by the intercession of some great friend . every summer about august there comes in an east-india fleet of ten or twelve ships , which is esteem'd to bring in the value of above a million of gold . the prohibitions that philip king of spain made to the hollanders from trading in his countrey , were the cause of this enterprize . 't is said that the ve●etians did counsell and further it for a design , which succeeded otherwise than they expected , and to their own loss . the ships that go for the indies are of extraordinary bulk . every one that has put in a thousand pounds may be a director ; and every one that has a hundred pounds there , may have three hundred for it ; and every hundred yeelds forty and forty five , sometimes more , sometimes less . the riches of this company are inestimable ; and to go about to describe them , were to desire credit to a thing which to most people would seem fabulous , though they are very reall in themselves . all the channels render themselves into lakes , and they into the sea. there are two chief overtures to the ocean ; the first is the mouth of the river meuse , which is at the brill , and g●ree ; the other from amsterdam , and the towns of north-holland , to the texel . chap. vi. of the imposts and customes . though holland be both naturally , and by the greatness of its commerce , aboundant in all things ; yet every thing is extream dear , and that for two reasons ; first , because of the greatness of the consumption , caus'd by the affluence of people from all parts ; the other , because of the excise which is upon every thing almost , and which is easily supported by the inhabitants , by reason of the great gains every one is able to make in his profession . these imposts are so layed and gather'd , that they are willingly payed , though there be nothing free from them . the money that is thus rais'd , comes to a vast summe , which added to the situation of the countrey , has made all the king of spain's endeavours vain . but to shew the greatness of this tribute , i will give only this example : a cow of nine years old , if it be sold for five pound , will have payed above six pound to the states . there is never a dish comes to table , but has payed excise above twenty times . the states seeing the necessity of having money to defend their liberties , did by little and little , and not all at once , settle these excises , so that the people bear it chearfully enough . in the time of the war , every one pay'd the two hundredth penny of their estates ; they only that were not worth two hundred pound principall , were exempted from this contribution . there are many other imposts , which may be all seen in the second part of this book , in the chapter of imposts . all that is wonderfull , is to consider that that very thing for the fear of which these nations revolted from the spaniards , has been put in execution in a higher manner upon themselves , by their own consent , and prov'd the means of their preservation . let us now come to the description of particular towns ; and let us begin by leyden , which is to the rest , as the spring is to the other seasons of the year , the gayest , and most pleasant . towns in other countries are subject to the injuries of time and revolutions , but here they spring up , encrease , and grow bigger every day . this town amongst the rest , has had the good fortune to be one of the most flourishing of the low countreys . the ocean is on the west-side of it , and within twelve miles ; harlem on the north , within fifteen ; and amsterdam within one and twenty ; utrect within thirty , towards the east ; delft and the hague on the south and south-west , and within nine miles distance . chap. vii . of leyden , in latine lugdunum batavorum . this town , the greatest and most pleasant that is in europe , ( if we consider the magnificence of its buildings , the breadth of its streets , the conveniencies of its channels , and the pleasing shade of the trees planted on each side the channels ) is situated upon the ancient river of rhene , which goes through it , makes many islands , and then joyns in one bed at the white gate . it is almost in the center of holland , and from it we will draw lines to the rest of the cities , which are as it were the circumference . it is a very ancient city , as appears by the burg , built either by the romans or saxons ; whence many derive the word leyden from legio , there being there a roman legion in quarters . the opinion of some is that it was built by an english man , in the year 1050. plutarch and ptolomy mention it ; and antonine calls it the capital of the germans . the burg-graves of leyden have taken their name from this burg , which is round and high , and from it one may discover all the adjacent meadows , the sandy downs , and the sea of harlem . the ascent to it is by steps , and round about it as well as within are fruit-trees in abundance . it has about a hundred and fifty foot in compass ; and within these few years there has been bred up hedges all trimm'd , and cut into labyrinths , which in a short time will make it a very recreative place . in the year 1121. the great church was consecrated to st. peter ; 't is one of the finest churches in holland , having three ranks of pillars on each side without the quire. it is said that there was a high tower , which serv'd as a light-house to those that were at sea , and pass'd before catvic , but it fell down in the year 1509. in the year 1344. the church dedicated to st. pancratius , was bless'd ; it is a stately building , so much of it as is done . it is now the church of the french and walloons ; the great scaliger lyes buried in it . in the year 1573. the spaniards having taken harlem after a long and tedious siege , went and sate down before alcmaer ; but being forc'd to raise the siege of that place , they came before leyden ; but hearing of count frederick de nassaw his coming , they retir'd . a little after having recruited their army , they came again under the conduct of their generall baldese , who judging that it would be a hard matter to take the town by force , resolv'd to starve them to a surrender . the inhabitants endur'd all the extremities of famine , and at last the banks that kept in the rivers meuse and issel , being broke on purpose by the hollanders , the spaniards were forced to forsake their trenches . the first relief came into the town the third of october , which is still made an anniversary day of thanksgiving . every year there is a play made in representation of this siege , which draws great numbers of people to see it , and the money gather'd is given to poor orphans . in the middle of the famine a troop of citizens being come to the door of one peter adrian de verf , cried out aloud , that they must either surrender , or perish with hunger ; but he answer'd them with an immortall constancy , friends , kill me if you will , and divide me between you ; for it is the same thing to me to die by your hands , or by the hands of my enemies . they made paper-money , with this inscription , h●c libertatis ergo pugno pro patria , &c. which is to say , we endure all these miseries for our liberty and our countrey . i will adde , that as leyden has been the second town that sustain'd valiantly the spaniards attacks , so the sas of gand was the last place but one which fell into the states hands , and that by the fault of the governor , who was not able to make use of his sluces , against those who by water had driven the spaniards from their walls . a year after this painfull siege , was establish'd the famous university of leyden , to recompence the inhabitants for their constant sufferings . but many other reasons might invite the states to choose this town before any other ; for it is neat , finely built , delicate walks , and a pleasant countrey about the town , the sea near it . the university was inaugurated the eighth of february , in the year 1574. and every year upon the same day is declar'd rector , he whom his highness the prince of orange is pleas'd to choose , out of three that are nam'd to him . here has alwayes been very famous professors in all faculties ; but particularly the civil law and physick have alwayes flourished , by the particular care of his highness the prince of orange . the great scaliger , and the incomparable salmazius , have been as the two great lights among the other stars of this learn'd firmament . there are besides lectures of divinity , mathematicks ; in all which the professors do excell , as being chosen with care , and well recompenc'd for their labours . when any one dies , the three curators provide another of the same faculty ; so the university is alwayes supplied . those students that are written in the university-book do enjoy great priviledges . they that are above twenty year old , may have fourscore quarts of wine in a year , which pay no excise , and half a barrell of beer every moneth free likewise . they give a groat to the servants of the university every quarter . the rector or chancellor has his counsellors , before whom are brought all quarrels , and they endeavour to make the parties agree ; if they will not , then they may go to a triall before the university counsell , where the rector presides , and decides without appeal in civil matters . if any of the students have committed a crime that deserves death or otherwise , the officers of justice cannot take him before they have the rectors consent ; and then too they may not carry him to a loathsome prison , but into the town-house hall. duels are severely prohibited , ever since a danish student was kill'd in one . besides they are forbid to commit any riot in the night time , or break the citizens windows , under pain of a considerable fine , and often of being bannish'd . there is a watch goes on purpose to hinder such disorders , which takes away scholars swords if they be insolent , and carries them to prison , where next day they are produc'd before the university counsell . there are also as good masters for all exercises , as riding , dancing , &c. as any where , and the italian , french , and spanish tongues are taught excellently well . here are students of all nations of europe , most of them gentlemen of good families ; and often princes , and great lords sons , have been seen to come hither for their education . they all have a dependance upon the rector ; and to this day never any member of the university was put to death , except a servant to a prince , who confess'd himself to be the author of a murder that had been committed . the university has schools for the different lectures ; and on the north-side of the great court , is the famous printing press of john elzevier , so well known for his fair characters . it is placed upon the rapembourg , the fairest street of all the town ; for in the middle of it runs a large channell , and of each side is a rowe of tall trees from one end to the other . the pavy has a little fall towards the channell , so that it can never be dirty let there fall never so much rain . there are five fair bridges over this channell , and abundance of delicate houses on each side . 't is not only this street that is thus shaded , but all the town ; so that he was in the right that desir'd to know , whether leyden was in a wood , or a wood in leyden . we should never have done if i would particularize all the singularities of leyden : the great and most frequented street begins at the gate of the hague , and ends at utrect gate ; it is the broadest and highest street of the town . the most considerable next is harlem street , which has a channell call'd the old rhene , into which all the other channels do fa●l , and which ends it self at catvic . it is adorn'd with four stone bridges , one of which is the largest and fairest of all the town : it is call'd the corn-bridge , because that on every market-day the countrey people take up their stations upon it with their corn. there is another likewise call'd the fish-bridge , because the fishermen do there expose their sea-fish to sale . the best fish comes from catvic ; that of maeslantsluys is not valued , as being ordinarily stale . if this city had but running water , a great market-place , and some fountains of clear water for drink , it would be the pleasantest in all europe ; but nothing can be ex omni parte beatum , accomplish'd in all points . there has been lately built a church in a circular figure , admir'd by all strangers for its incomparable architecture both within and without . the first sermon was preach'd in it some weeks before easter , in the year 1650. the town is so populous , by reason that poor people of the neighbouring countries do seek a refuge here in time of war , that it is a hard matter to get a chamber in the new town . here is the great manufacture of that excellent cloths which are transported all the world over ; they cannot make any such any where else . the fine wool comes from spain , and the course from england , and pom●rania . all sorts of nations work in the manufacture , where many other stuffs are made . in summer during the hot weather , these channels do send forth a noysome smell , particularly when the weather inclines to rain ; the reason of it is , the drying up of the lake of soetermeer , which did use to cleanse the town by flowing into it . to prevent this , the magistrates have caus'd two large channels to be made , and two mills to be set upon them , to drive the water into the town at one end , and two other that drive or carry it out at the other end ; so that by this invention the city is free'd from that noysom and infectious smell , though often it fail too in the great heat of summer , when there is a great calm , and no winde stirring . we must not omit to speak of the anatomy-house ; it being the place that ought most to attract strangers eyes , for the singular curiosities that are in it . there you shall see egyptian mummiaes , pagan idols , birds and beasts brought from china , and remoter places , whole skeletons , and an infinite number of other things , which cannot be here set down , no more than viewed , in a short time . in the forepart of this church , above the fencing-school that was , and is now the english church , there is a fine library full of all sorts of books in all tongues ; besides the legacy of great scaliger , which is a number of hebrew books ; all the manuscripts of the library of bonaventure , vulcan , and the books that golias brought out of the levant . there are other private libraries , which the civility of the owners makes publick : and it is not only the professors , but even the citizens that are curious in libraries ; insomuch that if authors were lost else-where , they would soon be restor'd by the hollanders . there are often libraries publickly sold to them that give most for them ; and this way of exposing all sorts of goods to publick sale , is very ordinary in holland , and they that buy them have credit for some moneths . the city has eight gates all new , with their bridges . the galleries beyond the town-ditch are set with trees , having on one side the rampart , and on the other are the gardens and meadows near the town . the city was very un-inhabited for a great while after the siege ; the grass did grow in the streets , and most of the houses were thatch'd : but now they are all cover'd with tile , or blew slate ; and since the year 1636. this town is embelish'd , and grown better by half in half . there is an hospitall for poor passengers , and decayed old people ; as also a bedlam or place for mad folks ; all being very neatly kept , and the sick well serv'd . the orphans hospitall is a noble building , and of a great extent . in it are ordinarily about 500. children , who are taught to read and write , and bound apprentices as they grow up . besides this , there are great numbers of alms-houses for poor people ; they call them hoffies in dutch : the fairest of these is the papegraft . the care that is taken in holland of such families as cannot get their living , is very remarkable , and deserves praise . in the winter time there are deliver'd to them at the publick charge , so many blankets , sheets , so much bread , &c. to keep them from dying either by cold or hunger . they that are either over-burdened with children , or otherwise undone by any accident , go to the masters of the poor , and receive relief according to their necessities . but this charity is not extended to the poor catholicks , though the gatherings be made generally , and from all religions . the number of those that have a share in this charity mounts ordinarily to above 20000. in this city . every quarter the magistrate goes through the town , having before-hand given notice to the citizens , and makes a collection of what every one is pleas'd to bestow . and thus all the poor are so supplied , that in any extremity they cannot want bread , and so cannot from their necessity take an occasion of rising . this is practis'd through all holland ; but no where so exactly as at leyden . in the year 1629. the king of swedeland having landed an army in borussia , stopt all the rivers , and hindred the coming of corn from poland ; whereupon bread grew so dear of a sudden , that the common people not being able to go to the price , began to mutiny , and some of them broke in upon a baker . but immediately the citizens appearing in arms , dissipated this tumultuous rabble , and having whipt two or three of them , made the rest go quietly home . then the magistrates gave out rye to the bakers , to distribute to such poor as should bring such a mark in testimony of their poverty . every year in april the magistrates go through all the town , and every one must set forth before his door his fire-ladder , buckets , and sayl , to the end that if fire should happen any where , it might be readily extinguish'd . this is a very laudable custome , and observ'd over all holland . all night long in winter , from nine of the clock to four in the morning , there are men that go through every street with a bell , singing the hours and half-hours . they are bound to convey to their lodgings all drunken people , and such as have lost their way . they take care against fires ; give warning to those that have not shut their doors . in summer they begin at ten of the clock , and retire at four in the morning . they that set upon them or affront them , are severely punish'd ; as was seen lately at the hague , where a great lord having in drink kill'd one of them , was notwithstanding all powerfull intercessions , beheaded , to be an example to every one else . the magistrates that administer justice are chosen out of the forty notables , all protestants , and rich citizens . out of these are chosen every year four bourgemasters at st. martins feast in november , and seven aldermen on st. james day in july . there is besides another assembly , call'd the masters of the pupils and orphans ; before whom such men or women that have children , but desire to marry again , must appear , and take their oath that they have conceal'd no part of their estate , but that their inventory is good and true ; and then the parents are bound to breed them according to their quality , and to assign them a summe of money upon an immoveable , proportionable to the principall . the towns has besides , its overseers and surveyors for building ; that when any thing , as bridges or gates , &c. requires repair , it may be speedily done . every year there are two great fairs at leyden , during which time no man can be arrested for debt . the chiefest is held on ascension day , and lasts eight dayes . upon the monday the citizens meet in the dozles , a place full of trees , where every one may exercise in shooting with cross-bowes , and bowes and arrows . it is a very pleasant place , by reason of the shady walks , and of two good taverns that are in it ; in the windows of one of which are represented all the earls of holland , down to philip king of spain . in most of the towns of holland there are of these dozles , which shews the warlike temper of these nations , so far as to be able to preserve their liberties . in this place the six companies of citizens , which make near 2000 men , do use to train . the most ancient captain has the van. they appear with great glory , and perform their exercises very well . the other fair is that which us'd to be held in memory of the deliverance of leyden , and was wont to last ten dayes ; but it is now put down , and the story only represented in a tragedie , to which there is great flocking . now let us say something about their way of selling houses , gardens , &c. 't is ordinarily about the end of november till february , that houses are to be sold. there is a note set up declaring the situation of the house , the owner , the neighbours , the name of him that lives in it , and his trade ; and lastly , the house where the bargain is to be driven on a set day . the day being come , all those that have a mind to it come to the house appointed , which is ordinarily a tavern . and thus the business is managed : an attorney with a cryer goes through all the chambers , where there is company , reads the conditions upon which it is to be sold , and declares whether there be any rent charg'd upon it or no. the cryer asks them if they have all heard , and observ'd well what has been read , and who amongst them will se●● a price upon the house . for example , a house shall be worth 600. pound ; and in the first chamber there will be offer'd 320. then the cryer goes to the second chamber , and tells them that the house has been already valued at 320. thereupon it may be some body offers 20. more . then he goes to the third , and so to all ; and it may be the house is rais'd to 400. pounds . then he comes back to the first , and tells them , gentlemen , the house is valued at 400. then it may be some body addes 20. more . the cryer goes back to all the chambers , and if no body offer more , he goes to the seller , and tells him what is offer'd for his house ; if ●he does not like the price , he bids the cryer 〈◊〉 , that if there be any body that will speak to the seller , he may come to him . and if he be very desirous to be rid of his house , then he sends a duccatoon or two , with this condition , that he that will raise 50. pound in the price , shall have the money . the cryer goes back and tells the company ; then he that sayes first ( to me ) has the money . then the cryer goes back , and his master gives him more money : for example , if the first were two duccatoons for 50. pounds , the second money shall be two duccatoons , and two angels in gold , for him that shall bid 30. pound more . if that be taken , then he brings a greater summe still , till there be no body left that will take any more money ; and all those that do take any are oblig'd to declare their names . this being done , it may be does not yet make up above 500. pound ; then the cryer tells them , gentlemen , my master would fain make 600. pound of his house . i will bate the other 100. pound by degrees ; then he begins , 90. 80. 70. 60. 50. 40. 30. 20. 10. till there be some body that speaks ; and then the house is sold for 500. pound , and so much odd money as hath been taken . if he bate all , and no body speak , then he that took the last money is the buyer , and must give in security the same night . if it happen that some body has drawn money , under hopes of being out-bid , with intention to keep the money , if unluckily for him no body does out-bid him , he must take the house ; if he can give no security , he is carried to prison , and publickly whipt , to give example to the rest . the house thus sold , and security given , the buyer is to pay all the charges , which come to 10. pounds at least , so that they that have been there , are scot-free . the gardens and tombs are sold ordinarily after the same manner ; the money to be laid down in three payments , and of every 40. crowns , the city is to have one , which is a great revenue to it . thus i have describ'd at length the way of selling , because it is almost the same thing in all the other towns of holland . in the year 1635. and 36. it pleas'd god to visit holland , and particularly leyden , with a great plague , insomuch that the church-yards could not hold the dead , but the bastions were taken to bury them in . at the same time , or a little after , the plague being somewhat over , war was proclaim'd between the two crowns of france and spain , that made many people who before liv'd upon the frontiers , come and seek refuge at leyden ; they fill'd up the empty houses . seven years after by the command of the magistrates , the church-yards were levell'd , the dead bones transported else-where , and trees planted , which now do begin to grow . there are many other particularities ; as the prison where the count william was born . the count florent was also born at leyden . in the chamber of the bourgemasters , there is a picture of luke of leyden's making , which was so valued by the emperor rodolf , that he offer'd to give as many pieces of gold for it , as would cover it . it represents the day of judgement . john of leyden , a taylor , was in the first change of the roman religion , made king of the anabaptists ; and having seized munster , he made himself be treated as a king , wearing a crown of gold ; and when he did go abroad , had alwayes two boyes before him , one of which carried a sword , and the other the bible . all that did not fall down and worship him were immediately condemned to die , and executed . he kept 14. wives , and caus'd one to be kill'd , because she despis'd his inspirations . the bishop laid siege to the place , and john made the people endure as much as ever saguntum or jerusalem endur'd , assuring them still of a sudden deliverance . but at last the town was taken , and the king with his accessaries taken and punish'd as they deserv'd . they keep yet at leyden the table upon which this taylor did use to sit and work . may all those that disobey their magistrates come to as bad an end . chap. viii . of the territory about leyden . the territory about leyden is call'd rhinlant , where is made the best butter of all holland . it is full of many fine villages , which for the nobleness of their buildings might be reckoned small towns. i will begin with rinsbourg , which was anciently a well fortified town . about a league from it , petronella , sister to the emperor lotair , founded an abbey for nuns of quality ; and by its ruines it ap 〈…〉 have been a fine structure . the 〈…〉 many ancient epitaphs ; one i have seen of a nun in the year 1218. it did depend for the spirituall on the bishoprick of utrect , and so did all holland , there being in it never a bishops see ; but not for the temporall , as some have writ . the earls of holland and their ladies did use to be buried here . a league further is nortvic , within a mile of the sea. because of the pleasantness of the place many gentlemen live in it . valkenbourg next is a famous place for the horse-fair held there every moneth of september ; i have been told , that before the war there did come to it merchants from all parts of the world . it is a very pleasant place , as well as catvic , where live many rich men that live of their revenues . the rhene did anciently enter the sea here ; and there was a square castle built at the mouth of the river , but it is now buried under water . we find it written , that there were the romans magazines and store-houses against the english. of late when the sea has been very 〈◊〉 ●y a constant south-wind , the 〈…〉 ndations have been seen . in summer the scholars and citizens go to wash there , and eat fresh fish ; as also to breathe the salt air of the sea , which is held very wholesome . they that hire horses may go all along the shore by the two catvicks , and walckembourg , and return by nortvic , rinsbourg , and oestgeest . wassenaer is situated just by the sandy downs ; it did formerly belong to the prince de lime , but now it belongs to the honourable family of the wassenaers . warmout is a league and half from the town on harlem-side . by the way are two or three very fine farms ; and particularly one near the channell : when you have pass'd the bridge , you leave upon your right hand lochorst , and then you come into the most delicious village in the world ; the lord of it is mr. james wassenaer , whose father was admiral , and has eminently serv'd the publick in military and civil employments . the arminians have a church here ; the church is on the out-side of the village ; as also the lords house , which is a fair castle , with a moat round about it . oestgeest is a village in the sands , which belongs to the corporation of the city of leyden . i my self have seen the sand taken away three foot deep , carried to the town and there sold ; and an acre of that ground which before was not worth 20. pound , made worth fourscore . soutervoude is to the south , at a leagues distance from the town ; the way to it lies through lam , leaving on your left hand the castle of cronestien , a fine house , and gardens . this village is little , but it is in a fine soil , and has the best pasture grounds about leyden . the magistrates have bought the lordship of it ; as also that of leyderdorp , a village that has more palaces than countrey peoples houses . 't is here where we must admire the magnificence of the citizens ; for one would think that there were an emulation between them , who should shew most marks of riches by their expences . it is built on both sides the rhene , that goes through it ; and behinde the houses in the meadows is a church , behinde which there was formerly a monasterie . between leyden and ferrie there was another nunnerie , which was built upon a clayish ground , out of which bricks are made now . in the year 1616. the work-men found in digging two meddals of gold , representing the emperor nero to the life ; i have seen them both . woorschoten is another fine village , belonging to monsieur de duvenvoord , whose father was keeper of the great seal . hereabouts the countrey is so delicious , that it is a kind of paradise upon earth ; as well because of the diversity of fields , meadows , and woods , as of the prospect of so many stately edifices , and neat gardens . the countrey people wear very good cloathes , ordinarily of black , but without cloaks . their wives have gold rings on their fingers . it is not very rare to meet with peasants here worth 10000. pound ; they enjoy as great a liberty as any citizen . every village has its bailif , secretary , bourgemaster , and judges ; and besides a certain sort of countreymen that they call welboremans , that is , men of a good family , and well descended . alphen is half way to woorde , and takes its name from a roman knight . there are very few antiquities to be seen in holland , because that all the countrey has been chang'd and new peopled , and the towns and villages new built ; so that there are no footsteps of what it was , it is so encreased in riches and beauty . i come now to caudekerk , where there is a fair castle belonging to monsi●ur de podgeest . all these villages have their fairs once a year , which anciently were never kept without some skirmish at back-sword . the stoutest did use to hang up a back-sword , and he that did come and touch it , was engaged in a combate , which was to be perform'd after this manner : first the parties break off the points of their swords ; then they take their hats in their left hands to defend their faces , and nevertheless they often pare off a cheek , or a nose , or so . but these duels are strictly forbidden , and severely punish'd , if attempted . this countrey is so finely diversified , that it wants nothing for a perfect prospect . for though vines do not naturally grow in it , yet by the industry of the inhabitants , there are many which produce grapes enough for their eating . and as for wine , they are sufficiently furnish'd by sea. now i come back to the town , and observe , that it is the garden of all the adjacent province for lettice , parsley , carrets , pease , beans , parshley , &c. which are transported to zeeland and utrect . at amsterdam you shall hear them cry , leyden parsnips . and indeed the gardiners industry is most admirable , for they have five or six crops in a year upon the same ground . i was desirous to know how much an acre of ground might be worth to be sold ; and it was answer'd , that meadow was about sevenscore pound an acre ; corn grounds about 200. but gardenage about 250. and sometimes 300. pound an acre . every day at six of the clock goes off the first boat for amsterdam , and at twelve a clock the last ; at eight and at eleven for harlem ; at twelve for utrect . there are eight barks for the hague , and as many for 〈◊〉 elft . and so from these two towns for leyden ; from the spring to october they go out at five a clock ; and after , at half an hour past five . the arms of the town are the cross keyes . the citizens are govern'd with so much moderation by the magistrates , that since the beginning of the commonwealth to this day , there has been no tumult nor rising by reason of taxes , impositions , or the coming of strangers , or for any other cause . but now let us come to that powerfull city , from which neptune seems to take his orders ; i mean amsterdam . chap. ix . of amsterdam . this town which has not its like in the whole world , if we consider its commerce , the conveniency of its harbour , and the means it has of setting out powerfull fleets , takes its name from a castle built upon ye , belonging to the lords of amstel . it is seven leagues distant from leyden , and you may go to it four different wayes ; the most ordinary is that of the great lake ; the next by harlem , and by the channell made lately ; the third in a waggon , or on horseback , by the veenes ; and the fourth by the night-boat , that you meet at leyderdorp . since the late wars , this town is encreased above two thirds ; and therefore we shall inquire into its antiquities . many think that at first it was but a little village for fishermen , which has encreas'd by little and little . in the year 1296. the lord of amstel was one of the confederates of gerrard de velsen , who kill'd the count florent . 1470. the town was wall'd with a brick wall , to resist the invasions of those of u●rect , who had often brought the town into great danger . not long after it was almost all consum'd by fire ; then built again , and according as trade encreas'd , it grew bigger still , and richer . the emperor maximilian in acknowledgement of the good services they had done him , and as a testimony of their industry and trade , added an imperial crown over their coat of arms , which are three crosses , almost like st. andrews . there was formerly in it three monasteries for men , and thirteen nunneries , which are all now employed to other uses . the factions of the houcs and the cabelians have often afflicted this noble city , like those of the g●elphes and gibelins in italy . but that which brought it nearest its ruine , was the attempt made by the anabaptists . in the year 1525. that wicked king of munster desiring to strengthen his party , by the addition of some considerable place , sent one of his emissaries , nam'd golen ; who passing through friezeland rais'd great tumults and seditions there : which being quash'd , he fled to amsterdam , and there lurking for a while , struck in at last with a man of his own principles , call'd groet belite , and they two together resolv'd to make a party , and set upon the town at some unexpected hour . they got together the chief of their sect , and made a resolution to fall on at midnight by the sound of a bell ; but this wicked plot was discover'd just upon its execution , and with much ado hindred : for a young man of their side went and told the magistrates , that the anabaptists to the number of 600. were marching to seize the town . while they were yet in deliberation , they heard the sound of drums , and found that the anabaptists had already gotten into the market-place , and invaded the town-house . in this confusion a citizen had the fore-sight to carry away the rope of the bell , which the seditious did intend to ring , as a signall to all theirs to unite , and a terrour to the sleepy citizens , that did luckily contribute much to the saving of the city . for by this time , the magistrates having sent about , and got many house-keepers under arms , resolv'd to stop up all the avenues to the market-place with hop-sacks , and make a strong barricado behinde them . the morning come , gave the townsmen leave to see the greatness of the wickedness intended , and the inconsiderable number of the seditious ; who seeing themselves exposed to be pelted in that wide place , took sanctuary in the town-house , but thither they were pursued and cut in pieces , some few scaping by the favour of the night that came on . this conjuration thus quell'd , the magistrates forbid the citizens under great penalties , to lodg any stranger that should be infected with such dangerous principles . yet in the year 1515. there were more of these fanaticks , both men and women , that running naked through the streets with horrible cryes , had like to have surprized the town-house , but they were suppress'd and punish'd . the anabaptists of this age do renounce them , for they do not hold it lawfull to fight at all . all this great town is built upon pilotis , which are great trees driven by main force into the ground , which is all moorish , to be as a foundation to build upon ; and ordinarily it costs as much laying , as all the rest of the fabrick does building up . the town is like a crescent , or half moon , which ere it be long will fill up its round . in the port there are so many vessels , that we may say that he that has not seen amsterdam , has not seen a harbour : for in the spring , from one end to the other of it , there is such a forrest of masts , that strangers are struck with wonder , and do believe , with reason , that all the harbours of the world together cannot make so many sayl. every year in april there goes out a great fleet for the baltic sea ; i have heard many say , that in that fleet in the time of war do go above 1500. sayl of ships : then reckon all those that go for france , and elsewhere , and all the barks that are upon the channels in the town . the finest streets are the fosses , the imperial , the royal , the cingel , the street of harlem , which is all newly built there are also three prodigious sluces ; and all the bridges that were formerly of wood , are now of stone , with iron vails and balasters . the town house which is now a building , the foundations of which have cost many hundred thousands of pounds , is to be a master-piece , and a miracle beyond the seven that antiquity bragg'd so much of . in the year 1595. the monasterie of sancta clara was chang'd into a house of correction , call'd the tucht huyse , for those children that will not be obedient to their parents . at the coming in , there are two lions upon the door , bridled , as an emblem to the wilde youth of the town . they make them work ; some sawe brasil-wood , others do harder things , according to their faults and dispositions . if they refuse to work , they are put into a low cellar , and water is let in upon them ; if they will stand still and be drown'd , they may ; if they will pump and deliver themselves , then they are help'd out again . some are put in for their life , others for a certain time . as lately there is a law , that whosoever draws his knife to strike another , shall either pay 10. pound fine , or work three moneths in the house of correction . some are put in by their rich parents , not to work , but only to put a stop to their extravagant expences , and they come out when they give testimonies of their repentance , and desire to mend . the same year there was a like house set up for young maids , that should live in a licentious way . every year in august it is free for all people to go in , and see the miserable condition of these offenders . the great hospital has above 4000. pound a year ; besides , it is thought that every year there are distributed many thousands of pounds to poor families . the east-india company has a noble house , full of rich treasure ; as also the bank-generall , in which are alwayes many millions . this company is grown so powerfull , that they can set out a fleet of men of war if need be ; and in the indies they make nothing of waging war with kings , as lately with the king of java , and yet drove on their trade too . there are here many fair churches ; but i shall mention only that of st. katherine , burn'd down in 1645. and is now built again better than before . hard by the said church are laid the foundations of a tower , which is to be exceeding high ; 6000 , 300 , and odd great trees have been driven into a piece of ground of about a 100. foot square , to be pilotis for the foundation of the tower. in the church the ministers pulpit is contriv'd with great art , with the four evangelists , and a tower above it . in the glass-windows is the good emperor maximilian his picture . there are two great suburbs or fauxbonrgs , one upon the way to utrect , and the other that goes to overtom , a village where the boats that come from leyden pass upon rowlers . there is built a fair pest-house . 't is commonly said that this city is very like venice ; for my part i believe amsterdam to be much superiour in riches : though the most serene state of venice can bragg of having maintain'd a war for this twenty year , against the whole force of the turks , without assistance from any but the pope . this town is exceedingly well govern'd ; every ones liberty preserv'd , and safety provided for all : and even in the night-time you may go any where , without fear of being robb'd or kill'd . the air is not quite so good as at leyden , by reason that it is environ'd with marishes , which make it in accessible ; but it is better seated for trade , which is its life . let us go to harlem . chap. x. of harlem , and some villages round about it . i shall speak very little of the antiquity of this pleasant town ; for in the darkness of past times it is so hard to distinguish fables from truth , that it will make any wise person forbear from obtruding old stories upon an ingenuous reader . the first time we find any mention made of the valour of its inhabitants , is in the year 1245. when pope innocent at the council of lyons made st. lewis king of france , and william earl of holland undertook the relief of the holy land. for the army being come before damietta , a great chain did hinder the approach of the navy : this the harlem-men undertook to break , and did execute their design , giving entry to the whole fleet ; in memory of which the town has for arms , a sword with four stars , and a cross at the end of it . william king of the romans gave the inhabitants many great priviledges . but if the victory carried in palestina made them famous , the art of printing here invented has made them as remarkable : though me●ts an electorall town does claim the same honour , but not so justly ; for it was by a prentice who upon christmas-eve run away from harlem , with the letters and instruments serving to the art of printing , taking his time when all the people were at church . laurent coster was the name of the man that invented this art. in the year 1292. the faction of the casembrots seized upon the town , and plunder'd the houses of most of the considerable citizens ; but it was crush'd by albert duke of saxony , and the town condemn'd to a fine of 27000. crowns , and to the loss of its priviledges . in the year 1574. the spaniards under the conduct of frederick , son to the duke of alba , having taken sutphenen , and cruelly cut the throats of all the townsmen of naerden , came and laid siege to harlem : the garrison was 4000. strong , and refusing all conditions of a surrender , made brave sallyes upon them , hanging the spanish prisoners upon the walls ; and in derision of the tenth penny which the spaniard would levy , throwing over to them eleven heads of their prisoners . but the spaniards were sufficiently reveng'd , for they forced them to yeeld at discretion , though the very women fought valiantly for their liberty . this town is rather long than square , and is wash'd by the river sparen . in the market-place is the town-house , a stately building ; and over against it is the great church , dedicated to st. bavon : it is looked upon as the finest church in all holland . there are many meadows about the town ; and on the sea-side mountains of sand ; and there is a wood towards leyden , about half a mile from the town , which is a great diversion to the citizens , not only of harlem , but of amsterdam . towards the north there are suburbs and great gardens . harlem is pretty populous , and holds a perpetuall communication with amsterdam and leyden by boats , which go and come at all hours . in the year 1657. was made a channell between leyden and the said town . the greatest trade of harlem is in linnen ; for there is the finest and whitest holland . there are likewise many weavers : i remember i was told that once all these weavers forsook their trade , and turn'd tulip-merchants , at the time when the fancy for tulips did reign over all the low-countries and france . besides , they do brew excellent beer in this town , which being transported into friezeland grows better there than in harlem it self . the villages round about are hemstede , sparenvow , tetrode , &c. there are also the castles of brederode , harlee , and velsen ; of which there remains little but the ruines . monsieur adrian paw , lord of hemstede , &c. has compil'd there a fair library of books , of all languages and sciences , and such a one as will hardly be match'd by any private person . he is a very eminent man , employed as plenipotentiary in the treaty at munster ; though some do endeavour to cast aspersions upon him , as if he had had a hand in the troubles of england . between harlem and leyden there are many fair villages ; amongst which helegon , lys , and tassum , are three of the best , not above a league distant from one another . not far from them is the house of feiling , now belonging to his highness the prince of orange ; and a noble castle that monsieur dalmade has caus'd to be built of late . in coming from harlem to leyden , you have the downs or sandy hills on the right hand , and on the left the great lake of harlem which is alwayes cover'd with boats , going and coming with merchandizes . chap. xi . of delft , and its villages . this town is situated in a plain amongst pleasant meadows , and was built by godfrey the crooked , duke of lorrain , who had conquer'd holland by the assistance of the bishop of utrect . i find nothing in our annals concerning this place that is memorable , except that after a siege of six weeks , the town was taken by albert of bavaria , because they had receiv'd the faction of the hoves : the town was dis-mantled , the castle pull'd down , and the inhabitants fin'd 10000. crowns to the duke . in the year 1536. in the moneth of may , the town was burnt down by accident ; and it was observ'd that a — not being able to save her young ones , because they were not fledged , flew her self into the flame , and died with them : but out of the ashes of this rose a much more noble town . 1584. the prince william of orange was traiterously kill'd by a bourguignon , and there lies buried in a pompous monument , in acknowledgement of the great actions he perform'd for the publick liberty . there are two fair churches , which have each a very high steeple ; and a town-house at the end of the market-place , with an inscription in latin upon it , to this purpose : this house hates , loves , punishes , conserves , and honours , wickedness , peace , crimes , laws , good men . haec domus odit , amat , punit , conservat , honorat , nequitiam , pacem , crimina , jura , bonos . they have here a great trade of beer , which they brew very well . the town is not so big as leyden , but it has a fairer market-place ; and though there be not so much trade , nor the houses so richly adorn'd on the inside , yet are there very rich citizens . the countrey about lies lower than about leyden ; therefore in certain seasons , as when the wind is north-east , if they should open their sluces , all the meadows about delft would be overflown . delft is but four leagues from leyden , and you have the convenience of a waggon . between these two towns lies lordsendam , a great and fair village , which grows rich since the channell of leyden was made . there are two great sluces to preserve the countrey about delft . voorburg is a little on one side the channell , and is the ancientest village in holland . there are yet to be seen some foundations of a strong castle built by the romans , as it appears by the inscriptions of the stones that are every day taken from among the ruines . it being so near the hague , and upon the passage of so many people , seems rather a town than a village . it is but two leagues and a half from leyden , and one league from the hague . losdun is a village near the hague , in which was a nunnery for gentlemen , and noblemens daughters , and no others ; founded by margaret , countess of holland , whose daughter machtilde was brought abed of 365. children at once , as many as there are dayes in the year ; who were all baptized by otho , bishop of utrect : the name of john was given to the males , and that of elizabeth to the females , who all died the same day with their mother . the story sayes that this princess refus'd alms to a poor woman , that had twins in her arms , saying , that they were not of one mans getting ; whereupon the poor woman finding her self unjustly suspected , wish'd her as many at a time as there were dayes in the year . in memory of this history there is a picture hung up in the church , with an inscription to this purpose ; here is a monstrous and memorable thing , which has not had its like since the beginning of the world : reader , having perused this story , go away and admire it . near the meuse there is a castle with 365. windows , which are the names of the said children ; and yet there are many people that do not believe this story at all . this village has a sandy ground on one side of it , and on the other a fertile corn-countrey , call'd vestland . chap. xii . of dort. this town is very ancient , and rich , by reason of the great abundance of all sorts of merchandizes that come down the rhene . it s situation is incomparable ; for it is environ'd with the waters of the rhene and meuse , which make it a place of great trade . it is call'd the maiden town , because it was never taken , though often besieged , and once particularly by the duke of brabant , in the year 1304. for he having conquer'd a great part of holland , and committed all sorts of inhumanities upon that nation , sate down at last before dort ; but the citizens unexpectedly sallying out upon him , routed his whole army , and pursued him to bosleduke ; and in their way home , obtain'd a victory over the flemmings at isselmond . in the year 1421. upon st. katherines day , the banks broke near dort , and about threescore and ten fair villages were swallowed up by this unmercifull element of water ; and above a 100000. men died miserably with their wives and children . it is said , that a wicked countrey-boor being envious of his neighbours prosperity , made one night a hole in the bank , that he might drown him and all his family in their beds , with a design of stopping it again : but the tide coming in with a strong winde , broke quite through ; first drown'd this perfidious rogue , and then overwhelm'd all that stood in its way . since the water having by little and little been driven away by the industry of the infatigable inhabitants , they have drain'd most part of that which lay under water , and discover'd some villages . there is hopes of getting all , during this peace ; but it can only be done in the great heat of summer . as it happens often , that when we are ignorant of the cause of a thing , we are apt to attribute it to some invisible supernaturall power , or to our sins , that provoke gods anger ; so some have said , that these villages were drown'd , because they did make ill use of their great riches ; that they would not wear any other than golden spurrs , and liv'd in a great magnificence . but let us return to the town , which by an unlucky accident of fire had like to have been quite destroyed ; there were burn'd above 2000. houses , with the town-house , and cathedral-church . 1618. the national syn●d was held in the same town , under the authority of the high and mighty lords the states generall , to decide those controversies that were risen concerning predestination . there were present many learned men both from france and other parts ; amongst others , the most reverend father in god the archbishop of canterbury , who since was beheaded in the troubles in england . dort was the place where was born that factious preacher , brother cornelius adrian , of whom the people to this day tell so many pleasant stories . for my part , i have heard worthy persons say , that he was really a very eloquent person , who did ravish his hearers with admiration ; but that he did handle some points , that were a little too free in those dayes ; but he fear'd no body . he died at bruges . it is to be observ'd , that when the earls of holland were to be inaugurated , that is , acknowledged for lawfull princes , they did first come into dort , and there did swear to the states to observe all their liberties and priviledges , from whom consequently they did receive an oath of allegiance . in the assembly of the states of holland , the dort-deputies have the first place , and speak first . before the town are taken great quantities of all sorts of fish , and particularly of salmon ; for in one year there were sold in the said town 892. salmons : and it is commonly said , that servants put it in their bargain , that they shall not eat salmon above twice a week . there is a very convenient port for ●ll merchandizes coming down the ●hene ; and it is in this city that all the rhenish wine is first unloaden . but this is enough of the first town of holland in dignity ; which besides the beauty of its edifices , is placed in a fruitfull soyl , and a temperate air. leyden is distant ten leagues from dort , and the ordinary way is by water . chap. xiii . of goude . this is the sixth and last of the great towns , five leagues from leyden . it lies upon the river yss●l , upon the conjunction of two rivers , of which the waters are clear , and full of fish. there are many delicious gardens for the citizens diversion ; and the air is exceeding good . in the year 1272. it was built by the count florent , and adorn'd with many priviledges ; a 100. years after it was burnt down to the ground ; as likewise in the year 1420. in the war between jacqueline of bavaria , and philip of burgundy . there is a fine market-place , in the middle of which is the town-house ; and near it is the great church , which has been twice burnt . before the wars it us'd to be much admir'd for its bells ; as also for the glass-windows , which are very curiously enamel'd . the air is so good here that the plague is never in the city ; there being no standing waters near it ; and yet the situation of the town is such , that there is no bringing any artillery to beat it , for the inhabitants can by their sluces drown all the countrey round about . besides , it is environ'd with so deep a ditch , that it strikes terrour into a beholder . the citizens are most of them people that search a retreat from the world , and love quiet and peace . after leyden , 't is the prettiest and wholesomest town in holland . chap. xiv . of rotterdam . this town which is now one of the greatest and most trading-towns of holland , is nevertheless but the first of the small towns. in 1270. it was first wall'd ; and 27. years after it was taken by the flemmings . in 1418. brederode , head of the faction of the hoves , surprized it . it is a place that does every day augment , and grow bigger , by reason of the great resort of shipping to its harbour . there is made the best beer in all holland . when the prince of orange was in the field , he did use to drink no other than rotterdam-beer . some years ago there was an english man of war cast away in the harbour ; and since there has been spent a great deal of money to get it up again , but all in vain . the great erasmus , so well known , 〈…〉 his learning and books , was born 〈…〉 in 1467 , and died at fryburg in alsatia ; there is his statue in copper , upon the bridge , with his book in his hand . this town is the next to amsterdam for trade ; and here are to be met with , ships for england , scotland , france , spain , and the indies . chap. xv. of the small towns of holland . within half a league of rotterdam , there is a pretty burrough , call'd delfs-haven ; so nam'd , because that the duke albert of bavaria , in acknowledgement of the services he had received from those of delft , granted them the liberty of making a port from overschia , a village that is about half way between delft and rotterdam . the inhabitants are most of them seamen , and send o 〈…〉 very year great numbers of b 〈…〉 for the fishing of herring . it s 〈◊〉 on is such , that with small cost it might be so fortified , as to be made impregnable . upon the same river , a league off , is schiedam , a famous town for fishing . vlarding is hard by , a small village , but formerly a strong town ; the meuse being a little too near it , has devoured a great part of it . masanluys is a fair burrough , two leagues lower ; the inhabitants whereof are most fishermen . they that take shipping at the bril , go through this burrough . having cross'd the meuse , which is above a league broad in this place , you come to the briel , which is at the mouth of the river , and all ships that come from rotterdam , pass before it . this town was taken by onset by the count of lumay , in 1572. and it was the first place that the water gueux took from the spaniards ; and here were laid the first foundations of that commonwealth , which now flourishes in the netherlands . the town is populous , and the territory fruitfull in wheat ; but the air is thick , and thence proceeds the extream rudeness of its inhabitants , a vice common to all sea-towns . but let us cross the meuse again to go to the hague ; and in our way see st. grave-sant , a place where formerly the earls of holland did use to keep their court. the countrey round about is very fruitfull in corn and pasture-grounds . here are made those green cheeses which the hollanders do so much value . not far off is hontslardick , where the last prince of orange of glorious memory built a most stately house , adorn'd with walks and galleries , and much visited by strangers . riisvick is another fair village , where the said prince has another house , in a very pleasant situation among the meadows , and being full in the eyes of those that come from delft . it is full of excellent pictures of the best masters of europe . and now let us enter the hague , the delicatest burrough in the whole world , as all those that have seen any thing abroad , do willingly confess . chap. xvi . of the hague . this place , which by the breadth of its streets , the nobleness of its buildings , the pleasant shade of its trees , and the civility of its inhabitants , may justly claim the title of the most pleasant place in the world , and make all men envy the happiness of those that live in it , has on delft-side an extent of lovely meadows ; and on the other side over against them the sandy hills , that keep in the sea , which is but half a league distant from the town . and upon the shore is scheveling , which furnishes the c●tizens with fresh fish. that side which is towards leyden , is a great wood of oaks , where there is a park full of deer ; the earls of holland did formerly reside here , and now the prince of orange does keep in it a most splendid court. on one side o● this wood is a great pond , round about which of late are built many noble houses . the dozles make the corner ; prince william laid the first stone of them himself . behinde the court , over against the other corner , is a house built by prince maurice of nassaw , in which are the pictures of most of the kings of europe , with many rarities from america . the voorhout , with the house towards the princes palace , on the ponds , make the finest part of the hague . here every evening are seen many lords and ladies taking the air , some in their coaches , and some afoot . the jacobins cloister is still call'd the cloister-church . there is another church lately built in a round figure , and there is not a fairer out-side in all the 17. provinces ; within there is never a pillar , insomuch that the minister in his pulpit may be seen and heard by all those that are in the church . the chappell of the earls of holland is now the fr●nch church . there are two very fine piazzaes , one before and the other behinde the princes palace , where all the houses are like so many palaces themselves ; there live the deputies of the states generall . the towns have each of them built houses for their deputies ; and that which is for leyden , is to my liking the best , and most advantagiously situated . the embassadors of princes have also their houses here . the market-place is before the great church , which has a very high square steeple , and may be seen a great way off . there is another fine street , though not finish'd , call'd le fosse du prince ; here live many strangers , some for business , and others for their advantage . there are many french ; they have a quarter to themselves . besides , there are many people of quality that keep their coaches , and contribute much , to make the court at the hague one of the gloriousest courts of the world. now let us return to leyden by the wood , on the right hand of which is a very fair castle , belonging to the princess dowager . from this wood to a league within the town 't is all sand , full of rabbits and coneys . and here we may admire the hollanders industry , that diggs and carries away the sand , and makes a good arable ground . from leyden to werden there are six leagues , either upon a bank , or by the channell ; and beyond the sluce of goude are suamerdam and bodegrave , the latter of which is one of the fairest villages in all holland . chap. xvii . of voerden . this town was built in 1374. by the bishop of utrect , to keep the citizens of utrect in awe . it has been the occasion of great wars between these two provinces ; but at last by the conspiracy of heman de voerden with de velsen , it was reduced under the hollanders obedience . the rhene goes through it , and in its fauxbourgs are made great quantities of bricks . there is a castle formerly held impregnable , in which the admiral of arragon was kept prisoner a great while , after the battle of flanders . from voerden we will turn our backs to utrect , and our side to montfort , and come to undevater , and so follow the borders of the province . this town is upon issel , within a league of montfort ; it is but little , but very pleasant . in 1579. it was taken and sackt by the spaniards , to revenge the affront they had receiv'd before leyden , and in payment of their arrears . from this place you may go to goude , and by the meuse to rotterdam . all along the said river are nothing but fair villages , and pleasant countrey-houses . now let us cross the river lec , and see the towns lying upon it . it is properly one of the branches of the rhene , upon which are situated aulembourg , and viane , a small town which belongs to the brederodes , and is not reckon'd among the towns of holland . in it every thing is cheap , for there is little or no excise payed , and all those that do break in holland , may sowe themselves here , and have a protection from the lord of the place . there is in it a fair castle , in which ordinarily monsieur brederode resides . four leagues lower is schoon-hoven , which takes its name from the beauty of its gardens ; for schoon signifies fair , and hoff garden , or court. some by reason of its harbour have call'd it schoon-haff . the river is here very broad , and there are many salmon and other delicate fish taken in it . the town is small , but very pleasant , and there are fine walks about it . an earl of holland caus'd a bank to be raised from ameron to the said town , in favour of the bishop otho . in the year 1424. the said town was deliver'd to jaequeline , countess of holland , by the treachery of the citizens ; but the castle held out , though there were but a garrison of 50. stout men in it : at last they yeelded , and had all quarter and their liberties , except one albert beiling , whose vertue and loyalty is as much to be prized , as that of the roman regulus ; for having obtain'd leave to go home and settle his estate , and having given no other security than his parole , he fail'd not upon the day appointed to come and render himself prisoner . between l●c and vahal there is another little river , call'd lingue , upon which are three small towns , which the curious will do well to see before they come to gorcum . asperen , a small town upon the same river , which was anciently a fee of the noble house of arkel , as well as heukelom . there was a very ancient castle . leerdam is in the middle of these two little towns , and belonging to the same family : it is almost square , and there are many gardens . frederick , count egmond , having married mary , daughter to the lord of arkel , was the first earl of leerdam . it belongs now to the prince of orange , for the prince philip , great uncle to this prince , had it from his mother , anna of egmond . gorcum is now one of the strongest places of the low-countreys , being regularly fortified according to the modern way . it is upon the meuse , about five leagues above dort. it was first built by a gentleman of the house of arkel , who had a fair castle here . the river lingue runs through it , and brings in all commodities to the inhabitants . this town is one of the keys of holland , together with the strong castle of louvestein , situated a little higher , upon the confluence of the two rivers . it is famous for having been the prison of many arminian ministers ; and amongst others of that learn'd hugo grotius , who was since embassador from the king of sweden to the king of france . he got out by a very witty stratagem , fled into brabant , and from thence pass'd into france . he endeavour'd at last to reconcile all mindes about religion ; but the politicians on one side , and the churchmen on the other , frustrated his good intentions . he died at rostoc in ruckelbnrg , coming home , and his body lies buried at delft . to go to heusden you must go out of the limits , and pass by bommel , though it be not altogether necessary , for there is another way . bommel is an island which defends holland , and is about two leagues from bosleduke , most admirably fortified . but let us come to heusden , which is below bosleduke , upon the meuse , and let us consider it , not for the controversie , that is , whether it be of the dutchy of brabant , or of holland ; but for its admirable fortifications . it is environ'd with seven or eight bastions , and some half moons . this with the breadth of the river secures it from all danger , and holland from all fear on that side . there is likewise a fort in the island of hemert , upon the vahal , which defends heusden ; a thing to be seen before you go down the river , and follow the borders of brabant , upon which lies voroum , a small town , with four bastions between louvestein and gorcum . this little place , with the lordship of altena , was sold to the states for 10000. pound , and is now a rampart to the whole province . all the towns fronting upon gueldres are very well fortified , and in a better air than the towns of holland , as having better waters ; but they are much inferior in beauty , neatness , and riches . iselstein is a small town situated upon yssel , which they of utrect have often laid claim to , and there has been war between the bishops of utrect and the earls of holland for it ; the place standing in a fruitfull pleasant soyl. it is rather long than square , and adorn'd with fine gardens ; the prince of orange is lord of it . now let us follow the frontier of brabant , to the west . as soon as you come out of the lordship of altena , you meet with the strong town of gertrudenbergue , divided from holland by a great lake that the rhene and the meuse make before dort. it is almost a half moon , of which two thirds are bath'd with the water of the lake , and has excellent bastions . besides , there are forts with sluces , which can drown the rest of the ground which lies low . in the year 1321. the castle was built ; and a 100. year after both the town and the cathedrall church were both burnt down by those of dort , who took it after a long siege . it belongs now to the prince of orange , having often chang'd masters by the chance of war. there is taken before it great quantities of salmon ; but i have heard a citizen relate , that in the time of the war their fishing fail'd , because of the great noise of the canonadoes , that frighted all the fish away . to go from gertrudenbergue by land to clundert , you must leave breda on the left hand , and pass by sevenberg , a lordship which depends on brabant . clundert has eight bastions , and some ravelins , and was first wall'd by prince william the first , whose it was , and since fortified . it has a fine church , and good bells . willemstradt is hard by , a town which bears the name of its founder . it has seven bastions , a double ditch , and a fair harbour . it has brabant on the south , and zeeland on the north , which seems to communicate to it something of the courseness of its air ; for here are bred feavers , very hard to be cur'd , insomuch as those that have them seem as if they were bewitched . the citizens of leyden can testifie it to their cost ; for many of them were in garrison there in the war time , and when they came home , some died , some lingred a great while , and in all , i know not above three that scap'd being very sick . i have spoke of these little towns , only for their fortifications ; let us now see the islands that are over against zeeland . the first is overslac ; you must land at ol●rens plact , a village where the fleet of shallops was to have landed , 1631. in the said island which is very fertile in corn , is a fair village , call'd sommerdi●ke , the lord of which was governor of nimmegue . at the end of this island is another , in which is the town of gouree , the harbour of which is now stop'd up with sand. between gouree and helwetsluys there is a great depth of water , where the greatest ships may ride . now we are come to the island of vorne , the chiefest place of which is the briel , then geervliet , where there was a colledge of canons ; and huervliet , a fine place belonging to mr. de kerchove , high huntsman of holland . the rest of this island which ends at dort , is call'd beyerland , and the other part stryac , where there are many rich villages , the best of which is isselmond . chap. xviii . of the towns that are in goylant , near the south-sea . we have seen the borders of this province towards gueldres , utrect , brabant , and zeland ; we have now a journey to take south-east , before we go directly north , to see three small towns. from amsterdam you go by sea to naerden , the chief town of goylant . it has been destroyed , and then built up again ; the old foundations are yet to be seen in the south-sea , when a certain winde blows and drives out the sea. the citizens of this place acquir'd great reputation , by taking that traytor gerrard de velsen , who was carrying the earl florent prisoner into england . in the year 1355. the second town was built , and adorn'd with priviledges by the duke william of bavaria . in 1481. they of utrect having given the hollanders a great overthrow , surprized the town of naerden by an ingenious stratagem ; for they dress'd a good number of young souldiers like countreywomen going to market , who being let in , seized a gate of the town , and gave entrance to the enemies : the citizens redeem'd themselves from fire and sword by a great summe of money . but a little after they were reveng'd ; for falling upon the bishoprick , they kill'd 1500. of their enemies upon the spot , and in memory of that advantage , built a high tower , with this inscription , utrect hold thy peace . in 1486. the said town was almost all burnt down ; and this misfortune seem'd to be a fore-runner of that which befell them about a 100. years after : for frederick , son to the duke of alva , having taken zutpheen , fell upon naerden . the citizens not expecting so sudden an alarm , were not so provident as to send embassadors to mediate for them ; but seeing the army at their gates , surrender'd their town into the victors hands , and trusted to his discretion and mercy : but he participating much of the cruell humor of his father , commanded all the inhabitants to be assembled in the publick market-place , and there sent them monks to confess them , and pronounce to them their sentence of death . the poor creatures who thought to have heard their pardon proclaim'd , were immediately set upon by some regiments , and cruelly slaughter'd . this barbarous execution brought so great an odium upon the spaniards , that it made the people of leyden rather resolve to starve , than yeeld to the mercy of so cruell a nation . that which is most remarkable too , is , that they were most of them catholicks ; and i think it is from thence that comes that deriding proverb in holland , art thou a catholick , that is good for thy soul. mude is hard by naerden , upon the river veckt , and at the mouth of the south-sea . it is a little town , which has a very ancient castle , in which was kept prisoner the count florent . hard by is wesop upon the same river , famous for its good beer , whereof much is brought to leyden , where it is call'd , for its excellency , the flemmings physick . all the countrey from amsterdam , taking by voerden to leyden , shut in by the sea of harlem , is very low ; it is all meadow , or turf-ground ; as also between leyden , goude , and rotterdam , there are digg'd great quantities of turfs : nay the earth is so cut in many places , that it is inaccessible otherwise than by boat , which is a subject of great admiration to strangers . the boats that go in the night-time from leyderdorp to amsterdam , pass through the lake of brassmermeere , and stay about two hours at a village call'd bilderdam ; then in the morning they arrive at another call'd ouderkerk , which is a league from amsterdam . there are waggons that go by land ; and it is particularly the earth of this countrey that is observ'd to tremble and quake . when it has rain'd , the wayes are all drown'd , and become like a marsh. chap. xix . of the lakes and rivers . of all the rivers that come from germany and water-holland , the chiefest is the rhene , which divides into two branches ; one retains the name of rhene , and the other is call'd vahal , and that receives the meuse , which comes from lorrain , and goes through the town of leege . these rivers meet all before gorcum , and flow gently into the sea , near dort and rotterdam , making all the islands we have spoke of . the countrey lying low , there are abundance of lakes , into which enter a great many channels , made by art. the greatest of these lakes is harlem-lake , which begins to extend it self between leyden and the village of kague , which stand in at island at the mouth of the said lake , into which the boats enter here . those boats that go to harlem , keep on the left hand , and they that go to amsterdam , on the right , and pass by alsemeer . this lake is very broad , but not deep ; between harlem and amsterdam it grows narrower , and is call'd sprin●smeere : there is a dike or bank with prodigious sluces , which are opened according as the wind ●its , to let out some of the water into the river ye . here the harlem boats stay , and the passengers land , and see a fair house , built by the noble colledge of the heemrades . on amsterdam-side it grows still narrower , till you come to overtom , a fair village of the jurisdiction of harlem , which keeps the passage shut by a dike , over which the boats which go from leyden to amsterdam must pass , by the means of certain wooden rowlers , and other instruments . this obstacle is to force the great boats full of merchandizes , to go by harlem , to the profit of the said town . this lake before the wars was not half so big ; and i have heard old men say , that from their remembrance it had encreased the compass of above four miles . every year it eats away some of the land that borders upon it , insomuch that the neighbouring corporations have often met to consult about the drayning of it , but as yet without effect . it would require above 500. miles , and the cost would amount to above 200000. pound ; but the bottome being partly veenes , and partly good land , would sell well , and defray a good part of the expence . this lake is very full of fish , and breeds eeles of a prodigious bigness , as all ●●imy waters do . but i shall not speak any more of this nor other lakes , nor of the holes which the countrey people make every day by digging up turfs , which if at last by some rupture they should meet , would go near to drown all this lower region , and swallow up these fine meadows . now let us go to north-holland . chap. xx. north-holland , commonly call'd west-frieze . this part is so call'd , because it has holland on the south , and friezeland on the east , from which it is divided by the south-sea , which some authors affirm to have been formerly so narrow , that it might have been pass'd over with a plank . this countrey is likewise call'd waterland , by reason of the many lakes that it abounds with ; some of them have been drayn'd , viz. beemster , ziip , and schermer , which are now rich grounds , where the chief citizens of amsterdam have houses and gardens . every where here there are dikes ; that of mede●bliike is made of a certain matter which the sea casts up , this element preparing thus a bridle to its own fury . this countrey has on the north the ocean and the texel , and on the south the river ye , and is joyn'd to the south-part of holland , by a small neck of land on harlem-side . this people drives a great trade , by means of the water they are environ'd with , which at the same time does so fortifie them , as to secure them from all acts of hostility . they keep their old fashions and customes ; and yet they are not so simple as they appear , but are indeed very sincere , and more to be believ'd upon their simple affirmative , than other nations upon their oaths and blasphemies . the women are equally chaste and fair , and often a young man shall sit a whole night by his mistress , and never hold any discourse any wayes offensive to her honour . they have most of them red hair , and their locks guilded upon their fore-heads . they wear not handkerchiefs , but a velvet whisk , with a golden hook and clasp . that which i think very undecent , is , that they wear their petticoats so short , that they scarce come below their knees . the men wear plain bands , square beards , have a grave behaviour , and are of a strong complexion , and tall stature . all their business is commerce , which they have with all the northern countries ; and particularly herrings are their great commodity . between harlem and alcmaer there is a pleasant village , whither anciently people did use to go in pilgrimage . it is situated upon the sea of wiie ; the bank that begins there is call'd st. agaths bank ; and the other which goes to sardam is call'd assendelftdike . at sardam are continually built great ships for the indies . but let us take our way to alcmaer . chap. xxi . of alcmaer and medenbliic . alcmaer is not only one of the finest towns of holland , but also of all the low-countries , for the beautiousness of its buildings , and the neatness of its streets . the wars that it maintain'd against the friezelanders , bear witness of its antiquity . it is very rich , and has a great trade . many of its inhabitants live pleasantly , having very fine gardens , and a fine countrey . in 1328. it was burnt ; the friezelanders have often besieged it : and in the year 1517. it was taken and plunder'd for eight dayes by those of gueldres . the earl florent the fifth made a dike to the very extremities of the countrey , to hinder the friezelanders incursions . there are fair marks to shoot at , for the exercise and diversion of the citizens ; and next to leyden , it has the reputation of being the cleanliest town in holland . the spaniards after the taking of harlem laid siege to it , but in wain ; they were forced to quit the town , partly by reason of the ill airs and partly because of the stout resist , ance made by the townsmen . thi town is near the schermer , the greatest lake of this septentrionall part . at some leagues from alcmaer upon the north-sea-side , is the hontbos , where there are monstrous dikes , made in a most singular manner , to resist the fury of the ocean , which here does most desperately threaten the ruine of all holland . therefore there is a double bank , that so in case one should break , the other might give the people time to repair the first . from thence you may go to the texel , or take your way to seay n by the ziipe . seayen is a great village , situated in a fat countrey , where land is as dear again as in any part of holland . there has been trees , the fruits of which have been sold for 10. pound in one year . it has a very large market-place . the lords of seayen are descended from the house of bavaria . it is the mid-way between alcmaer and medenbliick . medenbliick is an ancient town ; all authors agree that it was formerly the metropolis , before horne and enchusen were built . some derive its name from the river medem●lack , of which there remains no marks ; neither is it probable that the famous prince r●●lbold did live here . it was taken by the kenemars in the year 1426. and in 1514. they of gueldres burnt it down to the ground . it has high and strong dikes to keep out the south-sea , for the land lies a great deal lower than the water . when there is a great storm , and that the sea beats with that violence , that it does threaten the utter ruine of all that opposes it , the inhabitants clap sails all along between the dike and the water , and so hinder it from piercing into the body of the bank : a pretty invention , and to which they owe the safety of their whole countrey . there is an old castle which some suspect to have been the palace of the princes of friezeland . here live most of your wood-merchants , that drive a great trade to norway , and in the north. let us follow the sea-side , and come to enchusen . chap. xxii . of enchusen . this town is environ'd on three parts by the sea. it is like a half-moon , and makes a point or neck of land , which advances into the zuyderzee . it is said that in 1394. albert , earl of holland , set sayl from hence with a fleet of 300. boats , to transport his army into friezeland ; an argument that then it was a famous port. 't is true , that as time changes all things , so has it done this harbour ; for now the sands that are got into the mouth of it , do much hinder the entrance of great ships ; yet are there often built here great ships for the indies , and great fleets do sayl from hence to the baltic seas . it was not yet wall'd when it was burnt by john of arkel , and nicholas putene in 1279. in 1426. it was assaulted by the kenemars ; and the same year , some souldiers of the countess jacqueline , coming in upon a sudden , surprized about a 100. of the principall citizens at dinner , and cut off all their heads ; a barbarous action , which does come near the cruelty of our age. in 1514. a part of the rampart , and many houses , were destroyed by an inundation . 1537. the gueldreses having denounc'd war to holland , had like to have surpriz'd the said town ; but the water being low , they fail'd of their design . this was the first town that revolted from the spaniards in north-holland . in the year 1591. the town was enlarged , and it now drives a great trade in her●ngs and salt-fish . it has strong dikes , and it needs them , being built upon the sea ; which is the reason why it has no good water to drink , the countrey lying so low . by the complaints of its inhabitants we perceive that it decayes in trade , and has formerly had a greater commerce , which appears by many empty houses . there is a very good alms-house ; and the steeple is considerable for its height , being built in so moorish a soft ground . these three towns , enchusen , horne , and medenbliick , have equally , but successively , the priviledge of coyning money , each for the space of seven years , and then they begin again . horne now calls upon us to admire its beauty and trade , with the convenience of its harbour . chap. xxiii . of horn , and the small towns of north-holland . this town is the second of north-holland . it is built upon the south-sea , and has the best harbour of all that coast. there was in this town a famous faction of the kennemars ; but they were routed by the citizens after a long combate . they took likewise the fleet of the osserlins , by the help of those of enchuse , and so ended that troublesome war in 1441. in 1557. the dikes being broke , so much water got into the town , as had like to have drowned it ; but by the industry of the inhabitants , the banks were soon repaired again . there is but a little arm of the sea to be pass'd to come to edam , two leagues from horne . it is a small town , built triangular-wise upon the river of ye , in the fattest part of holland . here is made the best holland cheese with red rinde , so much sought after by all nations ; and indeed it yeelds not to the parmesan . in the year 1430. we finde in our annals , that the d●kes being broke , and having overflowed the meadows , some maids of edam were in a boat , going to milk the cowes at purmerend , and it being low water , they perceived a sea-nymph in the mud ; they were at first frighted , but at last taking courage , drew nearer , got her into their boat , and brought her to edam , where she was washed and cloathed ; she did eat our diet , and had learn'd to spin ; but still her instinct did carry her to her naturall element , the water , in which she did much delight : they could never teach her to speak . she was transported to harlem , where she liv'd many years . a certain author sayes , that they had infus'd some knowledge of god into her , and that she did use to bowe before the crucifix . monickendam is hard by edam , upon the river monic , which signifies monk , and it has for arms , a monk. the town is very little , and situated upon the sea-side . in 1426. it was taken by the kenemars . it has been twice burnt down all , except the church , and the carmelites monastery . purmerend was wall'd in the wars , 1573. there is a c 〈…〉 e which did belong to the house of ●gmond ; but it has been bought by the states in 1590. north-holland is almost quite environ'd with water , and joyn'd to the rest of holland by a neck of land , from bevervic to vic , about a league broad . this small province which is not in all above 20. leagues in compass , deserves that strangers should take the pains to come to it , if it be but to see those prodigious dikes and banks , which preserve the countrey from an infallible inundation . there are three or four little islands in the south-sea , besides the texel , the ulic , and some others , that are towards friezeland , and do break the first fury of the north-sea . but we will leave them , to return to leyden by the honsbos ; and having once again admir'd the dikes , go afoot by that lovely sandy shore , which is from the honsbos to beeve , a sandy mountain at the mouth of the meuse , for the space of 24. leagues . it is the finest way in the world ; for on one side are the high sandy hills , and on the other the sea , which is not deep near the sh●re ; insomuch that in calm weather one may go in a great way without being ●ut to swim : and it is upon this s 〈…〉 re that most ships are forced to run , when they cannot in a storm get out to sea ; particularly in winter , when the nights are dark and long . when a ship is thus cast away , and some body scapes , the goods aboard here are preserv'd for the owners ; but if all be drown'd , then what the sea casts up belongs to the countrey . it happens often likewise that after a great storm , a sort of whales call'd by the inhabitants , potwisch , are found sticking upon these sands ; these likewise belong to the county : and i saw one that was sold for 50. pounds ; they make oyl of the flesh , and use the bones for other uses . the sea likewise does cast up great quantities of cockle shells , which are gather'd to make a sort of quicklime , much whiter than that of france , but not so good to make morter with . sometimes there are some very fine sorts of shells , but seldome ; for those which are kept as rarities , come most from the indies . you may see in your way egmond , a village , from which came the noble family of egmond . all these sandy hills , from the honsbos to beer , are full of rabbits , which you may see in thousands ; it is forbidden to kill or take any of them , under a certain fine ; and to hunt them , you must have leave from the high huntsman of holland , or be one of the nobles of the countrey . there you may see eagles , that endeavour to prey upon the connies . the peasants hard by have a pretty way of catching them undiscover'd , which is , that in winter the poor beasts finding no green thing upon the ground to eat , all being cover'd with snow , draw near the houses , in most of which there is a little hole that goes into the cellar , in which are green cabbage-leaves ; the rabbits emboldened by hunger , creep in by a board set there on purpose , and no sooner are they entred , but the peasant pulls away the board , and the rabbit falls into the cellar . but the peasant does not brag of his good fortune , nor invite his neighbours to the good cheer . these du●es , or sandy mountains , are full of physicall herbs , which the students of leyden do much seek after , particularly in the spring-time , in the company of their professors ; and such plants as cannot endure the cold , are transplanted into a gallery which looks to the south , in which are three stoves , for their conservation all winter long . this academy has also another gallery , in which are many curiosities , as pagans idols , indian serpents skins , little chips , and cloths and shooes of the indians . the gardener gives to the curious a little paper , in which is contain'd the explication of all these ; and the book-binders sell a little book , in which are all the names of the plants that are in the said garden . this academy was formerly a nunnery , out of which the nuns being driven by the great revolution of europe for religion , had each of them a small prebendary for their life assigned to them ; and i remember two that did use to come from boyslednke to leyden , to receive their sallary . in the divinity-school are kept all publick acts , and all degrees are taken . they that take them publickly are honour'd with the magistrates presents , who ordinarily send them in some presents of wine , after the custome of germany ; then they make a feast to the professors , and are very merry . they that cannot afford to be at so much charge , are receiv'd privately , and under the chimney , as the proverb sayes . the commencements are ordinarily in summer , about the dog-dayes . upon the said academy is built a high tower , on purpose for astronomers to make observations . there are likewise many rare instruments of a new invention , serving to the same end ; here being excellent professors in all the parts of the mathematicks . the princes house is upon the rappe●bourg , and has a fine square court , with a garden . it was a religious house for women , who 't is said had purchased the place the house stands on with spinning . the lower part of the church is a magazine for ammunition , and the upper a store-house for corn. this i have added , as omitted in the first description of leyden , with which i have perfected my intended account of the cities , towns , and villages in holland . now i will say something of their religion . chap. xxiv . of the different religions in holland . i will not here undertake to dispute , which is the best of all those religions that are here tolerated , knowing that it is too ticklish a matter to be handled , without giving offence to some body . i shall only relate barely , how many sorts of religions there are within the limits of the united provinces . they being at their first revolt opposite to spain in all things : resolv'd to give as much liberty as that king would deny , and to tolerate all religions , because he would suffer but one . in order to this , the state thriving in their wars , took upon them to drive out the priests , monks , and nuns , as so many emissaries of rome , and stiff maintainers of one only religion . the chief model and reformation was made according to the churches of geneva , and the high palatinate ; and to this day they that pretend to any charge or office , must be of this religion , if they desire to be admitted . they that follow the doctrine of martin luther , have all freedome in holland , and liberty to build churches among the houses , to distinguish them from the other reform'd . the anabaptists have likewise theirs , and are divided into divers sects . they that have the great assembly are call'd drec wagens . and i will say this to their praise , that in their meetings they expound scripture , without making any invectives , or railing upon any body else . in the beginning those of the reform'd religion in holland , were call'd geux , or beggars ; as in france , huguenots , a name which the vulgar yet retain with joy , bragging , that they were neither papists nor martinists , but geux . this was the occasion of their being thus nam'd : in the beginning of the troubles , 500. gentlemen being come to brussels , to present a petition to the princess of parma , then governant , came of a sudden into her palace ; she being at the window , talking with the earl of varlemont , was frighted with so sudden and so great an appearance , and asked him if he knew what it mean'd ; who answered , madam , do not trouble your self , they are but beggars ; ce ne sout que des geux . this being told these gentlemen at supper , they all agreed to dress themselves in beggars cloaks , and take wooden dishes in their hands , with this motto , we are all the kings faithfull servants , even to beggary . we must not forget the arminians , who have made a schisme among the reform'd about predestination . the gomarists or counter-remonstrants opposed the said articles of predestination ; they were thus nam'd from their two heads , who were both professors of divinity in leyden , arminius and gomarius . their division had such influence among the people , that the towns did already beg●n to take in gar●●sons , to maintain each their opinion by force . prince maurice by the order of the states applied a remedy to these disorders . barnevelt was taken and beheaded , some magistrates of towns deposed , and many ministers of the arminians imprisoned , their doctrine being condemn'd by the synod of dort. but the arminians have never been at quiet , till they have obtain'd a free exercise through most towns of holland , as amsterdam , rotterdam , and the hague it self , but not at harlem , nor leyden ; in the last of which places , they have often met in the open streets , sung their psalms , and preached , but have still been disturbed by the magistrate . at last seeing they could not gain a church in the town , they have been glad to obtain leave to meet at warmont , a village hard by it , which the lord of the place has willingly granted , for the benefit that arises to his village by it . the jews are publickly tolerated , and have their synagogues in amsterdam . the catholicks are the only excluded from this liberty , though they be in great numbers , and most of them naturall hollanders , whose ancestors have contributed both their bloods and money , to the driving out of the spaniards ; but all that is forgotten , and they enjoy nothing but a liberty of conscience , in which they rest quietly . many politicians of our age have thought , that the reason why they are thus kept under , was , because the king of spain , the profess'd enemy of the states , was of their religion ; and that if peace were once concluded , there would be more indulgence shewed . but i think our politicians mistaken in their conjecture , and do rather look upon the hollanders , as people that have imitated the romans ; who having once driven out the tarquins , and tasted the sweetness of liberty , did not spare collatin himself , who had been one of the great opposers of tyranny , not because there was cause , but because he was of the royall race . so i do not dispute , whether the papists have given subject to distrust them ; but i say , they have given occasion to fear them , because they are of our enemies religion . 't is true , that in some towns , where the memory of the actions perform'd by the catholicks , in order to the publick liberty , is yet preserv'd , they have the freedome of meeting in private houses . the countrey people do persevere very constantly in the said religion , and are not so constrained as in the towns , though they are derided by all sects whatsoever . their ceremonies in burying are the same all over holland ; and since ' ●is a religious worship , we shall here describe the form of it . the catholicks and lutherans suffer not their dead to be buried any where , but in churches and church-yards . the reform'd are not so scrupulous , and say , that one earth is not holier than another , neither do they use much ceremony . as soon as the person is dead , the neighbours sewe the body up in a winding-sheet , and they are treated with a collation , and a cup of sack ; then they make a note of the names of those they intend to invite . the day appointed being come , they meet about two of the clock in the afternoon , in the house of the deceased ; there their names are call'd over , and they go out two by two , the kindred next the body , and the friends after them , every one according to his quality . the body being buried , they come back to the house , where he that goes first invites the company in ; then they are presented with wine , and every one drinks as much as he pleases , and goes away when he thinks fit . the richer sort are buried in the church , and the company has rhenish wine given them . the poor give beer . the young men and maids are carried by young people . the body is all cover'd with flowers , and the bearers have a branch of laurell or rosemary in their hand . if it be a person of quality , all the bearers are presented with a summe of money , which they go and spend in a treating-house . there is alwayes a certain summe to be given to the purse of the neighbourhood . and such as have not a burying place in the church , must pay very dear for it , if they intend to have one . they for whom the biggest bell rings , pay ●0 . shillings at least . the papists are very observant of that ceremony ; but the reform'd laugh at it , as a piece of superstition , and instituted for the churches profit . however these buryings without prayers or ceremony , cost as much as the obsequies of the catholicks in france . after the burying of a professor , there is a speech made in honour of him . if the body be not in the church at half an hour past two , there is a fine of 20. shillings to be payed ; if it be not there till after three , then there is the double due . some are so ill-bred , as to drink themselves drunk at these buryings ; and when they go home in their long cloaks , you shall finde them in the mire ; but the people of quality come not to that extremity , but after two or three glasses of wine , return quietly . besides all these religions , there is a certain assembly held at rinsbourg , ten or twelve times a year , where every one that will has the liberty of making an exhortation ; it is call'd the assembly of the free-minded . there are many others that sit at home reading the scripture , and never come to any church , except it be out of curiosity . the arianisme has those that profess it . in a word , any body may follow his own opinion , but not profess it with a publick worship . there are atheists enough too . chap. xxv . of the nobility . holland has for arms a — with this motto , for liberty . it is observable , that almost all the provinces of the low-countries have a lion for their arms ; which made charles their duke desirous to make one kingdome of them , call'd the kingdome of the lion ; but while he was adding to it lorrain and the swizzers , he died , and left the title of duke only to his successors . the emperor charl●s the fifth had the same design ; but he met with so much opposition in the priviledges , and the diversity of humours and tongues in the different provinces , that he was fain to give over the design of it ; he being besides busied with continuall wars . there are also many gentlemen in the low-countries , that bear a lion in their coat . but since my design is only to speak of holland , i shall mention no other than the nobility of that province , as well to publish their antiquity , as to stop the mouthes of some strangers , who either by an absurd ignorance , or maliciously , do publish that there are no gentlemen in holland . 't is true , that the length of the civill wars has been the death of many of that couragious nobility , who seeking honour have died in the bed of it , and so some families of ancient extract are quite extinguish'd . but there are yet many remaining , who may contend for antiquity and splendor with most families in europe . 't is commonly said , that the italian nobility do not scruple to trade . the french indeed are nicer , and think it a degenerating from their birth ; yet do they not make any difficulty of marrying a citizens daughter , if she be rich , and can by her means repair the lustre of their decayed nobility . but the germans do not only abhor traffick , but think it a greater baseness , to mingle their blood with one meanly born . the hollanders seem to be in the middle between these extreams . for first , the dutch nobility does not trade . they love war , for the defence of their countrey ; are not duellists , nor quarrelsome , like the french ; love learning , particularly the mathematicks ; live pleasantly in their countrey-houses ; and may without degenerating marry whom they please . the gentlemen in holland have alwayes enjoyed great priviledges ; for the ancient earls did never undertake any thing without their advice , as it is now observ'd in denmarke and poland . the three principall families are the brederodes , the wassenaers , and the egmonds ; of whom the proverb is , the noble brederodes . the ancient wassenaers . the rich egmonds . the brederodes are descended from the earls of holland ; and the story is , that sitfrid , the youngest son of arnold of ghent , and grandson to didier , second earl of holland , being fallen under his fathers indignation and hatred , was afterwards pardon'd ; and ●he earl to shew his kindness and reconciliation , caus'd land to be measur'd out to him with larger roods : thence he was call'd brederode ; and from him is descended this family , by his eldest son didier ; and from his younger , simon , lord of teling , are descended the lords of toll and lecke . the wassenaers fetch their origine from a village between leyden and the hague ; and their name is deriv'd from the right they had in former ages to the waters , ponds , and lakes , in holland . they pretend to be descended from that famous captain , claudius civilis , of whom tacitus makes honourable mention . they have been burg-graves of leyden , and are yet highly esteem'd . from them are descended the duvenvords , the warmonts , the bouchorts , the polanes , the matenesses , all the flower of the dutch nobility . they that represent the nobility of holland in the states generall , are these following ; whereof some are dead : john wolfard , lord of brederode and viane . john de wassenaer , lord of duvenvord , &c. vesele de boteselaer , lord of asperen , &c. james of wingarde , lord of benthuise , soctemeer , &c. albert de scagen , baron of scagen , harengbuisen , &c. james of wassenaer , and duvenvord , lord of warmont . henry de raphorst , lord of raphorst , &c. james de mateness , lord of mateness , rivier , opmeer , &c. francis arsen , knight , lord of sommersdiick . besides these , there are divers other families , as those of arquel , kenembourg , haserson , alquemade , opdam , gaudriaen , sevenhuysen , vanderlaen , benthuse , asmal , &c. who are all by alphabeticall order , in the book entituled , the theatre of the towns and county of holland , by the learned monsieur boxhorne ; together with the noble actions of their ancestors . chap. xxvi . of liberty . there is no province in the world , where the inhabitants enjoy more liberty , than in holland . nay , as soon as any slave coming from a foreign countrey , sets his foot upon the dutch shore , he is free . the gentlemen are princes and fathers of their families . the countrey people when they have payed their rents , are as free as the citizens . if a gentleman abuse or kill any of them , he is in great danger of losing his life , if the crime deserve it . here is no partiality ; and let every one know , that the laws are here in their force . the magistrates are bound to maintain the citizens priviledges , and preserve them from all oppression . the masters may not beat their servants , nor the mistresses their maids . but above all , every one is master at home ; and it is a capitall offence to offer violence to a man in his own house . one may travell freely through all holland , by day and by night , without fear of being rob'd . high-way men are never pardon'd ; theeves are sometimes , but not those among them that break into houses , or steal sheep in the pasture-grounds . no body is forced to stay here any longer than he thinks fit . here is liberty of conscience , and no body is forc'd to go to the protestant churches . the liberty of speaking freely , even of magistrates themselves , is too great ; and that which else-where would be a crime , is here laughed at . the german students , i remember , were once about to set up a custome , which is in use in most of the german universities , by which the new comers are very ill treated for the first year ; but the magistrates oppos'd it , and threatned all those that should go about to introduce such a slavery , in a free countrey . here are never made any rules about what people onght to wear ; every one wears what he pleases . nay any body may transport as much gold and silver as he pleases , and no body shall hinder him , as they do in england , and france . in a word , all that is reasonable , is lawfull . they that say that the nobility are not respected in holland , are very much mistaken . for those amongst them that do govern themselves with moderation , and are familiar with their inferiors , are infinitely beloved ; but the proud and haughty are despised and hated . here is the greatest equality in the world. it is ordinary to hear a mean fellow in a dispute with a citizen , say , i am as much as you ; if you be richer than i , 't is well for you . but the wiser sort avoid such quarrels , as it is easie to do , by keeping a fit distance between them and the common people . certainly when i do reflect upon the miserable condition of some christians in europe ; as of the peasants in lytuania , and almost all over poland , where the lords have the power of hanging them , when they run away from their tyranny ; in bohemia , and some other places of germany ; in denmarke , and sweden , where the gentlemen do ●ighly abuse the commons ; i cannot choose but cry out , o happy holland , that hast preserv'd that precious jewel of liberty ; preserve it well , for with its loss , goes that of thy happiness ! chap. xxvii . of some voyages undertaken under the banner of holland . i do not intend to speak here of the ordinary trade that is driven by shipping , to the northern parts of the world ; nor of that which is carried on in england , france , spain , italy , germany , &c. my design is to speak of those voyages undertaken within these threescore years to the indies , which were undertaken upon this occasion : the king of spain having seized upon , and confiscated some ships belonging to the hollanders , that did trade in his ports , which were then the mart of europe , for the east-india merchandizes , made some merchants resolve to set out a fleet of eight sayl for the indies ; whereof four were to go the long way , and four others to go by the north , and endeavour to finde out a passage to china , by the north-sea ; it being the shorter way to the indies by half in half . these four last set sayl from the texel the fifth of june , 1594. and the eighteenth they came to kildus in lapland ; and some time after they discover'd the island of nova zembla , between mountains of ice . in this journey they met no pirates nor enemies , but great white fierce bears , which would follow them upon the land , and in the sea ; as one particularly did , for leaping into the sea , to follow their long boat which they had ma●●d out , they shot him , and hurt him ; but he nevertheless following still , they threw a rope about his neck , thinking to carry him away alive after them to austerdam ; nevertheless this furious beast had the force to leap with his two fore-feet upon the boat , and so frighted the seamen , that they were all ready to leap into the sea , had not the rope by good luck entangled it self about the rudder ; whereupon one run him through with a pike , and kill'd him . they met besides with a sort of great fish , as big as oxen , call'd valres ; their head is like an oxes , and they have two teeth that come out like boars tushes . at last seeing the season of the year far spent , they went back , and some dayes after met with the other ships which had left them , and learn'd from them that they had been in the tartarian ocean , which they had found full of whales . that they had landed , and discover'd a cross upon a mountain , near which they had found some sacks of meal , and something written upon the cross in russian characters . at last they all arriv'd at amsterdam in september , having been hindred by the ice to go any further . the chief of these was one william barenson , who having made the recitall of their journey , there was a second voyage resolv'd of , under the conduct of the said william ; but they met with the same obstacles again , though it were in august . they met with a shallop laden with barks of trees , and geese , and such other merchandizes , which waited for the russian fleet , which every year goes that way . they that were in the bark did say , that within a few dayes the sea would be so frozen , as that one might go over the ice into tartary . the hollanders invited them aboard , and presented them with butter and cheese , which they refused , saying , it was fasting-day , but took some herrings . having left them , and seen the countrey of the samoctes , which they found to be a barbarous people , wearing buff-skins , they steered their course to the states island , a place which they found full of hares , whereof they made provision . some pass'd into the continent , not far from the island , and there a furious bear kill'd two , and routed all the rest of the company , though twenty in number , and well arm'd with pikes ; at last with succour from the ship , the bear was kill'd . after which they set sayl for holland , running much hazard in the ice , but arriv'd without any other loss than of those two men . the small success of this voyage , could not discourage the undertakers from venturing once more , under the conduct of the same william barenson , to whose ship james heemskerke was aded , as commissary . two ships set sayl the eighteenth of may , and met with the first ice the fifth of june . they sayled up and down till the eighteenth , without being able to meet with any passage . wherefore one return'd into holland ; barenson having steered to nova zembla , and endeavouring to leave it behinde him , was surprized by the ice , and his ship frozen up . in this extremity , some having landed , found abundance of timber , about a league within the shore ; with that they built a little house , which they cover'd with the boards of their ship , and had wood enough left to make fire with . the sun forsook them quite from the fourth of november , to the twenty fourth of january . till the sun forsook them , the bears tormented them ; but they had great relief by a sort of foxes which they did use to catch and rost , and make warm caps of their skins . their beer and their sack being frozen , they were fain to break them with an axe , and thaw them upon the fire ; and when their beer was spent , they were fain to melt the snow , and drink it . at last the sun came again , but with him the bears , who did persecute so as they were not able to stir out ; of them they kill'd many , and us'd their fat in stead of oyl to burn in lamps . twelfth-day being come , they resolv'd to be merry , and choose king and queen , making their king , king of nova zembla , and the islands about it . after some time they begun to think of returning home , not in their ship , for that they could not stir ; but in their boat , which with much ado they fitted up , and set sayl the fifteenth of june , among shoals of ice , the bears still following them upon the ice , and into the sea. the f 〈…〉 h of july they came to the cross island , and the eighteenth they met with two russian boats , who gave them some refreshments , and at last they came to amsterdam , in october , 1597. having lost barenson , and four more . chap. xxviii . containing divers curiosities . in the generall recitall of so many delicious wonders , we have it may be omitted some , which we here adde by way of supplement . north-holland had formerly a great lake , near purmerend , which has been drain'd with great pains and charges ; it is now a most fertile spot of ground , about 20. mile in compass . the cattle there is the biggest and fattest of all the low-countries . it is confidently reported , that in the generall contribution of the provinces towards the war , holland gives 57. in a 100. and amsterdam alone gives above 27. of the 57. from whence may be inferr'd , what are the riches of that town . the revenue of the said city comes to above 4000. pound a day , according to the treatise that has been printed of it . this year , 1650. the excise of beer , meat , and corn , being farm'd out to them that bid most , was let at a 150000. pounds . besides these , there is the wine-excise , the taxes upon houses , the eighth penny , and a thousand others . there is a square-house before the town-house , where all things are weigh'd ; it yeelds above 10000. pound a year . there is a glass-house , in which chrystall-glasses are made , not inferior to venice-glasses ; as also excellent looking glasses , which do attract all mens admiration . the rhetoricians or po●ts-house deserves to be remembred , it being a laudable custome , practis'd almost all over the low countries ; which is , that people given to poetry have a house at amsterdam , where they may represent playes . they are distinguish'd into different chambers , and make aenigmes , which if unridled carry a prize with them for the oedipus . i shall end by the publick library , to shew that our merchants have not forgot learning , amongst the hurry and noise of their trade . it is hard by the south church , and very well stored with all sorts of curious books . the epigram that is at the door gives people warning how they are to behave themselves , when they are within . there is added to it a physick-garden , which encreases every day , by the care that the magistrates take to furnish it with rare plants , at great charges . but let us leave amsterdam , for fear we lose our selves in the confusion of so many remarkable things ; and come and rest our selves at leyden , the garden of holland . our nearest way will be by the lake of harlem , for with a fair winde we may arrive in four hours ; but if the winde be contrary , we may go by harlem in two hours by the channell , and then take a chariot for six and twenty pence , which will carry us in two hours more to leyden . when the winde is strong , and contrary , the way by the sea of harlem is troublesome , for it makes those sick that have often been upon the sea without inconvenience ; and though in many places it has not above six foot water , yet not long ago a boat with passengers was over-turn'd , and they drown'd . though there be many tempests and storms upon it , yet within this 25 years i do not remember any ill accident but this i have now mention'd ; and that great misfortune which befell the unfortunate queen of bohemia , when she receiv'd the terrible news , how the king her husband had sav'd himself with swimming , but that her eldest son was drown'd in this unmercifull element . the king had left harlem in november , 1629. towards the evening ; the night proved very dark and tempestuous , and the lake much agitated by great windes , when unfortunately in the obscurity , another boat fell foul of his , and sunk it immediately . the poor young prince was heard to cry out , ab sir , dear father , pray save me ! but all in vain , for the darkness of the night hindring the distinguishing of objects , it was impossible to relieve him , and so he perish'd in the flower of his youth , to the unspeakable affliction of all that were acquainted with his forwardness in all arts and sciences . the two famous cities of holland are leyden and amsterdam ; one is the market of all foreign commodities , and the other of manufactures of all sorts . neither is there any city that has so great a revenue , next to amsterdam , as leyden , as it appears by the last years excise only upon beer , corn , and cattle , which came to 50000. pound . there is wanting to leyden a good harbour to the sea , without passing by other towns , and it has been proposed to make one at caetvic , which is but two leagues from it . nay , the mathematicians and engineers having been advised with , do say the thing is feasible ; others say that it cannot be , and that either the sea would choak up the harbour with sand , or it may be if let in , drown all the countrey . to which it is answered , that the securest way would be to go by wass●naer , and make the overture between two mountains : but this design is now buried in oblivion . being one day in the company of a mathematician at catvic , he told me , that the sea being calm is about half a foot higher than the meadows about leyden ; so that if in the spring-tides , or a storm , the sea should make way through those mountains of sand , infallibly the countrey would be all lost . the most dangerous winde for holland is a north-west-winde , towards the equinox , with a storm ; but god almighty by his providence hinders these three so dangerous enemies , from assailing us all at one time . holland is so populous , that you can hardly go a stones cast without meeting with houses or villages . the hollanders diversions are these : in summer a citizen shall hire a boat for himself and his family , to go and eat fresh-water fish. in winter he shall hire a sledge upon the ice . they are not given to gaming at dice or cards , but will play at bowles and tables . they are not quarrelsome , nor apt to strike , but will scold and call one another all to naught , before they come to blowes . towards autumn , and in winter , the students pastime is to go and shoot at the wilde-ducks and geese ; and if they shoot at the countrey-peoples , as they will often out of roguery , then follows a scuffle , in which the weakest goes to the wall. their industry is most admirable for inventing , and improving other peoples inventions , witness printing , and telescope-glasses . the art of navigation is better understood here than in any place of the world : so is fortification , and all military discipline ; in so much that a low-countrey souldier , when he comes to another kingdome is presently made much of , and advanced . the hollanders are the best in the world at draining , witness what they have done in england and france , at bourdeaux , and in britany . but their fishing is a thing which in ●ll manners deserves admiration . but they have one odd diverting way of it , which i shall here relate . there are three islands which serve as a bar to the ocean : the first is the texel , where are made excellent cheeses . the second is the ulic , where are taken great quantities of muscles . the third is schelling , the inhabitants of which last are much given to fishing , and the way that they use to catch the fish , which they call a sea-dog , is very pleasant . they disguise themselves like beasts , and at certain hours that these fishes are us'd to come out upon the shore , they leap and dance before them , and by a thousand antick tricks make them follow them , and leave the shore : in the mean time those that are in ambushcade set their nets ; then the dancers throw off their masks , and taking their humane shape upon them , come upon the poor sea-dogs , who endeavouring to re-gain the sea are entangled in the nets , and made a prey to those that had diverted them . the hollanders transport salt-fish all the world over . there is not any season in the year that does not produce some particular pleasure . for what is more pleasant , than to see the meadows cover'd with flowers all the spring and summer . autumn produces an abundance of fruits . the winter is more pleasant here than any where else ; for in so sad a season , the diversion of the frozen channels , full of people , sliding upon them , is no small one . wood is not dear here ; and you shall have more for 10. pound at amsterdam , than at paris for 15. if the water be not to be drunk , in recompence there is very good ●eer to be had . 't is true , that the windes and the rain are very frequent , by reason of the neighbourhood of the sea ; but the inconvenience is recompenced by the convenience of travelling ; for if the wayes be broke and bad , you may go by water . a merchant never misses of an opportunity of transporting himself and his goods , the channels being loaded night and day with an infinite number of boats. but as there is nothing absolutely perfect , holland has its cloudes , its north-windes , its rains , and its foggy mists , which do much bate of the beauty and pleasantness of this fam'd and renowned province . the treaty of peace concluded the thirtieth of january , of the present year , 1648. in the town of munster in westphalia , between the most illustrious and most potent prince , philip the fourth , king of spain , &c. on one side , and the high and mighty lords , the states generall , of the united provinces of the low-countries , on the other . in the name of god. be it known to all , that after the bloody wars , that have for so many years afflicted the people , and subjects , of the obedience of the king of spain , and the states generall ; they the said king and states being moved with christian compassion , and being desirous to put an end to all the calamities , and deplorable consequences , which the farther continuance of the wars of the said low-countries might produce , and to change them into the rest and tranquillity of a firm peace , have , to compass so good an end , deputed and commissioned fit persons on both sides , viz. on the side of the said don philip the fourth , king of spain , don gaspar de bracamonte , y de guzman , count of pigneranda , lord of aldea seca de la frontera , knight of the order of alcantara , perpetuall administrator of the commandery of damyel , of the order of calatrava , gentleman of his majesties bed-chamber , of his privy counsell , and his embassador extraordinary towards his imperiall majesty , as also first plenipotentiary for his majesty in the treaty of the generall peace . monsieur a●tony brnn , knight and counsellor for his majesty , in his supream counsell of state for the low-countries , and his plenipotentiary in the generall peace . on the sides of the states generall , bartold de gent , lord of looven and meynerswicke , senechal and diikgrave of bommel , fieler , and brommelerweerden , deputed by the nobility of gueldres , in the assembly of the states generall . jean de mateness , lord of mateness , riviere , opmeer , souteveen , and deputy in the ordinary counsell of holland and west-frieze ; as also deputy in the states generall , from the nobles of the said province ; councellor and heemrade of shieland adrian paw , knight , lord of heemsteed , hogersmilde , and first president , counsellor , and master of the accounts of holland and west-frieze ; as also deputy in the assembly of the states generall , by the said provinces . jean de knu●t , knight , lord of old and new vosmar , representing the nobility in the states in counsell of zeeland , as in the admiralty ; first counsellor of his highness the prince of orange , deputy in the assembly of the states . g●dart de r●●de , lord of nederhorst , uredelant , cortcho●f , over-meer , horstwaert , &c. president in the assembly of the nobles of the province of utrect , and by them deputy in the assembly of the states generall . francis de doma , lord of hinn●ma , hiclsum , deputy in the assembly of the states generall , by the province of frizeland . william riperda , lord of hengeloo , boxbergen , boculoo , and sussenbergh , deputy by the nobility of overyssel , in the assembly of the states generall . all extraordinary embassadors in germany , and plenipotentiaries of the said states , for the treaty of the generall peace . all being sufficiently impowr'd and assembled in the town of munster in westphalia ; have by common consent , and in vertue of their respective powers receiv'd from the said king , and the lords , the states generall , concluded and agreed upon these following articles . 1. the said king does declare and acknowledge , that the said lords , the states generall , of the united provinces , and their provinces , countrey-towns , lands , and appurtenances , are free and soveraign states , provinces , and countries : upon which , nor upon their towns , &c. the said king neither doth , nor shall henceforth , or his heirs and successors , pretend any thing . and that in consequence of this his declaration , he is content to treat with the said states , as he does by these , and conclude a perpetuated peace with them , upon the conditions here following . 2. to wit , that the said peace shall be firm and inviolable ; and that all acts of hostility , of what kinde soever , shall cease both by sea and by land , in all the kingdomes and countries of the obedience of the said king , and the said states ; as also between all their subjects , of what quality soever they be , without exception of places or persons . 3. each shall remain in peaceable possession , and shall keep and enjoy all the countrey-towns , lands , places , and lordships , that he now enjoyes , and that without being any wayes molested directly or indirectly . and in this is comprehended the burroughs , villages , and countrey , appertaining and belonging to that which each shall possess ; and by consequence all the mayorship of bosleduke ; as also all the lordships , towns , castles , burroughs , villages , and champain , thereunto belonging ; the town and marqueship of bergues upon zoom ; the town and barony of breda ; the town of maestrict , and the extent of its jurisdiction ; the county of groonhoff ; the town of grave ; and the countrey of luychuist ; and the bayliship of hulst , and hulster-ambact , and ambact : as also the forts which the said lords the states do possess now in the countrey of waes ; and all other towns and places which the said states do hold in brabant , flanders , or any where else , shall remain in the power of the said states , with all the right of soveraignty , in the same manner as they hold the united provinces : but all the rest of the said countrey of waes , except the said forts , shall remain unto the said king of spain . as concerning the three places on the other side the meuse , viz. falquimont , dalem , and rodeleduc , they shall remain in the condition they are now in ; and in case of dispute , the business shall be decided in the ( chambre mipartic ) to be mentioned in the following articles . 4. the subjects and inhabitants of the countries of the said king and states , shall live in good union and correspondency together , without any resentment for past injuries ; and they shall have liberty to go and stay in the territories of each other , and to exercise their trade and commerce in all surety , both by sea and land. 5. the navigation and trade to the east and west-indies shall be maintain'd , in conformity to those grants or patents given or to give by the states : for surety whereof shall serve this present treaty , and the ratification of it ; and under this treaty shall be comprehended all potentates , nations , and peoples , with whom the said states , or the east and west-india companies in their name , within the limits of their patent , are in amity or alliance . and the said king and states shall respectively remain in possession of all those lordships , towns , castles , fortresses , commerce and trade , in the east and west-indies ; as also upon the coasts of brasil , asia , africa , and america , that the said king and states do now hold . and in this article are particularly comprized all those places and forts , that the portugueses ever since 1641. have taken from the states ; as also are comprehended all those places , that the said states shall hereafter take , conquer , and possess , without infraction of the present treaty . and the curators or directors of the east and west-india companies of the united provinces ; as also the officers , agents , souldiers , mariners , being at prefen● at the service of the said companies , o● having been formerly employed by them ; and all such as being now out of their service , do live within the jurisdiction of the said companies , shall remain free and unmolested , in all places under the obedience of the said king in europe , and may travell , trade , and frequent in all places , as all other inhabitants of the states . besides , it has been stipulated and agreed , that the spaniards retain their navigation to the east-indies , in such manner as it is now for this present time , without the liberty of extending themselves any further . as also the inhabitants of these provinces shall abstain from frequenting the places that the castilians do possess in the east-indies . 6. and as for the west-indies , the subjects and inhabitants of the kingdomes and countries of the said king and states , shall respectively abstain from navigation and trade in all the harbours , places , forts , castles , possess'd by either : to wit , that the subjects of the said king shall not navigate nor trade in those that belong to the states , nor the subjects of the states in those that belong to the said king. and in the places of the states , shall be comprehended all those that the portugueses since 1641. have taken in brasil , upon the said states , and all those that they now possess , as long as they shall remain in the possession of the said states . in all which there is nothing contrary to the precedent article . 7. and because a long space of time is necessary , for the giving notice to those that are now abroad with ships and forces , that they may defist from all acts of hostility ; it hath been agreed , that within the limits of the patent granted , or to be granted , by continuation , to the company of the east-indies of the united provinces , the peace shall begin no sooner than a year after the date of the present treaty . and as for the limits of the patent , granted heretofore by the states generall , or to be granted by continuation , unto the company of the west-indies , the peace shall not there begin till six moneths after the date of the present treaty . provided still , that if the notice of the said peace be arriv'd by publick order of each side to the said limits , before the said time be expir'd , that then immediately all acts of hostility shall cease . and that if after the term be expir'd , there be yet committed some acts of hostility , the dammages shall be repair'd without delay . 8. the subjects and inhabitants of the countries of the said king and states , trafficking in one anothers countrey , shall not be forc'd to pay any greater impositions or customes , than their own subjects respectively ; so that thereby the subjects of the said states shall be freed and exempted from the imposition of 20. per cent . or any other whatsoever , which the said king did levy during the truce of 12. years , or would hereafter raise directly or indirectly upon the inhabitants of the said states , or any wayes charge them further than his own proper subjects . 9. the said king and states shall not raise any contributions or imposts out of their limits respectively , upon any merchandize , passing either by land or water . 10. the subjects of each shall respectively enjoy all freedome of peages , that they were in possession of before the beginning of the war. 11. the trade , commerce , and frequentation , shal● not be hinder'd , between the subjects of the said king and states ; and if it should chance to be obstructed any wayes , the obstacle shall immediately be taken away . 12. and after the day of the conclusion and ratification of this peace , the said king shall no longer enjoy , upon the rivers of rhene and mouse , those customes or peages , which before the war were under the jurisdiction of any of the united provinces ; particularly , the peage of zeeland , which shall not be levied for his majesty , neither in the town of antwerp , nor any where else : upon condition that from that day forwards , the states of zeeland shall take upon them to pay the annuall rents , to those to whom the said peage was morgaged , before the year 1572. which also shall do the proprietors of all other peages , if they be charg'd with annuall rents . 13. the white boyl'd salt coming from the united provinces into those of his catholick majesty , shall be receiv'd and admitted without any higher impost , than upon bay-salt : and likewise the salt coming from his majesties countries shall be admitted in those of the states , upon the same conditions . 14. the rivers of scheld , as also the channels of zas and zwin , and other entries into the sea thereabouts , shall be shut up by the states generall on their side . 15. the ships and goods coming in and going out of the harbours of flanders , shall be taxed at the same rate as the ships and goods going upon the scheld , and the channels nam'd in the above-written article ; and it shall be agreed of the proportion between the parties hereafter . 16. the anseatick-towns , with all their citizens and inhabitants , shall enjoy as to navigation and trade in spain , and all the kingdomes and states thereof , all the priviledges and immunities granted at present , or that shall be hereafter given to the subjects of the united provinces . and reciprocally all the subjects of the said provinces shall enjoy the same rights , franchises , immunities , priviledges , and capitulations , as well for the establishing of consuls in the capitall towns or sea-ports of spain , as for their merchants , factors , masters of ships , mariners , or others ; and that in the same manner , that the said anseatick-towns in generall , or in particular , have heretofore practis'd or obtain'd , and shall hereafter obtain , for the safety and advantage of navigation and trade of their towns , merchants , &c. 17. likewise the inhabitants of the countries of the said states , shall have the same liberty in the said kings dominions , that the subjects of his majesty of great britain do enjoy , by the articles in the last treaty of peace made in secret , with the high constable of castile . 18. the said king shall as soon as possible assign a place for the honourable burying of the bodies of such of the states subjects , as shall die in his dominions . 19. the subjects and inhabitants of the said kings dominions , coming into the territories of the states , shall as to the publick exercise of religion , comport themselves with all modesty , without giving any scandall , or proffering any blasphemy , and the same shall be observ'd by the subjects of the united provinces . 20. the merchants , masters of ships , pilots , mariners , their ships , goods , and other things belonging to them , shall not be arrested nor detain'd , by vertue of any order , either generall or speciall , nor for any cause of war , or otherwise ; nor under the pretext of using them for the preservation of the countrey . hereby nevertheless are not meant all seisings and arrests of ships , by the ordinary proceedings of justice , by reason of debts , obligations , and contracts , of those whose goods are seised , who shall be left to the course of the law. 21. there shall be fram'd a court of equall number of commissioners on both sides , who shall sit in such places in the low-countries as shall be thought fit ; sometimes under the obedience of one , and sometimes under the obedience of the other state , as it shall be agreed by common consent ; and according to their commission ( which they shall be sworn to observe ) they shall take care to maintain a good correspondency on both sides ; shall also have a regard to the taxes and impositions laid on both sides upon merchandize ; and if they perceive that on either side there be excess committed , they shall immediately redress it . besides , the said judges shall examine all questions touching the non-observancce of this treaty of peace ; as also the contraventions or failings against it , not only here , but in distant provinces and kingdomes of europe , and shall decide them by a short way . the sentences and decrees of which judges shall be put in execution by all under-officers , living upon the places , against the person of the transgressors , as necessity shall require ; and the said subordinate officers may by no means fail in this at their perill . 22. if any judgement or decree should pass between persons of different parties , either in civill or criminall matters , they shall not be put in execution , neither against the goods nor against the persons of the said parties ; and no letters of reprizall shall be granted , but with cognizance of cause , and according to the imperiall constitutions , and the order by them establish'd . 23. it shall not be free to enter or stay in the harbours , ports , bayes , and rodes , of each other , with men of war , or arm'd ships , in such numbers as may give occasion of jealousie to any , without the leave and permission of that state to whom the said ports , &c. do belong ; except in case of a storm , or that there were some other necessity of avoiding danger at sea. 24. they whose estates have been seized upon , and confiscated , by reason of the war , or their heirs , executors , &c. shall enjoy the said estates , and may enter into possession of them by their own authority , by vertue of this present treaty , notwithstanding all alienations , incorporations , into the publick treasury , gifts , treaties , agreements , and transactions whatsoever , though they contain renunciations of the parties to whom the said estates do belong . and all such estates once restored , may be sold by the proprietors , their heirs , &c. without a necessity of a further or more particular leave . and in consequence of this , the proprietaries of such rents as shall be constituted by the treasury , in lieu of the said estates thus sold , may dispose of the propriety they have in them by sale , or otherwise , as of any part of their estate . 25. this shall take place to the profit of the heirs of the deceased illustrious prince , william , prince of orange ; even for the right they have in the salt-wells of the county of burgundy , which shall be restored to them ; as also the woods that do depend on them , that is , so much as shall not be found to have been bought and payed for by his catholick majesty . 26. in which are also comprized the estate and lands lying in the counties of burgundy and charolois ; and all which has not been restor'd as it ought to have been , by the treaties of the ninth of april , 1609. and the seventh of january , 1610. these i say shall be restor'd to the proprietaries , their heirs , &c. 27. as also are hereby understood such lands and rights , as after the expiration of the truce of 12. years , were by sentence of the council of malines , judged in favour of the count john de nassaw ; which sentence by vertue of this treaty is made void , and any other acquisition of possession is also annull'd . 28. and as for the suit in law about castle beliu , begun in the life of the late prince of orange , against the attorney-generall of the king of spain . since the said cause has not been determined in the time of a year , as it was promis'd by the fourteenth article of the truce for 12. years ; it has been agreed , that immediately after the conclusion and ratification of the present treaty , the treasury shall desist from all demands touching the said suit in law ; and that the prince of orange , and his heirs , shall freely enjoy without molestation , the lands and chattels in question , as his own for ever : upon condition likewise , that the treasury shall not be forced to refund for the past possession of them . 29. if in any place there arise difficulties touching the restitution of land and rights , the judge of the place shall without delay cause the execution , and in this shall proceed the shortest way work . 30. the subjects of the said king and states , may reciprocally in the dominions of each , use such lawyers , attorneys , sollicitors , &c. as they shall think fit . 31. if the treasury has caus'd any confiscated estates to be sold , those persons to whom they belong shall be content to receive the payment of them at 16. years purchase , to be payd them every year ; or else they shall have liberty to distrain upon the land , in what hands soever they finde it . provided , they have patents from the 〈◊〉 to serve them for a title , with the assignation of the annuall payment , upon some receiver of the kings revenue , in that province in which the thing shall have been sold ; which receiver shall also be nam'd in the patent , and the price of the thing sold calculated , and summ'd up , according to the first publick sale of it : the first year of which payment shall end a year after the ratification of this present treaty . 32. but if the sale was made for good and lawfull debts , of those to whom the said estates did belong , before the confiscation , it shall be lawfull for them or their heirs to redeem the said estates , paying the price of them in a year ; after which time they shall be excluded from this priviledge : but having once redeem'd , they may sell and dispose of such estates as they please . 33. yet under this are not understood such houses as have been sold in towns ; for by reason of the many changes and reparations made in them , it would be too hard a matter to settle and determine their just value . 34. and as for all reparations and improvements made in all other redeem'd estates , the judges shall examine them , and have a regard to them ; yet shall it not be lawfull for the possessors to retain those estates till they be re-imbursed , but such estates shall be bound and morgaged for their payment . 35. all estates , claims , rights , &c. that have been kept hidden ; all moveables , immoveables , rents , actions , debts , &c. which shall not have been seized upon by the treasury , with good cognizance of cause , before the day of the ratification of this treaty , shall remain in the free disposition of the proprietaries , their heirs , &c. with all the fruits , revenues , rents , and profits of them . and those that have so hid the said estates , rights , &c. shall not be any wayes molested by the treasury , but shall enjoy and dispose of them as of their own . 36. the trees cut down after the day of the conclusion of this treaty , or such as shall be cut down the day of the conclusion ; and those not being cut down , are nevertheless bargain'd for , shall remain to the proprietary , notwithstanding the sale of them . 37. the fruits , farms , rents , leases , tenths , fishing-houses , &c. of such estates , as according to this treaty , shall be restor'd to the right owners ; if they fall after the conclusion of this treaty , shall remain for the whole year to the proprietaries , and their heirs , &c. 38. all farms and leases of confiscated estates , though made for many years , shall nevertheless expire and be at an end , in the year of the conclusion of this treaty ; and the farms or leases falling after the day of the conclusion of this treaty , shall belong to the proprietaries ; with this caution , that if the farmer of the said estates , has employed any of his stock towards the said years crop , he shall be re-payed by the proprietary , as the judges of the place shall value the said disbursement . 39. all sale of confiscated estates made after the conclusion of this treaty , is void ; as also the sale made before the conclusion , if it be against the capitulations and agreements made particularly with certain towns. 40. the houses of particular persons that are or shall be restor'd , shall not be made garrisons on neither side ; neither shall they pay any higher taxe or contribution , than the houses of other inhabitants . 41. none on either side shall be hindred directly or indirectly , from changing the place of his abode , so he pay the ordinary taxes . 42. if any fortifications or works have been made on either side by authority , in such places as are to be restored , the proprietaries shall be content to value them at the rate the judges of the place shall put upon them ; as also the proprietaries shall receive satisfaction , for so much of their estates as shall have been made use of , either in fortifications , publick works , or pious uses . 43. as for church-revenues , colledges , and other pious places , situated in the united provinces , which were members and dependances of the benefices , colledges , &c. now under the obedience of the king of spain ; so much of them as has not been sold before the conclusion of the present treaty , shall be restor'd , and the owners may take possession of it by their own authority ; but for those that have been sold , or otherwise disposed of , they shall receive a yearly rent to the value of them , after the rate of 8. in the 100. the same shall be observ'd on the side of the said king. 44. as for the p●e●ensions and interest that the prince of orange may have in such things which he is not in possession of , there shall be made a treaty by it self , to the satisfaction of the said prince . but as for the lands , goods , &c. that the said prince is in possession of , by the gift of the said states , in bay 〈…〉 f ship of hulster-ambacth , and elsewhere , they shall all remain in his free possession as his own , excluding hereby all pretensions to the contrary by this treaty , or any other . 45. touching certain other ' points , which besides the contents of the preceding article , have been agreed upon , and signed in two different writings , one of the 8th of january , the other of the 27th of december , 1647. in the name of the said prince of orange ; the said writings shall be observ'd , accomplish'd , and executed , according to their contents , just as if all the said points in particular were all inserted into this present treaty ; and this notwithstanding all clauses or articles of this treaty , any wayes contrary ; for if there be any such , they are declar'd void in that point , by this present article . 46 those to whom confiscated estates are to be restor'd , shall not be bound to pay any arrearages , rents , charges , &c. specially assign'd upon the said estates , for the time they did not enjoy them ; and if any pursuit or molestation do befall them , they shall immediately be relieved . 47. judgements given upon confiscated estates , between parties that did acknowledge the power of the judges , shall hold ; only the condemn'd parties may seek relief by the ordinary course of justice . 48. the said king does quit and renounce all pretensions of redemption , or other , upon the town of grave , the countrey of luych , its appurtenances , dependances , and the ancient barony of brabant , engaged heretofore to the prince of orange , and which has been since converted as propriety to the use of prince maurice of nassaw , in december , 1611. by the states generall , as soveraigns of the said town of grave , and countrey of luych . in vertue of which concession , the prince of orange that now is , his heirs , &c. shall enjoy for ever the propriety of the said town of grave , &c. with all its dependances , &c. 49. the said king does also renounce to all right , claims , &c. either of propriety , or cession , &c. to the town , county , and lordship of lingen , and the four villages , and other its dependances ; as also to the towns and lordships of bev●rgarde , cloppenberge , that they may remain for ever to the said prince of orange , his heirs , &c. confirming by this treaty all the said princes other titles to them . 50. the said king and states shall each of them separately , and for themselves , place judges and officers in such towns and strong places , as by this treaty are to be restor'd to the proprietaries . 51. the high part of gueldres shall be changed for an equivalence ; which if it cannot be agreed upon in this treaty , shall be decided by the chamber of equall number of judges on both sides , and that in the time of six moneths after the ratification of the treaty . 52. the said king does oblige himself to procure effectively , the continuation of the neutrality , friendship , and good neighbour-hood , of his imperiall majesty , and the empire , with the states ; to the observation of which , the states do likewise oblige themselves : and the confirmation of the said neutrality shall be made in the space of two moneths , by his imperiall majesty , and in the time of a year by the empire , after the ratification of this treaty . 53. the fruits , moveables , confiscated and receiv'd before the conclusion of this treaty , shall not be subject to be restor'd . 54. they that during the war were retir'd into countries that did stand neuters , shall enjoy the benefit of this treaty , and may stay where they please , or return to their ancient homes , there to live in all quiet and tranquillity , in the observation of the laws of their countrey , without danger of having their estates or chattels seized on , by reason of the stay they make in any place whatsoever . 55. there shall be no new forts made in the low-countries of neither side ; neither shall there be made any new channels , or trenches , by which any of the parties may be dammageed . 56. the lords of the house of nassaw , as also the count john albert of solms , governor of maestric , shall not be pursued nor molested neither in their persons nor estates , for any debts contracted by the late william , prince of orange , 1667. to his death , nor for any arrears due during the confiscation of such lands as were charged with the said debts . 57. if there be any infraction made in the treaty by private persons , without the authority of the said king or states , the dammage shall be immediately repair'd in the place where the offence was committed , if the persons be there taken , or in their domicile ; but it shall not be lawfull to pursue them else-where either in their persons , or estates , or to take arms , and break the peace ; but in case of deniall of justice , to proceed by letters of reprisall . 58. all exheredations made by reason of the war , and aversion of parties , are made void ; and in this are comprehended all exheredations made for such causes as were causes of the war. 59. all prisoners of war shall be deliver'd on both sides , without distinction of persons , and that without ransome . 60. the payment of the arrears of contributions on both sides , shall be decided by the supervisors of the said contributions . 61. all that during this negotiation shall be said or alledged either by word of mouth , or by writing , shall not be a prejudice to the authors ; but the said king and states , and all the princes , counts , barons , gentlemen , citizens , and all inhabitants , shall enjoy the benefit of this treaty . 62. the subjects of the said king and states respectively , shall enjoy the benefit of the 15th article of the truce of 12. years , and of the 10th article of the agreement that followed the 7th of january , 1610. and that because that during the time of the said truce , the parties did not enjoy the effect of those articles . 63. the limits in flanders and other places shall be set out so , that the parties may exactly know under what jurisdiction they are . 64. on the side of the said king of spain , shall be demolish'd near the sluce these following places and forts , viz. the fort of st. job , st. donas , the star-fort , the fort st. terese , st. frederick , st. isabella , st. paul , the redoute papem●ts . and on the side of the states generall , shall be demolish'd the following forts ; the two forts in the island of lasant , call'd orange and fredericke ; the two forts de pas , both upon the river of scheld , on the east-side ( except lill● ) and the fort a kieldrect , call'd spinola , touching which demolition , it shall be agreed between the parties to set out an equivalence . 65. all registers , charters , letters , and papers , concerning law-suits , or otherwise , that do any wayes regard or concern any of the united provinces , their towns and members , being in the courts and chambers of the obedience of the king of spain , shall be deliver'd bonâfide , to such as shall have commission from the provinces to receive them . and the same shall be done by the states , for the provinces and towns that are under the said kings obedience . 66. the jurisdiction of the water shall be left to the town of sluce , as it has of right belonged to it . 67. the digue traversing and stopping up the river zout , near the fort donas , shall be taken away , by making a zas , touching the garde , of which zas it shall be agreed upon , as touching the demolition of the forts . 68. in this present treaty of peace shall be comprehended such as before the exchange of ratifications , or three moneths after , shall be nam'd on both sides ; in which time the said king shall name those that he shall think fit : but by the states are nam'd these following ; the prince landgrave of hesse-cassel , with his countrey-towns , &c. the count of oostfrieze , the town of embden , the county and countrey of oostfrieze , the anseatick towns , and particularly lubec , bremen , hambourg . and the said states do reserve to themselves , to name such others as they shall think fit in the time prescribed . 69. as for the pretension of count of flodrof , touching the restitution made to him of the castle of leat , and its dependances , and all other villages that may depend on it , and were seized by the said king ; the said restitution is confirm'd to him , with this reserve , that it shall be resolv'd between this and the conclusion of the treaty , about the entertaining of a garrison for the said king , or demolishing the fortifications made since that the castle was taken . 70. as for all that was agreed upon the 8th of december , 1646. between the plenipotentiaries of the said king and states , touching roger huygens , in the name of his wife , anna margarita de stralem , it shall have its effect , and be of force , as if it were here set down word for word . 71. and to the end that this present treaty be the better observed , the said king and states do promise to employ all their power and force , to make all passages free , and all seas and rivers navigable and safe , against the inrodes of pirats and theeves , and to punish them severely if they can take them . 72. they do promise besides to do nothing contrary to this present treaty , nor to suffer that any thing should be done either directly or indirectly ; and if any thing be done , to repair the offence and dammage without delay . to the observation of all which , they do here binde themselves ; and the more to strengthen the obligation , do renounce all laws and customes contrary to this promise . 73. this present treaty shall be ratified and approved by the said king and states , and the letters of ratification shall be deliver'd and exchanged on each side , within the term of two moneths ; and if the said ratification do come before-hand , then all acts of hostility shall cease , without staying for the end of the two moneths . still it is meant , that after the conclusion and signing of this treaty , hostility shall not cease , till the ratification of the said king of spain be deliver'd in good form , and exchang'd with the ratification of the states . 74. so that affaires on both sides shall remain in the same posture and condition , as at the conclusion of this treaty they are , and this till the ratifications be exchang'd . 75. this treaty shall be publish'd in all places that shall require it , incontinent after the exchange of the ratifications , and then all acts of hostility shall cease . the treaty of navigation and commerce , concluded at the hague in holland , the 17th of december , 1650. between messire antony brun , extraordinary embassador for the king of spain on one side , and the deputies of the lords , the states generall of the united provinces , on the other side . whereas since the conclusion of the peaee at munster , between the king of spain , and the states generall , there has happened some disputes about the true sence of the separate article , concluded the 4th of february , 1648. in the said town , touching navigation and commerce ; the said king and states have thought fit , for the more sincere and perfect observation of the said treaty of peace , to give a better explanation of their meaning : to which end the said king has on his side deputed and commission'd messire antony prun , counsellor in his high councill of state for the low-countries , near his person , and his plenipotentiary at the treaty of munster , as his ordinary embassador to the said states ; who on their side have likewise commissioned these following , rugzer huygens , knight ; banninck cock , knight , lord of purmerlant and apendam , bourgemaster and counsellor of the town of amsterdam ; cornelius ripera , bourgemaster , regent of the town of horne ; james v●th , counsellor and pensioner of the town of middlebourg in zeeland ; giisbert de hoolk , old bourgemaster of the town of utrect ; joachim andree , first ancient counsellor in the provinciall court of fri●zeland ; john de la beech , of dorvick and crystenburgh , bourgemaster of the town of deventer ; adrian dant a stedum , lord of nittersum , all deputies of the body of their assembly . the said embassador and deputies having held many assemblies and conferences , have at last in the name of the said king and states , agreed upon and concluded this present treaty , all its articles and conditions . 1. the subjects and inhabitants of the united provinces may with safety and liberty trade with all those kingdoms , states , and countries , that are or shall be in peace , amity , or neutrality , with the said states of the united provinces . 2. and they may not be molested or troubled in this freedom , by the ships or subjects of the king of spain , by reason of the hostilities that are or may be hereafter between the said king , and the said kingdomes , states , &c. that are in peace , &c. with the said states . 3. this shall extend it self as to france , for all sorts of commodities that were used to be transported , before the said kingdome was in war with spain . 4. yet shall not the subjects of the united provinces furnish france with such merchandizes as come from the states of the said king of spain , and may serve the french against him and his states . 5. and as for other kingdomes , states , &c. that may be in war with the said king of spain , and are in neutrality or friendship with the states , their subjects shall not carry to those kingdomes , &c. any forbidden goods , or merchandizes of counterband ; which to hinder , the said states shall forbid it by express prohibitions . 6. besides , to prevent the dispute that might arise concerning the merchandizes that are of counterband , and those that are not ; it is agreed , that under that name and quality are understood these following , all fire-arms , and things belonging to them , as canons , musquets , mortar-peeces , petards , bombes , grenadoes , cereles , squibs , carriages , forks , powder , match , salt-peter , bullets . all other arms likewise , offensive and defensive , as pikes , swords , casques , helmets , back and breast-pieces , halberds , pertuiscens , and other such . besides , under the same name are understood the transport of souldiers , horses , harness , metall , pistols , belts , and all other implements of war. 7. further to avoid all dispute , it is agreed , that under that name of forbidden merchandize , are not comprehended wheat , and all sorts of grains , salt , oyl , wine , nor in generall any thing that is nourishment and sustentation to mens bodies , which shall be free , as all other goods and merchandizes , not specified in the fore-going articles , and may be carried to all towns , except to such as are besieged and blocked up . 8. and the better to hinder that the said forbidden merchandizes do not pass into the hands of the enemies of the said king ; and that under pretext of hindring the said transportation , the safety and liberty of trade and navigation be not hindred , it is agreed , that the ships belonging to the subjects of the united provinces , being entred in any port of the said kings dominions , and being from thence bound for the ports of his enemies , shall be obliged only to produce and shew to the officers of the said king , their pasports , containing the particulars of their lading , seal'd and sign'd by the officers of the admiralty of such places as they come from , with declaration of the places they are bound for , the whole in ordinary form ; after which they shall not be molested , searched , nor detained , under any pretext whatsoever . 9. likewise the ships of the states subjects being at sea , or coming into some bay without entring the harbour , or coming in without unlading , shall not be bound to give an account of their lading , except they be suspected to carry merchandizes of counterband . 10. and in case of a violent suspition , they shall only be forced to shew their pasports , as has been said . 11. if they are met at sea , or near the shore , by any ships or privateers of the said king , then to avoid disorder and plunder , the said men to war may send their boat with two or three men in it , aboard the ship of the states , to which men shall be shewed by the master , the pasport above-mentioned , with a particular letter , shewing the quality and place of residence of the owner of the ship , and master in the said united provinces , and to these shall be given credit without further enquiry ; but that there be no counterfeit letters , the said king and states shall agree of particular marks , not easily to be imitated . 12. and in case there should be found in the ships belonging to the states subjects , by the foresaid means , some of those merchandizes , call'd of counterband , they shall be seized upon , and confiscated before the judges of the admiralty , or other competent ones ; but the said ship and the rest of the lading shall no wayes be detained , or seized upon . 13. it has been agreed besides , that all goods whatsoever that the subjects of the states shall lade in the bottoms of the said kings enemies , shall be confiscated without reserve or exception . 14. but also all that shall be found in the bottoms of the subjects of the said states , though part or all of it do belong to the enemies of the said king , yet it shall all be free , and not seized upon , except they be merchandizes of counterband . 15. the subjects of the said king shall enjoy all the same liberties in trade and navigation , as is by this treaty accorded to the subjects of the united provinces , with the same equality : and though some kingdomes or states should have friendship or neutrality with the said king , though they were enemies of the states , yet shall his subjects enjoy all the benefit granted in the like case to the subjects of the united provinces . 16. this present treaty shall be as an explanation to the particular article concluded at munster , the 4th day of february , 1648. 17. this present treaty shall have the same force , as if it had been inserted into the original treaty at munster ; with this reserve , that if for the time to come any frauds or hindrances of navigation be discover'd , for which this treaty has not provided a remedy , it shall be lawfull to adde to it such cautions as both parties shall agree upon : till then it shall remain in force . finis . a table of the chapters . the first book . chap. 1. what passed before the earls of holland . page 1. chap. 2. thyerry of aquitain , the first earl. p. 5. chap. 3. the house of hainaut . p. 18. chap. 4. the house of bavaria . p. 21. chap. 5. the house of burgundy . p. 24. chap. 6. the house of austria . p. 29. chap. 7. containing the memorable passages under the government of margaret of parma . p. 39. chap. 8. the government of the duke of alva . p. 44. chap. 9. the government of don lewis , and the great councel of state. p. 52. chap. 10. the government of don john of austria , and of the prince of parma . p. 55. the second book . chap. 1. the league and union of the provinces . p. 60. chap. 2. the rank and dependencies of the united provinces towards one another . p. 70. chap. 3. what was the form of the generall assemblies , till the time of the earl of leicester . p. 74. chap. 4. in what consists the superiority of the states generall , and what sort of affairs are determined by them , which cannot be determined by the states of the particular provinces . p. 77. chap. 5. how far the power of the states generall does extend . p. 80. chap. 6. who are those that are ordinarily chosen for deputies to the states generall , and of the order which is observed amongst the deputies . p. 82. chap. 7. of the orders that the states of holland and west-friezeland give to their deputies in the states generall , and the oath they take . p. 86. chap. 8. of the great assembly extraordinary . p. 91. chap. 9. of the councel of state , which is the greatest after the councel of the states generall . p. 92. chap. 10. of the power of the states of every province . p. 95. chap. 11. of the states of holland and zeeland . p. 97. chap. 12. of the governors of the united provinces untill the year 1650. p. 100. chap. 13. of the charge of a governor . p. 106. chap. 14. whether or no the united provinces can subsist without a governor . p. 109. chap. 15. of the riches by which the united provinces do maintain themselves . p. 111. chap. 16. of the principal forces which do maintain the commonwealth of the united provinces . p. 116. chap. 17. of the alliances of the united provinces with forreign princes . p. 125. chap. 18. of the admiralty , and care that is taken to maintain a sea-strength . p. 131. chap. 19. of the particular government of the towns of holland . p. 136 chap. 20. of the tributes and imposts ; of how many sorts they are ; and of the manner of levying them in holland . p. 141. chap. 21. of the east and west-india companies . p. 153. chap. 22. what judgement may be made of the lasting or decay of this common-wealth . p. 173. chap. 23. an abridgement of the state of the united provinces , by paul merle . p. 178. chap. 24. the proclamation of the states of holland and west-frieze , touching the ancient right of the common-wealth of holland . p. 189. the third book . chap. 1. of the original of holland . p. 203. chap. 2. of the length and breadth of holland ; the number of its towns and villages . p. 206. chap. 3. of the division of holland ; and the nature of the soyl. p. 210. chap. 4. of the manners and dispositions of the inhabitants . p. 222. chap. 5. of the trade of the hollanders , and the wayes of getting a livelyhood . p. 232. chap. 6. of the imposts and customes . p. 238. chap. 7. of leyden , in latine lugdunum batavorum . p. 241. chap. 8. of the territories about leyden . p. 263. chap. 9. of amsterdam . p. 271. chap. 10. of harlem , and some villages round about it . p. 280. chap. 11. of delft , and its villages . p. 285. chap. 12. of dort. p. 289. chap. 13. of goude . p. 293. chap. 14. of rotterdam . p. 295. chap. 15. of the small towns of holland . p. 296. chap. 16. of the hague . p. 299. chap. 17. of voerden . p. 303. chap. 18. of the towns that are in goylant , near the south-sea . p. 312. chap. 19. of the lakes and rivers . p. 316. chap. 20. of north holland , commonly called west-frieze . p. 319. chap. 21. of alcmaer and medenbliick . p. 322. chap. 22. of enchusen . p. 325. chap. 23. of horne , and the small towns of north holland . p. 328. chap. 24. of the different religions in holland . p. 336. chap. 25. of the nobility . p. 345. chap. 26. of liberty . p. 350. chap. 27. of some voyages undertaken under the banner of holland . p. 354. chap. 28. containing divers curiosities . p. 360. the articles of peace between the king of spain , and the dutch , in 1648. p. 379. books printed for , and sold by john starkey , at the mitre betwixt the middle temple-gate , and temple-bar in fleet-street . folio's . 1. the voyages and travels of the duke of holstein's ambassadors into muscovy , tartary , and persia , begun in the year 1633. and finisht in 1639. containing a compleat history of those countries ; whereto are added , the travels of mandelslo from persia into the east-indies , begun in 1638. and finisht in 1640. the whole , illustrated with divers accurate maps and figures : written originally by adam olearius , ecreta ry to the embassie . englished by j. davies of kidwelly . price bound 18. shillings . 2. the world surveyed ; or the famous voyages and travels of vincent le blanc of marseilles , into the east and west-indies , persia , pegu , fez , morocco , guinny , and through all africa , and the principall provinces of europe . price bound 10. shillings . 3. a practicall and polemicall commentary , or exposition , upon the third and fourth chapters of the latter epistle of st. paul to timothy , by thomas hall , b. d. price bound 10. shillings . 4. a generall collection of discourses of the virtuosi of france , upon questions of all sorts of philosophy , and other naturall knowledge , made in the assembly of the beaux esprits at paris , by the most ingenious persons of that nation . englished by g. havers . in two volumes . price bound 30. shillings . 5. a treatise of the sybils , giving an account of the names and number of them , of their qualities , the form and matter of their verses , and of their books : written in french by david blundell . englished by j. davies . price bound 7. shillings . 6. the history of barbado's , st. christophers , mevis , st. vincents , antego , martinico , monserrat , and the rest of the caribby islands , in all twenty eight , in two books ; 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by w. a. fellow of the royal society . price bound 2. shillings 6. pence . books in the press this 24th of august , 1669. il cardinalismo di santa chiesa , or the history of the cardinals of the roman church in three parts ; written in italian by the author of the nipotismo dj roma , or history of the popes nephews ; and faithfully englished by g. h. in folio . this book will be published in michaelmas term next . two chymical treatises , viz. praxis chymiatrica , or practical chymistry ; written in latin by john hartman . and basilica chymica , or royal chymistry ; written in latin by oswald crollius . both faithfully translated into english , in folio . this will be published in michaelmas term next . the jesuites morals ; faithfully extracted from their own books which are printed by the permission and approbation of the superiors of their society . written by a sorbon doctor . in folio . this book will be published in hilary term next . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26549-e370 * the name of a faction . notes for div a26549-e27400 peages is a word that signifies the right of levying such summes upon merchants , in such and such places or passages . memoirs of what past in christendom, from the war begun 1672 to the peace concluded 1679 selections. 1692 temple, william, sir, 1628-1699. 1692 approx. 492 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 274 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64312) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97176) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 401:7) memoirs of what past in christendom, from the war begun 1672 to the peace concluded 1679 selections. 1692 temple, william, sir, 1628-1699. the second edition. [10], 529 p. printed by r.r. for ric. chiswell ..., london : 1692. attributed to william temple. cf. bm. errors in pagination. reproduction of original in library of congress. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678. europe -politics and government -1648-1715. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2004-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion memoirs of what past in christendom , from the war begun 1672. to the peace concluded 1679. the second edition . london : printed by r. r. for . ric. chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. pauls church-yard . mdcxcii . the publisher to the reader . reader , these following papers i obtain'd from a person , to whom i must never restore them again ; and the author has not , that i know of , enquired after them since i had them . i must needs confess , 't is but too plain by the epistle , that he intended they should not be publick during his life ; but tho i have as great respect for him , as any man , yet i could not be of his mind in this : i think i should do the world wrong , to conceal any longer a treatise of so much profit and pleasure to all that read it ; and i hope i shall not be thought to do the author any , in publishing it , since the charge of not doing it , was not given to me . i think likewise , that if any of his friends can obtain of him the first and third parts of these memoirs that are mentioned in them , they will do the publick a great piece of service ; and if they should come from the author's last hand , they may chance to be more correct than these , which look as tho they had never been reviewed by the author , but just as they fell from his pen : however , i do not remember to have met with a treatise in any language that i understand , which in my poor judgment is written with more candor and truth , and thorough insight into the matters it relates , stuft with great variety of subject , digested into better order and method , and exprest with more clearness and spirit , than this is . i have not therefore , as i think there is no need , chang'd a word in them ; but only where things are said in french or latin , i have thought fit to translate them in another colume , or the margin ; and if i have not done it so well as i should do , i crave the reader 's pardon , and in all else , do not doubt of his thanks . i shall say nothing of the author , who will be known by the first pages of the book ; nor of the time or motive of its writing , which are seen by the epistle ; but only heartily pray to god to give him good health , and a long life , that he may continue , as he has ever been , an ornament to learning , and to his country . to my son . april , 1683. i do not remember ever to have refus'd any thing you have desir'd of me , which i take to be a greater compliment to you , than to my self ; since for a young man to make none but reasonable desires , is yet more extraordinary , than for an old man to think them so . that which you made me some time since , and have so often renew'd , i have at last resolv'd to comply with , as well as the rest ; and if i live , will leave you some memoirs of what has pass'd in my publick imployments , especially those abroad , which reach'd from the year 1665 , to 1678. and run through the most important foreign negotiations of the crown , with great connexion of affairs at home , during this period , and the revolutions it produc'd . the confidence of the king , my master , and of his chief ministers , as well as that of others abroad , gave me the advantage to discern and observe the true springs and motions of both , which were often mistaken in court , and in parliament , and thereby fasten'd many suspicions , confidences , applauses , reproaches , upon persons , and at times where they were very undeserved . twenty years of my life i pass'd in publick thoughts and business , from the thirty second , to the fifty second year of my age , which i take to be the part of a man's life fittest to be dedicated to the service of his prince , or state ; the rest being usually too much taken up with his pleasures , or his ease . the native love of my country , and its ancient legal constitutions , would not suffer me to enter into any publick affairs , till the way was open'd for the king 's happy restauration in 1660. and in 1680. you know i sent you to acquaint the king with my resolutions to pass the remainders of my life like as good a private subject , as any he had ; but never more to meddle with any publick imployment . all the rest of my age before , and since that period , i have taken no more notice of what pass'd upon the publick scene , than an old man uses to do of what is acted on a theatre , where he gets as easie a seat as he can , entertains himself with what passes upon the stage , not caring who the actors are , or what the plot , nor whether he goes out before the play be done . therefore you must expect nothing from me out of the compass of that time , nor any thing of that it self , with much application or care , further than of truth . you know how lazy i am in my temper , how uneasie in my health , how weak my eyes , and how much of my time passes in walking or riding , and thereby fencing all i can against two cruel diseases that have for some time pursu'd me· so that i doubt the satisfaction you expect , will be chiefly owing to ill health , or ill weather , which yet are not like to fail at my age , and in our climate . for the rest , if you find any thing either instructing or diverting in what i shall write upon this subject , you may attribute it wholly to the kindness and esteem i have for you , without which i should not have given my self the trouble of such recollections : and as i intend them for your use , so i desire no other may be made of them during my life ; when that is ended , neither they nor you will be any more in my care ; and whatever i leave of this or any other kind , will be in your disposal . i am the gladder , and it is but just , that my publick imployments should contribute something to your entertaiment , since they have done so little to your fortune ; upon which i can make you no excuses : 't was a thing so often in my power , that it was never in my thoughts , which were turn'd always upon how much less i needed , rather than how much more . if yours have the same turn , you will be but too rich ; if the contrary , you will be ever poor . memoirs of what past in christendom from 1672. to 1679. chap. i. having ended the first part of these memoirs with my retirement from all publick business in the year 1671. which was soon followed by the second dutch war , i shall begin this with the approaches of the peace in the year 1673. about this time , after two summers spent in a war between england and holland , with several encounters at sea , but no decisive action ; both parties began to enter upon thoughts , and indeed necessities of a peace . the nations had been at war without being angry ; and the quarrel had been thought on both sides , rather of the ministers than the peoples . the dutch believ'd it at first intended only against de witt 's faction , in favour of the prince of orange ; and in england , some laid it to the corruption of ministers , by the money of france ; and some , that pretended to think deeper , laid it to deeper designs . the lord clifford's violence in beginning it , gave it an ill air in general ; and the disuse of parliaments , a cruel maim in the chief sinews of war. the subsidies from france bore no proportion to the charge of our fleets ; and our strength at sea seem'd rather lessen'd than increas'd by the conjunction of theirs : our seamen fought without heart , and were0 more afraid of their friends than their enemies ; and our discontents were so great at land , that the assembling of our militia to defend our coasts , was thought as dangerous as an invasion . but that which most press'd his majesty to the thoughts of a peace , was the resolution of spain to declare the war with england , as they had done already with france , in favour of holland , unless the peace were suddenly made ; which would have been such a blow to our trade , as could not easily have been fenc'd ; and lost us that of the mediterranean , as the dutch war had done that of the northern seas : so as the necessity of this conjuncture was only kept off by the honour of our alliance with france . however that crown being not able to furnish supplies enough to carry on the war without a parliament , could not oppose the calling one upon this occasion . when the parliament met , tho' they seem'd willing to give the king money , yet it was to make the peace with holland , and not to carry on the war : and upon his majesty's demanding their advice , they gave it unanimously , that the peace should be made . there were too many parties engag'd in this quarrel to think of a general peace , tho' a treaty to that purpose had been set on foot an cologn , under the mediation of the swedes , between the ministers of the emperor , spain , holland , and some princes of the empire on the one part , and his majesty and france on the other ; but without any the least appearance of success . for tho' all the confederates had a mind to the peace between england and holland , yet none of them desir'd it with france : this made both the dutch and the spaniards set on foot all the engins they could , to engage his majesty in some treaty of a separate peace ; to which the necessity of his affairs , the humour of his people , and the instances of his parliament at last determin'd him towards the end of the year 1673. upon the first meeting of the parliament , the duke of buckingham , to ingratiate himself with the house of commons ( whose ill humour began to appear against those they esteem'd the chief authors of the war ) had desir'd leave of that house , that he might be heard there in his own defence upon that subject . in his speech , among many endeavours to throw the odium of the war from himself upon the lord arlington , he desir'd that lord might be ask'd who was the author of the triple-alliance ? as if he understood himself to be so . the lord arlington coming afterwards , upon the like desire , into the same house of commons , and answering some parts of the duke's speech , when he came to that particular , he told them , he could easily answer that question of the duke's , by telling them , that the author of that alliance was sir william temple . this , i suppose gave the occasion for reflections upon what had pass'd in the course of my former ambassies in holland , and at aix ; and his majesty , and his ministers , the resolution to send for me out of my private retreat , where i had passed two years ( as i intended to do the rest of my life ) and to engage me in going over into holland to make the separate peace with that state. upon the 2d of february 1671 / 4. his majesty receiv'd the certain advice , of the states having passed a resolution , that the charges and dignities possessed by the prince of orange and his ancestors , should become hereditary to his children . and at the same time he also receiv'd a letter from the states , with the desire of pasports , for the ambassadors whom they were resolv'd to send to his majesty with instructions and powers to treat and conclude a peace , and in the mean time they offer'd a suspension of arms. this offer coming upon the neck of the parliaments advice to his majesty to enter into treaty with the spanish ambassador upon the propositions he had advanced , and which the king had order'd to be sent to the parliament . it was not believ'd by the ministers , that a treaty could be refus'd without drawing too much odium upon themselves , and reflection upon the government . on th' other side , it was suspected what practices might be set on foot by dutch ambassadors , upon the general discontent reigning against the present war. therefore that very afternoon a resolution was taken at the private juncto , to send , rather than to receive an ambassy upon this subject ; and that i should be the person imploy'd . two gentlemen were sent to my house within half an hour of one another , from the earl of danby then lord treasurer , and the earl of arlington , first secretary of state , to order my attendance upon his majesty . my lord arlington told me , he would not pretend the merit of having nam'd me upon this occasion , nor could he well tell , whether the king or lord treasurer did it first ; but that the whole committee had joyn'd in it , and concluded , that since the peace was to be made , there was no other person to be thought of for it : and accordingly the king gave me his commands , with many expressions of kindness and confidence , to prepare for my journey , and the secretary to draw up my instructions . i told the king i would obey him , and with a great deal of pleasure to see his majesty returning to the measures upon which i had formerly serv'd him ; but that i might do it the better , i begg'd of him that i might go over without the character of ambassador , which would delay , or embarras me with preparations of equipage , and with ceremonies there , that were uncessary to so sudden a dispatch . his majesty thought what i said very pertinent , and so order'd , that i should go only as plenipotentiary ; but that i should have in all kinds the appointment of ambassador , and that i should take upon me the character too when the peace was concluded . within three days i was ready ; and the morning my dispatches were so too ; the marquess of frezno , spanish ambassador , sent my lord arlington word ( while i was with him ) that he had receiv'd full power from the states to treat and conclude a peace , and was ready to enter upon it whenever his majesty pleased . my lord arlington surpriz'd , was at first of opinion the king should go on his own way , and i my journy , and give the spaniards no part in the affair : i was of another mind , and that besides the point and honour , which was clear , in having the peace made rather at london than the hague , i thought that of interest might be the better pursued , when we were sought to by the states , than when we sought to them : besides , i believed the spaniard would play as fair in a game that he thought so much his own , and not suffer the dutch to stop at any small points , especially those of honour , whereas that of the flag ( tho' such ) was one his majesty ought to lay most to heart . my lord arlington , after some debate agreed with me , and desir'd me to go immediately and acquaint the king with this new and unexpected incident , who was then at the house of lords . the king seem'd pleas'd with the change ; & told me , that since i did not treat it at the hague , i should however at london ; and bid me go and acquaint the marquess of frezno with his resolution , that if he and i could agree upon the terms , the thing should soon be done . the terms to be insisted on , were soon agreed by his majesty at the foreign committee , which was composed of the lord chancellor finch , the lord treasurer , the lord arlington , and mr. henry coventry , secretaries of state , with whom his majesty order'd my attendance upon this affair . when i was instructed of his majesty's pleasure , i went to the marquess of frezno , and at three meetings i concluded the whole treaty with satisfaction to his majesty , and transport to the marquess , upon so great an honour as he thought it to himself , and the fortunes he expected upon it from his master . the articles being publick , need no place here . the two points of greatest difficulty were , that of the flag , and the re-calling all english troops out of the french service . this last was compos'd by private engagements to suffer those that were there to wear out without any recruits , and to permit no new ones to go over ; but at the same time to give leave for such levies as the states should think fit to make in his majesty's dominions , both of english and scotch regiments , the other of the flag was carried to all the height his majesty could wish , and thereby a claim of the crown to the acknowledgment of its dominion in the narrow-seas , allow'd by treaty from the most powerful of our neighbours at sea , which had never yet been yielded to by the weakest of them , that i remember , in the whole course of our pretence , and had serv'd hitherto but for an occasion of quarrel , whenever we or they had a mind to it , upon other reasons or conjectures . nothing , i confess , had ever given me a greater pleasure in the greatest publick affairs i had run through , than this success , as having been a point i ever had at heart , and in my endeavours , to gain upon my first negotiations in holland , but found monsieur de wit ever inflexible , though he agreed with me , that it would be a rock upon which our firmest alliances would be in danger to strike , and to split whenever other circumstances fell in to make either of the parties content to alter the measures we had entred into upon the triple alliance . the sum of money given his majesty by the states , though it was not considerable in it self , and less to the king , by the greatest part of it being applied to the prince of orange's satisfaction for his mothers portion , that had never been pay'd ; yet it gave the king the whole honour of the peace , as the sum given by the parliament upon it , and the general satisfaction of his people made the ease of it . and thus happily ended our part of a war so fatal to the rest of christendom in the consequences of it , which no man perhaps now alive will see the end of , and had been begun and carried on as far as it would go , under the ministry of five men , who were usually called , the cabal ; a word unluckily falling out of the five first letters of their names , that is , clifford , arlington , buckingham , ashley , and lauderdale . but though the counsels and conduct of these men had begun the war with two unusual strains to the honour of the crown , in the attaque of the smyrna-fleet , and stopping up the bank ; yet it must be allow'd them to have succeeded well in the honours they propos'd to themselves : clifford having gain'd by it the place of high treasurer , and title of a baron ; ashley the chancellor's place , and an earldom ; arlington an earldom , with the garter ; and lauderdale a dukedom , with the garter . the duke of buckingham being already possest of all the honours the crown could give of that kind , contented himself to make no better a bargain in this matter , than he used to do in all others that concern'd him , and so pretended no further than commands in the army . and thus , instead of making so great a king as they pretended by this dutch war and french alliance , they had the honour of making only four great subjects . after the peace was made , his majesty's first care was to soften the stroak as much as he could toward france ; which was done by representing the necessities of it ( that needed no false colours ) and at the same time to offer his mediation between the parties remaining still in the war , in case france either desired or accepted of it ; which took up some time to determin . in the mean while i continued in the posture and thoughts of the private man i was in before this revolution , till about a week after the whole conclusion of it , when my lord arlington told me how kindly the king took of me both the readiness i had express'd in going over into holland , and the easiness i shew'd upon the failing of that commission , as well as the pains and success in the treaty with the spanish ambassador ; and not knowing any thing better he had to give me , he was resolv'd to send me ambassador extraordinary into spain ; and to that purpose immediately to recall sir william godolphin , the ordinary ambassador there , for many reasons that , he said , made it necessary in this conjuncture . i acknowledg'd the honour his majesty intended me , but desir'd time to give my answer till i had consulted my father upon it , who was then in ireland , but in the intention of coming suddenly over ; however , in a month i undertook to resolve . my lord arlington told me , he did not expect any demur upon such an offer , which he took to be of the best employment the king had to give ; and therefore he had already acquainted the spanish ambassador with it , who receiv'd it with great joy , and resolv'd immediately to give part of it to the court at madrid , which he was sure was already done , and therefore he would reckon upon it as a thing concluded , though for the good grace of it to my father , he undertook the king would give me the time i ask'd to resolve . when i writ to my father upon this subject , he was so violent against my charging my self with this ambassy , that i could not find any temper to satisfie him , and upon it was forc'd to make my excuses to the king. when i did so , his majesty was pleas'd to assure me he did not at all take it ill of me ; and that , on the contrary , he intended me a better employment ; that he was at present engag'd for the secretary's place , upon my lord arlington's removal to chamberlain ; but that he resolv'd the next removal should be to make room for me . this i told my lord arlington ; who presently said , that he believ'd i could not refuse the spanish ambassay , but upon design of the secretary's place ; and since i desir'd it , and the king fell into it of himself , he would play the easiest part in it that he could . he was indeed agreed with sir joseph williamson for 6000 l. and the king had consented that he should enter upon it at his return from cologn , which was every day expected ; but yet he made such a difference between the persons , that he would find some way to avoid it , in case i would lay down the 6000 l. i assur'd his lordship , i had no such design , nor such a sum of money to lay down while my father enjoy'd the estate of the family ; that if i had , i should be very unwilling to pursue it so far as to give his lordship any strain in a matter already promis'd & concluded , & therefore desir'd him to think no further of it . but he was not of opinion i could stick at any thing but the money , and acquainted mr. montague and mr. sidney , who were friends to us both , with this transaction , and set them upon me to bring it to an issue before the other came over : they both endeavoured it with great instances , and mr. montague was so kind as to offer to lend me the money , but i was positive in refusing it ; yet at the same time i told my lord arlington , that , not to seem humorous in declining the offers he had made me from the king or from himself , i was content they should both know , that if his majesty had occasion to send an ambassy into holland upon the peace , i would very willingly seave him there , where i knew the scene so well . so that matter slept for the present . in the mean while france had thought fit to accept and approve the king's offer of mediation , that of sweden being enden by the assembly at cologns breaking up , in expostulations and quarrels upon the emperor's seizing the person of prince william of furstenburgh , a subject of the empire , but an instrument of france , as his brother the bishop of strasburgh had been in all the late designs and invasions of that crown upon their neighbours . the king told me , that being resolv'd to offer his mediation to all the confederates , as he had done already to france ; and finding i had no mind to engage in either of those imployments which had of late been offer'd me , he was resolv'd to send me ambassador extraordinary into holland , to offer his mediation there , as the scene of the confederates common councils , and by their means to endeavour the acceptance of it by the rest of the princes concern'd in the war. that i knew the place and persons better than any man , and could do him more service both in this , and continuing all good correspondency between him and the states , which he was resolv'd to preserve . that i should have the character of ambassador extraoadinary , and the same allowance i should have had in spain . upon this offer , i made no demur , but immediately accepted it , and so my ambassy was declared in may 1674. but to make way for my entring upon this great scene , it will be necessaay to deduce in short , the course of affairs abroad from the first period of the present war , to this second of his majesty's separate peace with holland , and the several dispositions among the parties that were likely to facilitate or to cross the design of the king 's intended mediation . no clap of thunder in a fair frosty day , could more astonish the world , than our declaration of war against holland in 1672. first by matter of fact , in falling upon their smyrna fleet , and in consequence of that ( however it fail'd ) by a formal declaration , in which we gave reasons for our quarrel , while france contented themselves to give no other for their part of it , than only the glory of that king. the dutch could never be possest with a belief that we were in earnest , till the blow was given ; but thought our unkindness and expostulations of late , would end at last either in demands of money , or the prince of orange's restitution to the authority of his ancestors . the princes concern'd in their safety , could not believe , that after having sav'd flanders out of the hands of france , we would suffer holland to fall into the same danger ; and my lord arlington told me at that time , that the court of france did not believe it themselves , till the blow was struck in the attack of the smyrna fleet. but then they immediately set out their declaration , and began their invasion . this surprize made way for their prodigious successes . the dutch had made no provision for their defence , either at home or abroad ; and the empire , spain and sweden , stood at a gaze , upon the opening of the war , not knowing upon what concerts between us and france , it was begun , nor how far we would suffer it to go on upon the french conquests . besides , the animosities of the parties in holland , long express'd under their new constitution , and de witt 's ministry , began to flame again upon this misfortune of their state. the prince's friends talk'd loud and boldly , that there was no way to satisfy england , but restoring the prince ; and that the baseness and cowardice of their troops , were the effects of turning out all officers of worth and bravery for their inclinations to the prince , and mean fellows brought in , for no other desert , than their enmity declar'd to the house of orange . upon this , all men expected a sudden change ; the states were in disorder , and irresolute what to do ; the troops were without a general , and , which is worse , without heart ; and tho de ruyter by admirable conduct kept the infection of these evils out of his fleet , which was our part to deal with ; yet faction , distrust , sedition , and distraction , made such entrances upon the state and the army , when the french troops first invaded them , that of all the towns and fortresses on the german-side ( held impregnable in all their former wars ) , not one besides mastricht made any shew of resistance , and the french became immediately masters of all the in-land parts of the provinces , in as little time as travellers usually employ to see and consider them . mastricht was taken , after a short siege , as skinsconce , by the help of an extreme dry season , that made rivers fordable where they had never been esteem'd so before . the king of france march'd as far as vtrecht , where he fix'd his camp and his court , and from thence began to consider of the ways how to possess himself of the rest . which was defended only by their scituation upon some flat lands ; that , as they had by infinite labour in canals and digues , been either gain'd or preserv'd from inundations , so they were subject to them upon opening the sluces , whenever the dutch found no other way of saving their country , but by losing it . this , at least , was generally believ'd in the french camp and court ; and , as i have heard , was the preservation of the state : for that king unwilling to venture the honour and advantage of such conquests as he had made that summer , upon the hazards of a new sort of war with a merciless element , where neither conduct nor courage was of use , resolv'd to leave the rest to practices of peace with the states , upon the advantage of the terms he stood in , and the small distance of place between them ; or , if these should not succeed , then he trusted to the frosts of the following winter , which seldom fail in that country , to make all passable and safe for troops and carriages themselves , that in summer would be impassable , either from the waters , or the depth of soil . in the mean time the state and the government of holland took a new form , and with it a new heart . monsieur de witt and his brother had been massacreed by the sudden fury of the people at the hague , and by the fate of ministers that govern by a party or faction ▪ who are usually sacrificed to the first great misfortunes abroad that fall in to aggravate or inflame the general discontents at home . the fact and the manner having been very unusual , may be the subject of others enquiry , as it was of mine , which gave me this account . the ruart of putten , eldest brother to monsieur de witt , had been accused of a design upon the prince's life , and of endeavouring by money to engage one of his highness's domestiques in that attempt . but no other witness appearing , he was sentenc'd only to be banished , at which the people show'd great dissatisfaction , being possest with an opinion of his guilt . the morning he was to come out of prison , monsieur de witt ( against the opinion of his friends ) would needs go himself to bring him out with more honour , and carry him out of town , and to that purpose went with his coach and four horses to the court. this being not usual to this minister , made the people take more notice of it , and gather together tumultuously first in the streets where he passed , and then about the court where the prisoner was kept . some of the trained bands of the hague that were upon the guard , mingled among them , and began to rail aloud against the judgment of the court , the crime of one brother , and the insolence of the other , who pretended ( as they said ) to carry him away in triumph . in the midst of this heat and passion rais'd by these kind of discourses among the populace , the two brothers came out , some of the train'd bands stop'd them , began to treat them at first with ill language , and from words fell to blows ; upon which , monsieur de witt foreseeing how the trajedy would end , took his brother by the hand , and was at the same time knock'd down with the butt end of a musket . they were both presently laid dead upon the place , then drag'd about the town by the fury of the people , and torn in pieces . thus ended one of the greatest lifes of any subject in our age , and about the 47 th year of his own , after having served , or rather administred that state as pensioner of holland for about eighteen years , with great honour to his countrey and himself . after the death of these brothers , the provinces and towns run with unanimous voices into publick demands of the prince's being restored to the authority of his ancestors . the states had in the beginning of the year declared him captain general and admiral of their forces , which was no more than de witt had always profest was designed for him , when he should be of age ; but this was found neither to have satisfied england , nor the prince's party at home , and therefore all the members of the state agreed in those acts that were thought necessary to a full restitution of his highness , now at the age of twenty one years , to the office and power of stadtholder , with all advantages , and even some more than those which had been exercised by his ancestors . at the same time monsieur fagel was introduced into monsieur de witt 's place of pentsioner of holland ; whose love to his countrey made him a lover of the prince , as believing it could not be sav'd by any other hand ; and whose zeal to his own religion , made him an enemy irreconcilable to france , whose professions as well as designs were to destroy it . this revolution , as it calm'd all at home , so it made the first appearance of defending what was left of the country . the state grew united , the army in heart , and foreign princes began to take confidence in the honour and constancy of the young prince , which they had in a manner wholly lost upon the divisions and misfortunes of the state. the french themselves turn'd all their application and practices the same way , and made the prince all the offers that could be of honour & advantages to his person and family , provided he would be contented to depend upon them . the bait they thought could not fail of being swallow'd , and about which most artifice was employ'd , was the proposal of making the prince sovereign of the provinces under the protection of england and france . and to say truth , at a time when so little of the provinces was left , and what remain'd was under water , and in so eminent danger upon the first frosts of the winter ; this seemed a lure to which a meaner soul than that of this prince might very well stoop . but his was above it , and his answers always firm , that he never would betray a trust that was given him , nor ever fell the liberties of his countrey , that his ancestors had so long defended . yet the game he play'd , was then thought so desperate , that one of his nearest servants told me , he had long expostulated it with his master , and ask'd him at last , how he pretended to live , after holland was lost ? and whether he had thought so far ? the prince told him he had , and that he was resolv'd to live upon the lands he had left in germany ; and that he he had rather pass his life in hunting there , than sell his country or his liberty to france at any price . i will say nothing of the ambassy sent at this time by his majesty to the french king at vtretcht , where the three ambassadors , duke of buckingham , lord arlington , and lord halifax found him in his highest exaltation ; for i cannot pretend to know what the true ends or subject of it was . the common belief in england and holland made it to be our jealousie of the french conquests going too fast , whilst ours were so lame ; and great hopes were rais'd in holland , that it was to stop their course or extent ; but these were soon dash'd by the return of the ambassadors after having renew'd and fasten'd the measures formerly taken between the two crowns . and the ambassadors were indeed content as they past through holland , that the first should be thought ; which gave occasion for a very good repartee of the princess dowager to the duke of buckingham , who visited her as they pass'd through the hague , and talking much of their being good hollanders , she told him , that was more than they ask'd , which was only , that they should be good english-men ; he assur'd her , they were not only so , but good dutchmen too ; that indeed ▪ they dit not use holland like a mistresz , but they lov'd her like a wife ; to which she replied , vrayement je croy que vous nous ayméz comme vous ayméz la vôtre . when france lost all hopes of shaking the prince of orange's constancy , they bent all their thoughts upon subduing and ruining the remainder of the countrey . they had avanc'd as far as woorden , and from thence they made their ravages within two or three leagues of leyden , with more violences and cruelties than would have been prudent , if they had hop'd to reclaim the prince or states from the obstinacy of their defence . the prince encamp'd his army near bodegrave , between leyden and woorden , and there made such a stand with a handful of men , as the french could never force . the winter prov'd not favourable to their hopes and designs , and some promises of frosts inveigled them into marches that prov'd almost fatal to them by a sudden thaw . this frighted them into cautions , perhaps more than were necessary , and gave the prince and states leasure to take their measures for a following campagne , with the emperor , spain , and the duke of brandenburgh and lunenburgh , which prov'd a diversion to the arms of france , and turn'd part of them upon germany and flanders , so as to give over the progress any further in holland . upon the approach of the winter , the prince , after having taken narden , three leagues from amsterdam , in spight of all resistance and opposition from either the french , or the season , resolv'd like another young scipio , to save his countrey by abandoning it , and to avoid so many sieges , as all the towns they had lost would cost to recover ; he contented himself to leave the chief post guarded with a part of the army , and with the rest marched into germany , joyn'd part of the confederate troops , besig'd bonne , which had been put into the hands of france at the beginning of the war , wherein the elector of cologn , and the bishop of munster had enter'd jointly with france . the boldness of this action amaz'd all men , but the success extoll'd the prudence as well as the bravery of it ; for the prince took bonne , and by it open'd a passage for the german forces over the rhine , and so into flanders , and gave such a damp to the designs and enterprizes of france , that they immediately abandon'd all their conquests upon holland in less time than they made them , retaining only mastricht and the grave , of all they had possest belonging to this state. in this posture stood affairs abroad when the peace of england was made in february 1673 / 4 , upon the strength and heart whereof the prince of orange concerted with the german and spanish troops to begin an offensive war , and in the head of an army of above forty thousand men , to march into france . the french began now to wish the war well ended , and were very glad to accept his majesties mediation . the king was desirous to make france some amends for abandoning the party , and making a separate peace . some of his ministers foresaw he would be arbiter of the peace by being mediator , and that he might hinder any separate treaties , by mediating a general one , and might restore peace to christendom whenever he thought fit , and upon what conditions he thought safe and just . the only difficulties that appeared in this affair , were what the confederates were like to make in accepting the king's mediation , whose late engagements with france had made him thought very partial on that side . and the house of austria finding that crown now abandon'd by england , had too greedily swallow'd the hopes of a revenge upon them , to desire any sudden treaty , till the successes they expected in the war might at least make way for reducing france to the terms of that at the pyrenees . this , i suppose , gave some occasion for my being again design'd for this ambassy , who was thought to have some credit with spain as well as holland from the negotiations i had formerly run through at the hague , brussels and aix la chapelle , by which the remaining parts of flanders had been sav'd out of the hands of france in the year 1668. but having often reflected upon the unhappy issue of my last publick employments , and the fatal turn of councels in our court that had occasion'd it , against so many wiser mens opinions , as well as my own ; i resolv'd before i went this journey , to know the ground upon which i stood , as well as i could , and to found it , by finding out what i was able of the king 's true sentiments and dispositions , as to the measures he had now taken , or rather renew'd , and trust no more to those of his ministers , who had deceiv'd either me or themselves . therefore at a long audience in his closet , i took occasion to reflect upon the late councels and ministry of the late cabal , how ill his majesty had been advis'd to break measures and treaties so solemnly taken and agreed ; how ill he had been serv'd , and how ill succeeded by the violent humour of the nation 's breaking out against such proceedings , and by the jealousies they had rais'd against the crown . the king said , 't was true , he had succeeded ill ; but if he had been well serv'd , he might have made a good business enough of it ; and so went on a good deal to justifie what was past . i was sorry to find such a presage of what might again return from such a course of thought in the king , and so went to the bottom of that matter . i shew'd how difficult , if not impossible , it was to set up here the same religion or government that was in france ; that the universal bent of the nation was against both ; that many who were , perhaps , indifferent enough in the matter of religion , consider'd it could not be chang'd here but by force of an army ; and that the same force which made the king master of their religion , made him master of their liberties and fortunes too . that in france there was none to be consider'd but the nobles and the clergy , that if a king could engage them in his designs , he had no more to do ; for the peasants having no land , were as insignificant in the government , as the women and children are here . that on the contrary , the great bulk of land in england lies in the hands of the yeomanry or lower gentry , and their hearts are high by ease and plenty , as those of the french peasantry are wholly dispirited by labour and want . that the kings of france are very great in possessions of lands , and in dependances by such vast numbers of offices both military and civil , as well as ecclesiastical ; whereas those of england having few offices to bestow , having parted with their lands , their court of wards and knights service , have no means to raise or keep armies on foot , but by supplies from their parliaments , nor revenues to maintain any foreign war by other ways . that if they had an army on foot , yet if compos'd of english , they would never serve ends that the people hated and fear'd . that the roman catholicks in england were not the hundredth part of the nation ; and in scotland , not the two hundredth ; and it seem'd against all common sense , to think by one part to govern ninety nine that were of contrary minds and humours . that for foreign troops , if they were few , they would signifie nothing but to raise hatred and discontent ; and how to raise to bring over at once , and to maintain many , was very hard to imagin . that the force seeming necessary to subdue the liberties and spirits of this nation , could not be esteem'd less than an army of threescore thousand men , since the romans were forced to keep twelve legions to that purpose , the norman to institute sixty two thousand knights fees , and cromwell left an army of near eighty thousand men . that i never knew but one foreigner that understood england well , which was gourville , ( whom i knew the king esteem'd the soundest head of any frenchman he had ever seen ) ; that when i was at brussels in the first dutch war , and he heard the parliament grew weary of it , he said , the king had nothing to do but to make the peace , that he had been long enough in england , seen enough of our court , and people , & parliaments , to conclude , qu'un roy d' angleterre qui veut estree l'homme de son peuple , est le plus grand roy du monde ; mais s'il veut estre quelque chose d'advantage , par dieu il n'est plus rien . the king heard me all very attentively , but seem'd a little impatient at first : yet , at last , he said , i had reason in all , and so had gourville ; and laying his hand upon mine , he added , et je veux estre l'homme de mon peuple . my ambassy extraordinary to holland was declar'd in may , and my dispatches finish'd at the treasury as well as the secretary's office ; so as i went away in july . my instructions were in general , to assure the states of his majesty's friendship , and firm resolution to observe his treaties with them ; then to offer his mediation in the present war , which both they , and almost all christendom , were engag'd in ; and after their acceptance of it , to endeavour it likewise with all their allies ; and , to that end , to engage the offices and intervention of the states . but immediately after my arrival at the hague , to repair to the prince of orange , give him part of his majesties intentions in all this affair , and assurance of his kindness , and engage his highness , as far as could be , to second his majesty's desires , in promoting a general peace , wherein the vnited provinces seem'd to have the greatest interest . after my arrival at the hague in july 1674. and a delive●y of my credentials to the president of the week , and a visit to the pensioner , wherein i discover'd a strong inclination in the states to a peace , as far as their honour and engag●ments to their allies would allow them , and was assur'd of the states accepting his majesty's mediation ; i went away to antwerp , in hopes to have found the prince at his camp there , between antwerp and lovain , where he had lain some time attending the advance of the confederate troops , with whom he had concerted to joyn his army upon their arrival in flanders . but two days before i came to antwerp , the army was march'd beyond lovain , so as i was forc'd to go to brussels , and there desire a guard to convey me to the camp. the punctilio's of my character would not suffer me to see the count montery , tho i had for some years liv'd at brussels in particular friendship and conversation with him . few strangers had perhaps ever been better us'd than i , during three years residence at brussels , by all persons of quality , and indeed of all ranks there ; so that it was very surprizing to me , to meet such a dry and cold treatment from the governor , and such an affectation of the persons of quality , not so much as to visit me ; for i do not remember one that did it , besides count d' egmont , who was then not very well at court , either in spain or flanders . others true i met in the streets , or the park , though they came with open arms to embrace me , yet never came at me , but contented themselves with saying , they intended it . when i sent my secretary to the count montery , with my compliments , and desires of a guard to the prince of orange , who was then not above six leagues off ; he return'd the first very coldly ; and the other with excuses that amounted to a refusal ; he said , the way was so dangerous , by stragling parties of the army , that he could not advise me to venture with a small guard ; and he had drawn out so many of the spanish troops into the field , that he could not give me a great one . i sent again , to desire what he could spare me , let the number be what it would ; for though i would not expose the king's character nor his business , by any accident i might prevent ; yet when i had endeavour'd it by my application to his excellence , i would take my fortune , tho he sent me but six of his guards . he replied , that he could not possibly spare any of them ; but that next morning he expected a troop of horse to come into town , and that as soon as it arriv'd , the captain should have order to attend me . next morning was put off till night , and night to the morning following ; when the count finding i was resolv'd to go , though without convoy , rather than to expect longer , sent me a spanish captain with about forty horse , to convey me to lovain . the truth was , that the spaniards were grown so jealous of his majesty's mediation offer'd at the hague , of the states and peoples violent humour to a peace in holland , and of the offices they thought i might use , to slacken the prince of orange in the vigorous prosecution of their present hopes and designs , that i found it was resolv'd to delay first , and then to hinder absolutely any interview between the prince and me , till the campagn was ended , but to do it with as little ill grace as they could . to this purpose du moulin ( then one of the prince's secretaries , and inveterate enemy against the court in england ) was dispatch'd between the camp and brussels , whilst i lay there , and with guards , whereof half would have serv'd my turn , or at least contented me . when i came to lovain , i found the prince was march'd towards tirlemont , but could not learn where his next halt was design'd . the spanish captain told me , he had order to go no further than lovain . so that i neither knew whither to go , nor could go any way without a guard , as they assur'd me at lovain . whereupon i sent immediately mr. bulstrode , who had come with me from brussels , to endeavour to find out the prince , and desire him to appoint what time and place i should attend his highness , which i resolv'd to do with those few servants i had brought with me , and such others as i could hire at lovain , where i lay that night . the next morning mr. bulstrode return'd with the prince's answer , that he was upon his march ; that he should be very glad to see me , but could not possibly appoint either time or place for it , because his motions were uncertain , and would depend upon the advices he received . by which i found plainly what i had suspected at brussels , that it was resolv'd , i should not see the prince before this campagn was begun by the actions then concerted among the confederates . i would not however seem to understand it so , nor any thing more in it , than what his highness was pleas'd to say ; but i knew very well , that as they say , none is more deaf than he that will not hear ; so a man that will not be seen , may easily find ways of avoiding it , especially upon such circumstances as the prince and i were then in , who must have follow'd the motions he would have given me . and therefore i resolv'd not to expose either his majesty's character or credit , with his nephew , by making that publick which had pass'd between the prince and me upon this subject ; but pretending my health would not suffer me to follow the prince upon his march , i return'd to antwerp , and gave his majesty an account of all that had pass'd ▪ who extreamly approv'd my conduct in it ; and that i press'd no further , a point that i saw would not go ; and that was taken by the prince as well as count montery , so differently from what his majesty expected . i stay'd only a night at antwerp , which pass'd with so great thunders and lightning , that i promis'd my self a very fair day after it , to go back to rotterdam in the states yatch , that still attended me . the morning prov'd so , but towards evening the sky grew foul , and the seamen presag'd ill weather , and so resolv'd to lie at anchor before bergen op soom , the wind being cross and little . when the night was fallen as black as ever i saw , it soon began to clear up with the most violent flashes of lightning , as well as cracks of thunder , that i believe have ever been heard in our age and climate . this continued all night , and we felt such a fierce heat from every great flash of lightning , that the captain apprehended it would fire his ship. but about eight the next morning , the wind chang'd , and came up with so strong a gale , that we came to rotterdam in about four hours , and there found all mouths full of the mischiefs and accidents that the last night's tempest had occasioned both among the boats and the houses , by the thunder , lightning , hail , or whirlwinds . but the day after , came stories to the hague from all parts , of such violent effects , as were almost ineredible : at amsterdam they were deplorable , many trees torn up by the roots , ships sunk in the harbour , and boats in the channels ; houses beaten down , and several people were snatch'd from the ground as they walkt the streets , and thrown into the canals . but all was silenc'd by the relations from vtrecht , where the great and ancient cathedral was torn in pieces by the violences of this storm ; and the vast pillars of stone , that supported it , were wreath'd like a twisted club , having been so strongly compos'd and cemented , as rather to suffer such a change of figure , than break in pieces as other parts of the fabrick did ; hardly any church of the town escap'd the violence of this storm , and very few houses without the marks of it ; nor were the eff●ct● of it less astonishing by the relations from france and brusels , where the damages were infinite , as well from whirlwinds , thunder , lightning , as from hail-stones of prodigious bigness . at my return to the hague , i had long conversations with the pensioner , by which i gain'd the lights necessary to discover the whole present scene of affairs , and pulses of the several confederates in what related to the general peace . i told him how much his majesty was satisfied , with that he had lately made with the states , how much he was resolv'd to continue and to cultivate it . how much reason he had to be content with the posture that had left him in at peace with all his neighbours , while they were all at war. that advantages of commerce from it , were enough to make him trouble himself no further about the peace of christendom , if his goodness and piety did not prevail more with him than his interests . but that these and the desire of a general good , had perswaded him to offer his mediation in the present quarrel . that it had been already accepted by france ; and that the emperor and spain had answer'd , they would consider of it in concert with their allies . that the states embassadors at london , had assur'd his majesty , their masters would be pleas'd with it , and doubted not their consent that the treaty should be at london ; and that thereupon his majesty had charg'd me with a letter to the states to offer them his mediation . that i could not doubt their accepting it with the best grace that could be , for i knew their interest was to have a peace , and not to disoblige the king. that if his majesty were partial to any side , they ought to believe it would be to that wherein his own nephew was so deeply concern'd ; and the more , because he offer'd his offices towards a peace , at a time when the advantages and preparations for the war run so high on the french side , as he doubted the events might show if it continued . that they knew his interest would not suffer him to see flanders lost ; and that considering what had pass'd , his honour would not now suffer him to think of preserving it any other way than by that of a peace . that he would be glad to see that countrey left by the next peace , in a better posture of defence than it was by the last ; and the spanish territories lye closer and rounder than they wert then left . that when this should be concluded , his majesty would be ready to enter into the strongest guaranties they could desire , and might with honour enter into a war to preserve it , though he could not to obtain it . the pensioner first gave me thanks for my good offices in the late peace , and in all the measures of friendship that had interceded between his majesty and them since the first breach ; he applauded the king's resolution in so pious and generous an offer , and acknowledg'd his interest might lead him to other dispositions . that he doubted not the states willingness to accept it ; all the difference would be about the time and the manner of doing it . as to this , he said , they could not do it without the communication at least of their allies ; but would immediately give them part of his majesty's offer , and the states dispositions to receive it . that for the terms of a peace , as to their own parts , they would be content to make his majesty the arbiter of it ; that they had already recover'd all the towns they had lost , except grave and mastricht , the last of which was in some manner engag'd to spain when it should be recover'd ; and for the other , they doubted not to have a good account of it very soon , orders being already gone to invest it . but he doubted whether their allies would be so easy in their expectations or demands ; and that 't was impossible for the states to leave them who have sav'd their countrey from ruin , when two so great kings had invaded them ; nor to break the treaties which they had made offensive with the emperor , spain and brandenburgh . that the term stipulated with spain oblig'd them to reduce france to the treaty of the pyrenees ; but only a reserve was made by one article , which was , unless it should otherwise be agreed by consent between them . that whatever spain would be content with , should satisfy them , though they were both equally sensible of the designs and ambition of france , as well as of their ill talent to the states . that they could never hope for such another conjuncture , to reduce them to such bounds and measures as might be safe to their neighbours , and give quiet to christendom . that it was now an ill time to enter into the terms of a peace between france and spain , because he knew they should have ill grace to demand the restitution of any towns the spanjards had lost in flanders by the last war , and given up by the peace that succeeded it ; and yet his majesty knew as well as they , that without it , a peace could neither be safe for flanders , nor for holland ; nor consequently for england . but he believ'd there would not pass many days before some decisive action would happen between the armies now not far distant in the field , which would make room for the negotiation of peace that might succeed next winter , in which his majesty would find the interests and humours of a trading countrey , as theirs was , very strong ; and dispos'd to press their allies , as far as was possible , to facilitate so great and so good a work . and for the rest of the allies besides spain , he had no reason to suspect any great difficulties would arise , so little having yet pass'd in the war between france and them . the pensioner was right in expecting some sudden action between the armies ; for about the middle of august came the news of the battel of seneffe , between the confederates under the command of the prince of orange , and the french under the prince of conde : but it prov'd not an action so decisive as was expected between two armies of so great force , and so animated by the hatred and revenge of the parties , as well as by the bravery and ambition of the commanders . the success of this fight was so differently reported by those engag'd in it , that it was hard to judge of the victory , which each side challeng'd , and perhaps neither with any great reason . the confederates had for some days sought a battel with great desire and endeavour ; and the french avoided it , with resolution not to fight , unless upon evident advantage , whilst both armies lay near nivelle , and not far distant from one another . the reason of this was thought to be of one side , the ardour of the young prince of orange , to make way by a victory , into france it self , and there revenge the invasion of his countrey , and at the same time to make his first essay of a pitch'd battel , against so great and renown'd a general as the prince of conde . on the other side , this old captain had too much honour to lose , and thought he had not enough to gain , by entring the lists with a prince of three and twenty years old , bred up in the shade of a contrary faction , till he was forc'd into . the field by the french invasion of his countrey . nor was the advantage less on the french side , in the reputation of their troops , than of their general , compos'd of excellent officers , chosen soldiers , exactly disciplin'd , long train'd for action before they began it , and now flesh'd by the uninterrupted successes of two wars . but the dutch troops when the prince of orange enter'd upon the command , were old or lazy soldiers , disus'd with long peace , and disabled with young unskilful officers ( chosen by no other merit , than that of a faction against the house of orange ) then fill'd up , when the war broke out , with hasty and undistinguish'd levies , and disheartn'd with perpetual losses of towns , and defeats of parties , during the two first campagns . the prince of conde had another restraint upon the usual boldness of his nature in such occasions , which was the ill posture he had been in at court since this king's reign , and in regard how much more he would have to answer for , than another man , upon any great misfortune to his army , which must have left the way open for the confederates to enter france , unguarded on that side by any strong frontier , so as no man knew what shake it might give to the greatness of that crown , with the help of great and general discontents , whereof this prince was thought to have his share . upon these dispositions in the generals , the battel was for some time industriously sought and avoided . till the prince of orange , believing there was no way of coming to a battel , but by the siege of some place that might be thought worth the venture to relieve , broke up , march'd away towards seneffe ; his army divided into three parts , whereof the german troops , under the count de souches , had the van ; the spanish , under prince vaudemont , the reer ; and the dutch , under the count waldeck , the main battel ; with whom the prince marched , and commanded the whole confederate army . the prince of conde observing their march , which was not far from one side of his retrenchments ; and that by the straitness of some passages they were forced to file off in small lines , stay'd till the van-guard , and main body , was over one of these passes , and the reer beginning to enter upon it , when he drew out his men , and fell with great fierceness upon the reer of the spaniards , broke them with great slaughter , and not much resistance , took their baggage , several standards , and many prisoners of note . the prince of orange , upon notice of the french march towards the spanish troops , had sent three squadrons back to their assistance , with all the diligence that could be ; but the spanish already broken , brought the dutch into disorder by falling in among them ; and the french pursuing with great bravery , broke the dutch squadrons to pieces , killing or taking all their commanders , and several standards . if the prince of conde had contented himself with this success and execution , he had left no dispute of a victory ; but lured on by the hopes of one more entire , and belief , the dutch , whom he esteemed the worst troops , would not stand , after the spaniards and a great part of their own were wholly routed , he followed the chase , and drawing out his whole army upon them , brought it to a set battel , which was more than he intended . in the mean time the prince of orange marching to the relief of the spaniards , and the squadrons he had sent , was at first envelop'd by his own flying men , whom he could neither stop by words nor blows , by promises nor reproaches , till joyning the rest of his own forces that stood firm , and the imperialists coming up to enforce them , the battel began with as great fury as any has been fought in the whole course of the wars , continued so for about eight hours till sun-set , and about two hours after by moon-light , till that failing too , the fight ended rather by the obscurity of the night , than the weariness or weakness of either side . the prince of orange in the whole course of this action , gave all orders with such prudence , and observance of all advantages . led up his several squadrons with that bravery , made such bold stands against his own broken troops , as well as against the fierceness of their pursuers , for six hours together in the hottest of the fight ; sometimes charging into the midst of the enemies , sometimes overborn by his own that fled , till he rallied them , and led them back to the charge , expos'd to more danger than most private soldiers in the field ; so that the old count de souches , in his letter to the states upon this occasion , told them , that in the whole course of the action , the prince had shewed the conduct of an old experienced commander , and the valour of a caesar. and indeed his allies , his friends , and his enemies , agreed in giving him equal glory from this adventure : but he had more from none than from the prince of conde's testimony , that he had done like an old captain in all , but only in venturing himself too much like a young man. yet this old general had done the same in this days action , as much as the youngest cavalier in his army could do , when he found the battel fought so desperately , and all at stake ; whereas 't is certain , that nothing could have given vigour to the dutch troops , after the first rout , but the repeated examples and dangers of the prince , and shame of not following such a leader in all the desperate charges he made that day , which both the generals seem'd resolv'd to dye rather than to lose . as the numbers were not much different when the fight began , so were those esteem'd that fell in this battel , and to reach about six or seven thousand on either side ; but of the french , many more officers and gentlemen than was usual in proportion to the common soldiers . when the night parted the armies , the french retired back to their former quarters , and next morning the confederates marched to that which they design'd when they broke up the day before . the allies claim'd the victory because they were last upon the field ; and the french upon the greatest number of prisoners and standards they carried away ; but whoever had the honour , they both felt the loss . after the repair necessary in each camp upon this sharp encounter , each army took the field again , and gave a general expectation of another battel before the campania ended ; the prince of orange sought it all he could ; but the prince of conde chose and fortified his encampments so , as not to be forced to one without apparent disadvantages , and contented himself to observe the motions of the allies , to preserve the towns of the french conquests in flanders , and prevent any invasion of france , which was design'd this summer with great confidence by the confederate armies both on this side , and that in alsace , but with equal disappointment , unless it were to monsieur starenburgh , who in the beginning of the campagne , complaining of the wine at the prince's table , the prince told them , he would make them drink good wine in champagne before the summer ended . he who lov'd it well , desired the prince to be as good as his word , was afterwards taken at the battel of seneffe , carried to rheims with several dutch officers , where sitting down to dinner , and finding the wine excellent , he drunk the prince's health , and said , he would trust him as long as he liv'd , for he had kept his word , and made them drink good wine in champagne . the prince of orange finding no other way of action , sat down before oudenarde in september , and had his end of drawing the prince of conde out of his cautious marches , who came immediately to relieve it , and fight the allies before they were ready to give any assault to the town . upon fight of the french army , the prince of orange call'd a council of war , and proposed to draw out and attack them immediately before they were rested after their hard days march. the spaniards were content , but count souches would not agree to it , and so this occasion was lost , and with such discontent amongst the chief officers , that next day the germans left their trenches , and marched away about a league , and left room to the french to put what relief they pleas'd into the town . upon this the prince of orange was forc'd to rise too , with the rest of his army ; and upon conferences with the count montery , as well as souches , resolv'd to leave the greatest part of the dutch forces with the count , and with the rest , to go himself , and press the siege of grave . and here began those dissentions among the chief captains of the confederates , that continued to ruin their designs , and proved so fatal to them in the whole course of the war ; and against all appearances , made good the spanish proverb , that , liga nunc a coje grandes paxaros ; the same word signifying a league , and birdlime ; and meaning , that as this never catches great birds , so the t'other never makes great conquests , tho it often does great defences : yet these first divisions were endeavoured to be cured by the emperor's recalling count souches , and spain the count of montery , who were both thought to have maim'd the actions of this campania , or at least not to have secondee , as they might have done , the prince of orange's vigour in pursuing them to other sort of successes than it ended with . this prince having fail'd of what he proposed in favour of the spaniards , was resolv'd to free his own country from the last mark of their intended servitude , before this season ended . grave was the last town the french held in any of the seven provinces , and had been kept as a magazine both of what had been taken in the other places , and was not easily carried away when they quitted them ; so as there was above three hundred pieces of canon in the town , a very full and brave garison . composed of the best troops , and all that could be added to the fortifications of the place , after the french took it , tho it was before counted one of the best the dutch had . it had been invested a month before ; yet the prince found the siege but little advanced at his arrival ; and the dutch soldiers so rebuted with the brave defence from within , that nothing could have carried the place at this season , being about the middle of october , when the prince arrived , but the same humour of leading on his men himself , whenever they shrunk , which can never be too much praised , nor too much blam'd in this prince , because , as his country and allies would have had no general if they had lost him ; so they would have had no army if they had not ventur'd him . in short , by this and his usual application and vigour , as well as the common methods of such sieges , he took grave by the end of october , with equal glory to himself , and satisfaction to all the provinces , and return'd to the hague about the middle of november , after having dispos'd his forces in their winter quarters . with the prince of orange , return'd most of the general officers to the hague ; and among the rest , old prince maurice of nassau , who , as the prince told me , had with the greatest industry that could be , sought all occasions of dying fairly at the battel of seneffe without succeeding , which had given him great regrets ; and i did not wonder at it , considering his age , of about seventy six , and his long habits both of gout and stone . when he came to visit me upon his return , and before he went to his government of clevo , it came in my head to ask him an idle question , because i thought it not very likely for me to see him again , and i had a mind to know from his own mouth , the account of a common , but much credited story , that i had heard so often from many others , of an old parrot he had in brasil , during his government there , that spoke , and ask'd , and answer'd common questions like a reasonable creature ; so that those of his train there , generally concluded it to be witchery or possession ; and one of his chaplains , who liv'd long afterwards in holland , would never from that time endure a parrot , but said , they all had a devil in them . i had heard many particulars of this story , and assever'd by people hard to be discredited , which made me ask prince maurice , what there was of it ? he said , with his usual plainness , and dryness in talk , there was something true , but a great deal false , of what had been reported . i desir'd to know of him , what there was of the first ? he told me short and coldly , that he had heard of such an old parrot when he came to brasil ; and tho he believ'd nothing of it , and 't was a good way off , yet he had so much curiosity as to send for it ; that 't was a very great , and a very old one ; and when it came first into the room where the prince was , with a great many dutch-men about him , it said presently , what a company of white men are here ? they ask'd it , what he thought that man was ? pointing at the prince . it answer'd , some general or other . when they brought it close to him , he ask'd it , * d'ou venes , vous ? it answer'd , de marinnan . the prince , a qui est es vous , the parrot , a un portugez . prince , que fais tula ? parrot , je garde les poulles . the prince laugh'd , and said , vous gardes les poulles ? the parrot answered , ouy , moy & je scay bien faire , and made the chuck four or five times that people use to m●ke to chickens when they call them . i set down the words of this worthy dialogue in french , just as prince maurice said them to me . i ask'd him , in what language the parrot spoke ? and he said , in brasilian . i ask'd , whether he understood brasilian ? he said , no ; but he had taken care to have two interpreters by him , one a dutchman , that spoke brasilian , and t'other a brasilian that spoke dutch ; that he as'k them separately and privately , and both of them agreed in telling him just the same thing that the parrot said . i could not but tell this odd story , because it is so much out of the way , and from the first hand , and what may pass for a good one ; for i dare say this prince , at least , believed himself in all he told me , having ever pass'd for a very honest and pious man. i leave it to naturalists to reason , and to other men to believe as they please upon it ; however , it is not , perhaps , amiss to relieve or enliven a busie scene sometimes with such digressions , whether to the purpose or no. before i enter upon the negotiations of the following winter , it will be necessary to give a short view of the actions of the several armies , and dispositions of the parties in other places , as well as in the low-countries , since all contributed to the different humour that appear'd at the hague about the peace , which was indeed the present scene of that affair , as well from his majesty's mediation , as the great weight of the states in the confederacy ; but chiefly from the person of the prince of orange , who seem'd to be the spirit or genius of the whole alliance , and for whom the rest , as well as the states themselves , had so great trust and deference : for several of their ministers made no difficulty to tell me upon many occasions , that their masters would not have entred into the present engagements they were in , had it not been more upon the confidence they had of the prince's personal honour and justice , than either the forces or the usual conduct of the states-general , especially in what concern'd the foreign treaties and negotiations . in rousillon little pass'd of importance between the forces there : the thoughts of both crowns were bent on that side , more upon reducing or relieving messina , that had made an absolute revolt from spain , and endeavour'd to gain protection from france , which was not difficult in this conjuncture ; as that which might not only give a great diversion to the spanish forces , but open a way for the french into the conquest of sicily , and new designs upon naples , which had been the stage of so many great wars between the houses of france and arragon . in germany the prince electors palatine , mentz and triers , had entred into league with the emperor , for the defence of the german liberty against all strangers . france was so enrag'd against the elector palatine , upon these measures he had taken , that monsieur turenne , at the head of a french army , march'd into his country , and made such cruel ravages in it , and so unusual to that generals common procedures , that the elector sent him a challenge ; which monsieur turenne answered , he could not accept without his master's leave , but was ready to meet him in the field at the head of his army , against any that he and his new allies would bring together . this prince , spighted at the helpless ruin of his country , prov'd the greatest incentive among the german princes this summer to join their forces , in order to some vigorous action against france on that side . the duke of lunenburgh engag'd first , and afterwards the elector of brandenburgh , in the common cause of the empire 's being invaded ; strasburgh was prevail'd with to throw off the neutrality they had enjoy'd since the war began , and declare for the empire in this quarrel . the new bishop of munster entred into the same measures , and all together made a considerable force , that they brought into the field on t'other side the rhine , about the end of august , or beginning of september . the old duke of lorrain join'd them with his troops ; the duke of lunenburgh was there in person , and the elector palatine had the command of the army . they were divided as well as the imperial officers , whether they should enter upon any considerable action or no , till the duke of brandenburgh came up , who was upon his march at the head of a very considerable army , that join'd the confederates in october . this gave great hopes and designs of entring either lorain or burgundy , or taking brisac , or at least sabern and haguena ; and thereby securing their winter-quarters in alsace . monsieur turenne play'd a defensive game with a small army ; and ill handled by the sickness of the season . france was at such a pinch for men , or fear of an irruption into their country from flanders or alsace , that they call'd their ban and arriere-ban , the assembling whereof had been long disused , and in a manner antiquated . however , with some of these new troops , and a reinforcement from flanders after the battel of seneffe , monsieur turenne by plain force of skill , and that admirable science in the conduct of a war , which no captain of his age could dispute with him , prevented and disappointed every one of the confederates designs , without ever coming to a set battel , though several sharp fights of part of the forces upon necessity or advantage ; so that the winter ended with the allies quitting the last point they pretended , and would have been indeed decisive in the issue of this campania , which was the german army's quartering in alsace and other parts on that side the rhine . the most considerable loss or event of this campania upon the rhine , was the death of the young prince of brandenburgh , who died about the end of it at strasburgh , of a feaver so violent and precipitate , as gave occasion for the usual suspicions and discourses that attend the death of such young princes , as give great hopes and fears to their enemies and friends . this was the more considered for a particular and intimate friendship between him and the prince of orange , who tho' cousin germans , and engag'd in one common cause , were yet nearer joyn'd by likeness of humours than of interest ; and by the ties of personal kindness than of blood ; and i never knew the prince of orange more sensible of any misfortune that happen'd to him , than of this . in all the encounters mentioned on this side , no forces were oftner seen , or more felt , or gain'd more honour of their firmness and bravery , than the english regiments still remaining in the french service , to whom the germans attributed wholly monsieur turenne's successes , as he did a great deal himself ; but the divisions among the princes that made up the confederate armies , may justly be said to have had all the merit that was not personal in monsieur turenne , who was certainly allow'd by all that compar'd them , to be the greatest captain by much of his age , in the course of a war , or conduct of a campania , though the prince of conde was thought greater in the day of a battel , both as to the disposal and order of an army , vigorous enterprise , and sharp as well as pertinent resolutions upon all sudden emergencies , to which the course and chance of a battel is every way subject . for sweden and denmark , they were not yet enter'd into the lists , but seem'd now upon the point of taking party ; sweden had acted the part of a mediator ever since the breaking up of the treaty at colen , both by their ambassador at vienna , and the hague ; who plied both those courts with very long and frequent memorials to that purpose during this whole summer ; but they had been as hard ply'd themselves all that time by the practices and advantages offer'd by france , both to that crown , and the chief ministers , to engage them in the war. nothing seem'd so likely to determin them , as the treaty and expedition of the duke of brandenburgh on the confederate side , which laid open his countrey to the invasion of sweden , and gave them a pretence of a breach , in that prince , of the treaties between them , in making war against france without the consent of the swedes . therefore as soon as he was gone towards the rhine with all the strength of his forces , the swedes drew the best and greatest part of theirs into pomerania ; and as the duke of brandenburgh advanc'd in the common designs against france ; so sweden , without declaring war , pursued their measures , with that crown ; and before the end of the year , had drawn their forces into the brandenburgh countrey , tho' without attempt upon any places , and even with pretence at first of paying for their quarters , which was reckon'd upon as short-liv'd among soldiers in another prince's countrey , whether friend or enemy . the present effect of this inroad , was the ending of another pretence of that crown , which was that of mediation , and so devolving that figure wholly upon his majesty ; and on the other side giving hopes to the confederates of engaging denmark on their side , if for no other reason , yet upon that old one among them , of being always opposite to sweden and their interests or allies . as soon as the prince came to the hague , i attended him ; and after compliments past , i acquainted him with what his majesty had commanded me of his personal kindness and esteem for his highness , of his resolutions to observe and cultivate his present friendship with the states , and desire to see a general peace restor'd to christendom , in which he intended to act wholly in concert with his highness , whose opinion as to the thing , and the conditions most necessary for his highness to insist on , he very much desir'd to understand as soon and as fully as he could . the prince answer'd me with expressions of duty and kindness to his majesty , and desires of a near conjunction between the two nations , which he thought alone could make his majesty safe at home and abroad . for the peace , he said , tho' he could make many complaints of both spanjards and imperialists conduct since their treaties ; yet the states could not with any faith or honour make any separate peace , upon any terms that france could offer them . that a general peace could not be made without leaving flanders in a posture of defending it self , upon any new or sudden invasion , against which no guarantees could secure it . that spain could not upon any exchange quit the county of burgundy or cambray , nor any thing in flanders beyond the treaty of the pyrenees , unless it were aire and saint omer . this he said was his opinion ; but if he might know the king 's , and find it at all consistent with the safety of his countrey , and his own honour towards his allies , he would do all he could to bring it about , as he had already done the point of his majesty's mediation , which was accepted both at madrid and vienna . i told him that the king having been the author and guarend of the peace at aix , and not having yet seen the french beaten out of any town that was given them by that treaty , could with ill grace propose any thing to france beyond those terms , unless it were upon some equivalent . he replied resolutely , 't were better going on with the war , let it last as long , and cost as much as it would . that his majesty might , if he pleas'd , induce france to whatever he thought just and could never show him so much kindness , as to bring him out of this war with honour . if he would not , it must go on till some change happen'd in the condition of the parties , to make the peace more necessary of one side or other . how it would fall out , he could not tell , and must leave to god ; but he thought they had as fair a game as the french. that he was sure they might have been absolutely beaten at seneffe , if the count souches had so pleas'd ; and have had a fair blow for it again at oudenarde : that he was sure germany could furnish more , and better men than france ; and they were now in a manner united in the common defence ; and he hoped the emperor's councils and conduct would not be so betray'd as they had been . that however , he must perform what his own honour , as well as that of the states was engag'd in to their allies , let it cost what in would . i imagin'd in what he said of the emperor's councels , he reflected upon the business of prince lakevitz , whose disgrace made so great noise about this time , and with particulars so extraordinary , of the french practices in that court , that they were very hard to believe , and very uncertain to know at that distance , and even at vienna it self , and therefore i would not enter into them with the prince , nor shall i here , as being foreign to this present scene . there was one point more i entred into with the prince , which was upon occasion of the many discontented persons in england , at the course of the last ministry and war , who were suspected to have trinkled at least with holland about the raising seditions , and perhaps insurrections in england , if the war continued , and the dutch fleets should appear upon our coasts , that were like to be unguarded the next summer by the streights his majesty was in , for money to set out a fleet. it was believ'd among many others , my lord shaftsbury was one that had of late play'd this game , who having been as deep as any man in the councils of the cabal , and gone so far in the publick applause of them , as in a speech in parliament to have applied the delenda carthago to our interest in the destruction of holland ; yet when he saw the parliament and nation sullen upon it , and that the king could not pursue it with so much ill humour in both , he turn'd short upon the court and the rest of the cabal , fell in with the popular humour in the city as well as parliament , decried the present designs and conduct , tho with the loss of his chancellor's place , and was believ'd to manage a practice in holland for some insurrection here . i told the prince what the king suspected of some of his subjects , without naming any ; how much service it would be to his majesty to know them more certainly , and how kind it would be in his highness to discover them . the prince was stanch , and said , he was sure the king would not press him upon a thing so much against all honour , as to betray men that profess'd to be his friends . i gave his majesty an account of all that pass'd between the prince and me , which was thought at court both cold to his majesty , and stiff as to the peace ; and i had no returns or orders upon it ; but within a week , or ten days , i had notice that my lord arlington , and my lord ossory , intended to make a turn into holland , with monsieur odyke and his two sisters , to make a visit to their friends at the hague ; and about the beginning of december they arriv'd in the king's yatchts , but without any sort of character , or show of business . my lord arlington brought me a letter from the king , written all with his own hand ; and telling me , he had sent him to set some important points right between his majesty and the prince , which ought not to lie longer in doubt ; recommending to me all the assistance i could give him there , and assuring me of his majesty's confidence and kindness . his lordship brought the most ample credential likewise , that could be , from his majesty to the prince , who still gave me part of all that pass'd between them , with as much openness and freedom , as t'other did with coldness and reserve ; and thereby lent me many lights that i could not otherwise have had , to discover the mystery of this journey and affair , which was in great part , a secret to my lord treasurer himself , whom yet his majesty was thought to trust at that time , as much as he had ever done any of his ministers . my lord arlington , who had been at the head of those measures that the king entred into , during the ministry of the cabal , and the war with holland , in conjunction with france , found himself something discredited with his master , upon the ill issue of that affair , and the necessities which forc'd him to a separate peace , both from the wants of his treasury , and discontents of his parliament and people in general . by the degrees this lord's favour declin'd , the earl of danby's encreas'd , who succeeded my lord clifford in the treasury , which had ever been my arlington's ambition . this gave him an implacable envy and hatred against my lord danby , and which no offices of friends could ever allay . he was not well in the nation for having had such a part in breaking the course of the triple alliance , and making that with france for the ruin of holland , and as was commonly thought for some ends more displeasing at home . yet when the ill humour of the parliament had broken the designs of the cabal , and made my lord schaftsbury shift his sails , and fall into the popular stream , my lord arlington had gone so far upon the same scene , as to join with the duke of ormond and secretary coventry , to perswade the king to remove the duke wholly from court and publick business , as a means to appease the discontents of the parliament upon some jealousies the late conduct of affairs had raised among them . by this council my lord arlington had very much offended the duke ; and finding himself ill with his royal highness , with the parliament , and every day declining in credit with the king , he thought there was no way of retrieving his game , but by making himself the instrument of some secret and close measures that might be taken between the king and the prince of orange . he first infused into his majesty the necessity and advantage of such a negotiation , and then that of his being employ'd in it , from the interest his lady's friends and kindred in holland would be able to give him , as well as from the credit of having been so long in the secret of the king's affair , and so best able to give them such colours as might render the late conduct of them less disagreeable to the prince . tho he profest great friendship to me , yet he represented me as unlikely to be treated with such a confidence from the prince as was requisite in this affair , for having been so intimate with monsieur de witt in my former ambassy ; and gave the prince's unwillingness to see me during the campagnia , as a testimony of his dislike , or at least indifferency to me ; he propos'd going over with all the auxiliaries that were like to be of any succour in this expedition , carrying not only my lady arlington , but madam beverwoert her sister , who had something in her humour and conversation very agreeable to the prince ; sir gabriel sylvius , who took himself to be in great credit in that court , where he had serv'd long , and particularly with monsieur benting ; nor was it forgot to carry over dr. duril as a man fit to practice monsieur marest a french minister , who was thought to have credit with the prince ; and my lord ossory was known to have a great part in his kindness and esteem , as well from his marriage into the beverwoert family , as from his bravery , so much applauded in all actions where he had been , which was a quality lov'd by this prince , tho' imploy'd against him . my lord danby had been made believe , that a letter from the prince to monsieur odyke , then one of the dutch ambassadors in england , had given occasion for this journey , as if the prince had desir'd some person there from the king , with whom he might enter in the last confidence ; but the prince assur'd me , there was no such thing ; and that monsieur ruvigny , the french minister at london , had more part in this journey than he , or perhaps any body else ; and that all the endeavours us'd towards a peace , came from that side . however instructed , at least thus accompanied ; my lord arlington came to the hague , where he told me at our first meeting that he came over to set right some things between the king and the prince , that he doubted were amiss , and settle a perfect kindness and confidence between them for the time to come . that to do this , he must go to the bottom of the sore , and rake into things past , which was an unpleasant work , and which i could not do , as having no part in the king's business during that time wherein the prince took his offence at our concils . that the king had chosen him for this office , because he could best justify his majesty's intentions towards his highness in the whole course of that affai●● that for the peace , tho his majesty desir'd it , yet he would not meddle with it , unless the prince of himself made any overtures about it ; but would only endeavour to give the prince what lights he could as to the state of things in general , and what he might hope from his allies , as well as from france ; that if the prince made no advances to him upon it , he would let it fall , and leave it in my hands to be pursued by the orders i should receive . that he knew very well such a commission as his , might look unkind , if not injurious , to another ambassador ; and that he would not have come , if any other had been here ; but the king , as well as he , reckon'd so far upon the friendship between us , that they were both confident of my being easy in it , and giving him any assistance he should want from me , which he would acquaint me with as the matter proceeded . he said , besides , that after having fought the king's battel with the prince , he must fight another of his own , who did not deserve the coldness his highness had of late expressed to him ; and when this was done , all his business was ended here , and the rest would be only seeing his friends , and finding some diversion from a new scene ; that he desired i would , according to the forms , bring him and my lord ossory the first time to the prince ; and after that , they would see him no more in ceremony , nor give me that trouble . i told his lordship , i was very glad to see him , let his business be what it would ; that i should be gladder yet that the king's business should be done , let it be by whom it would ; but much more that it might be by him : that for setting matters right between the king and prince , i thought it the best office could be done them both ; that for the way he mention'd of raking into the sore , and fighting battels in defence or justification of what was past , i knew not what to say to it , but would leave it to his own prudence ; but , from what i knew in particular of the prince's humour and thoughts , whatever he did of that sort , i believ'd , should be very gentle , and not go too deep ; and , for my own part , i was always of opinion , that expostulations were very apt to end well between lovers , but ill between friends . that i would send to the prince for an hour ; and when i had brought him to his highness , i would leave him there after the first entrances were past ; and desir'd no other part in his affair , than what he thought necessary to give me : whenever he did , i should serve him the best i could in so good an endeavour ; and for the rest , i should leave the field free to my lord ossory and him while they stay'd at the hague , as to all that was secret ; as to the rest , i desir'd they would make what use they pleas'd of me and my house . my lord arlington took all i said very well ; and said ; 't was not necessary i should leave them after i had introduc'd them to the prince , but in such a manner as i saw he would not dislike it , nor have any body thought to have any part in the successes he expected : so next morning i brought them to the prince , and , after a quarter of an hour's stay , left them together . the prince would have had me stay'd , but my lord arlington said not a word ; and i pretended some letters press'd me , and so went away , and never saw them together any more while they stay'd at the hague , unless at dinner , or in mix'd and publick company . the truth is , i was not the worse entertain'd during the course of this adventure ; for my lord arlington told me every day what he thought fit of all that pass'd between them ; and the prince told me not only the thing , but the manner of it , which was more important than the matter it self ; for this had no effect , but the other a great deal ; and that lasted long . my lord arlington told me much of his expostulations , and with what good turns of wit he had justified both the king's part in the late war , and his own ; but that , upon all , he found the prince dry and sullen , or at the best uneasie , and as if he wish'd it ended . that upon discourse of the state of christendom , and what related to the war he was engag'd in , he made him no overtures at all , nor entred further , than that the king might bring him out of it with honour , if he pleased , and with safety to christendom ; if not , it must go on till the fortunes of the parties changing , made way for other thoughts than he believ'd either of them had at this time . that this might happen after another campania , which none but his majesty could prevent , by inducing france to such terms as he thought just and safe for the rest of christendom . this was the sum of what my lord arlington pretended to have pass'd in three long conferences ; after which it grew so uneasy between them , that he told me , he had absolutely given it over , and would not say a word more of business while he was there , and attended his majesty's orders after the return of his dispatches : but would divert himself in the mean time as well as he could ; see the prince as often as he pleased at dinner , or in company , but ask it no more in private , unless the prince of himself desir'd it ; and , upon the whole , gave all the signs of being equally disappointed and discontented with the success of this undertaking . the prince , on the other side , told me with what arrogance and insolence my lord arlington had entred upon all his expostulations with him , both upon the king's chapter and his own ; that it was not only in the discourses of it , as if he pretended to deal with a child , that he could by his wit make believe what he pleased ; but in the manner he said all upon that subject , it was as if he had taken himself for the prince of orange , and him for my lord arlington ; that all he said was so artificial , and giving such false colours to things every body knew , that he , that was a plain man , could not bear it , and was never so weary of any conversation in his life . in short , all the prince told me upon it , look'd spighted at my lord arlington , and not very much satisfied with the king's intentions upon this errand ; tho he said , he was sure his majesty never intended he should treat it in the manner he had , if he remembred that he was his nephew , tho nothing else . after the first conversations , my lord arlington staid near six weeks in holland , either upon contrary winds to return his dispatches , or to carry him away , often at dinner with the prince at court , or at count waldeck's , or monsieur odyke's , or with me , putting on the best humour and countenance , affecting the figure of one that had nothing of business in his head , or in the design of this journey , but at heart weary of his stay in holland , and unwilling to return with no better account of his errand ; and , as it prov'd , he had reason for both . i found the pensioner and count waldeck thought , that the bent of my lord arlington was , to draw the prince into such measures of a peace as france then so much desired : into a discovery of those persons who had made advances to the prince or the states of raising commotions in england during the late war ; into secret measures with the king of assisting him against any rebels at home , as well as enemies abroad ; and into the hopes or designs of a match with the duke's eldest daughter . tho , they said , he found the prince would not enter at all into the first , was obstinate against the second , treated the third as a disrespect to the king , to think he could be so ill belov'd , or so imprudent to need it ; and upon mention made of the last by my lord ossory , he took no further hold of it , then saying , his fortunes were not in a condition for him to think of a wife . thus ended this mystical journey ; which i have the rather unveil'd , because , perhaps , no other could do it ; nor i , without so many several lights from so many several hands ; and because , tho it brought forth no present fruits , yet seeds were then scattered , out of which sprung afterwards some very great events . my lord arlington return'd , was receiv'd but coldly by the king , and ill by the duke , who was angry that any mention had been made of the lady mary , tho it was done only by my lord ossory , and whether with order from the king or no , was not known : so as never any strain of court-skill and contrivance succeeded so unfortunately as this had done , and so contrary to all the ends the author of it proposed to himself . instead of advancing the peace , he left it desperate ; instead of establishing a confidence between the king and the prince , he left all colder than he found it ; instead of entring into great personal confidence and friendship with the prince , he left an unkindness that lasted ever after ; instead of retrieving his own credit at court , which he found waining upon the increase of my lord danby's , he made an end of all he had left with the king , who never after us'd him with any confidence further than the forms of his place ; and found my lord treasurer's credit with the king more advanced in six weeks he had been away , than it had done in many months before . whatever was the occasion , france had this winter an extreme desire of a peace , and left no ways unattempted to obtain it , that might not too much discover the need they had of it . i suppose they might apprehend what the confederates reckon'd upon , with perhaps , too much assurance , that if they could gain one battel , they should certainly enter france ; and if ever they did , the ill humours grown under this late government would certainly break out , and make way for all the successes and ravages they propos'd to themselves ; or , at least , for such terms of a peace , as would leave all the neighbours of that crown in safety , and at quiet . a talk was set on foot of a marriage between monsieur 's eldest daughter and the king of spain , in the heat of the war ; a suspension of arms was propos'd at vienna by count oxenstiern the swedish ambassador , and the sending plenipotentiaries immediately after to treat the peace , with offers , in case these were agreed to , that the affair of prince william of furstenbergh should be respited till the end of the treaty , and pasports should be granted for the duke of lorrain's ministers , upon which difficulties had been made ; practices were used with the princes of brandenburgh and lunenburgh to dis-joint them from the common alliance ; and particular intelligence was held between the mareschall d' estrades , and one who had been pensioner of mastricht , who communicated all his letters to the pensioner fagel . but the sum of all , was instances for a separate peace between france and holland , a breach of their measures with the house of austria , and return of the old ones with france , towards which they offer'd all the advantages that could be to the states in point of commerce , and all the personal ones that could be desired by a prince of orange . but the prince was unmoveable in the point of not leaving his allies , tho he began to foresee he was like to play a hard game with them next summer in the field , and perhaps a harder with the people at home , who grew impatient for a peace , both upon the cruel taxes the war had rais'd , and upon the present decay of trade , as well as apprehension that with longer continuance of the war , it would run so far into a new channel by england , as never to be retriev'd . upon these considerations the prince resolv'd to make one effort towards a peace with honour , before this season ended , and made all further thoughts of it give way to the actions of the approaching campania . his scheme was this : that a match should be made between the king of spain , and madamoselle : that france should give with her in dowry , the late conquer'd places in flanders . that the king should make this match , and upon these terms ; that he should have two hundred thousand pounds for his good offices in it . by this means a peace would be made with safety to spain , and to holland , by securing against the frontiers of flanders , with honour to france , who parted with the conquer'd towns only as dowry to a daughter of france , without any blemish to the prince's honour , or faith in his alliances , and with honour and profit both to his majesty , which last was thought no unwelcome circumstance at that time in our court. this the prince and pensioner having digested the best way they could , and deduc'd to me , desir'd me to propose to the king , as the only way of making the peace he so much desir'd , as a thing they were sure he could do , and that france could not deny him , if he would press it ; and as the last degree of favour his majesty could express to the prince , who could no other way come out of this war with honour . they desir'd me to write it to the king himself , and that nothing might be said of it to any other person , till his majesty should return me his opinion upon it . i did so by two letters to the king , but had no hopes given me that it would be effected ; whether france took the desires of the prince for an argument of his being weary of the war , or that he found the people were so ; or whether they would not end the war , without breaking the force and confidence of the present alliance , or ( as the prince thought ) without leaving flanders open for another invasion , when some better conjuncture should make way for it ; or whether the revolt of messina had given them hopes of disabling spain , by drawing their forces on that side , and disposing them to a peace by this wound in a part so tender , and that might spread so far into italy ; or whether they had now absolutely engag'd the crown of sweden to enter into the war , and believ'd that by the impression that crown would make in pomerania , they might not only recal the duke of brandenburgh and his forces from the rhine , but , if they succeeded , might so allarm the empire on that side , as to break , or very much weaken any conjunction of their forces next summer on this side of the rhine . however it was , this attempt of the prince fail'd , and so all further thoughts of a present peace ended , and left me only to pursue the cold scent of a mediation in the common forms , while the preparations for a warm summer on all sides were making in the field . the prince this february went into gelderland , to establish the new magistracy there , according to his office of stadtholder . whil'st he was there , the deputies of that province by unanimous consent made him an offer of the sovereignty of that countrey , with the ancient title of duke of gelderland , which they pretended had been formerly in some of his ancestors . the prince said , he would give them no answer upon an affair of such moment , without first advising with the other provinces : he immediately writ to those of holland , zeeland , and vtrecht , to communicate this offer to them , and demand their advice upon it . zeeland return'd theirs against his accepting of it , grounding it upon the jealousies it might raise in the other provinces , and inconsistence of it with the constitutions of their union , which left none of the provinces at liberty to dipose of their soveraignty without consent of the rest . vtrecht return'd their answer with advice to accept it . holland was longer , depending upon the delays necessary in running the circle of so many towns ; so that before it was concluded , the prince upon receiving the advice of vtrecht return'd them immediately his answer , with the notice , that he had excus'd himself to the states of gelderland , from accepting the offer they had made him . nothing could more imploy the busy heads of this time than the course of this affair ; some attributing it to the ambition of the prince , and presaging the same design upon the rest of the provinces ; others laying it to the charge of some of his young councellors ; others to a design of sounding the humour of the provinces , and of having the honour to refuse it , after they should all have advis'd him to accept it , as 't was believ'd they would do . for my own part , i can say nothing of it with certainty , having never seen the prince while it was upon the anvil , no discours'd with him upon this subject either before or after ; but if it were an ambition bent upon the soveraignty of the rest of the provinces as well as gelderland , it was a design very different from all his proceedings in the course of the war , when france had propos'd it to him with all the advantages and support that could be ; and as different from what he had ever seem'd to understand , and to be as much perswaded of as any man , that a soveraign prince in holland would certainly and soon ruin the trade , and consequently the riches and greatness of that state , and leave a prince of it without power , or consideration in the world ; whereas the princes of orange in the post they have held for four generations , have enter'd into wars and treaties , with a regard and weight equal to most of the kings of christendom . for young councellors that were thought to have engag'd the prince in this adventure , i cannot speak with more certainty than of the intention ; but i am sure if they were in it , they were not alone ; for none doubts of monsieur fagel's having been for it ; and monsieur beverning , who was ever thought as stanch a patriot as any man among them , told me himself , that he had advis'd the prince to accept it , which i believe he would not have done , if he had foreseen any danger from it to his countrey . but whether the prince or his friends had the part that was commonly thought in the first overture , 't is certain an interest of the deputies and magistrates , as well as nobles of gelderland had a share in it too . for whereas this is the first province in the union , and abounds with nobles more than all the rest , yet by reason of their poverty from a barran soil and want of trade , they are less consider'd than several other provinces , and their voice has been in a manner swallow'd up by that of holland , who , by their trade and riches , have a great influence upon those of gelderland . the deputies of this province finding themselves yet less considerable in the union than they were before the war , which had extreamly impoverish'd their countrey during the french conquests , thought there was no way of recovering such a consideration in the state , as suited with the rank and dignity they held , but devolving the soveraignty of their province upon the prince of orange . besides , many of the nobles there having pretences for themselves or their friends in the military imployments , thought to make their court to the prince upon whom those charges depended , by advancing such a proposition ; and this was certainly a great ingredient into the first conception of it ; but whether conniv'd at , or seconded by the prince , or his friends , or with what aims or instructions i cannot say , and so leave it as a mushroom that grew up suddenly , and as suddenly wither'd , and left no sign where it had grown . at the prince's return to the hague in march 1675. i receiv'd a letter from his majesty's own hand , telling me of some advices given him , that the prince intended to come over into england against the approaching session of parliament , and commanding me to hinder it , as if his majesty believ'd the thing . i adventur'd to assure the king there could be nothing of it , before i saw the prince ; but when i did , i pretended not to have had it from his majesty , but that i heard such a thing had been whisper'd to him . he said , yes , and he believ'd by the lord arlington , who had some times talk'd of that journey after the peace should be made . however it came , he was sorry the king should believe it . that he was his majesty's servant , and if he could do him no service , he would at least do him no harm : but if the king would be otherwise possest , he could not help it ; yet desired me to assure him , there had never been any ground for such a report . in the afternoon the prince came to me , and told me in great heat , he had , since he saw me , receiv'd the most impertinent letter from lord arlington that ever was upon that subject , treating it as a resolution certain and intended for raising heats in the parliament , and commotions in the kingdom ; telling him , 't was like to prove but an ill friendship between the king and him , if it was to be made a coup de bastons ; and putting him in mind , qu'il y a de ployes chez vous , qui saigneront encore , si l'on y met la main . the prince said , he knew well enough what lord arlington meant by that expression ; for he had told monsieur read in england , when he went over upon the first motions of the last peace , that the king could make the prince be serv'd as de witt was , if he would set himself about it . upon this he fell into the greatest rage that ever i saw him , against my lord arlington , calling this proceeding malicious , and insolent , saying , he would write to him what he deserv'd ; but never have any thing more to do with him beyond common forms . that since he knew not how to trust the king's ministers , he would write to the king himself , and desir'd me to convey his letters so , as they might come to no other hand . soon after count waldeek went to vienna to concert the actions of the next campagnia , where count montecuculi was appointed to command the imperial forces instead of duke bornonville ; and the count souches was sent away into a government in hungary . in march the elector of brandenburgh came to cleve , upon the same concert , where he was met by the prince of orange , and the marquess de grana the emperor's minister ; but the main point debated here was thought to be the defence necessary to be made in pomerania against the swede , who began now to throw off the mask , to ravage the countrey , and to attack some places necessary for their quarters . the moneys likewise paid that court from france at hamburgh had been so publick and so avow'd , that none further doubted of a sudden and open rupture from that crown . whereupon the states sent to monsieur ehernstein ( then swedish ambassador at the hague , and who would have kept still the figure of a mediator ) to put in no more memorials to the states upon that occasion , since they could not receive them from a minister of a prince , who had openly and without cause attacqu'd one of their allies . at this time arriv'd an ambassador from denmark at the hague , to try what advantages his master could make of this present conjuncture , by terms of entring into the alliance with france and sweden . and all things being thus in the highest fermentation , a sudden damp fell upon the whole mass of these great affairs by the sickness of the prince of orange ; which show'd him to be the spring that gave motion to all the other wheels ; for while his illness lasted , and the event was doubtful , all was in suspence , and none of the parties engag'd seem to have other motions or sentiments than what were rais'd by the hopes or fears of so important a life . after some days fever , it prov'd the small-pox , which had been very fatal in his family , and gave the greater apprehensions to his friends and his countrey , who express'd indeed a strange concernment upon this occasion , by perpetual concourse of people to enquire after every minute's progress of his illness . whilst it lasted , he had taken a fancy hardly to eat or drink anything but what came from my house , which the people after took notice of as it pass'd ; and tho' perhaps few foreigners have had the luck to be better thought of or us'd in a strange countrey than we had ever been in holland ; yet several of our dutch friends told us , that in case any thing fatal happen'd to the prince from this disease , they believ'd the people would pull down our houses , and tear us all in pieces , upon knowing what he took in his sickness came from our hands . god be thank'd all past without any bad accident , tho ill symptoms at first ; and his recovery , next to the blessing of god , was owing to the great evenness of his temper , and constancy of mind , which gave way to no impressions or imaginations that use to be of ill cons●quence in that disease ; so that it pass'd in the common forms , and within twenty days he was abroad , and fell into the present business of the scene , among which the preparation for the campania was the chief . i cannot here forbear to give monsieur benting the character due to him , of the best servant i have ever known in prince's , or private family . he tended his master , during the whole course of his disease , both night and day ; nothing he took was given him , nor he ever remov'd in his bed , by any other hand ; and the prince told me , that whether he slept or no , he could not tell ; but in sixteen days and nights , he never call'd once that he was not answer'd by monsieur benting , as if he had been awake . the first time the prince was well enough to have his head open'd and comb'd , monsieur benting , as soon as it was done , begg'd of his master to give him leave to go home , for he was able to hold up no longer ; he did so , and fell immediately sick of the same disease , and in great extremity ; but recover'd just soon enough to attend his master into the field , where he was ever next his person . the campania happen'd to begin later than it u'sd to do on the french side , both from the expectation what the prince's sickness would end in , and from some commotions succeeding one another about this time in guienne and brittany , upon occasion of the imposts or gabels , which drew some of the french forces into those parts . but when those troubles were ended , as they were by an unusual strain of lenity and clemency in composing them , all imaginary endeavours were us'd to prepare in france for the campania : the king intended to attack flanders in the head of all the choice of his forces , and with the greatest vigour and impression he could make this year upon the spanish netherlands ; yet the king pretended to be but a volunteer in the army , of which he declar'd the prince of condé general ; whether to put the greatest compliment he could on so great merit , or to hinder his brother from making difficulty of acting under that prince's orders . and monsieur turenne was to be employ'd in alsace , to attend , and amuse as much as he could the german army , for fear of giving the king too much diversion in flanders ; and this with orders to act by concert with count wrangel , general of the swedish forces in pomerania , who gave hopes of marching so far into germany as to concert his actions , or at least motions with those of monsieur turenne . on the other side , the confederates were as busy in their provisions against these designs . the elector of mentz was drawn to throw off the remainders of his neutrality , and to receive the imperial troops into his towns , as strasburgh had done ; and practices were set on foot to change the temper of the court of bavaria , with hopes of success . montecuculi prepar'd to come down into alsace with the army of the emperor and the adjoyning circles ; and the elector of brandenburgh came to the hague after the prince of orange's illness , where treaties were concluded with the king of denmark's ministers , and review'd with the duke of lunenburgh's . after which the elector went immediately away to the relief of his own subjects and countrey , then invaded and spoil'd by the open hostility of the swedish forces . whil'st he was at the hague , the compliments pass'd in form between us , but without visit or interview , tho the elector desir'd and pursu'd it with more instance than i well understood : for he sent his minister at the hague first to me , and afterwards engag'd the prince himself to endeavour it , by finding some expedient in the difficulties of ceremony ; or else by proposing a third place . but the french ambassadors having taken up a form of refusing to visit any elector , unless they might have the hand given them in those princes houses , and the electors having never consented to it ; i told the prince , i could not go lower than the french ambassadors did , in that nor any other point ; and that meeting in a third place would look like a sort of approving the refusal made by the electors : and so i never saw this prince during his stay at the hague , much to my regret , because i had been possess'd of many qualities very esteemable in him . in the mean time , how useless soever for the present , yet the forms of his majesty's mediation went on . after it had been accepted by all parties , the first point that came to be consider'd on , was the place of treaty , about which , the swedes could not surmount the difficulties during the course of the mediation . the house of austria propos'd to have the congress in some of the free towns of the empire , as francfort , hamburgh , strasburgh , and some others : france refus'd ever to come into any town of the empire , upon the insults they receiv'd and complain'd of so much at cologn , in the seisure of prince william of furstenburg , and a great sum of the french money there ; but offer'd at the same time to come and treat at breda , tho' belonging to one of the parties engag'd in the war , which they would make pass for a great condescention , and testimony of that king's inclination to a peace . the confederates on the other side would not hear of breda ; they took that proposition as an artifice , first , to ingratiate with the states beyond the rest of their allies ; but next , which was the point of importance , they look'd upon it as design'd to carry on either a separate treaty with the states , or at least private measures and correspondencies with several towns and persons of those provinces , so as to induce , or force the states at last into a separa●e treaty with france , upon the difficulties or delays that might arise in a general one . and upon this point the allies were so jealous , that the states deputies of the foreign committee , who manag'd all these affairs in the first resort , thought it necessary to seem as averse against treating in any of their dominions , as any of the allies . thus all places in germany , france , and the low-countries , seem'd absolutely excluded by one part or other ; and london was dislik'd by all as too remote , and of difficult and uncertain commerce for letters , by reason of the sea. after much perplexity upon this subject in many conferences i had with the deputies , and discourses with the pensioner , i propos'd two places as the only i could think of left for any attempt , upon all circumstances . the first was cleve , which could not be said to belong to the empire , but to the elector of brandenburgh , as duke of cleve , and not as a prince of the empire . the other was nimeguen , as being the last town belonging to the states , and upon the borders of germany . both towns capable of such a reception as was necessary ; both in good airs , and easie of access from all parts ; center'd between spain and sweden , between the empire and france , and near england , where the spiring of this treaty was conceiv'd to be . i thought france might not dislike cleve , even upon those regards the allies suspected of the vicinity to the states ; and the confederates could not except against it as belonging to one of them . on t'other side , if the allies approv'd cleve , and france should refuse it , yet they could not afterwards disapprove of nimeguen , which was but three leagues nearer the hague or amsterdam , where they suspected the french practices ; and disjoin'd from both by necessary passage of great rivers , which made the commerce more difficult and slow than it would be from other towns of the states dominions . another reason was , that i knew no other to name that did not seem previously excluded ; and upon this the deputies consented that i should propose both to the king , that he might do the same to all the parties ; but that i should begin with cleve , which i did . this france refus'd , upon pretence of some dependance upon the empire ; but , as was thought , upon picque to the duke of brandenburgh , with whom they were more offended at this time , than with any of the allies . after this refusal , and nimeguen being advanc'd , france first a●cepted it , and afterwards the allies , who could not well refuse it , after having express'd they would have been satisfied with cleve ; and so this place came to be fix'd for the scene of this negotiation . but at the same time that france accepted the place of treaty , they declar'd , that they would not however send any ambass●dors thither till the emperor had given them satisfaction upon the two points so long insisted , of prince william of furstenburgh's liberty , and restitution of the money seized at colen , which were points had been hitherto as obstinately refus'd at vienna , as demanded by france : so as these paces towards a peace , gain'd at present very little ground , but left way for the actions and successes of the ensuing campania to determin the times , the methods , and conditions of their pretended treaty . the french began their action by the siege of limburgh , with one part of their army , whilst the king with the rest lay encamp'd in a post most convenient to oppose any attempt of relieving it , to which purpose the prince was upon his march ; but after a short and weak resistance , it was taken before he could approach it : for , besides some delays forc'd by his sickness , he began here to feel the weight that hung about him all the course of this war , from the uncertain and slow marches of the german horse , and the weakness and disorders of the spanish troops , which were necessary to make up his army of strength to oppose that of france , compos'd of such numbers , such brave and experienc'd troops , and under so great a commander as the prince of conde , and so gallant officers . after the taking of limburgh , the french and confederate armies in flanders fell into no considerable action or attempt ; neither daring to sit down before any place of strength , while the other army attended them , and was ready to relieve it ; and neither seeming very earnest to come to a battel ( unless with evident advantages ) upon the loss of which so great consequences seem'd to depend , as the french entire conquest of flanders on the one side , or the confederates marching directly into france on the other , after any great victory . besides , they seem'd to be amus'd by the expectation of what was likely to pass in germany , both upon the rhine between the imperialists and french , and in pomerania between the swede and brandenburgh , which , without new successes in the low-countreys , were like to decide in a great measure the fate of this war , whil'st the confederates equally presum'd of their successes in alsatia , and the french of those of the swedes in the north. about the end of july , the king of france , weary of a dull campania , left the army to the prince of conde , and return'd with his court to versailles ; and the same month , his majesty , seeing the negotions of the peace lay'd at present asleep , sent for me to make a short turn into england , and give an account of all the observations i had been able to make abroad upon the present dispositions and conjunctures , as well as receive his instructions for the future progress of his mediation . the parliament in england , tho much pleas'd with the last peace in holland , yet were not so with his majesty's desires of a general one. they thought the power of france too great since their last conquest in flanders , and their ambition too declar'd , of atchieving it by one means , and at one time or other : they were suspicious of the court 's favouring too much the french designs , by pursuing a peace that would break so mighty a confederacy as was now united against france : they were jealous of the councels which had made the late alliance and kindness between us and france in the time of the late cabal ; and besides these regards , and the common notions of balancing the power of our neighbours , which were very popular , the ambitious designs of private , but unquiet or aspring men , fell in to augment and blow up the general ill humours upon the more publick accounts . the lord shaftsbury , impatient at his fall from so great a share of the ministry , and hoping to retrieve a game he was forc'd to give over , had run desperately into the popular humour , both in parliament and city , of censuring the court , exclaiming against our partiality to france , but most of all against the conduct of the present ministry . and lord arlington was so enrag'd at the growth of my lord treasurer's credit upon the fall of his own , that he fell in with the common humour of the parliament , in fomenting those jealousies and practices in the house of commons , which center'd in a measure agreed among the most considerable of them , not to consent to give the king any money whil'st the present lord treasurer continued . upon these occasions or dispositions they grew very high in pursuing the lord lauderdale , the only remainder of the cabal , that had now any credit left at court ; and they pressed the king very earnestly to recal all the english troops in the french service , tho there was a greater number in the dutch : but besides , they fell into so great dissentions between the two houses , rais'd upon punctilious disputes , and deductions of their several priviledges in opposition to one another , that about the end of june the king prorogued them . upon my arrival soon after , his majesty telling me the several reasons that had mov'd him to it , said , that he doubted much , while the war lasted abroad , it would give occasion or pretence for these heats , that had of late appeared in the parliament , and make him very uneasie in his revenue , which so much needed their assistance ; that some of the warm leaders in both houses had a mind to engage him in a war with france , which they should not do for many reasons ; and , among the rest , because he was sure if they did , they would leave him in it , and make use of it to ruin his ministers , and make him depend upon them more than he intended , or any king would desire : but besides all this , he doubted an impertinent quarrel between my lord treasurer and lord chamberlain , did him more disservice in the parliament than i could imagin ; for the last did not care what harm he did his business there , so he could hope to ruin my lord treasurer ; and had perswaded a great many in the house of commons , that this would certainly be compass'd , if they were stanch , and declar'd in giving no money during his ministry . that he knew they were both my friends , and therefore desir'd i would try to reconcile them while i stay'd in england . i endeavour'd it , but fail'd : my lord danby was very inclinable , being so posted as to desire only to continue where he was ; and that the king's business might go well in his hands ; but my lord arlington was so uneasie in the posture he stood , which he attributed chiefly to my lord treasurer's present greatness , that he was untreatable upon this subject : so when i found the wound was too much wrankled to be cur'd , i gave it over ; telling each of them , that since i could not make them friends , i would at least live with them both as if they were so ; and desir'd them not to expect i should sacrifice one friend to another . my lord treasurer was content with this frankness ; but lord arlington could not bear this neither , grew dry from this time , and stiff in all that pass'd between us , still mingling little reproaches or touches of my greatness with the other ; and grew so weary of the scene at court , where he found himself left out , that he went into the countrey for the rest of the summer . thus the seeds of discontents that had been sown in the parliament under the councels of the cabal , began to spring fast , and root deep , after their power and influence was wholly at an end ; and those heats were under other covers fomented by two of the chief that composs'd that ministry , and with help of time and accident grew to such flames as have since appear'd . but whatever began or increas'd them , 't is certain these agitations in england had great effect upon those of the war and peace abroad . for the confederates were confident , that the humour of the parliament and people would at last engage the king in their quarrel , which they knew would force france to such a peace as they desir'd ; and spain was so presuming , that england would not suffer the loss of flanders , that they grew careless of its defence , or of those orders and supplies that were necessary to it ; trusting for the present to the dutch to preserve it , and to the king hereafter , whenever he should find it more in danger . and these considerations made the allies less inclinable to a peace , which they might have had cheaper the following winter , than ever it fell afterwards to their share , by revolutions that were not foreseen , but yet such as were suspected at this time , by those that knew the weakness of the spaniards , and divisions of the imperial court. while i stay'd in england , which was about six weeks , the news came of a great insurrection in bretanny , which , with the numbers and rage it began , might have prov'd of ill consequence to the french affairs , if it had met with a head answerable to the body ; but being compos'd of a scum of the mean people , that hated and spoil'd the nobles of the province , it was by fair means partly , and by foul , in a little time appeas'd . the blow which was much more considerable to france , than the loss of provinces would have been , was the death of monsieur turenne , the news whereof came to court about the same time . this great captain had for three months together kept the imperial army at a bay on t'other side the rhine ; resolv'd not to fight unless with the greatest advantage ; his point being to hinder the german forces from besieging philipsburgh , from posting themselves in the towns of alsace , but chiefly from entring into lorain , or the county of burgundy . all these he perform'd ; but being press'd by the imperialists , and straitned in his quarters , he suffered much by want of provisions , and found his army diminish'd by sickness and desertion , which use to follow that condition . at last , being necessitated for want of forage to force a post of the enemies that straitned him most , a warm skirmish began , and with loss to the french , that were gall'd with two pieces of cannon rais'd upon an eminence , and playing upon them with advantage . monsieur turenne resolv'd to raise a battery to dismount them ; and going with saint hilaire , a lieutenant general , to chuse a place the most convenient for it , the two small pieces from the imperial side fir'd at them almost together ; one of the bullets wounded saint hilaire in the shoulder , and t'other , after two or three bounds upon the ground , struck monsieur turenne upon the breast , and without any apparent wound , more than the contusion , laid him dead upon the place , and by such a death as caesar us'd to wish for , unexpected , sudden , and without pain . the astonishment was unspeakable in the french camp , upon the loss of such a general ; the presumption as great in that of the imperialists , who reckon'd upon themselves as masters of the whole french army , that was straitned between them and the rhine , in want , diseas'd , and , above all , discourag'd by the loss of their captain . all others had the same expectation upon this news , but all were disappointed ; and monsieur de lorge's taking the command of the army , had the honour of making a retreat that was worth a victory ; and by the force of order and conduct , with the bravery of the english troops , who made such bold stands in several places that they could not be broken till most of the army were march'd off , he pass'd the rhine in sight of part of the imperial army , and encamp'd himself on the other side in safety , and so preserv'd it till the prince of conde was sent in hast out of flanders , with a great enforcement to oppose the progress of the imperialists in alsace . in the mean time , the elector of brandenburgh drawing his forces with some imperialists out of silesia together , fell upon the swedes in pomerania with that bravery and success , that he soon beat them out of his part of the country and pursu'd them into their own . he had an interview with the king of denmark , who was now entred into the interests of the confederates , resolv'd to declare war against sweden , and to that end took his measures with the duke of brandenburgh how to pursue it , with the best advantage , the rest of the season . when the prince of conde left flanders to succeed monsieur turenne in alsace , the duke of lutzenburgh commanded the army in flanders , but with orders not to hazard a battel , but only to observe the prince of orange's motions , and to cover any town that was like to be endanger'd ; which he perform'd so well , that no further action pass'd this summer , besides the prince's taking and razing of binch . but to make amends for the unactiveness of this campania in flanders , the confederates , by concert on all sides , fell upon an enterprize of great eclai , and of greater consequence , which was the siege of treves . the imperialists were bent upon it , to open a passage that way into france , finding so much opposition in their designs of it by alsatia : the spaniards desired it , to make way for their succouring lutzenburgh whenever it should be prest , which was of the last importance to them : the duke of lorain was violent for it , in hopes of finding a way open'd for his entrance into lorain . the prince palatine thought it the best preparation for besieging and carrying philipsburg , which was the thorn in his side . so as all these join'd part of their troops together , with some of the elector of trier's , and a body of the lunenburgh forces under the dukes of zell and osnabrugh , and sat down before treves . the mareschal de crequi gather'd all the forces he could out of the neighbouring provinces , and made up a strong army to relieve it . the confederates left part of theirs to maintain their retrenchments about the town , and marched with the rest against monsieur de crequi , pass'd a river in his sight , attacqu'd him , beat him out of the field with great slaughter , many prisoners , and such a dispersion of the rest , that the whole army seem'd to have vanish'd in one day ; and monsieur de crequi got into treves with four or five only in company : there he made a desperate resistance for near a month against the victorious army , with great honour and loss among the english troops that were in the town , and without any hopes of relief ; nor would he ever capitulate , after all the extremities he was reduc'd to by the forms of a siege , till the garrison mutin'd against his obstinacy , capitulated for themselves , and deliver'd up monsieur de crequi and most of the officers prisoners to the germans the dukes of lunenburgh had gre●t honour in this action , and the old duke of lorain ; and indeed it was one of the most vigorous that succeeded in the whole course of the war , and carried the compleatest victory , as well as a very considerable town : and the honour of it was very much due to the marquess de grana , who commanded the emperor's forces there , and was esteem'd to have laid the first design to have concerted the several parts of it , engag'd the several parties to resolve upon the same adventure , and kept them firm in it till it was archieved . the loss of men was very great on the french side , both in the fight and the siege ; and added to monsieur turenne's death , and the impression expected upon it on that side , by count montecuculi , with the loss of the swedes , made so great a change in the appearance of affairs , that his majesty in a letter to me , in september , after my return to the hague , bid me use it as an argument to induce the prince of orange to be easie in the business of a peace , that it was now time for him to begin to apprehend again the greatness of the house of austria , instead of that of france . it was indeed expected that the imperialists in alsace would either enter into lorain , or at least would take the chief towns of alsace , and post themselves so the following winter , as to be ready for such an enterprise in the beginning of the next spring ; and count montecuculi besieg'd first haguenau , and afterwards saberne , which were the most considerable places , to that end . but after haguenau had offer'd to surrender upon conditions , he rose with his army to fight the prince of conde , who made a motion of his army as if he intended to relieve it ; but so order'd it as the germans fail'd both of the battel and the town . it was never comprehended how montecuculi afterwards came to rise of a sudden from the siege of saberne : some said , it was upon an express order from vienna the night before ; others , with design of fighting the french army , or besieging philipsburgh ; but neither happen'd ; and which was worse than all , he ended the campania with passing back his whole army over the rhine , and leaving alsace wholly in possession , and at mercy of the french troops : nor have i ever known any action of such publick concern so unaccountable as this retreat , since 't is hard to suspect either corruption or court-faction should go so far , tho' both were accus'd of having part in this great and almost decisive event . the resentment of it was thought to have broke the old duke of lorain's heart , who died about this time , and left prince charles , his nephew , the succession to that dutchy . no prince had met with more misfortunes than this duke , nor had felt them less or given greater testimony of what philosophy teaches , that the good or ill of mens lives comes more from their humors than their fortunes . he was expell'd that noble and lovely dutchy by the arms of france in cardinal richlieu's time ; forc'd to go into the spanish service in flanders with a body of lorainers , that would follow his fortune whatever it was ; strugl'd with want of pay to his troops , with jealousie and ill usage of the spanish governours ; was seiz'd and imprison'd by that crown ; restor'd to a shatter'd possession of lorain by the peace of the pyrenees , and in the year 1670. forc'd to escape by night , and almost alone , by a sudden surprize of the french troops , in the height and security of peace ; after this he never had a home any more for the rest of his life , which was spent in suing for protection and relief from the several princes of christendom , who resented the injustice of his case , which none pretended to defend , but yet none to concern themselves in it , till upon the last war he fell into his share of the confederacy , with the weight of two or three thousand lorainers , that still follow'd his fortune , and enter'd into leagues with the emperor and most of the allies for his restitution . he seem'd not to deserve the fortune of a prince , only because he seem'd not to care for it ; to hate the constraints and ceremonies that belong to it ; and to value no pleasures in life , but the most natural and most easie ; and while he had them , was never out of humour for wanting the rest ; generous to his servants and soldiers when he had it ; and when he wanted , endeavouring to make it up by the liberties he gave them ; very much belov'd and familiar among both : and to give his picture by a small trait , one of his ministers told me , that not long before he died , all his family was , a gentleman of the horse ( as he was call'd ) another of his chamber , and a boy that look'd to a little nag he us'd to ride ; one day he call'd for his horse ; the two first told him , the boy was not to be found . he bid them however get him his horse . they could not agree which of them should go and saddle him , till the duke bid them go , and one or t'other of them do it , or else he swore he would go down and saddle his horse himself ; they were as ham'd , and 't was done . about the same time died at the hague the old princess dowager of orange ; a woman of the most wit , and good sense in general , that i have known ; and who had thereby a great part in forming the race of the prince , and the mighty improvement it receiv'd from three very extraordinary women , as well as three so great men in the last descents . none has shew'd more the force of order and oeconomy than this princess , who with small revenues , never above twelve thousand pounds a year since her husband's deash , liv'd always in as great plenty , and more curiousness and elegance than is seen in many greater courts . among other pieces of greatness , she was constantly serv'd all in gold plate , which went so far as to great bottles for water , and a great cistern for bottles , to the key of her closet , and every thing of that kind she usually touched , which i mention , because i think 't is what the greatest kings of christendom have not pretended to do , nor any i have heard of on this side persia. in november , this year , happen'd a storm at northwest , with a spring-tide , so violent , as gave apprehensions of some loss irrecoverable to the province of holland , and by several breaches in the great digues near enckhuysen , and others between amsterdam and harlem , made way for such inundations as had not been seen before by any man then alive , and fill'd the country with many relations of most deplorable events . but the incredible diligence and unanimous endeavours of the people upon such occasions , gave a stop to the fury of that element , and made way for recovering next year all the lands , tho' not the people , cattel , and houses , that had been lost . before the end of the year , the danes took wismar from the suedes ; and by an open war those two crowns came to be engag'd in the common quarrel ; and after a great expectation of some extraordinary successes in the spanish affairs from don john's intended expedition into italy , to command all the forces and provinces of that crown , both there and in sicily , when he was ready to go and meet de ruyter at barcelona , who attended him there with the dutch fleet , design'd for messina , he was by a court-intrigue recall'd to madrid ; the king was then arriv'd in his fourteenth year , and took upon him the government , as now in majority ; and by the advice of some near him in favour , writ a letter to don john to invite him to court , to assist him in the government ; he obey'd , but stay'd not there above a fortnight or three weeks , till by the credit and authority of the queen mother , he was forc'd to quit his ground there , and return to saragoza ; and so vanish'd a mighty expectation that had been rais'd in spain , and other places , of great effects that were to follow this prince's coming to the administration of affairs , and very great sums of money were wholly lost that had been employ'd in the preparations of his journey and equipage for italy . and sicily was left almost hopeless of recovery , from the successes of the french , who had taken many posts about messina , and threaten'd many more ; and other towns were fear'd to follow the example of that great revolt . after the prince's return from the campania to the hague in october , i had several conferences with him upon the subject of the peace , and the terms that both his majesty and the states might think reasonable , between france and spain , and both those crowns be in any probability of consenting to . that which france pretended , was the terms of the peace of aix , and retaining the county of burgundy which had been since conquer'd ; or if either this province , or some of the most important frontier towns of flanders should be restor'd ; then an equivalent to be made them for such restitution . the spaniards talk'd of nothing less than the peace of the pyrenees ; and that they would rather lose the rest of flanders by the war , than part with burgundy by the peace ; and said , both the king and the states were as much concern'd in flanders , as the crown of spain ; and had the same interest to see it safe by a war or a peace , which could not by such a frontier as was left by that of aix . that which my lord arlington had propos'd to the prince and pensioner , and which pass'd for his majesty's sentiment , tho he pretended no orders , was the terms of aix la capelle ; but in regard of the necessity for the spaniards to have a better frontier in flanders than was left by that peace , that the french should give up aeth , and charleroy , and oudenarde for aire , and st. omer : and that if they parted with the county of burgundy , it should be for something in exchange . his majesty commanded me to assure the prince , that if a peace could be made upon these terms , or any so near them , that he might hope to obtain the consent of france ; his majesty for the security of flanders would give his own gaurranty to the peace , and enter into the strictest alliance the states could desire for preserving it , or defending flanders in case of a new rupture . he bid me further assure the prince , that for his patrimonial lands in burgundy ( which were about eight thousand pounds a year , and lordships of the greatest royalty in that county ) he would undertake for his secure possessing them , tho that county should remain in the french hands , or for selling them to that king , and at what price the prince himself could think fit to value them . the prince's answer was , that for his own part , he could be very well content to leave the terms of a peace to his majesty himself , and believ'd the states would do so too ; but they were both engag'd by treaty and honour to their allies , and there was no thought of making peace without them . that he believ'd the spaniards might be perswaded to it upon the terms of aix , with restitution only of aeth , charleroy , and oudenarde , towards composing some kind of necessary frontier on that side ; but to part with aire and st omer without any further and greater exchange , he believ'd they would not in the present posture of things . that for france retaining the county of burgundy , as conquer'd in this last war , he was sure neither spain nor the emperor would ever consent to it , unless they were beaten into it by disasters they had no reason to expect ; tho' for his own part , he should be content with it , provided the french would restore tournay , courtray , lisle , and doway , with their dependencies , to the spaniards in lieu of it , because by that means flanders would have a secure frontier on that side , and a reasonable good one by aeth and charleroy on the other ; and the security of flanders was the chief interest of the states upon the peace . that for himself , he thank'd his majesty for his offer , as to his lands in burgundy ; but they never came into his thought upon the terms of a peace , nor should ever hinder it ; but on t'other side , he would be content to lose them all , to gain one good town more for the spanjards in flanders . when i put him in mind , as the king order'd me , of the apprehensions he and the states might have of the greatness of the house of austria , if their successes continued ; he told me , there was no need of that , till they should go beyond the peace of the pyrenees : whenever that should happen , he should be as much a french man as he was now a spaniard , but not before . he ended , in desiring , that whatever plan his majesty thought fit to propose for a peace , he would do it at the congress at nimeguen ; for the number and variety of pretensions and interests were grown so great , by all the parties now engag'd in a war , that it could not be done in any other place ; and for his part , he could never consent to any treaty separate from his allies . that he believ'd they would be reasonable ; and if france would be so too , the peace might be made ; if not , perhaps another campania might bring them to reason ; and that this might have done it , if some differences between him and the spanjards , in the actions propos'd , had not hinder'd the successes they hop'd for in flanders , and if montecuculi's impatience to be at vienna , and pass the winter there upon the factions stirring at court , had not made him repass the rhine , and take his winter-quarters in the circles of the empire there ; because if he had done it in alsace , he doubted his presence with the army might be thought necessary . after this conference , and no return from his majesty to the account i gave him of it , the discourse ceas'd of private measures to be agreed to between his majesty and the prince and states , for promoting a peace ; and all thoughts began now to turn upon forming the congress at nimeguen . i had another testimony given me of the firmness i had always found in the prince upon the subject of the peace , by what one of the spanish ministers told me had lately pass'd between him and the duke of villa hermosa . his highness had a long pretence depending at madrid , for about two hundred thousand pounds , owing to his family from that crown since the peace of munster . it had ever been delay'd tho' never refus'd ; an agent from the prince had of late very much press'd the queen regent of spain upon this subject , and with much ado had obtain'd an order for fifty thousand pounds , and bills were put into his hands by the ministers there , which when they arriv'd in flanders , instead of being paid , they were protested . the duke villa hermosa was so asham'd of this treatment , that he sent a person purposely to excuse it to the prince , and assure him the fault was not in the queen nor ministers , but only in the choice of hands by which it was transmitted , and desir'd his highness would not take it ill of the queen . the prince answer'd , no , not at all ; on t'other side , i have reason to take it well of the queen , for if she did not think me the honestest man in the world , she would not use me so ; however , nothing of this kind shall hinder me from doing what i owe to my allies , or to my honour . notwithstanding all i had written from the prince to his majesty upon this subject , yet my lord arlington , upon pretended intelligence from his relations in holland , endeavour'd to perswade him that he knew not the prince's mind for want of some body that had more credit with him than i had ; and at the same time he pursu'd the prince by letters , to desire the king to send over some such person as he might treat with in the last confidence upon all matters between them . the prince shew'd me his letters , and bid me assure the king and my lord treasurer , that he could say no more than he had done to me , and would not say so much to any other man. however my lord arlington upon the former suggestions , prevail'd with the king to send over sir gabriel sylvius instructed , to know the bottom of the prince's mind upon the subject of the peace , before the campania began . he acquainted the prince with this resolution , and that he was a person they knew his highness would trust ; the prince shewed me this letter too , and said , he knew not what he meant ; that lord arlington knew as well as any man how far he trusted both sir gabriel sylvius and me ; this good usage ended all correspondence between lord arlington and me , which had lasted by letters to this time , tho' coldly since my being last in england : but upon sir gabriel sylvius's coming to the hague in january , and my preparation to go for nimeguen , i ended that scene , having not learn'd enough of the age , nor the court i liv'd in , to act an unsincere part either in friendship or in love. when sir gabriel came to the hague , he pass'd for a man of some great intrigue , was perpetually at court , or in conversation and visits with the persons near the prince , or most imploy'd in the state ; but he and lord arlington were soon satisfied to how good purpose he came over ; for the prince , who is the sincerest man in the world , hating all tricks , and those that use them , gave him no mark of the least confidence while he stayed , and sent him away with a very plain one of the contrary , by trusting another hand with all he writ of consequence into england , before he went into the field . the truth is , the prince took this journey of his to have been design'd by my lord arlington , both out of spight to me , and to give jealousies to the confederates , by the suspicion of something in agitation between the king and the prince , that i was not thought fit to be trusted with ; and indeed several of their ministers at the hague were apt to fall into such surmises : but monsieur de lyra a spanish minister , a person much credited in his own court , and much in the prince's confidence , was ever firm in the belief of his highnesses honour and constancy ( which he us'd to say his master trusted to , more than to any treaties ) and so help'd to prevent all such impressions . in the mean time , all motions necessary towards forming the congress at nimeguen began to be made by the several parties , and gave appearances of the ambassadors meeting suddenly there . the great obstruction hitherto had been the point of prince william of furstenberg's liberty , which france had absolutely insisted on before they sent their ambassadors , and the emperor had been induced to promise only upon conclusion of the treaty . but an expedient was found out to salve the honour of france upon this point , rather than the treaty should be hinder'd , which was at that time thought necessary for their affairs . the bishop of strasburg made a formal request to the king of france , that no private interests , or respects of his brother , might delay the treaty of a peace which was of so much consequence to all christendom ; and this request being at this time easily receiv'd and granted , no further difficulty was made upon this point . his majesty thereupon invited all the princes concern'd in the war , to hasten away their ministers to the place of congress , and acquainted them with his having order'd his own to repair immediately thither ; and having some months before appointed the lord berkly ( then ambassador at paris ) sir william temple , and sir lionel jenkins his ambassadors , mediators , and plenipotentiaries for the treaty of nimeguen ; sir lionel was accordingly dispatch'd away , and arriv'd at the hague towards the end of january 1676. and brought with him our instructions for that ambassy ; and after some few days stay at the hague , went away for nimeguen . but the expedition of the pasports , from and to all the ministers of the several parties , having been for some time under my care , and many of them come to my hands , tho' others were entangled still in some difficulty or other , we both concluded it necessary for me to continue at the hague till this was dispatch'd , whilst sir lionel should go upon the place of congress , and by the presence of a mediator , invite the rest to make more haste than many of them seem'd dispos'd to at this time . the french ambassadors were already come to charleville , where they stayed for their pasports only to go on with their journey ; and upon sir lionel's arrival at the hague , the dutch ambassadors came to us to acquaint us with the states orders for their immediate repair to nimeguen , and for the magistrates of that city ( which they now consider'd as a neutral town ) to receive all orders from us the mediators , and particularly any we pleas'd to give about our reception upon our arrival there . we told them , his majesty's thoughts were upon the successes of the treaty , and that nothing could more obstruct it than the ceremonies which used to attend those meetings ; and therefore he order'd us to introduce as much as we could the method of all the ambassadors , living there as much like private men , as could consist with the honour of their characters ; and to this end , that we should make no publick entries , and give thereby an example to those that came after us . to avoid all punctilio's about the time of the several parties dispatching the passports ; it was agreed that all should be sent to the hague from the several courts , and there should be put into my hands , to the end , that when i found my self possess'd , i should make the distribution reciprocally to both parties at the same time . those of france were early with me , but short in some points of those from the confederates ; the chief whereof was the omission of liberty granted to the ambassadors to dispatch couriers to their masters courts upon passports of the respective ambassadors , which was thought necessary for the progress of the treaty . another was the omission of passports for the duke of lorain's ministers in the form usual and expected ; for whereas the crown of france had always treated the former dukes of lorain with the titles of duke , and appellations of brother ; their passports now treated the new duke only with cousin , and prince charles of lorain ; the rest were minute differences , or mistakes of words , which are not worth the mention , and were easily surmounted . of all these his majesty had early notice , and imploy'd his offices towards france for some months , without answer upon that of lorain , and with positive refusal of inserting the clause for liberty of pasports , tho monsieur van beuningham several times during this pause writ to the states , that the king often assur'd him ( their ambassador at london , ) that there should be no difficulty in the business of loroin . about the beginning of february this year 1676. i receiv'd a letter from monsieur pompone , then secretary for the foreign affairs in france , to tell me , that his master having been acquainted from his majesty with the difficulties occurr'd in forming the congress , had order'd him to let me know his reasons upon them . as to that of couriers , that he thought it not fit to have his countries and towns lie open to his enemies observations and discoveries , upon pretext of such couriers frequent passage ; that the inconvenience would be the same to the confederates ; and that he ask'd no more than he gave . as to the point of lorain , that his master could not give passports with the stile of duke , which carried that of brother , pretending that dutchy belong'd to his most christian majesty by the treaty in 1662. between him and the last duke . not many days after , i receiv'd notice from secretary williamson , of the same account having been given his majesty by monsieur ruvigny , with order to acquaint the states with it ; which i had not done upon monsieur pompone's letter , as not thinking fit to make any paces in these matters without orders from his majesty . the states and all their allies were very much surpris'd with this pretence of lorain , which france had never before advanc'd , or so much as mention'd , either upon the seisure of that dutchy , or since that time , in the accounts of it by their ministers in the several courts of christendom ; they had only profess'd to have found such a seisure necessary for preserving the peace wherein christendom then was , from the dangerous or uncertain dispositions of that present duke , with whom his most christian majesty could take no certain measures , and his enemies would be practising ; but that it was without any intention of retaining any part of that dutchy otherwise than for this end of preserving the peace of christendom . all this , with many more circumstances , monsieur serinchamps , the lorain envoy , alledged at the conferences with the states and allies upon this occasion ; and for the treaty of 1662. he seem'd to wonder it should ever be mention'd , as a thing wholly invalid , and , as every body thought , thereupon long since forgotten ; that the last duke had no power to dispose of that dutchy from his nephew ; because if the salique law had place in lorain , it was unalienable from the next heir-male : if the feminine succession , then that duke himself had no title at all to it , but it belong'd to the present duke , even in the life of his uncle . secondly , that it was invalid , by the french non-performance of the only condition on their side , upon which the old duke pretended to have made it ; which was , that the princes of that family should be assum'd into the rank of princes of the blood in france ; and that upon registring that treaty of 1662. in the parliament of paris , without that clause , the old duke had declar'd it void within three weeks after it was made . thirdly , that a treaty was concluded the year after , being 1663. at marsal , between the most christian king and the said duke , by which he was to continue the possession of all his territories , besides marsal , in the same manner as he enjoy'd them by the treaty of 1661. as he did till the seisure of them by france in 1670. during a profound peace , and with the professions above-mentioned made by france to his majesty at that time ( as monsieur serinchamps averred ) as well as to the other courts of christendom . these arguments were of such force with all the confederates , that they were unanimous and firm in positively insisting upon the pasports of that duke , with the usual forms ; and the more , since france had advanc'd a pretence to that dutchy , which was never thought of before among the allies . the austrian ministers told me frankly , that the treaty should never be without this allowance of the duke of lorain's title , nor the peace without his restitution . the states said , they for their parts would willingly refer his , and any other matters concerning the treaty , to his majesty's arbitration ; but that they were bound already by other treaties to their allies ; and particularly , to the duke of lorain , and could not break from them upon a point of such apparent right as this . the prince spoke the same language , and said further , that he was bound by his oath of stadtholder , among other things , to endeavour to the utmost of his power to keep the states to the due observance of their treaties ; and so , by the grace of god , he would do in this as well as others . all this being signified to his majesty , and by him to france that court continued peremptory in the matter ; and the allies persisting in the same disposition , the congress began to be look'd upon from all sides as a thing ended before it began . the allies took this pretence for a declaration from france of their resolution there should be no treaty at present ; and grounded it upon some great expectation or design they had upon further progresses in sicily , or new ones in naples , or else from hopes of bringing in the poles to the assistance of sweden . but the truth was , that france had been forc'd to discover upon this incident what they had always at heart ; and i ever observ'd in the course of all these negotiations , that there were three points for which france thought the war worth continuing to the last extremity , which were , rather than restore lorain or burgundy , or leave a good frontier on both sides of the spanish territories in flanders . the last would hinder the progress of their great design , whether of extending their empire only to the rhine , or beyond it : the two first would hinder their conquest of flanders , whenever they pursu'd the finishing of that adventure , by leaving a passage for the germans to relieve it , and by so great and dangerous a diversion as entring france through lorain or burgundy . his majesty most certainly disapproved , and was surpriz'd with this pretence of france to the dutchy of lorain ; but yet was prevail'd with by monsieur ruvigny to offer the expedient of his majesty as mediator , giving all pasports necessary to the congress at nimeguen . monsieur van beuningham in this matter acted the part rather of a bourgomaster of amsterdam , than an ambassador of the states ; and to make court to that town , who began to express great impatience for the peace , he assur'd his majesty , that his masters could not fail of consenting to this expedient . i foresaw it would be refus'd , and gave his majesty notice of it before i propos'd it to the states , as thinking his honour and that of the mediation concern'd in such a refusal ; but receiving direct orders to propose it , i did so . the states told me , they would of themselves consent to this , or whatever else his majesty should propose ; but having communicated it to their allies , they would not hear of it ; some refusing it with heat , and reflection upon his majesty's partiality to france ; others with sullenness and silence , referring themselves to new orders from their masters . hereupon the congress grew wholly desperate , and all parties prepar'd for the field , without any other view , for the three months following the first rise of this pretention . in the mean time , there pass'd a fight between the french , and dutch , and spanish ships near messina , wherein de ruyter was shot in the heel by a cannon-bullet , of which he died within few days after , and determined the greatest loss to have certainly happen'd on that side , by that of the ablest sea-captain of his age , and the best servant that any prince or state could have : for the rest , the advantage was not considerable of either part in this fight , nor the consequence material in the progress of the french arms in sicily , or in any prospect of great enterprises upon naples . on the other side , the swedish affairs went very ill in pomerania , and were threatned with great invasions the following campaign ; both from denmark and brandenburgh . this decry'd the councels of those persons that engag'd them in this quarrel . two ambassadors , count oxenstorn and olivacrown , were appointed for the treaty at nimeguen , who had been ever of contrary sentiments or faction , which now began to prevail in the swedish court : they grew impatient for a peace , and for the treaty in order to it : they declar'd their disapproval of the french pretension rais'd to lorain , which seem'd only to obstruct it ; and that they would send their ministers to the congress , whether the french came or no : and their commissary at the hague so well seconded these new dispositions of his court , that whil'st the congress look'd desperate by the declar'd obstinacy of both sides upon the point of lorain , ships and passports were dispatch'd by the states , with consent of their allies , to fetch the swedish ambassador from gottenburgh into holland . the confederates were besides , much animated in their hopes , from the dispositions and humours express'd in a late session of parliament in england , which grew so high against the french , or at least upon that pretence , against the present conduct of his majesty or his ministers , that the king prorogu'd them about christmas , before any of the matters projected by the warm men amongst the house of commons , were brought into form . the french were upon their march into flanders , and that king at the head of a great and brave army , threatning some great enterprize . the prince was preparing to go away into the field , with resolution and hopes of having the honour of a battel at the opening of the campania ; all thoughts of the congress meeting before the end of it , were laid aside , when about the middle of may i was extremely surpriz'd to receive a packet from secretary williamson , with the french passports for the duke of lorain's ministers , in the form , and with the stiles demanded by the allies . and hereupon all difficulties being remov'd the passports were exchang'd by the end of may. some days were lost by a new demand of the allies for passports likewise , for the duke of nieuburgh's ministers , who was newly entered into the common alliance ; and the same paces were expected likewise from the duke of bavaria ; ( at least , so the germans flatter'd themselves or their friends . ) upon this , some of the ministers of the allies at the hague , whose masters were very unwilling the congress should begin before the campania ended , prevail'd with the states to send deputies to me , to demand passports for the duke of nieuburgh , and any other princes that should enter into their alliance ; and to declare , that if these were refus'd by france , they would look upon what had been already granted , as void . i was something surpris'd at so unexpected a message from the states ; and told their deputies , that such a resolution was unpracticable ; that his majesty had undertaken to procure passports for the parties engag'd in the war , and all the allies they had nam'd on both sides , which was done , and thereupon the congress ready to begin , and such a delay as this would occasion , was both a disrespect to his majesty , and that could not be consented by france , nor the reciprocal of it by any of the allies that foresaw the consequences which might happen upon it ; that some allie of france might fall off to the confederates , or some of the confederates to france , and with such circumstances , as it could not be expected either of them should think fit to give passports , or treat with them at the congress : nor was it a thing in any form , to demand passports , without naming for whom they should be . after several other exceptions , the deputies desir'd me to let them represent my reasons against it , to the states , and to expect their answer till the next afternoon ; and one of them told me as he went out , that i had all the reason in the world , and that they had been too easie in it upon the instances of some allies . next day the deputies came to let me know , the states had alter'd their resolution , and desir'd only , that his majesty would procure passports for the duke of nieuburgh's ministers , which i easily undertook . this change had not pass'd without violent heats between the states deputies and the ministers of some allies , who press'd them so far , as one of the deputies answer'd him , que pretendez vous donc , messieurs , de nous faire , deschirer par la canaille ? which shows the disposition that run so generally at this time throughout the trading provinces towards a peace . there remain'd now but one preliminary undetermin'd , which was , to fix some extent of neutral countrey about the place of congress : france would have extended it two leagues , round ; the allies would have it bounded of one side by the river of the waal , upon which nimeguen stood , and was divided by it from the betow , a part of the province of holland , and through which lay the strait road into the rest of that countrey . both these proposals were grounded upon the same reason : that of france to facilitate the commerce of their ambassadors with the towns of holland , incite the desires , and enter into practices of peace distinct from the motions of the congress ; that of the allies , to prevent or encumber the too easie and undiscover'd passage of the french emissaries upon this occasion . however , both were positive in their opinions ; so as this matter came not to be determin'd till some time after the congress began , and but lamely then . chap. ii. the prince was now ready to go into the field , and told me , that before he went , he must have some talk with me in private and at leisure ; and , to that purpose , desir'd it might be in the garden of hounslerdyke . we appointed the hour , and met accordingly . he told me , i would easily believe , that being the only son that was left of his family , he was often press'd by his friends to think of marrying , and had many persons propos'd to him , as their several humours led them . that , for his own part , he knew it was a thing to be done at one time or other ; but that he had hitherto excus'd the thoughts of it , otherwise than in general , till the war was ended . that , besides his own friends , the deputies of the states begun to press him more earnestly every day , and the more , as they saw the war like to continue ; and perhaps they had more reason to do it than any others . that he had at last promis'd them he would think of it more seriously and particularly ; and so he had , and resolv'd he would marry ; but the choice of a person he thought more difficult . that he found himself inclin'd to no proposals had been made him out of france or germany , nor indeed to any that had been mention'd upon this occasion by any of his friends , but that of england . that before he concluded to make any paces that way , he was resolv'd to have my opinion upon two points ; but yet would not ask it , unless i promis'd to answer him as a friend , or at least an indifferent person , and not as the king's ambassador . when i told him he should be obey'd , he went on , and said , that he would confess to me , during the late war , neither the states , nor he in particular , were without applications made them from several persons , and considerable , in england , who would fain have engag'd them to head the discontents that were rais'd by the conduct of the court in that whole war , which he knew was begun and carried on quite contrary to the humour of the nation , and might , perhaps , have prov'd very dangerous to the crown , if it had not ended as it did . that all these persons who pretended to be much his friends , were extreamly against any thoughts of his marrying in england . their reasons were , that he would by it lose all the esteem and interest he had there , and be believed to have run wholly into the dispositions and designs of the court , which were generally thought so different from those of the nation , especially upon the point of religion , that his friends there did not believe the government could be long without some great disturbance , unless they chang'd their measures , which was not esteem'd very likely to be done ; and upon this he desir'd my thoughts as a friend . the next was upon the person and dispositions of the young lady ; for tho' it would not pass in the world , for a prince to seem concern'd in those particulars ; yet for himself , he would tell me , without any sort of affectation , that he was so , and in such a degree , that no circumstances of fortune or interest would engage him , without those of the person , especially those of humour and dispositions . that he might , perhaps , be not very easie for a wife to live with ; he was sure he should not to such wives as were generally in the courts of this age. that if he should meet with one to give him trouble at home , 't was what he should not be able to bear , who was like to have enough abroad in the course of his life ; and that after the manner he was resolv'd to live with a wife , which should be the best he could . he would have one that he thought likely to live well with him , which he thought chiefly depended upon their disposition and education ; and if i knew any thing particular of the lady mary in these points , he desir'd me to tell him freely . i answer'd his highness , that i was very glad to find he was resolv'd to marry , being what he owed his family and friends ; that i was much more pleas'd that his inclination led him to endeavour it in england . that i thought it as much for his interest , as others of his english friends thought it was against it . that the king and his highness would ever be able to do one another more good , and more harm , than any other princes could do either of them , by being friends or enemies . that it was a great step to be one degree nearer the crown , and in all appearance the next . that for his friends ( as they pretended ) in england , they must see much further than i did , to believe the king in any such dangers or difficulties as they imagin'd . that the crown of england stood upon surer foundations than ever it had done in former times , and the more for what had pass'd in the last reign ; and that i believ'd the people would be found better subjects than perhaps the king himself believ'd them . that it was however in his power to be as well with them as he pleas'd , and to make as short turns to such an end ; if not , yet with the help of a little good husbandry , he might pass his reign in peace , tho' not perhaps with so much ease at home , or glory abroad , as if he fell into the vein of his pople . that if the court were of sentiments different from those of his highness , yet his adv●●ers would make him a greater compliment in believing him as likely to induce the court to his , as in concluding they would bring him to theirs ; and if that should happen , the most seditious men in england would be hard put to it to find an ill side in such a match . that for the other point , i could say nothing to it , but that i had always heard my wife and my sister speak with all the advantage that could be of what they could discern in a princess so young , and more from what they had been told by the governess , with whom they had a particular friendship , and who they were sure took all the care that could be in so much of education as fell to her share . after two hours discourse upon this subject , the prince concluded he would enter upon this pursuit ; and in order to it , would write both to the king and the duke to beg their favour to him in it , and their leave , that he might go over into england at the end of the campania ; that my wife , who was then going over upon my private affairs , should carry and deliver both his letters ; and during her stay there , should endeavour to inform her self the most particularly she could , of all that concern'd the person , humour , and dispositions of the young princess , in which he seem'd so much concern'd . within two or three days after these discourses , the prince brought his letters to my wife , and went immediately to the army , and she went suddenly after into england with those dispatches , and left me preparing for my journey to nimeguen , where the dutch first , and after them the french ambassadors were arriv'd , and consequently those of the two principal parties in the war. before i went , du moulin met my chaplain in the forhaut , and told him , he was so ill , that he knew he had not long to live , and that he could not die in quiet , without asking my pardon for so many false and injurious things as he confess'd to have said of me since my last ambassy there , tho' he had before had all the esteem that could be for me . he desir'd my chaplain , since i had always refus'd to see him , that he would do this office for him , and ask my pardon as from a dying man. this moulin , after having been much imploy'd and favour'd by my lord arlington , during the councels and vogue of of the triple alliance , and disgrac'd by him after the change of those measures in england , went over into holland , was entertain'd by the prince as one of his secretaries , grew into great favour and confidence during the war , was made use of by the discontents of england in their applications at the hague , was thought worth all my lord arlington's instances and endeavours when he was at the hague , to remove him from the prince's service . i receiv'd afterwards commands to the same purpose , and compass'd it not without time and difficulty ; he had not been long laid aside when this happen'd ; and whether that , or the knowledge of the prince's late resolution to pursue the match in england , help'd to break his heart , or whether it were a consumption , as his friends gave out , i know not , but he died soon after , and with him the intrigues of that party in england , that had for some time imployed him , and busied his friends in holland . after many delays in the dispatch , and exchange of the passports , i got loose from the hague about the beginning of july 1676. upon my journey to nimeguen , where the french and dutch ambassadors being already arriv'd , prest very much for my coming , in regard sir lionel jenkins excus'd himself from performing any acts or offices of the mediation , till my arrival , and contented himself to pass only the usual visits . the dispositions i observ'd in the several parties towards the success of this congress , when i went in order to the opening of it , were very different , and very unlikely to draw it to any sudden issue ; but only to attend and be govern'd by the successes of the several armies in the field , and the events expected from the actions of the campania . the french had given all the facility they could for some months past to the forming of the congress , and made all the haste they could for their ambassadors to be upon the place , desiring no better peace than upon the present plan of affairs ; and hoping by their forwardness , and the great backwardness of some of the allies , to make way for some separate treaties with those among them who began to be impatient for the peace . the house of austria was sullen , as losers use to be , and so were very slow and testy in all their paces towards this treaty ; the germans hoping for great successes of their arms in this campania , and the spaniards flattering themselves with the interests his majesty had in the preservation of flanders , and with the part which the parliament in england seem'd of late to have taken in their affairs , and both were in hopes that something might arise from one of these sides , to make room for pretensions that could not be in countenance as things stood at present . the swede was very earnest for a peace , as having more hopes of recovering himself that way , than by the course of a war. denmark and brandenburgh were violent for continuing the war , finding the swedes weak , divided , and unrelievable by france any otherwise than with their moneys , and hoping to drive them this summer out of germany . the states were very desirous of the peace , having no pretences of their own , but to get well out of a war that ruin'd their trade , and drain'd their money , but they durst not break from their confederates , not trusting england enough , nor france at all , so as to leave themselves in a condition of depending upon either of them after the peace should be made . one general thread run through the councils on both sides ; on the french , to break the confidence and union of the confederacy by different paces and advances to the several parties in the course of the treaty ; on the confederates , to preserve the same confidence and union with which they had carried on the war , even after the peace should be made . his majesty , tho' he was offer'd by some of the parties to be arbiter as well as mediator in the present differences , and was known by them all to have it in his power to make that figure as he pleas'd , yet chose the other , and gave us orders accordingly , only to perform the offices of a bare mediation , and to avoid the parties submitting their differences to his determination ; so that upon the whole , it was easie to foresee the congress would only prove a business of form , and proceed no otherwise than as it should be mov'd , or rather govern'd by the events of the field . however , the opening of it might well be call'd the dawn of a peace ; which put me in mind of the only prophecy of this sort that i had ever thought worth taking notice of ; nor should i have done so , but that monsieur colbert show'd it me at my coming to nimeguen , and made me remember to have seen it in my lord arlington's hands in the year 1668. who told me it was very old , and had been found in some abby of germany . it was in these terms : * lilium intrabit in terram leonis feras in brachiis gerens , aquila movebit alas , & in auxilium veniet filius hominis ab austro , tunc erit ingens bellum per totum terrarum orbem , sed post quatuor annos pax elucescet , & salus erit filio hominis unde exitium putabatur . those that have a mind to give credit to such prophesies from the course of events , must allow the leopards ( the ancient arms of england ) to be meant by feras ; the king of spain by filius hominis ; the congress at nimeguen ( four years after the war began ) by the dawn of peace ; and spain's having been sav'd by the states , or the prince of orange , by those from whom their ruin was expected . but i easily believe , that as most prophecies that run the world , arise from the contrivances of crafty , or the dreams of enthusiastical heads ; and the sense of them ( where there is any ) lies wrapt up in mystical or incoherent expressions , fit to receive many sorts of interpretations ; and some perhaps from the leisure of great wits that are ill entertain'd , and seek diversion to themselves , by writing things at random , with the scornful thought of amuzing the world about nothing ; so others of them are broach'd for old , either after events happen , or when they are so probable as to be easily conjectur'd by fore-seeing men and it seems strange , that of the first kind ( being so many ) no more happen to be fulfill'd with the help of so much inclination to credit , as well as so much invention to wrest the meaning of words to the sense pretended . but whether this i mention may not have been one of the last kind , is uncertain ; for in that very year it was produc'd , and given my lord arlington by a french man , as he told me , the design of this war was not only laying , but well advanc'd by the practices of monsieur colbert , upon the ministers of our court , ( where he was then ambassador ) and by the violent humour of my lord clifford to enter the leagues then projected by france ; so that the very day the parliament gave his majesty a mighty sum of money to compliment him upon so applauded a councel and success as that of the triple alliance in the year 1668. that lord , coming out of the house of commons , where he was then a member , could not hold saying to a friend of mine , who came out with him , that for all this great joy , it must not be long before we have another war with holland . and which of these two prophesies were the more to be consider'd , or the better ininspir'd , i leave it to every one to guess as they please . nimeguen is seated upon the side of a hill , which is the last of germany , and stoops upon the river woal , that washes the lower part of the town , and divides it from the betow , an island lying all upon flat low ground , between the woal and the old rhine , which was the ancient seat of those the romans call'd batavians , and for their bravery and love of liberty , took into their confederacy , when they subjected all the neighbouring parts of gaul and germany . betow and woal were the ancient german , names , and turn'd into batavia and voholis by the roman terminations , as colen and cleve are roman names chang'd into german . betow signifies in the old german , fat earth , as velow , ( a great heathey countrey on t'other side the rhine ) does course , or barren earth whether nimeguen came from neomagum , or neomagum from nimegue , i cannot determin ; but the old castle , as well as many antiquities about it , show it to have been a colony of the romans , and it is seated in very good air , encompas'd on three sides by great and dry heaths , is well built , and inhabited by a good sort of people . i excus'd my self from letting the magistrates of nimeguen know what time i design'd my arrival there , tho' they sent to inform themselves while i was upon the way ; and i refus'd any ceremonies at entry , to prevent that pretence in other ambassadors , and and the troubles and disturbances such publick receptions might occasion . however i could not escape some part of it , for which i had like to have paid a great deal more than 't was worth . the river of nimeguen is very rapid in the midst of the stream , which lies near the town , and spreads very broad upon the other side to the betow , being upon flat grounds . the first part of it is pass'd by a very large ferry-boat , which held at once my two coaches and six horses , one waggon with my trunks , eight saddle horses , and would have receiv'd many more . this boat is of a contrivance so singular , as well as so commodious , that i have much wondred never to have seen it practis'd in any other place ; for the force of the stream drives the boat cross the river without the least pains of the men , being kept to its course by a strong cable extended from one side to the other , and fasten'd to a pully set up for that purpose in the boat ; so that no stress of weather hinders this passage , and the harder the stream runs , the sooner 'tis made . where the river grows shallow , and the current slack on the betow side , it is supply'd by a bridge of planks for about two hundred paces , which are ill kept , many loose or shaking , and no defence on the sides . when my coaches were upon this bridge , the cannon of the town began to fire , and so continued all the while i was upon the river , which was a piece of civility well understood , and my horses were so unruly with that noise and the clatter of the planks , that they were much likelier to have carried me into the river than the boat. but when with the help of my servants on foot that led them , we got in there , we were safe , as in a house , and got well away to the town , where i landed at sir lionel jenkin's house , and stayed there till late in the evening , to avoid any visits or ceremonies that night . the next day i was visited by the french ambassadors , with monsieur d' avaux ; there pass'd little but what was common upon such occasions : but the mareschal d'estrades , and monsieur colbert being of my particular acquaintance in my former ambassies at the hague and aix la chapelle , they pretended in their first separate visits , to enter with me upon points and terms of great confidence , and upon matters that gave me light into the whole design of france , intended by the steps of this treaty to which they had of late show'd so great forwardness , at least in the forming of this congress and dispatch of their ambassadors , before those of the allies were in any motion , or perhaps disposition towards it . they both told me , that they had express and private orders from the king their master , to make me particular compliments upon the esteem his most christian majesty had for my person , and to make their application wholly to me in the course of this negotiation , tho one of the mediators came from residing in their own court ; but they knew very well i had the king my master's confidence , as well as that of his ministers ; and that having had the framing of this congress from the first overtures , and through all the preliminaries , there was no other hand but mine capable of finishing it ; and therefore they presag'd me all the glory of it . that i might reckon upon all the facility their master could give towards it ; but after such successes in the war , and at the head of so great forces , both at land and sea , it could not be expected he should yield to restore what his arms had conquer'd . on t'other side , they knew very well , tho' the states were bent upon the peace , yet the frowardness or extravagant demands of their allies , would engage them as long as they would in the war , unless the prince of orange would interpose his authority , which was so great with all the allies , that they were sure of their consenting to whatever terms the prince should be resolute in proposing for the peace : that to draw it therefore to a happy issue , there was no way but for his highness first to agree privately with france upon the conditions , and what every party should content themselves with ; and afterwards , in the course of the treaty , to draw all things , by concert together , to the scope agreed between them ; in which the prince might make use of the known temper of the states to bring it to a sudden issue , and to make a separate peace , in case the unreasonable pretences of their allies should hinder or delay a general one . that this part was acted by the elector of bavaria at munster , who was in private concert with france through the whole proceedings of that treaty tho' he went on with the allies in the publick transactions ; that he ow'd the greatness of his house to this council , and to the consideration and support it had ever since receiv'd from the crown of france . that by pursuing the same at nimeguen , it would be in the prince of orange's power to do the same for himself and his family ; and that for what concern'd his own personal interests and advantages , their master had given them power to assure him , he should have the carte blanche , and draw his own conditions upon it . that tho' they had other ways of making up this overture to the prince , yet they had order to do it by none but me , if i would charge my self with it ; that they knew the credit and confidence i was in with the prince , and how far he would defer to my opinions in what concern'd the publick interests of his allies as well as his own ; and that if i would espouse this affair , besides the glory of having alone given a peace to christendom , i might reckon upon what i pleas'd my self from the bounty and generosity of the king their master . this was the sum of what was said by them both , tho in several and private visits ; but i observed monsieur colbert to have been instructed with more particular confidence , and to design it with me , even apart from both his collegues and mine in the pursuit of this intelligence ; but monsieur d'estrades valued himself chiefly upon his entring into it with me preferrable to all others , tho' he had several other ways of doing it with the prince , as well as into what practices he should think fit with the states , by the help of so many friendships and habitudes as i knew he had contracted in holland during so long a course of imployments there . i answer'd , that i was oblig'd to his most christian majesty for his good opinion , and to them for having given it him , not having my self at all the honour of being known to him ; that i should make no ill use of this great honour and confidence , whether i should be able to make a good one or no : that for his majesty's dispositions to promote the peace , they knew them as well as i , but that many considerations had engag'd him to instruct us the mediators only to promote a general peace , and not to enter into any paces towards any particular one , or separate , between the parties , which such a private and previous concert between france and the prince of orange would look very like ; and therefore i did not see how i could enter upon it without particular orders from the king : that besides , i would confess to them , that i did not think it would be of any great effect if i should receive them ; and that the best service i could do them ( the ambassadors ) was to let them know very freely all that i knew , or at least thought of the prince of orange , and his dispositions in this great affair , that they might the better guess what paces to expect from him ; that i was sure , he desir'd the peace as much as the states could do ; that the weak conduct of spain , and distracted councels of the empire , was enough to force him upon it , without many other circumstances that were too well known to trouble them with . that the prince knew very well there would be no difficulty at all in the terms of a peace between france and holland , and that all would arise from their allies , who had entred into the war only in their defence ; that their faith and honour were since engag'd by many treaties concluded with them , and which hindred them from making any separate peace . that in all those treaties the prince's honour was more particularly engag'd , upon which personally the several princes confederate were known to rely more , than upon any publick resolution , or instruments of the states . that if any ways could be found , or offers made towards bringing his highness out of this war , with the safety of his honour by the satisfaction of his allies upon any sort of terms , i was sure he would fall into them with all the joy that could be ; but to break from them against all faith and agreements by separate measures , i believ'd he would never be induc'd , but by the last extremities of the war , or necessities at home . and that for his own personal interests , i was confident no advantages to be offer'd him , would ever be consider'd by his highness , how great soever , but that two or three towns more or less to the spaniards , for the strength of their frontier in flanders , would prevail more with him than all could be done for his interest in orange or burgundy ; and that all other propositions of advantages more than were avow'd in the course of the treaty , were , i believ'd , what he would take ill from any that should make them ; and yet whenever i saw him next , i would tell him of all that had past in this conversation . but for the deference they believ'd his highness might have for my sen●●ments , i would assure them , my opinion was , he had none for mine , or any man 's else , further than as their arguments prevail'd upon his judgment : that he had sense enough to govern himself , and i believ'd he would always trust to it , tho he might advise with other men . after these conversations , during the time i stay'd at nimeguen , monsieur colbert made many small attacks of this kind upon me , and sometimes contented himself only to let fall some things in conversation , to try if i was dispos'd to enter further upon that subject : but the mareschal d'efirades immediately after began to turn his battery another way , which was upon the pensioner fagel , by the intervention of a person of mastricht , many of whose letters the pensioner show'd me upon the same occasion ; and with all the offers that could be made of consideration and advantage to the interests of the prince of orange , which met with no other reception from his highness than what i foretold . after the first visits between us and the french and dutch ambassadors , whom we only found at nimeguen , we receiv'd a visit from the magistrates of the town , who told us , they had order from the states , to remit the government of the city to our disposition , during the present treaty , and to proceed no otherwise in it , than according to such orders as they should receive from us the mediators . we told them , it was his majesty's pleasure , that we should not at all intermeddle with it ; but that on the contrary , we should consign into the hands of the ordinary justice of the town , any of our domesticks that should be guilty of any crime against the peace or government of the place ; and that justice should be done upon them , according to their faults ; and that we should not take upon us to withdraw or protect them form the ordinary course of justice , by the rights and priviledges of that character his majesty had given us . after this we applied our selves to propose some regulations for the order and quiet of so numerous an assembly as this was like to prove , ( in a town but too strait , and compos'd of narrow streets ) and to the establishment of some compass of neutral country about it , for the convenience and divertisement of the company that should compose it . for the first we gave in a paper to the french and dutch ambassadors , with certain articles , to which we desir'd their consent , not doubting , but all others that should come after , would easily fall into what they should previously agree to upon our desire . they were these , as we gave them in french , the language used in all conferences , and most papers that pass'd in this treaty . 1. que pour eviter les inconvenients qui pourront arriver par le grand nombre de traits dans les rues si étroits & entre des coinssi incommodes , les ambassadeurs mediateurs proposent , de ne faire les visits , mesme de ceremonie qu' avec chacun ambassadeur deux pages , & quatre lacquais ; & un carosse , a deux chevaux & de n'aller a aucune place de conference , ou autres lieux publiques avec plus d'un page & deux lacquais a chaque ambassadeur . 2. qu'en cas de rencontre de carosses dans de lieux trop estroits pour le passage de l'un & de l'autre , chaucun au lieude s'embarasser pour le pasy apportera toute sorte de faeilitè , & s'arrestera le premier quant il sera le premier quant il sera le premier quant il sera le premier averti que le passage est trop estroit , & fera place en cas que de son costè cela se trouve de plus facile . 3. que les lacquais ne porteront espée , bâton ny baguette par les rues , ni les pages plus que de baguette seul . 4. que les ambassadeurs sur aucune crime commis par aucun de leur domestiques contre la paix publique , renonceront a la protection des dits domestiques , & les remettront aussi tost entre les mains de la justice de la ville , la priants & autorisans de proceder contre eux selon les regles ordinaires . 5. qu' end cas de quelque insulte ou querelle faite par aucun de leurs domestiques contre ceux d'aucun auire ambassadeur ou ministre publique , les ambassadeurs remettront tels domestiques entre les mains du maistre de la partie offensee pour estre puni selon sa discretion . the french ambassadors receiv'd this paper with much approbation and compliment to us , upon the design and conception of it ; and said , they were ready to give their full consent to every part of it , excepting only the second article ; but upon this they could not , without first acquainting their master , from whom they had orders to maintain upon all occasions , the rank that spain had yielded to them by treaty ; so that they could not stop or make way for the ministers of that crown , tho' they would do it for those of brandenburgh . we told them , we doubted not but the emperor's ambassadors would be content to fall into the general rule for so good an end ; and that for our selves , the mediators , who were out of all competition by that quality , yet we resolv'd to practice it with the rest , and give the example . the french ambassadors seem'd satisfied in their own opinions ; but however desir'd they might first communicate it to their court. the dutch ambassadors wholly approv'd it , and resolv'd to conform their practice accordingly , unless they found other ambassadors should decline it . however , about a fortnight after , the french ambassadors , upon dispatches from their court , began to change their language ; and told us , that for the first article , monsieur pompone thought it not necessary to restrain the numbers of ambassadors trains , since they were well provided against disorders by the following articles . besides that , this would in a manner level the ambassadors of greatest kings with the ministers of smaller princes , at least in the eyes of the mean people , who measure the dignity of persons by the train that attend them . for the second article they consented to it , with an apostyle of their own upon it , providing that it should not prejudice the rights of any princes , nor ever be drawn into consequence in any other place or time : we found by these answers , that the french ambassadors had less vanity than their court , and wondred to find it so avowed , and to descend to circumstances so low and so minute ; for tho' vanity be a weakness , or a fault that the fewest men are without , yet it is that of all others that the fewest will own ; and few private men , tho' perhaps affected with the gazes and opinion of the rabble , that fill the streets as they pass , will yet pretend or confess to consider them . however , we thought best to let it pass ; and the rather , because we knew it was no more the sense of the french ambassadors , than ours ; for which they had one more particular reason , which was the noise that run of the magnificent preparations and equipage design'd by the marquess de balbaces and count antoine , towards their appearance in this congress : the first whereof was one of the richest subjects of spain , heir and descendent of the famous spinola ; and the other had great revenues from the duke of oldenburgh ( being his natural son ) and was chosen by denmark , on purpose to appear with lustre in this ambassage : and the french ambassadors apprehended either being out-shined by these at their arrival , or being engag'd in greater expences upon the vye than they expected from their court , which usually leaves those kind of services to future rewards , by succeeding employments and advances , rather than present supplies . when we receiv'd this answer from them , we only said , monsieur pompone's reasoning from the mean people , seem'd a little below the greatness of his master , or the style of a great minister ; but that we should acquaint the dutch ambassadors with it , that they might be at liberty to retract the consent they had already given , since they the french , seem'd to have done so : but that , for our selves , we would observe at least the rules we had propos'd to others , and let them follow either the rules or examples as they pleas'd . the french would by no means allow to have refus'd them , and said , they had only told us monsieur pompone's reflections upon them ; but that they could not absolutely consent , till they had concerted with their allies , the swedish ambassadors , whose arrival they daily expected . however , tho' they were by these wholly approv'd , yet the french ambassadors during the assembly , made all their first visits with the three several ambassadors coaches and six horses , and the whole number of their train , which sometimes reach'd further than the space between their houses , and of the minister's where the visit was paid . but we continued to make ours , only with two horses , and the number of servants we had propos'd , and the rest of the rules were observ'd by all with so good effect , that for one whole year i resided there together , there never happen'd any disorder or complaint from so numerous trains . for the neutral countrey , we at first propos'd , by concert with the french ambassadors , to extend it about three leagues , so as to take in the town of cleve , which has been always celebrated for one of the pleasantest seats of germany ; but upon transmitting this proposal to the french , a resolution came back to their ambassadors , to admit only two leagues from nimeguen , and that to continue subject to contribution , and to execution , upon failure of that being paid , as was usual to the garison of mastricht . this we thought unpracticable , with the safety of the ambassadors , or their retinues , that should make use of a neutrality subject to inroads of armed troops upon pretence of contribution , and admitted of many disputes . the french ambassadors had orders from their court to go out of town upon any occasion of airing and entertainment : the dutch desir'd us to let the french know , the states could not be answerable for their doing it safely , till a neutral countrey were establish'd without being liable to contribution . after some time , rather than continue prisoners to the town , or venture the inconvenience and danger of parties ranging within the bounds of a neutral countrey , a compass was agreed , about two english miles from the town , and mark'd out with several great posts erected to that purpose , within which all persons should have liberty , and no souldier should be suffer'd to come in , upon any pretext whatsoever . several pretensions were rais'd at the opening of this congress ( which was reckon'd upon the time of two mediators arrival upon the place ) , about the rights of several princes to send ambassadors , and many disputes arose upon them . it had been agreed at the treaty of munster , that every elector should be allow'd to send a minister thither , with the character of ambassador ; but if they sent more than one in commission , that the first only should be treated with excellence , and other ceremonies of ambassadors . this rule we agreed to follow at nimeguen : and the elector of brandenburgh sent two ambassadors thither ; but we treated the first only with the usual ceremonies , and left the other to his pretences and complaints . the french follow'd our example ; and the other ambassadors did some one , some the other , according as their interests engag'd them to comply with that elector in this pretence . upon admission of the electors to send ambassadors to the congress , the same pretence was soon after rais'd by the dukes of lorain , nieuburgh , and lunenburgh : much alteration us'd upon this subject ; but the presidents alledg'd , not being found without dispute , the thing lay quiet , and their envoys arriv'd after some time at nimeguen . we agreed neither to give the first visit , nor the hand , in our houses , to any character under that of ambassador ; nor to other persons of quality , that were not either counts of the empire , or general officers of armies . there was no dispute about the rank with the mediators ; the french having first yielded it by order of their court , till the imperialists came , who neither yielded nor refus'd it , but seem'd desirous to have that mark of distinction allow'd between the emperor's ambassadors and those of all other crown'd heads : we held on our pretence of it from these , as well as the rest , but kept it from coming to any decision till the very signing of the treaty , finding the emperor not inclin'd to yield it ; and knowing that if it were refus'd there , the admission granted by the rest , might come to be retracted upon that example . the other ambassadors were left to their usual pretences : the french , that all should yield to them ; and the rest , of none yielding to one another ; in which the swedes carried the point even with their allies , the french , as nicely and positively as any others . the swedes arriv'd about the middle of august ; sent first to us , and then to the french , to notifie their arrival ; this happen'd late in the evening , so we deferr'd our compliments and desires of an hour , till next morning ; the french made theirs the same night to monsieur oxenstern , first in commission , who gave them an hour the next morning , and to our secretaries who came to them about that time , they gave an hour in the afternoon : the visits were made accordingly , but upon our insisting that the first visit ought to be return'd to the mediators , from whomsoever the first should be receiv'd , the swedish ambassadors , after some time to consider it , determin'd the point , and made us the first visit , tho' the french had first made it to them ; and this was observ'd by the ambassadors that afterwards arriv'd during my residence there . i remember no other points of the ceremonial , that seem to have been establish'd by the course of this assembly , unless it was one particular to our selves , who declar'd , that we would dine with no ambassador till the peace was concluded , being desirous to avoid the trouble and engagements of perpetual invitations , as well as the unkindness of excuses , at one time , or to some person more than another ; but our own tables were open , each of us three days in the week , two post-days being reserv'd to our selves for business , and one for diversion or exercise abroad ; and several of the ambassadors , especially the french , came to our tables notwithstanding this resolution , which they seem'd to take a little to heart : but to make amends , we divided the nights by turns , where there were any ladies in the ambassadors houses , and where the evenings were spent in dancing or play , or careless and easie suppers or collations . in these entertainments , as i seldom fail'd of making a part , and my colleague never had any , so it gave occasion for a good word that pass'd upon it , que la mediation est oit tous jours en pied pour fair sa function ; for i us'd to go to bed , and rise late , while my colleague was a bed by eight , and up by four ; and to say truth , two more different men were never joyn'd in one commission , nor agreed better in it . for business , there was very little for many months after the congress began , till the arrival of the imperial ministers , only the french ambassadors soon after my coming , demanding an audience , came to make us the offer of exhibiting their plein pouvoirs into our hands , not doubting , as they said , of the dutch being ready to do the same . but upon our acquainting the dutch ambassadors with this overture , they told us , that it was in the choice of the french ambassadors to do it when they pleas'd ; but they did not conceive the hastening of it would gain any time , since they had no orders to make that peace without a previous concert with their allies ; and consequently tho' the french should do it , yet they would , at present , neither exhibit their own , nor , make any reflections ( as might be necessary ) upon those of the french. from this answer , the french took occasion to press the dutch extreamly upon making instances to all their allies to hasten to the treaty , or else to declare , that they would enter into affairs without them ; and not without some intimation of their master's , being resolv'd to recal them in case this was refus'd , or much longer delay'd . the dutch excus'd the retardments given to the treaty so long , by the many difficulties rais'd by the french court upon occasion of the pasports , which were not yet dispatch'd to some of their new allies ; but however , promis'd to acquaint the states with these instances , and endeavour to dispose them to fix some time , by which they would order their ambassadors to enter into matter , unless the ministers of the allies were arriv'd at nimeguen . in these , and several other points , interceeding between the french and dutch ambassadors , we carried the proposals and answers from one to the other , at their houses , by word of mouth , which continued till the assembly was compleated , and a place of conference with much difficulty agreed at the stadthouse of nimeguen ; where after many difficulties between the two confederacies , and many more between the parties that compos'd each of them , two chambers were at length agreed for the parties , and one for the mediators , by which our pains was lessen'd , but without other advantage . nor was there any point that gave us more trouble than the adjusting this among the parties ; for the french were from the very first , most declaredly averse from treating either by writings , or from agreeing to a place of publick conference ; conceiving this would tend to keep the body of the confederacy united in the treaty , as well as the war ; whereas their design was to break that union here , which they could not in the field ; and find some way or other of entring into separate measures for a peace with some of the parties engag'd . in the mean time the allies found , or took as many occasions as they could of delaying the dispatch of their ministers to the congress , while they had hopes of hindring the dutch from proceeding without them ; and that they believ'd might be done till this campania should end , from the events , whereof the several princes might the better take their measures for the conditions of a peace , that should be propos'd or insisted on in this treaty ; and this disposition of theirs was so well pursu'd , that no other ambassadors arriv'd at nimeguen till november , tho' we and the french , and the dutch , had been so long upon the place , and the swedes soon after . in the mean time the successes of the campania , that were expected absolutely to govern the motions of the treaty , were various as to the gross of the war ; but run as high to the advantage of the french , as to the disadvantage of the swedish affairs . by force of great treasures , and great order in disposing them . the french magazines were always fill'd in the winter , so as to enable them to take the field as they pleas'd in the spring , without fearing the weather for their foot , or expecting grass for their horse ; on t'other side , the spaniards want of money and order , left their troops in flanders , neither capable to act by themselves upon any sudden attempt , nor to supply with provisions in their march , either dutch or germans that should come to their relief . their towns were ill fortified , and worse defended ; so that the king of france marching in the head of a brave and numerous army , took conde in four days in the month of april this year 1676. before any of the confederates were in the field ; & in may , sent the duke of orleans to besiege bouchain with some part of his troops , being a small , tho' strong place , and very considerable for its scituation to the defence of the spanish netherlands . the king , with the strength of his army , posted himself so advantageously , as to hinder the prince of orange from being able to relieve it , or to fight without disadvantage . the prince strugled through all the difficulties from the season , or want of provisions and magazines in flanders , and march'd with his army in sight of the french king by the middle of may , the armies continued some days facing one another , and several times drawing out in order to a battel , which neither of them thought fit to begin ; whether not willing to hazard , without necessity or advantage , so decisive an action as this was like to prove ; or whether the french contented themselves to carry their point by hindring the relief of bouchain , which must fall without it , while the prince of orange , with-held by the spaniards from pursuing his , which was to give a battel that the spaniards knew could not be lost without the loss of flanders . the armies continued facing one another till bouchain was surrendred the eighth day of the siege . the prince return'd to refresh his army , harass'd with so hasty a march upon so suddain preparations ; and the king of france return'd home , leaving his army under the mareschal schomberg , to attend the motions of the enemies . the prince fell into concert with the spanjard and german princes near the lower rhine , for the siege of mastricht , which , tho the strongest of the dutch frontiers when it was taken , had been yet fortified by the french since they possess'd it , with all the advantages of art and expence , and with a garison of eight thousand chosen men , under calvo , a resolute catalonian , who commanded there under the mareschal d'estrades governour of the place , but then at nimeguen . about the end of july , the trenches were open'd by the prince , and the siege carried on with such bravery , so many and desperate assaults for about three weeks , that as wagers were continually offer'd , with odds , at nimeguen , that it would be taken within such or such a time ; so we did not observe the mareschal d'estrades was willing to take them , or seem'd at all confident it would be so well defended . the prince , or the rhingrave , ( who was d●sign'd for governour of the town , as his father had been ) were ever in the head of the attacks , and made great use , as well as proof of the desperate courage of the english troops upon all those occasions ; many of the out-works were taken with great slaughter on both sides , but were supplied by new retrenchments , and by all the art and industry of a resolute captain , and brave soldiers within . about the middle of august , the prince exposing himself upon all occasions , receiv'd a musket-shot in his arm ; at which , perceiving those about him were daunted , he immediately pull'd off his hat with the arm that was hurt , and waved it about his head , to shew the wound was but in the flesh , and the bone safe ; at which they all reviv'd , and the prince went on without interruption in all the paces of the siege . but a cruel sickness falling into his army , weaken'd it more than all the assaults they had given the town . the germans came not up with the supplies they had promis'd , and upon which assurance the siege was undertaken ; and the rhindgrav● , who , next the prince , was the spring of this action , happening to be wounded soon after , was forc'd to leave the camp for a castle in the neighbourhood , where he died ; by all which the army grew disheartned , and the siege faint . in the mean time monsieur schomberg , who trusted to a vigorous defence at mastricht , had besig'd and taken aire , and after the prince's army was weaken'd , by the accidents of the siege , march'd with all the french forces through the heart of the spanish low countries , to the relief of mastricht ; upon whose approach , and their solutions of the councel of war in the prince's camp , the siege was rais'd , and with it the campania ended in the dutch or spanish provinces . and from this time the prince of orange began to despair of any success in a war , after such tryals and experience of such weakness in the spanish forces and conduct , and uncertainty in the german councels or resolutions . however , the imperial army took philipsburgh in the end of september this year 1676. which was yielded for want of provisions , and as much against common opinion and expectation , as the contrary event in the siege of mastricht . the affairs of denmark and brandenburgh prosper'd all this while against sweden , with advantage in most of the sieges and encounters that pass'd this summer , and the first part of the winter following , so that the swedes seem'd to be losing apace all they had so long possess'd in germany ; but the imperial forces , tho' joyn'd with those of the several princes upon the upper rhine , had made no progress in their design'd conquests there , and were forc'd to seek their old quarters on the german side of the rhine , upon the approach of the french ; which was a true and undisputed decision of the small success of this campania . after it was ended , the parties engag'd in the war began to turn their thoughts , or at least their eyes , more towards the motions of the treaty than they had hitherto done . the prince of orange writ to me , desir'd to see me for a day or two at soesdycke near amesfort , about a days journey from nimeguen . he complain'd much , and with too much reason , of the conduct of his allies , the weakness , or rather uselesness of the spanish troops in flanders , for want of pay , or order ; the imperial armies acting without design upon the rhine , or with dependance upon orders from vienna , where the emulation of the ministers made such destraction , and counter-paces of their generals , that the campania had pass'd with small effect after the promises of vigorously invading either lorain or france . how the dukes of lunenburgh had fail'd of sending their troops to mastricht , which , with the sickness of the camp , had render'd that siege ineffectual : so that he began to dispair of any good issue of the war , and would be glad to hear , i hop'd , for a better of the peace upon our scene at nimeguen , after the paces and progress whereof he made particular enquiries . i told him how little advances had been hitherto made , by the slowness of his allies dispatching their ministers thither ; how little success could be expected from the pretentions of the parties when they should meet , especially france pretending to keep all they had got by the war , and spain to recover all they had lost ; how his majesty seem'd of the mind to concern himself no further than the paces of a mediator , our orders being only to convey the mind or proposals of the parties from one to another , and even to avoid the offers of any references upon them to his majesties determination ; so that my opinion was , that it must be the war alone that must make the peace , and that i suppos'd it would do at one time or other by the weakness or weariness of one of the parties . the prince seem'd of my mind , and said , the events of the war would depend upon the conduct at madrid and vienna before next campania ; for without some great successes , he did not believe the states would be induc'd to continue it longer ; i told the prince the discourses monsieur colbert had entertained me with upon my arrival at nimeguen , in which his highness was chiefly concerned ; upon which he replied coldly , he had heard enough of the same kind another way , which monsieur d' estrades had found out to pensioner fagel ; but that they knew him little that made him such overtures ; and for his own interests or advantages , let them find a way of saving his honour , by satisfying spain , and nothing of his concerns should retard the peace an hour . after my return to nimeguen , i found the french making all the advances they could towards the progress of the treaty , and they were ( no doubt ) in earnest , being in a posture to insist upon their present possessions , and having made a great hand of this last campania , were willing , like gamesters that have won much , to give over , unless oblig'd to play on by those that had lost . the swedes were more in haste and in earnest for the peace than any , hoping no resource for their losses in germany by the war. the dutch were grown impatient after the peace , finding france would make no difficulty of any thing between them , offering privately by their emissaries , especially at amsterdam , such a reglement of commerce as they could desire , the restitution of mastricht , and of all satisfaction the prince of orange could pretend upon his losses , or their seizures in the war. but denmark and brandenburgh were as violent against the peace , having swallowed up in their hopes all that sweden had possess'd in germany ; and tho' the emperor seem'd to pretend little after the taking of philipsburgh , besides the restitution of lorain and the towns of alsatia , to the posture they were left in by the munster treaty ; yet they were so fast link'd both with their german allies as well as spain , that they resolved to make no paces in the treaty but by common concert ; and spain , tho' sensible of the condition their affairs in flanders were in , as well as sicily , yet upon a design then hatching at madrid , for removal of the queen regent and her ministry , to introduce don john to head the affairs of their government , had conceiv'd great hopes to recover those desperate infirmities that their inveterate disorders both in councils and conduct , especially in their finances , had for so long time occasion'd . besides , they had confidences still given them from their ministers in england , that his majesty would not , after all , be contented to see flanders lost , or would be forced into the war by the humour of his parliament . for these reasons , the allies seem'd to make no hast at all to the congress , and some of them hardly to look that way ; and none of the parties were yet arriv'd , besides the french , the swedes and the dutch : but about the end of september , the french ambassadors gave notice , that their master having made so many advances to the peace , and being so ill seconded by the proceedings of the confederates , and their slowness in coming to the treaty , was resolv'd to recal his ambassadors , unless those of the chief confederates should repair to nimeguen within the space of one month. this we communicated to the dutch ambassadors , and they to the states , who after some conferences with the ministers of their allies , came to a resolution , that they would enter upon the treaty themselves , if the ministers of their confederates should not repair to nimeguen by the first of november , which was afterwards , upon some disputes , declar'd to be meant old stile , being that of the place where the congress was held . the noise of this resolution of the states , was more among their allies , than the danger , since there were ways enough to raise difficulties , and spin out time after the ambassadors should arrive , as well as before ; but yet it had so much effect , that the several confederates did upon it begin to hasten away one or other of their intended ambassadors towards nimeguen ( as count kinkski from vienna , don pedro ronquillo from england , where he then resided as spanish envoy ) but not the persons principally intrusted , or at the head of their embassies , nor with powers to proceed further than preliminaries ; and from denmark , monsieur heug , without any news of count antoine's preparation , who was appointed chief of that ambassay ; any more than of the bishop of gurke , or marquess de balbaces , the chiefest of those design'd from the emperor and spain . in the mean time the dutch began to lay load upon their allies , for their back wardness , so declar'd , in making any paces towards the treaty ; to cavil upon the obligations they were under of so many great subsidies to so many princes their allies , for carrying on a war which the allies pursued for their own separate interests or ambition , tho' entr'd into it , perhaps at first , for defence of holland , with whose safety theirs were complicated , hereupon their ministers both at the hugue and az nimeguen , took the liberty to say publickly , upon several occasions , and in several companies , that their masters would pay no subsidies to their allies the next campania , unless in the mean time they would by their fair and sincere proceedings in the treaty , put the french in the wrong , as their expression was . the swedes had , as well as the french , offer'd to deliver us their powers ; but this was deferr'd by the dutch to the arrival of their allies , till after the first of november was elaps'd ; the french began to press them upon it , in consequence of the states resolution ; and after some little demurs , the dutch ambassadors agreed to deliver theirs ; so by a concert , not without difficulty , we agreed , that on the 21st of november , the several powers should be brought to us the mediators , by the several ambassadors , at such hours as they should severally take from us , should be deposited in our hands , and that we should afterwards communicate the originals mutually to the several ambassadors at their houses , and leave copies with them , attested by us the mediators . this was done accordingly ; and the morning after , the dutch ambassadors brought us an account of several exceptions they were forc'd to make against several expressions in the french and swedish prefaces to their powers , which they said were fitter for manifestoes than for powers of a treaty , especially those of justifying the war , and maintaining the treaty of westphalia : but the greatest stress they laid , was upon a clause in the french powers , mentioning the pope's mediation , which they said their masters could never consent to now , no more than they had at munster . to say truth , tho' the gaining of time for the allies coming might have some part in these exceptions of the dutch , yet they were fram'd with great art , and shew'd the great quickness and sharpness of monsieur beverning's apprehension , as well as his skill and experience in these kind of affairs ; being , i think without dispute , the most practis'd , and the ablest ambassador , of any i have ever met in the course of my employments . the dutch exceptions were return'd , by others from the french and swedes against their powers ; but with offer from both of entring into the treaty , while these ministers should be adjusting . the dutch accepted it , provided the french would oblige themselves to procure new powers , free from the exceptions raised against them , as the dutch offer'd to do . after much debate , they all agreed in desiring us the mediators to draw up a form of powers to be us'd by all the parties ; we did it , and it was approv'd by them all , with some reserve only from the french , whether it would be fit to mention any mediation , since that of the pope's was left out , and some little tentatives upon us , whether we would be content to leave out all mention of his majesties mediation , as well as that of the pope's ? this we excus'd our selves from doing , the whole frame of the congress having proceeded from his majestie 's mediation , without any intervention of the pope's ; and the king 's having been accepted by all the parties , which the pope's had not been ; but on the contrary , the very mention of it in the powers , declar'd against by several of them . and by orders we received from court upon occasion of this dispute , we declared to all of the parties , that tho' his majesty pretended not to exclude any other mediation that the parties should think fit to use , yet he could not in any wise act jointly with that of the pope , nor suffer his ministers to enter into any commerce either of visits or conferences , with any of his that might be employed at nimeguen . in november arriv'd monsieur heug , one of the danish ambassadors ; monsieur somnitz and blaspyl , the two brandenburgh ambassadors ; lord barclay from paris ; and soon after , don pedro ronquillo , one of the spanish ambassadors ; but the last continued incognito till the arrival of count kintski , who whether he had taken the gout , or the gout had taken him , continued upon that pretence , at colen till the new year was begun . the spanish ambassador coming upon visits to my wife , and meeting me there , found that way of entring into the present business of the scene , as much as if he had been declar'd upon it . he agreed with the french in this one point , of desiring either the pope's mediation might be mentioned in their powers ; or that his majesty in consideration of the peace , would suffer the mention of his to be left out ; but the dane on t'other side agreed with the dutch , in refusing to admit any power with mention of the pope's mediation . there arose likewise another difficulty from a seeming expedient propos'd by the dutch , of having from each party several powers granted for treating with the several parties they were in war with , which the french refus'd , or to grant other powers than for the dutch and their allies ; and in these disputes or difficulties the year 1676 ended . i enter not at all into the detail , or so much as mention of the many incidents that fell into the course of this treaty upon punctilioes of visits or ceremonials , because they seem to me but so many impertinencies that are grown this last age into the character of ambassadors , having been rais'd and cultivated by men , who wanting other talents to value themselves in those imployments , endeavoured to do it by exactness or niceties in the forms ; and besides , they have been taken notice of by discourses concerning this treaty , and at one time or other may be exactly known by the original papers of our ambassy , which are in two or three several hands : whereas i intend chiefly to declare the course of this great affair , by the more material circumstances , and from the true springs of those events that succeeded , rather than trouble my self with the forms that served to amuse so long this assembly at nimeguen . i shall only make two observations upon the ceremonial ; the first is upon the emperor's conduct towards the brandenburgh ambassadors ; allowing his ministers to treat them both like ambassadors of crown'd heads , though we gave it only to the first of the ambassy upon the president of the munster treaty , and were follow'd in it by the french and swedes in the whole course of this treaty at nimeguen . this pace of the emperor seem'd not so much grounded , as some thought , upon his compliance with so considerable an ally , as upon a design to assist another pretention of his own , which is not only a difference of place , but also of rank from all other crown'd heads of christendom ; whereas the other kings , though they yield him the place , yet they do not allow him a difference of rank . but if the emperor could by his example prevail with other kings to treat the electors like crown'd heads , it would fortifie the pretensions of the emperor to a difference of rank , since there is a great one , and out of all contest between him and the electors . my second remark is , that among all the punctilioes between the ambassadors at nimeguen , none seem'd to me to carry them to such heights as the swedes and the danes ; the first standing as stiff upon all points of not seeming to yield in the least to the french ambassadors , tho' their allies and from a crown not only of so mighty power , but from whom alone they expected the restoring of their broken state in germany ; and the danish ambassador , upon the french powers being exhibited in french , said he would give his in danish , unless they would do it in latin as a common language ; alledging , he knew no difference between crown'd heads ; that the danish king had been as great as the french are now , and in their present dominions are as absolute . upon all which monsieur beverning could not forbear to reflect , and say to us , that in his remembrance there was no sort of competition made by those two northern kings with the other three great kings of christendom ; that the treatment of the states to them was very different , and their ministers made no difficulty of signing any instruments after the ministers of the three great crowns . 't is , i think , out of question , that the pretention of parity among the crown'd heads , was first made in the north by gustavus , when he told monsieur grammont the french ambassador in sweden upon this occasion ; that for his part he knew no distinction among crown'd heads , but what was made by their virtue ; and this pretence was not much disputed with him in respect to the greatness of his qualities , as well as of his attempts and successes ; and his example was follow'd by the kings of denmark , and has since left place , a thing contested among them all . 't is true , the french have claim'd the precedence next to the emperor , with more noise and haughtiness than the rest , but have been yielded to by none except the spaniard , upon the fear of a war they were not able to deal with ; nor have they since been willing to own the weakness of that confession , but have chosen to fall into what measures they could of encouraging and establishing the pretence of parity among crown'd heads . the most remarkable instance of this happen'd at nimeguen , where upon a publick meeting of the allies , the dispute arising between spain and denmark for the place at table , don pedro consented to have it taken by turns , and at the first to be divided by lot . the french ambassadors made their pretence of preference next the mediators at nimeguen , in the first return of their visits from ambassadors arriving ; but was neither yielded to by swede or dane , nor practis'd by the emperors ambassadors , who made their first visit to the mediators , and the next without distinction to the first that had visited them . the emperor took advantage of the french , as well as the rest , having yielded to the mediators , and during this treaty made a scruple , tho' not a refusal of doing it , by which he distinguish'd himself from the other crowned heads . we were content to keep it , as much as we could , from decision with them ; but it once happen'd , that upon a meeting with the allies at the dane's house , count kinkski was there before i and sir lionel came into the room , where chairs were set for all the ambassadors . after the common salutations , i went strait up to the chair that was first in rank , and stood before it , to sit down when the rest were ready ; but my colleague either losing his time by being engag'd in longer civilities , or by desire not to be engag'd in contests , gave room to count kinkski ( a very brisk man ) to come and stand before the chair that was next me , and consequently between me and my colleague : when i saw this , and consider'd , that tho' the place was given me by the imperialists , yet it was not given to the king's ambassy ; i chose not to sit down ; but falling into the conference that was intended , i stood all the while , as if i did it carelesly , and so left the matter undecided . the prince of orange , about the latter end of december , writ very earnestly to me , to make a step for some few days to the hague , knowing i had leave from his majesty to do it when i thought fit . and finding all things without present motion at nimeguen , i went thither , and arriv'd the last day of the year . the first of the next being 1677. i attended his highness : we fell into large discourses of the progress of the treaty , the coldness of the parties , the affected delays of the imperials and spaniards , the declar'd aversion of the danes and brandenburgh ; and concluded how little was to be expected from the formal paces of this congress . upon all which the prince ask'd , if i had heard any more of his majesty's mind upon the peace , since i had been last with him ? i told him what i remembred of his last letter to me upon that subject ; which was , that he concluded from the prince's discourses to me , that he had then no mind to a peace ; that he was sorry for it , because he thought it was his interest to have it . that he had try'd to know the mind of france upon it ; but if they would not open themselves farther of one side , nor his highness on the other , than they had yet done , he would content himself with performing only his part of a mediator , and in the common forms . the prince said , this look'd very cold , since his majesty was alone able to make the peace , and knew well enough what it would come to by the forms of the congress . that for his own part , he desir'd it , and had a great deal of reason , both because his majesty seem'd to do so , and to think it his own interest as well as the prince's ; and because the states not only thought it their interest , but absolutely necessary for them . that he would not say this to any but to the king by me ; because if france should know it , they would , he doubted , be harder upon the terms : that both spain and the emperor had less mind to it now , than they had at the end of the last campania ; the new ministers being less inclin'd to it than the old had been ; so that there was not one of the allies ; that had any mind to it besides the states . that for his own part , he should be always in the same mind with them , and therefore very much desir'd it ; but did not know which way to go about it , at least , so as to compass it before the next campania . and if that once began , they should be all at sea again , and should be forc'd to go just as the wind should drive them . that if his majesty had a mind to make it , and would let him know freely the conditions upon which either he desir'd or believ'd it might be made , he would endeavour to concert it the best he could with his majesty , and that with all the freedom and sincereness in the world , so it might be done with any safety to his own honour , and the interests of his country . all this he desir'd me to write directly to his majesty from him , as he knew i had not only leave , but command to do upon any occasion that i thought deserv'd it . two days after , i saw the pensioner fagel , upon some common affairs incident to my ambassy at the hague , which had been left in the hands of the secretary of that ambassay . when these discourses were past , he ask'd me , if i had brought them the peace from nimeguen i replyed , that since he was so ignorant of what had pass'd there , i would tell him ; that they had carried their matters there , en habiles gens . that to bring their allies to the congress , they had pretended to treat by the first of november , whether they came or no. that after that day past , they had found fault with the powers exhibited , had offer'd at new , made the mediators course from one to t'other , spun out two months time in these paces , and thereby were gotten in sight both of spanish and imperial ministers , which i suppos'd was the point they always intended , and afterwards to keep pace with them . the pensioner answer'd me with something in his face both serious and sad , that either i did not know them , and the course of their affairs since i left the hague , or else i would not seem to know them : that they not only desir'd the peace from their hearts , but thought it absolutely necessary for them ; that they would certainly have enter'd into treaty at the time , if the french had either exhibited powers in a form to be at all admitted , or would have oblig'd themselves to procure new ones ; nay , that they would not insist upon a peace according to their allies pretensions , nor could he answer that they would not make a separate one . i said , that was a matter of such moment , as i was sure they would think of it another year before they did it . with this he drew up his chair closer to me , and began a discourse with more heat and earnestness than agreed well with the posture of health he was in ; saying , first , that they had thought enough of it already , and with thinking much , had begun to find it was without remedy . that they had great obligations to spain for entring the war to save their country , and thereby to save flanders too ; but they had made them no ill return , by continuing it now three years only for the interests of spain , since there remain'd nothing of consequence between france and them . that they had further engag'd themselves to carry it on this following year , and so would have done with the forces they did the last , if their allies had perform'd the parts they had likewise engag'd . but for spain , they took no care , but to let them see they were resolv'd to perish ; that they had sent their fleet home from sicily without the payments agreed on , and left them to be paid by the states at their return . that not a penny could be got of a great sum they ow'd them for carriages and provisions the last summer , and which was design'd for magazines against next year in flanders , without which their armies could not march in that country , where they were sure to find none of the spaniards providing . that they had represented to spain the necessity but of keeping so many forces well regulated and paid , as might defend their towns while the prince should take the field with the army of the state , and hinder or divert any great sieges there ; but not a word of answer . that they had then desir'd them to receive so many of the troops of the german princes , their allies , as might defend their most important places ; but instead of this , they drove them out of their country . that for the emperor , they had always told him , that unless his army would march into france , or at least force them to a battel by such forces as might draw great detachments of the french out of flanders , that countrey would not be sav'd the last summer , or at least not the next , unless his army took up their quartiers this winter in alsatia , or on that side of the rhine . but at vienna they consider'd flanders as much as the dutch do hungary ; and because the imperial officers could better find their private account by winter-quarters in germany , than in a country harass'd like alsatia , their armies must repass the rhine this winter , and thereby lose all the advantages of the last campania , and hopes of the next . that for want of magazines in flanders , two or three strong frontiers would be lost there next spring , before the imperialists could take the field ; and if cambray , valencines and mons were taken , all the rest would revolt , considering the miseries they had already suffer'd , and must by a longer war. that the prince would not be able to prevent it , or be soon enough in the field to march , for want of provisions in flanders , the country growing desolate by the unsettled contributions ; or at least , not with such an army as to venture a battel , or raise a siege , while the spanish troops were so weak , and the french would be so strong , at a time when they had no enemy to divert them upon the rhine . that the prince's friends could not suffer him to go into the field only to see towns lost under his nose , and perhaps all flanders , while he was expected to defend it , and at the same time was rendred incapable of doing it by the faults of the spaniards , who yet would not fail to reproach him , as well as his enemies abroad , and ill-willers at home , that would be glad of the occasion . in the mean time , from france they could have whatever conditions they pretended , either by restoring mastricht , a reglement of commerce , or any advantages to the house of orange ; and as to this last , whatever the prince himself would demand : that to this purpose they had every week pressing letters from monsieur d'estrades to make the separate peace ; and tho' he should fall into it with the greatest regret that could be , yet he did not see what else was to be done , and did not know one man in holland that was not of the same mind . that he did not talk with me as an ambassador , but a friend , whose opinion he esteem'd and desir'd ; that he told me freely , leur fort & leur soible ; and would be glad to know what else i thought they could do upon all these circumstances , et dans accablement de leur estat par une si longue guerre . i return'd his compliment , but excus'd my self from giving my opinion to a person so well able to take measures that were the fittest for the states conduct , or his own ; but desir'd to know what he reckon'd would become of flanders after the dutch had made their separate peace ; because the fate of that countrey was that wherein the rest of their neighbours were concern'd as well as they . he answer'd , it would be lost in one summer , or in two , but more probably in one ; that he believ'd cambray , valenciennes , namur and mons , might be lost in one summer ; that after their loss , the great towns within would not offer at defending themselves , excepting antwerp and ostend , for which they might perhaps take some measures with france , as i knew the french had offer'd monsieur de witt upon their first invasion in 1667. i ask'd him , how he reckon'd this state was to live with france after the loss of flanders ? and if he thought it could be otherwise than at discretion ? he desir'd me to believe , that if they would hope to save flanders by the war , they would not think of a separate peace ; but if it must be lost , they had rather it should be by the last , which would less exhaust their country , and dishonour the prince ; that after flanders was lost , they must live so with france , as would make them find it their interest rather to preserve their state , than to destroy it ; that it was not to be chosen , but to be swallow'd , like a desperate remedy ; that he had hop'd for some resource from better conduct in the spanish affairs , or that some great impression of the german armies upon that side of france might have brought the peace to some reasonable terms ; that for his own part , he had ever believ'd that england it self would cry halt , at one step or other that france was making ; and that if we would be content to see half flanders lost , yet we would not all , nor sicily neither , for the interest of our trade in the mediterranean . that the king had the peace in his hands for these two years past , might have made it when he pleas'd , and upon such conditions as he should think fit , of justice and safety to the rest of his neighbours as well as himself . that all men knew france was not in a condition to refuse whatever terms his majesty resolv'd on , or to venture a war with england in conjunction with the rest of the allies . that the least show of it , if at all credited in france , was enough to make the peace . that they had long represented all this in england by monsieur van beuninghen , and offer'd his majesty to be the arbiter of it , and to fall into the terms he should prescribe ; but not a word in answer , and all received with such a coldness as never was , though other people thought we had reason to be a little more concern'd . that this put him more upon thinking a separate peace necessary than all the rest ; that he confes'd , cuncta prius tentanda , till he found at last 't was immedicabile vulnus . that for their living with france after flanders was lost , he knew well enough what i meant by asking ; but after that , the aims of france would be more upon italy or germany , or perhaps upon us than them ; that it could not be the interest of franco to destroy or conquer this state , but to preserve it in a dependance upon that crown ; that they could make better use of the dutch fleets , than of a few poor fisher towns , that they should be reduc'd to , if any violation were made , either upon their liberties or religion . that the king of france had seen their country , and knew it , and understood it so ; and said upon all occasions , that he had rather have them for his friends , than his subjects . but if , after all , i concluded their state must fall in four and twenty hours , yet it were better for them to defer it to the last hour ; and that it should happen at night , rather than at noon . this was discours'd with such vehemence and warmth , that he was not able to go on ; and having said , it was not a matter to be resolv'd between us two , i left him , after wishing him health enough to go through the thoughts and businesses of so great a conjuncture . next morning i went to the prince , and after some common talk , told him what had past in my visit to the pensioner , and ask'd his highness , if he had seen him since , or knew any thing of it ? he said , no ; and so i told him the detail of it : and , upon conclusion , that he said , he saw nothing else to be done , but to make a separate peace ; and that he knew not a man in holland who was not of his mind . the prince interrupted me , saying , yes , i am sure i know one , and that is my self , and i will hinder it as long as i can : but if any thing should happen to me , i know it would be done in two days time . i ask'd him , whether he was of the pensioner's mind , as to what he thought likely to happen the next campania ? he said , the appearance were ill ; but campania's did not always end as they began : that accidents might happen which no man could fore-see ; and that if they came to one fair battel , none could answer for the event . that the king might make the peace , if he pleas'd , before it began ; but if we were so indifferent as to let this season pass , for his part , he must go on , and take his fortune . that he had seen that morning a poor old man , tugging alone in a little boat with his oars , against the eddy of a sluce upon a canal ; that when with the last endeavours he was just got up to the place intended , force of the eddy carried him quite back again ; but he turn'd his boat as soon as he could , and fell to his oars again ; and thus three or four times , while the prince saw him ; and concluded , this old man's business and his were too like one another ; and that he ought however to do just as the old man did , without knowing what would succeed , any more than what did in the poor man's case . all that pass'd upon these discourses , i represented very particularly to the court ; the first part immediately to the king , the rest to the secretaries of state ; and added my own opinion , that if his majesty continued to interpose no further than by the bare and common offices of this mediation in the place and forms of a treaty , and the austrians held off from the progress of it as well as the northern allies , and as they had all hitherto done ; it would certainly follow , that the french and dutch would fall into private negotiations , and by what i could observe on both sides , were like to adjust them in a very little time , and leave them ready to clap up a peace in two days , when the dutch should grow more impatient of the slowness or unsincereness of their allies proceedings in the general treaty , or whenever the violent humour of the people should force the prince to fall into the same opinion with the states upon this matter . this i esteem'd my self oblig'd to say , that his majesty might want no lights that were necessary upon so nice , and yet so dangerous a conjuncture . i had his majesty's answer in a long letter of his own hand , complaining much of the confederate ministers in england caballing with parliament-men , and raising all mens spirits as high against the peace as they could ; and that they had done it to such a degree , as made it very difficult for him to make any steps with france towards a general peace , unless the dutch ambassador would first put in a memorial , pressing his majesty from the states to do it , and declaring ; that without it they saw flanders would be lost , from secretary williamson i had no other answer material upon all the pensioner's discourses , nor my own opinion upon the present conjuncture , but that his majesty , and the lords of the foreign committee , wondred i should think the french were so ready for a separate peace , if the dutch should fall into those thoughts ; and that they did not remember they had ever received any thing from either me , or my colleague at nimeguen , that look'd that way . upon which , i told him the frequent conversations i had had with monsieur colbert upon that subject , and the several letters the pensioner had shewn me from the mareschal d'estrades , or his instrument at mastricht . but to all this i received no answer , nor so much as reflection , tho' i thought this part was my duty as ambassador at the hague , whether it were so as mediator at nimeguen or not . the prince and pensioner were both willing the king should be comply'd with in the government of monsieur van beuningham's paces and language at london ; but press'd me to write once more , to know his majesties opinion upon the terms of a peace ; or else , he said , it would be too late , while the season advanc'd towards the campania . upon which , i desir'd him to consider , there might be three weeks difference between his first telling his own thoughts to his majesty , and receiving his majesty's opinion upon it ; or sending first to know his majesty's , then returning his own , and afterwards expecting the king 's again , in case they differ'd : besides , i believ'd his majesty would take it kinder , and as a piece of more confidence , if his highness made no difficulty of explaining himself first . the prince paus'd a while , and then said , to shew the confidence he desired to live in with his majesty , he would make no further difficulty of it , tho' he might have many reasons to do it . that if the king had a mind to make a sudden peace , he thought he must do it upon the foot of aix la chapelle , which he would have the more ground for , because it was a peace he both made and warranted . that for exchanges , he thought there should be no other propos'd upon it , but only of aeth and charleroy for aire and st. omer ; which two last he thought imported a great deal more to france than the others , unless they would declare , that they intended to end this war with the prospect of beginning another , by which they might get the rest of flanders . that this was all needed pass between france and spain ; and for the emperor and this state , that the first having taken philipsburgh from the french , should raze it ; and the french having taken mastricht from the dutch , should raze it too ; and so this whole war should pass , comme un tourbillon qui avoit cesse apres avoir menace beaucoup & fait fort peu de remvements au monde . i was surpriz'd to hear a proposition so on the sudden , so short , and so decisive , and that seem'd so easie towards a short close , if his majesty should fall into it ; and i esteem'd it a strain in the prince of the most consummate knowledge in the whole present scheme of affairs , and most decisive judgment upon them , that he could have given after the longest deliberation and maturest advice . i observ'd however to his highness upon it , that he had not explained what was to become of lorain and burgundy ; and next , whether he believ'd it at all likely , that france , after such acquisitions made in this war , and so many more expected , should come to such restitutions of what they possess'd , without any equivalent . the prince replied , both were explain'd by the terms he proposed of aix la chapelle ; that for lorain , france never pretended to keep it , but from the last duke only . that burgundy could not be parted with by spain , without the french restoring so many towns for it in flanders as would raise endless debates , draw the business into lengths , and so leave it to the decision of another campania . for the second , he said , he had reason to doubt it , and did not believe it would be done , but by his majesties vigorous interposition , by that he was sure it would be easily effected ; but if his majesty would not endeavour it , the war must go on , and god almighty must decide it . that all the allies would be glad of it ; and believ'd , that upon don john's coming to the head of the spanish affairs , there would be a new world there . that however one town well defended , or one battel well fought , might change the scene . that for himself , he would confess , the king could never do so kind a part , as to bring him with some honour out of this war , and upon some moderate terms : but if he was content that france should make them insupportable , they would venture all , rather than receive them . and for holland's making it a separate peace , let the pensioner or any others tell me what they would , they should never do it while he was alive , and was able to hinder it ; and he would say one thing more to me , that he believed he was able to hinder it ) that if he died , he knew it would be done next day : but when that should happen , this matter must be some others care , and perhaps , we in england , were the most concern'd to look after it . i promis'd to represent all he had said directly to his majesty , and so i did immediately ; and the prince went next day to dieren , within six leagues of nimeguen , where i promis'd to come to him as soon as i should be possess'd of his majesty's answer . and i am the more particular in all these discourses with the prince and the pensioner upon this great conjuncture , because they do not only discover the true springs from which the peace was afterwards deriv'd , but represent most of the interests of christendom , as they were observ'd by the two persons , that next to monsieur de witt , understood them the best of any i ever met with in the course of my negotiations . after the prince was gone , i had one conference more with the pensioner , who told me , he was still of opinion it must come to a separate peace ; that he had told the emperour's ministers the same thing ; and that if they did not at vienna fall into the measures proposs'd and insisted on by the states , before the middle of february next , they should be forc'd to make it . that if don emanuel de lyra had not now assur'd them of the remises being actually come from spain , for payment of the last years charge of the fleets , both in the mediterranian and baltick , according to agreement , the peace could not have been kept off this winter it self . i told him , the prince was of another mind , and had said to me , a separate peace should never be made while he liv'd , and was able to hinder it ; and that he believ'd he should have that in his power . the pensioner reply'd , he should come to it with as much regret as the prince himself ; but that his highness himself might be forc'd to it by the ill conduct of his allies , the ill successes of the next campania , and the mutinies of the people , to which they were already but too much dispos'd at amsterdam by the delays of the treaty at nimeguen . that the late revolution in spain against the queen regent and her ministry , had shew'd enough what might be brought about by a violent and general humour of the people ; and the prince knew the country too well , to go too far against it . that it was in his majestie 's hands to make a general peace if he pleas'd , before the campania begun ; and perhaps it was in the conduct of spain and the emperor to engage holland in one campania more , by the measures they had propos'd : if both these fail'd , a separate peace must be made . while i staid at the hague , which was about a month , my colleague at nimeguen had , it seems , found out a negotiation grown between the french ambassadors and mons. beverning , separate from the ministers of his allies , and without any communication of the mediators , which they suspected would end in a separate peace . of this they thought fit to give part to the court , and of their suspitions upon it , as they had done in my absence ; and receiv'd an immediate order upon it , that in case they found a separate peace concluding or concluded between france and holland at nimeguen , they should protest publickly against it in his majesty's name . this my colleague sir lionel jenkins writ to me at the hague about the 10 th of january , and was in great pain about it . he apprehended the thing , but exspected not to know it till it was done , and then doubted any good consequences from our protestation : he desir'd i would both send him my thoughts upon it , and the same to court as soon as i could . i did so both to my lord treasurer and mr. secretary coventry , and told them very freely , that i could not understand the reason or the drift of such an order as my colleagues had receiv'd to make such a protestation . that if a separate peace between france and holland were thought as dangerous in the court , as i knew it was in the country , the king might endeavour to prevent it , and had it still in his power , as he had had a great while : but if it were once concluded , i did not see any other effect of our protestation , unless it were to irritate both the parties , and bind them the faster , by our being angry at their conjunction . nor did i know what ground could be given for such a protestation ; for tho' the parties had accepted his majesty's mediation of a general peace , yet none of them had oblig'd themselves to his majesty not to treat a separate one , or without his offices of mediation : and if they had , i did not see why the same interests that could make them break through so many oligations to their allies , should not make them as bold with a mediator . that as to prevent the thing may be a very wise and necessary counsel , so his majesty's resolution in it ought to be signified as early as can be , where it is likely to be of moment to that end , which was to france : but if the thing should be first done , as i could not tell how well to ground our offence , so i could as little how to seek our revenge ; and it would be to stay till we were stuck , and then trust to crying out . that , to the best of my sense , it were better to anger any one of the parties before a separate peace , than both of them after ; and if we must strain any points of courtesie with them , to do it rather by making a fair and general peace , than by complaining or protesting against a seperate one. i thought , i confess , that this representation from my colleagues , without any knowledge of mine , or suspition that the matter was working up at nimeguen when i left it , and yet agreeing so much with what i had foreseen and represented from the hague , and meeting such a resentment at our court as appear'd by the order transmitted to my colleagues upon it ; there was little question but his majesty would declare himself upon the terms of a general peace to both parties , which i knew very well would be refus'd by neither , if he were positive in it , and supported , as he would certainly have been by the prince . but our councils at court were so in balance , between the desires of living at least fair with france , and the fears of too much displeasing the parliaments upon their frequent sessions , that our paces upon this whole affair look'd all like cross purposes , which no man at home or abroad could well understand , and were often mistaken by both parties engag'd in the war , as well as by both parties in the house of commons , till the thing was wrested out of our hands . about the twenty fifth of january 1677. i receiv'd his majesty's answer to my last dispatches by the prince's directions , and carried them immediately away to dieren , which was a little out of my way to nimeguen , and there communicated them to the prince . they consisted of two parts ; the first , an offer of his majesty's entring into the strongest defensive alliance with the states , thereby to secure them from all apprehensions from france , after the peace should be made . the second was his majesty's remarks , rather than conclusion of judgment upon the terms propos'd by the prince for a peace . that he believ'd it might be compos'd with france , upon the exchange of cambray , aire , and st. omer , for aeth , charleroy , ondenarde , conde , and bouchain : that this scheme was what his majesty thought possible to be obtain'd of france , tho' not what was to be wished . i observ'd the prince's countenance to change when i nam'd cambray and the rest of the towns , yet he heard me through , & the many nice reasons of sir j. — w. — upon the matter , as of a double frontier this would give to flanders , the safety whereof was the thing both his majesty and the states were most concern'd in , and many other ways of cutting the feather : after which the prince said , he believ'd dinner was ready , and we would talk of it after we had din'd , and so went out ; but as he was near the door , he turn'd to me , and said , tho' we should talk more of it after dinner , yet he would tell me now , and in few words , that he must rather die than make such a peace . after dinner , we went again into his chamber , where he began with telling me , i had spoil'd his dinner ; that he had not expected such a return of the confidence he had begun towards his majesty . he observ'd the offer of alliance came to me in a letter of his majesty's own hand ; but that about the terms of a peace , from the secretary only ; that it was in a stile , as if he thought him a child , or to be fed with whips cream ; that since all this had been before the foreign commitee , he knew very well it had been with the french ambassador too , and that the terms were his , and a great deal worse than they could have directly from france . he cast them up distinctly , and what in plain language they amounted to ; that spain must part with all burgundy , cambray , aire , and st. omer , which were of the value of two other provinces in the consequences of any war between france and spain , and all for the five towns mention'd ; that in short , all must be ventur'd , since he was in , and found no other way out . i told the prince , that i hop'd he would send his majesty his own thoughts upon it ; but that he would think a little more before he did it . he said , he would write to the king that night , but would not enter into the detail of the business , which was not worth the pains , but would leave it to me . he desir'd me further to let his majesty know , that he had been very plain in what he had told me of his own thoughts upon this whole matter , and had gone as low as he could with any regard to the safety of his country , and his allies , or his honour ; that he doubted whether spain would ever have consented to those very terms ; but for these he knew they could not , tho' they were sure to lose all flanders by the war : and for himself , he could never propose it to them : but if flanders were left in that posture , it could never be defended upon another invasion , neither by holland nor england it self ; and he was so far of the spaniard's mind , that if flanders must be lost , it had better be so by a war than by a peace ; that whenever that was , holland must fall into an absolute dependence upon france ; so that what his majesty offer'd of an alliance with them , would be to no purpose , for they would not be made the stage of a war , after the loss of flanders , and wherein they were sure no alliance of his majesty , nor forces neither , could defend them . he concluded , that if his majesty would help him out of this war with any honour and safety , either upon kindness to him , or consideration of what concernment his own crowns were like to have in the issue of this affair , he would acknowledge , and endeavour to deserve it as long as he liv'd ; if not , the war must go on , be the event what it would ; and for his own part , he would rather charge a thousand men with a hundred , nay , tho' he were sure to die in the charge , than enter into any concert of a peace upon these conditions . i gave his majesty an account of all that pass'd in this interview , and return'd to my post at nimeguen . the allies had taken great umbrage at my journey to the hague , as designed for negotiating some separate peace between france and holland ; but the prince and pensioner seem'd careless to satisfie them , and made that use only of it , to let them know that no such thing was yet intended , but that holland would be forced to it at last , if the emperor and spain fell not into those measures that they had propos'd to them , both at vienna and madrid , for the vigorous prosecution of the next campania , which had some effect at vienna , but little in spain or flanders , as was felt in the beginning of the spring . at my return to nimeguen , i found that in my absence count kinkski was arriv'd , who was a person of great parts , of a sharp and quick apprehension , but exact and scrupulous in his conduct , rigid in his opinions , never before vers'd in these sort of imployments , and thereby very punctilious ; this had ingag'd him in difficulties upon the ceremony of visits , both with my colleagues and the french upon his first arrival , which lasted with these till the end of the congress , so as to hinder all visits between them ; but i had the good fortune to retrieve all ill correspondence that had happen'd between the mediators and him ; i found likewise that a secret intelligence was grown between the french and dutch ambassadors , which was manag'd by monsieur olivecrantz , the second swedish ambassador , and wholly apart from my colleagues , whose intervention had been only us'd when the matter was first agreed between those parties . that monsieur beverning drove on very violently towards a peace , and with little regard of his allies ; and said , he had order from the states , de pousser l'affaire tant qu'il lui seroit possible . that those ambassadors had come to a sort of agreement about the from and number of powers , which was , that the mediators should be desir'd to draw up a form of preamble , which should be common to all the parties , and contain nothing more , but that such and such princes , out of a sincere desire of peace , had sent such and such persons to nimeguen , which had been chose for the place of treaty , by the intercession of the king of great brittain . that the mediators should likewise draw up an obligatory act , to be sign'd by the several ambassadors , and put into their hands on the same day , for the procuring new powers within sixty days after the date . that the titles in the new powers should be inserted , bona fide , according to the usual stile of the chancellary of each court ; and that an act of salvo should be sign'd by the several ambassadors , for no consequence to be drawn hereafter , for the use or omission of any titles in these powers . i found likewise , that these points had been agreed among all the allies , by the formal intervention of my colleagues , after they had first been concerted between the french and dutch. that these ambassadors had entred into a course of mutual visits , owning publickly , that they did it , as necessary to facilitate the progress of the treaty , and that the dutch began to talk of finishing an eventual treaty ( as they call'd it ) for themselves , as soon as the acts about powers were wholly dispatched , which should not take place till the general peace was concluded ; but after which they , the dutch , intended to imploy their offices between their allies and the french. i found likewise , that mr. hide had encreas'd the number of the mediators in my absence , who having been sent into poland the summer past , to christen that kings child , and to condole with the emperour upon the late emperor's death , had performed the first compliment from his majesty ; but upon his coming from thence to vienna , found the emperour married , and so pass'd on privately home , and arriv'd at nimeguen , soon after i left it upon my journey to the hague ; where he came to me , after having staid a fortnight at nimeguen . he told me at the hague , that upon his return by rotterdam , he had there met letters from court with a commission to stop for some short time at nimeguen , and take the character of one of the ambassadors mediators there , by which he might be enabled at his return to give his majesty an account of the state and progress of affairs there . he said , this commission was intended to find him at nimeguen , upon the stop he made there ; but having not arriv'd till he had left that place , he was in doubt whether he should make any use of it or no , and desir'd my advice , whether to return to nimeguen , or to go forward for england . i easily perceiv'd what this dispatch was intended for , to introduce him into those kinds of characters and employments ; and so advised him to go back to nimeguen , which he did , and made a part of the ambassy during a short stay there , but excus'd himself from entring into the management of any conferences or dispatches ; so that by his modesty , and my lord berkly's great age and infirmities , the fatigue of that employment lay still upon me and sir lionel jenkins , who writ alternatively the dispatches from the ambassy to court , and the others to other princes and ministers , by concert , all the while i was upon the place . i found likewise at my return to nimeguen , some few difficulties yet remaining , which obstructed the dispatch intended about the powers . for tho' the french had consented to furnish new powers , and several for the emperor , spain , denmark , and holland ; yet they refus'd a distinct one for brandenburgh , which these ministers insisted on ; and the dutch were in such oligations to that prince , that they were forc'd to do so too , tho' unwillingly , as doubting the success with france , and foreseeing the consequence of the same pretence to be rais'd upon it by other princes of germany , not only electors , but the houses of lunenburgh , and nieuburgh , who yielded to the electors in no point but that one of precedence . but the dutch , to distinguish that of brandenburgh , alledg'd to us , that he was principal in the war of sweden , and so could not be included as an ally only , either by the emperor , or by the states . the danish ambassador stood positively upon the common use of the latin tongue between france and them in their powers , or else to give his in danish , if they gave theirs in french. these said , that it was a novelty and an impertinence ; and that if in all the intercourse that had ever been between those two crowns , the language had not been french on their side , and latin on the danes , even in any one instrument , they were content they should give their powers not only in danish , but in hebrew , if they pleas'd . the dane said , he could not give account of all presidents ; that if ill ones had been hitherto us'd , 't was time to establish new ones that were good . that his master had more right to do it , than any former king , being now successive in that crown , which was before elective ; and being more absolute in his dominions than any other king of christendom ; for there was now nothing in denmark , but la volonté du roy ; upon all which he said , his orders were positive , and he could not proceed without the style he pretended . these two points chiefly had obstructed the final agreement about the powers , for near a month ; after which we prevail'd with the french to yield to new powers for brandenburgh , upon assurance from the dutch ambassadors , that they expected no such pretension for any other of their german allies ; but that if any should be rais'd and refus'd by france , yet that should not hinder or delay the dutch from proceeding in the treaty . the danish pretence about the languages , being neither countenanc'd nor approv'd by any of his allies , was at last yielded by him , which had been better never started , as having lost him ground in that which was intended by it , which was to establish the principle of a parity among crown'd heads . there was an accident happen'd likewise in my absence , which had rais'd great heats among the parties . upon count kinkski's arrival , the allies began their meetings at his house ; by which they hop'd to govern the general resolutions , and keep the alliance from breaking into any separate pieces . the dutch ambassadors , who pretended to influence the peace more than any of their allies , stomach'd the count's design and carriage at these conferences , where they said he pretended to be sole dictator , and they were unwilling to enter into plain contradictions , or the same heats at his own house ; upon which they went to the stadthouse , and chose there a room for their conferences among all the allies , which upon the first practice gave great offence to the french ambassadors . they said , it was a breach upon the neutrality of the place establish'd by the assembly's being there , and that the dutch had now arrogated to themselves the disposal of the town-house , without common agreement . the dutch alledg'd , the rooms they had taken , were not belonging to the town , but to the nobles of gelderland , and were below stairs , and that all above , remain'd to be dispos'd of still by the mediators for the common use of the parties , when they should desire it . the french were not satisfied with these reasons , and threatned to break the assembly . we at last prevail'd with the allies to forbear the use of the stadthouse , till we drew up a formal proposal to be made by us the mediators , to all parties , desiring them , that for their ease and convenience , all parties would meet in one room at the stadthouse , or at least the two alliances in two several rooms , whilst we should meet in another , and be there ready to perform all offices between them . this last was accepted , and we design'd the several rooms for our selves and the parties , but were forc'd to find two rooms for the french and swedes to meet apart , whose competition , tho allies , would not suffer them to meet in one , or decide it by lot , as the spaniard and dane had done . there remain'd one difficulty more , which particularly concern'd his majesty . both french and spaniards , as well as imperialists , had insisted even with emulation , that the pope's mediation should be mention'd in the new powers , as well as his majesty's . the dutch and danes both had absolutely refus'd to treat upon any powers where the pope's mediation should be mentioned . we had likewise represented to them , how great a difference there was between his majestie 's mediation , that had been accepted by all parties , and the pope's , that had been so only by a part of them ; and the very mention of it absolutely refus'd by several others , to be admitted into the powers . that his majesty's mediation had propos'd the place of treaty , exchang'd the pasports , form'd the assembly , manag'd all the negotiations in it so long , without the appearance of any minister from the pope , or knowledge whether he would be receiv'd if he came , or by whom his mediation would be accepted or imploy'd . at length it was resolv'd , that the mention of his majesty's mediation alone , should be made in the several powers : and so all being agreed , about the middle of february all the several acts were signed , and put into our hands , and by us exchang'd among the several parties . after this dispatch of all preliminaries to the treaty , the several parties by agreement brought into our hands their several propositions or pretensions . the french seemed in theirs to demand nothing of the emperour and of brandenburgh , but the entire restoring of the treaty of munster : of spain , the retaining of all they had conquer'd in this war , upon the spaniards having first broken the peace . from the their states general they made no demand , but offer'd them the restoring of their friendship , and that they will hearken to a treaty of commerce . on the other side , the emperour's demands were , that france should restore to him , to the empire , and all his allies , whatever they had taken from them in the course of this war , and make reparation for all damages they had suffer'd in it . the spaniards demanded all the places they had lost , and all the damages they had suffer'd from france since the year 1665. the dutch demanded from france , the restitution of mastricht , satisfaction to the prince of orange in what did concern the principali●y of orange , and a reglement of commerce , with a renunci●tion of all pretensions each party might have upon the other . as for the great damages they had sustain'd , they said , they sacrific'd them all to the publick peace , provided satisfaction might be given their allies . for the northern kings , and german prinees , their demands were so extended , that i shall forbear relating them , and sum them up in this only ; that those who had gained by the war , pretended to retain all they had got ; and those that had lost , pretended to recover all they had lost , and to be repaid the damages they had suffered by the war. count kinkski deliver'd into our hands likewise the duke of lorrain's pretensions , sealed as the rest were ; but we opened them not , upon the french telling us , they had not received from court any counter-pretensions upon the duke of lorrain , whereof they believ'd the reason to be , that no minister of his had yet appeared at the congress . indeed their pretensions against lorrain , had never yet been made since the death of the late duke , and would have been very hard to draw up by their ablest ministers or advocates themselves ; and therefore they thought fit to decline them , and reserve them for the terms of a peace , when they should be able to prescribe , rather than to treat them . by these propositions of the several parties , it easily appear'd to the world , what wise men knew before , how little hope 's there were of a peace , from the motions of this treaty in the present circumstances of affairs , and how it was wholly to be expected from the course and influence of future events in the progress of the war. about the 24 th of february , i went to the prince at his house at soesdyke , a day 's journey from nimeguen , upon a letter from his highness , desiring it of me . i had about a week before written to him by the king's command , upon which his highness desir'd to speak with me . i went , and told him the contents of my last dispatch . he ask'd me , whether it were from the king himself , or from any of the ministers ? i told him , it was from secretary williamson , by the king's command . the prince said , then he knew from whence it came ; but however desir'd me to read the particulars to him , which were , the king's apprehension of a mistake in the prince , because the terms mention'd by his majesty were not any propositions ( which he did not think his part to make ) nor had he any authority for it , but only a piece of confidence he had enter'd into with the prince . next , that the exchange of cambray , was only propos'd as a thing to be wish'd , that so six towns might be restor'd to spain , instead of five the prince had propos'd , which in his majesty's opinion would make a kind of a double frontier to brussels , and so leave flanders safer than by the prince's scheme ; therefore his majesty desir'd the prince would think further of it , and not let it fall so flat as he did by his last answer , without trying what it could be beaten out to . but however offer'd , that if his highness had any other proposition to make to france , the king would very readily hand it over to them in the best manner he could . whil'st i was reading this to the prince , he could hardly hear it out with any patience , sir j — w — 's style was always so disagreeable to him ; and he thought the whole cast of this so artificial , that he receiv'd it at first with indignation and scorn , rather than with those further thoughts that were desir'd of him . he said , the style of letting it fall so flat , was my lord arlington's ; and , the double frontier , as it were , for brussels , was some of the secretary's cresme foitte , and fit for children . the rest he took to be all the french ambassador's , who would fain continue a private treaty with him by the king's hand , while his master went into the field . his answer was very plain : that he had thought enough of it , and had no more to say at this time ; that when he spoke to me so lately at the hague , he believ'd the peace might have been made , and upon better terms than he propos'd , if the king had desir'd them from france , either upon kindness to him , or upon the interests of his own crowns . that he was sorry to find the king's thoughts so different from his , and that whenever they grew nearer , he should be glad to know it . but he look'd now upon the campania as begun ; and believ'd at the time we talk'd , the guns were playing before valencienne . that he saw now no hopes of a peace , but expected a long war , unless flanders should be lost , and in that case the states must make the best terms they could . that he expected a very ill beginning of the campania , and to make an ill figure in it himself , and to bear the shame of faults that others would make ; but if the emperor perform'd what he had promis'd , the campania might not end as it began . that however , he was in , and must go on , et quant on est a la grandemesse on y est ( meaning , i suppose , that one must stay till 't is done , because the crowd is so great one can't get out ) that he gave his majesty thanks for his offer of handing over to france any proposition he should make ; but that never was his meaning : for if it had , he could easily have found a directer way . that his intention was only to enter into a confidence with his majesty upon the subject of the peace , and to owe it wholly to him ; but if any thing was propos'd by the king to france , otherwise than as his own thoughts , it must be from the body of the alliance , and not from him. after these discourses , the prince went immediately away for the hague , and i return'd to nimeguen , where all negotiations seem'd wholly at a stand , and so continu'd till towards the end of april . in this time arriv'd monsieur stratman , one of the imperial ambassadors ; monsieur christin , one of the spanish ; but he and don pedro having only the character of plenipotentiaries , and pretending thereupon the treatment of ambassadors , and the french and swedes refusing it to that character , they continued incognito till the arrival of the marquess de balbaces . for monsieur stratman upon his notification to the several ambassadors ( as he said at the same time ) the dane and the swede made him first their visits , and after them the french ; whereupon having first made his to the mediators , he return'd them to the swedes , the dane being out of town , after which he sent to demand an hour of the french ; but monsieur d' estrades return'd him answer , that having fail'd of the respect due to the king his master , they would not admit of any visit from him ; hereupon monsieur kinkski and stratman desir'd us to know upon what point the french refus'd their visit , saying , it could be upon no other but a pretence of preference to all other crowns , and expecting the first visit to be made the french , tho' other ambassadors had first visited the imperialists . this they desir'd much the french would avow , believing it would embroil them with the swedes as well as with us , who they knew would declare against any such pretence . but the french , upon our application from the imperialists , kept stanch to their first answer , that monsieur stratman , avoit manquè du respect au roy leur maistre . that he had done it in several points , and knew very well in what : and further than this , they would not enter into the matter , but continued positive in refusing the visit. whilst such matters as these help'd to amuse the congress , and keep them in countenance , the essential parts of the treaty were managed in the field : france had in the beginning of the year block'd up cambray and valenciennes , about the end of february ; having provided sufficient magazines in the winter for the subsistence of their forces , they began to break into flanders , and into the parts of germany on t'other side the rhine , and with all the most cruel ravages of burning and spoiling those parts of germany that could be exercis'd , and such as had not yet been us'd on either side since the war began . the allies made complaints of this new manner of war to his majesty , who imployed his offices towards france , to hinder such prosecution of a quarrel , while a peace was treating under his mediation ; but the thing was done , and their point was gained , which was , by an entire ruin of the country , to hinder the imperialists from finding any subsistence for their troops if they should march into alsatia , and thereby divert those forces that the french resolv'd to employ this spring in flanders , before the dutch could take the field , and march to the relief of those places they intended to attack . about the seventeenth of march , the king of france took valenciennes , having furmounted the very force of the seasons , and set down before it about the beginning of that month. from thence he march'd with a mighty army , and laid siege to cambray with one part of it , and to st. omer with the other , under the duke of orleans . after five days siege from the opening of the trenches , he took cambray , like all the other spanish towns , by surrender upon articles ; but the cittadel held out for some days longer . in the mean time , the dutch having receiv'd their payments due from spain , and finding the french go on with their design upon flanders , whilst the treaty serv'd but for an amusement , resolv'd to go on with the war for another campania ; being kept up to this resolution by the vigour of the prince of orange , in pressing them upon the observance of their treaties , and pursuit of their interest , in the defence of flanders . upon the first motion of the french , the prince had begun to prepare for that of his troops likewise , and pressed the spaniards to have theirs in readiness to join him , and with all imaginable endeavours provided for the subsistence of his army in their march through flanders , which the spaniards had taken no care of . but with all the diligence and application that could be used , he could not come to the relief either of valenciennes or cambray ; but with part of the forces of the states alone , and without either troops , or so much as guides furnished him by the spaniards , he march'd directly towards s. omer , resolute to raise that siege with the hazard of a battel , at what disadvantage soever . the duke of orleans leaving a small part of his troops to defend his trenches before st. omer , marched to meet the prince of orange , and upon the way was reinforc'd by monsieur de lutzenburgh with all the troops the french king could send out of his army , leaving only enough to continue the siege before the cittadel of cambray . these armies met , and fought with great bravery at mont-cassel , where , after a sharp dispute , the first regiment of the dutch infantry began to break , and fall into disorder : the prince went immediately to that part where the shake began , ralli'd them several times , and renewed the charge ; but at last was born down by the plain flight of his men , whom he was forced to resist like enemies , and fall in among them with his sword in his hand ; and cutting the first cross over the face , cry'd out aloud , cocquin je te marqueray au moins a fin de te faire pendre . voice nor action , treats nor example , could give courage to men that had already lost it ; and so the prince was forced to yield to the stream that carri'd him back to the rest of his troops , which yet stood firm ; with whom , and what he could gather of those that had been routed , he made a retreat that wanted little of the honour of a victory ; and will , by the confession of his enemies , make a part of that great character they so justly allow him . the safety of the dutch army , upon this misfortune , was by them wholly own'd to his highness's conduct as well as bravery in the course of this action ; after which both st. omer and the cittadel of cambray were surrendred to the french about the 20 th of april , by which the spaniards lost the main strength of their frontier of flanders on that side , ( as they had done that on the other side by aeth and charleroy in the former war ) and all the hopes of raising any contributions in france , which was a great part of the subsistence of the spanish troops ; so as there now remain'd nothing of frontier considerable , besides namur and mons to the land , ostend and nieuport to the sea ; and the rest of the spanish netherlands consisted only of great towns , by which no resistance could be hop'd for , whenever the french should think fit to attacque them , and could spare men enough to garison them when they should be taken . for the greatness of those towns , and multitude of inhabitants , and their inveterates hatred to the french government , was such , as without very great garisons they could not be held , unless upon one sudden conquest and great revolution , the whole spanish netherlands should become french , and thereby be made a new frontier towards the dutch and germans , and , like a new conquest , the seat of their armies . this the spaniards thought would never be suffer'd , neither by england nor holland , and so they seem'd to have abandon'd the fate of flanders to their care , with a resignation that became good christians , rather than good reasoners : for i have long observ'd , from all i have seen , or heard , or read in story , that nothing is so fallacious , as to reason upon the counsels or conduct of princes or states , from what one conceives to be the true interest of their countries ; for there is in all places an interest of those that govern , and another of those that are govern'd : nay , among these , there is an interest of quiet men , that desire only to keep what they have ; and another of unquiet men , who desire to acquire what they have not , and by violent , if they cannot by lawful means ; therefore i never could find a better way of judging the resolutions of a state , than by the personal temper and understanding , or passions and humours of the princes , or chief ministers , that were for the time at the head of affairs . but the spaniards reason'd only from what they thought the interest of each countrey . they knew holland would save flanders if they could , and england they were sure could if they would , and believ'd would be brought to it at last by the increase of the danger and force of their own interest , and the humour of the people . in this hope or presumption they were a great deal flatter'd by their ministers then in england , don bernard de salinas envoy from spain , and fonseca , consul there ; who did indeed very industriously foment the heats that began about this time to appear in the parliament , upon the apprehensions of the french conquests both in flanders and sicily ; which moved them , about the end of march , to make an address to the king , representing the progresses of france , and desiring his majesty to put a stop to them , before they grew dangerous to england , as well as to their neighbours . don bernard de salinas told some of the commons , that the king was very angry at this address , and had said upon it , that the authors of it were a company of rogues ; which made a great noise in the house of commons . the king resented it as a piece of malice in salinas , or at least as a design to inflame the house ; and thereupon order'd him to depart the kingdom within certain days . yet , about a month after , the parliament made another address upon the same occasion , desiring his majesty to make a league offensive and defensive with the states general , for opposing the progress of the french conquests . this his majesty received as an invasion of his prerogative , made them an angry answer , and prorogued the parliament till the winter following . however , france had so much regard to the jealousies raised both in england and holland , of their designing an intire conquest of flanders , that , after having gained those three important frontier towns so early in the spring , and dispers'd his army after that expedition , that king return'd home , writ to his majesty , that to shew he had no intention to conquer flanders , but only to make a general peace , he was contented , notwithstanding the great advantages and forces he had at present , to make a general truce , in case his allies the swedes would agree to it ; which he desir'd his majesty to inform himself of , since he had not convenience of doing it , for want of liberty of couriers into sweden . the contents of this letter was proved by the french ambassadors at nimeguen among the several ministers there , till they found it had an effect contrary to what was intended , and was taken by all for too gross an artifice . it passed very ill with monsieur beverning himself , who of all others there , was the most passionately bent upon the peace . but he said openly upon this , that the french were to be commended , who never neglected any thing of importance , nor so much as of amusement ; that france had given their blow , and would now hinder the allies from giving theirs : that the reserve of sweden's consent was an easy way of avoiding the truce , if the allies should accept it : that this it self could not be done , because flanders would be left so open , as to be easily swallowed up by the next invasion , having no frontier on either side . that the towns now possessed by france , would in the time of a truce grow absolutely french , and so the harder to be restored by a peace or a war. that for his part , he desir'd the peace , contrary to the politicks of monsieur van beuninghen , and the other ministers of the allies in england ; affirming always . that notwithstanding all their intrigues and intelligences there , he , monsieur beverning , was assured , that his majesty would not enter into the war , to save the last town in flanders . this confidence made him pursue all the ways towards a peace , and by paces which some thought forwarder than his commission , and very ill concerted with those of his allies . about the middle of april , he brought us the project of a treaty of commerce both for france and sweden , and desir'd we would make the communication of them ; which we did for form , though we knew that those ministers had been before possessed of them from the dutch ambassadors themselves . and some few days after , they entred into conferences upon this project at the french ambassadors houses , whom they found very easy in the terms the dutch insisted on for their commerce , which was all that could make any difficulty between them . 1677. about the end of april , the ministers of the allies came , and presented us their several answers in writing to the french propositions , which they offered to leave with us , whenever we should assure them that the french and swedes were ready with theirs . upon this communication given to the french , they were positive to give no answer in writing , nor to receive any , alledging both reason and example for their opinion ; this from the practice of the munster treaty , that from the danger of the invective stile or language that is apt to enter into the writings of each party upon such occasions . the allies were for some time as peremptory in their resolution of delivering their answer in writing ; but both at last agreed upon the expedient we proposed , of dictating to us what they intended should be said to the other party , of our setting the substance down in writing , and reading it over to them first , who dictated to us , so as they might be judges whether we had rightly apprehended and expressed their meaning ; and yet the thing might go in our stile , and not in theirs ; by which all sharpness and provocation would be avoided . about the middle of may , arrived president canon , envoy from the duke of lorrain , and put his master's pretensions into our hands ; upon which the allies expected a return of those from france upon that duke , no room being now left for delaying them from the want of a minister upon the place ; but the french said very plainly , it was a matter they were not instructed in ; which the allies received with great stomach , and perpetual complaints to us the mediators ; all professing , they were resolved not to proceed in the treaty , without carrying on the interests of that duke , an equal pace with their own . about the end of may arrived the pope's nuncio ; whereupon the swedish and danish ambassadors resorted immediately to us , desiring to know how we intended to carry our selves in what regarded that minister ; professing themselves to be much in pain , being of one side very much pressed , the swedes by the french , and the danes by the imperialists and spaniards , to the enterchange at least of common ceremonies and civilities , with a minister for whom they all with emulation professed so great respect and deference : on t'other side , the swedes and danes pretended neither to have instruction or example from their respective courts , to determin them in this matter , but said , they were resolved to observe and consider the steps that should be made by us . we cut the business very short , and declared to them our resolution to have no sort of commerce with the pope's nuncio , either in the affairs of our function , or in matters of ceremony ; and told them , our orders from court were so precise in this point , that they would admit of no debate . the next day monsieur colbert and d'avaux came formally to give us part of the nuncio's arrival , and of his desire to make us his first comments , if he might know they would be received : our answer to them was the same we had made to the swedes and danes ; and soon after , all the ministers of protestant princes at nimeguen , resolved to follow our example , and to have no commerce at all with the nuncio . about the same time , after many messages carried by us between the parties , they were perswaded at last into the agreement of delivering and exchanging by our hands , their answers to each others propositions in writing , tho without pretending to pursue that method in the succeeding paces of the negotiation . nor was there need of that caution , for this i take to have been the last pace of any free and general negotiation between the parties engaged in the war and in the treaty : nor were the answers any thing nearer agreeing , than the first propositions . the last day of may arrived the marquess de balbaces , first ambassador from spain ; and about the same time , my lord berkly returned into england , where he languished out the rest of the summer , and died . about the seventh of june , the dutch ambassadors brought us the project of a treaty between them and france , digested and extended in all its forms and articles ; and told us soon after , they had in a conference upon it with the french ambassadors , agreed , in a manner , all the points of it , at least that there remained but two , which concerned commerce only , undetermined between them , which they doubted not would be agreed likewise upon return of the french dispatches to court. that after their business was ended , they would perform the best offices they could between their allies and the french ; and indeed by the beginning of july , all points were accordingly agreed between the french and dutch , and monsieur beverning began to play the part of something more than a mediator , pressing on his allies towards a peace , with paces very earnest and something rough , and as some believed more than he had order for , from his masters , who yet pretended to hold hands with their allies . but monsieur beverning professed to believe that their friends at the hague were imposed upon by van beuninghen , and the spanish ministers at london , who still animated them with hopes of the king 's entring into the war , or at least prescribing a plan of the peace to be received by all parties , which beverning believed neither one nor t'other of , and pretended to be morally assur'd of his opinion , and thereupon grounded the absolute necessity of a peace . in this month the duke of zell began to make a difficulty of sending the five thousand men he had promised to the allies , without some new stipulations . and the french offered a guaranty to the house of lunenburgh , of all their conquests on the swede in bremen , upon a neutrality to be declared by those dukes , which began to give great umbrages to the allies , as well as the swedes , of some separate measures like to be concluded between france and the whole house of brunswick . the dutch ambassadors were likewise in pain upon new intelligence both from vienna and madrid about a separate peace , being treated between don john and the french , with an exchange of the spanish netherlands , for what should be restored them in roussillon and sicily . the ministers of the confederates made great instances in england , that his majesty would recal his troops , that were in the french service ; attributing most of their successes in germany , to the bravery of those english regiments . but his majesty excused it upon the equality of a mediator ; since there were english troops of greater number in the service of the allies : who took this answer , however , for an ill sign of that prosecution which they hoped from his majesty for the relief of their languishing affairs . the hopes of those great actions promised by the imperialists this summer on the rhine , began to flat ; their troops finding no subsistence in those countries which had been wholly desolated by the french in the beginning of the year , to prevent their march. the prince of orange observing all these circumstances , and foreseeing no resource for the interests of the allies ; unless from his majesty ; and that it was likely to prove an unactive summer in flanders , the french resolving not to come to a battel , and he not able to form a siege , and oppose a french army that should come to relieve it ; he sent monsieur bentinck over into england about the beginning of june , to desire his majesty's leave that he might make a journey thither so soon as the campania ended . he received a civil answer , but with wishes from the king , that he would first think of making the peace , and rather defer his journey till that were concluded . about the middle of june , my son came over to me at nimeguen , and brought me letters from my lord treasurer , to signify his majesty's pleasure , that i should come over , and enter upon the secretary of state 's office , which mr. conventry had offered his majesty to lay down upon the payment often thousand pounds ; that the king would pay half the money , and i must lay down the rest at present ; tho his lordship did not doubt but the king would find the way of easing me in time of that too . i writ immediately to my lord treasurer to make my acknowledgment to his majesty ; but at the same time my excuses , that i was not in a condition to lay down such a sum , my father being still alive , and keeping the estate of the family ; and desiring that the king's intention might at least be respited till he saw how the present treaty was like to determin . in return of my letters on the second of july , mr. smith , one of the king's messengers , being sent express , and making great diligence , arrived at nimeguen , and brought me his majesty's commands to repair immediately over , in a yatcht which he had sent on purpose for me : in obedience to this command i left nimeguen , but without any ceremony , pretending only a sudden journey into england , but saying nothing of the occasion further than to my nearest friends . at my arrival , the king asked me many questions about my journey , about the congress , draping us for spending him so much money , and doing nothing ; and about sir lionel , asking me how i had bred him ; and how he passed among the ambassadors there ? and other pleasantries upon that subject . after a good deal of this kind of conversation , he told me , i knew for what he had sent for me over , and that 't was what he had long intended ; and i was not to thank him , because he did not know any body else to bring into that place . i told his majesty , that was too great a compliment for me , but was a very ill one to my country , and which i thought it did not deserve ; that i believed there were a great many in it fit for that , or any other place he had to give ; and i could name two in a breath that i would undertake should make better secretaries of state than i. the king said , go , get you gone to sheen , we shall have no good of you till you have been there , and when you have rested your self , come up again . i never saw him in better humour , nor ever knew a more agreeable conversation when he was so , and where he was pleased to be familiar , great quickness of conception , great pleasantness of wit , with great variety of knowledg , more observation and truer judgment of men , than one would have imagined by so careless and easy a manner as was natural to him in all he said or did : from his own temper , he desired nothing but to be easy himself , and that every body else should be so ; and would have been glad to see the least of his subjects pleased , and to refuse no man what he asked . but this softness of temper made him apt to fall into the perswasions of whoever had his kindness and confidence for the time , how different soever from the opinions he was of before ; and he was very easy to change hands , when those he employed seemed to have engaged him in any difficulties ; so as nothing looked steddy in the conduct of his affairs , nor aimed at any certain end . yet sure no prince had more qualities to make him loved , with a great many to make him esteemed , and all without a grain of pride or vanity in his whole constitution ; nor can he suffer flattery in any kind , growing uneasy upon the first approaches of it , and turning it off to something else . but this humour has made him lose many great occasions of glory to himself , and greatness to his crown , which the conjunctures of his reign conspired to put into his head , and have made way for the aspiring thoughts and designs of a neighbour prince , which would not have appeared , or could not have succeeded in the world , without the applications and arts imployed to manage this easy and inglorious humour of the king 's . i staid two days at sheen , in which time some of secretary coventry's friends had prevailed with him not to part with his place if he could help it , unless the king would let him recommend the person to succeed him , who should pay all the money he expected , and which the king had charged himself with . when i came to town , the king , told me in his closet all that had passed between him and mr. coventry the day before upon this occasion ; that he did not understand what he meant , nor what was at the bottom ; for he had first spoke to his majesty about parting with his place , said his health would not go through with it , made the price he expected for it , and concluded all before he had sent for me over . that now he pretended he did not mean to quit it , unless he might present one to succeed him , and hoped he had not deserved his majesty should turn him out . but the king said upon it , that , under favour , he was resolved to take him at his word , and so he had told him , and left him to digest it as he could . upon this , i represented to the king how old and true a servant mr. coventry had been of his father's and his , how well he had served him in this place ; how well he was able to do it still by the great credit he had in the house of commons , where the king 's great business lay in the ill state of his revenue ; how ill such a treatment would agree with his majesty's nature and customs , and for my own part , that it would be a great favour to me to respite this change till he saw what was like to become of the treaty , or the war , and therefore i begged of him that he would not force a good secretary out , and perhaps an ill one in against both their wills , but let mr. coventry keep it , at least , till he seemed more willing to part with it . the king said , well then , he would let it alone for the present , but did not doubt in a little time one or other of us would change our mind . in the mean time , the design of my journey was known ; my lord arlington and others still asking me when they should give me joy of it , and many making applications to me for places in the office ; which made the court uneasier to me , and increased my known humour of loving the countrey , and being as much in it as i could . however , when i came to court , the king fell often into conversation with me , and often in his closet alone , or with none other present besides the duke or my lord treasurer , and often both . the subject of these conversations were usually the peace , and the prince of orange's journey into england . the king always expressed a great desire for the first , but not at all for the other till that was concluded . he said , his parliament would never be quiet nor easy to him while the war lasted abroad : they had got it into their heads to draw him into it , whether he would or no. that they pretended publick ends , and dangers from france , and there might be both meant by a great many honest men among them ; but the heats and distempers of late had been raised by some factious leaders , who thought more of themselves than of any thing else , had a mind to engage him in a war , and then leave him in it , unless they might have their terms in removing and filling of places ; and he was very loth to be so much at their mercy , as he should be , if he were once engag'd in the war. that besides , he saw the longer it continued , the worse it would be for the confederates ; more of flanders would be lost every day ; the conduct of spain must certainly ruin all in time ; and therefore he would fain have the prince make the peace for them , if they would not do it for themselves . that if he and the prince could fall into the terms of it , he was sure it might be done : and , after several discourses upon this subject for near a month , his majesty at last told me , he had a great mind i should make a short turn to the prince , and try if i could perswade him to it ; and assure him , that after it was agreed , he should be the gladdest in the world to see him in england . the duke and my lord treasurer both press'd me upon the same point ; but i told them at a long conference upon it , how often i had been employ'd upon this errand to the prince , how unmovable i had found him , and how sure i was to find him so still , unless the king would consider of another scheme for the peace than had been yet propos'd to him , and wherein he might reckon upon more safety to flanders , as well as to his own honour . that i had spent all my shot , and was capable of saying no more to him than i had done , in obedience to all the instructions i had receiv'd . that his answers had been positive ; so that some of my good friends at court pretended they had been my own thoughts rather than the prince's . that his majesty would do well to try another hand , and he would the better know the prince's mind , if his answers were the same to both ; if not , he would at least know how ill i had serv'd him . the king said , it was a thing of confidence between him and the prince , and must be so treated , and he knew no body he had besides to send . i told him , if he pleased , i would name one ? he bid me ; and i said , mr. hyde was idle ever since his return from nimeguen , had been entred into the commission of the mediators there , staid with us a fortnight or three weeks , might pretend to return thither to exercise the same function in my absence , since the commission run to any two of the number , and might take the prince of orange's camp in his way to nimeguen , perform the king's commands to his highness , inform himself of his last resolution upon the subject of the peace ; go on to nimeguen without giving any jealousy to the allies , or without the noise that my going would make ; since sir lionel had wrote to court and to me , that monsieur beverning had desir'd all paces should stop there till my return , which he heard would be sudden , and that the king would send by me his own plan of the peace . the duke fell in first to the proposal of mr. hyde's going , and , after some debate , the king and my lord treasurer , and that it should be as soon as was possible . he was sent for accordingly , and dispatch'd away in all points as i had proposed . he found the prince at the camp , but unmovable in the business of the peace upon the terms his majesty had thoughts of proceeding ; gave account of all that passed in that conference to the king , and went straight away to nimeguen , and writ me word of his conversation with the prince , and that he never saw such a firmness in any man. i knew mr. hyde's going to reside at nimeguen , would be of great comfort and support to sir lionel , who was in perpetual agonies ( as his word was ) after he was left alone in that station ; having ever so much distrust of his own judgment , that tho he had the most great desire that could be to do well , yet he many times could not resolve how to go about it ; and was often as much perplexed about the little punctilio's of visit and ceremony that were left to busy that ambassy , as if greater affairs had still attended it . besides , he lay under the lash of secretary williamson , who upon old grudges between them at colen , never fail'd to lay hold of any occasion he could to censure his conduct , and expose it at the foreign committee , where his letters were read to his majesty . it happen'd about this time , that the spanish ambassadors first appearing in publick upon a new commission to all three , gave immediate notice of it to the imperialists , who made their visit upon it , and were within two hours revisited by the spaniards . after which , they sent their formal notifications to all the other ambassadors , and to the mediators in the first place . sir lionel was in pain , having orders to pretend the first rank of respect before the imperialists , as well as other ambassadors there ; and not to yield it , if it came in competition . he had likewise another order , which was , that upon matters in ceremony , doubtful , and not admitting the delay of new orders , he should consult with the other ambassadors , especially french and swedish , who used to carry those points the highest , and govern himself as well as he could by presidents and examples . he consulted both these ambassadors , whether he should visit the spaniards , after having given the first notice to the imperialists ? and they concluded , that he should first know of them , whether it was done in form , as to ambassadors in general ; or whether it was upon the account of the near alliance in blood between those two houses of austria ? that if it were the first , he ought not visit them , as having put a disrespect upon the mediation , and distinguish'd the emperor from all the other crown'd heads , who had yielded the precedence wholly to them ; which they should not have done , if the emperor had refus'd it . but if the spaniards affirmed it was only upon the nearness of blood between them , none of the other ambassadors need take any notice of it , since the same had been done between those two crowns at munster upon the same score ; which being there declared , it gave no offence to the mediators , tho they were the pope's nuncio's , with whom there was otherwise no competition . sir lionel was satisfied by the spaniards ( who gave it him in writing ) that the visits were made only upon the score of kindred ; as at munster ; and thereupon made them his visit , and received theirs ; for which he was sharply reprov'd by secretary williamson's letter upon it , who had represented it to the king as a disobedience to a positive order , and giving up the point to the imperialists . but being at court soon after these dispatches , i endeavoured to justify my colleague's intentions and his proceedings , by shewing that he had conform'd to his other orders of consulting the other ambassadors , and proceeding according to the best president , which was that at munster ; and that if he had broken with the spaniards upon this point , he would have provok'd the imperialists to declare their resolution of not yielding to the mediators , upon which the other ambassadors would recal the concession which they had already made in this point , and so hazard , if not lose , the possession his majesty was in , of the first respect given to his mediation . i had the good fortune to satisfy his majesty and his ministers , and to obtain orders for his gracious pardon to be sent sir lionel ( for they would suffer it to run in no other terms ) ; for which however the poor gentleman made as great acknowledgments , as if his fault had been much greater , and worse meant . the rest of this summer passed without any further paces made in the congress at nimeguen , where the messages carried and returned about the business of lorain , served to keep the mediators in countenance , and no more . the whole body of allies pressed for an answer from the french to that duke's pretensions , delivered in by president canon . the french , after their former exception , of his wanting a minister there , raised another to stave off these instances of the allies , and declared , they could give no answer about lorain , till the bishop of strasburgh's agents were received by the allies , upon which the emperor made an invincible difficulty , declaring he would never treat with a vassal of his own ▪ and in these conferences about lorain , the french ambassadors began to insinuate to the mediators , that their master never intended that to be treated as a principal , but only as an accessary to the treaty . in august arrived at nimeguen , the bishop of gurck , chief of the imperial ambassay , and count antoine of that from denmark : the first was immediately visited by the spainsh ambassadors , and returned them ; after which he sent his notifications to the mediators , and from them to the other ambassadors ; upon which no difficulty was made by them , since the bishop made the same declaration the spaniards had done before upon the like occasion . that the first visits passing between the ministers of the two houses of austria , were visits of kindness and consanguinity , and not of ceremony . but count antoine fell into endless difficulties upon his first arrival . he intended to have sent his first notification to the mediators , as others had done ; but the imperialists having notice of this intention , sent him direct word , they expected the first respect should be given the emperor ; and this was the first time they owned that pretension , in prejudice of the honour hitherto done to the king's mediation . count antoine sent monsieur hoeg , his colleague , to acquaint the mediators with this incident , and desire them to find out some expedient : they excused themselves , alledging their positive orders to expect the first notification . the danes were as unwilling to disoblige his majesty , as the emperor , and found no temper in this matter , after many offered both by french and dutch ambassadors ; so that count antoine resolved to leave it undecided , and to give no notifications , nor receive or make any visits ; but however assisted at the conferences among the allies , and made a part of all the evening entertainments at play , and in conversation in the apartments of the several ambassadrices . and this course he observed , during his stay at nimeguen , which was seven or eight months ; for the rest , a person very much esteemed for his generous qualities , and gentlemanly humour and conversation , and yielding to none upon the place in the greatness and splendor of his equipage , wherein the marquess de balbaces , and count antoine seemed to distinguish themselves from all the rest . about the end of july , the prince of orange made an attempt upon charleroy , rather than a siege . this had been before concerted with the duke of lorain , who made a meen of entring into champagne , on purpose to draw off the french forces from attending the prince's motions and design upon charleroy ; the prince had hopes to take it by surprize ; but found them of the garison upon their guard , and very strong , as well as the place , which had been fortified with all the force of art and expence , which could be employed upon a place of that compass . he sat down before it , and would have besieged it in form , if the duke of lorain could have diverted the french army from relieving it ; but monsieur louvoys , with great diligence , leaving the mareshal crequi with force enough to face that duke , assembled a very great army for the relief of charleroy , upon approach whereof , the prince called a council of war , to resolve whether to march , and fight the french army , or raise the siege . the last was resolved upon debate at the councel , and accordingly executed , and therewith ended this compania in flanders . but this march and retreat of the prince , passed not without many reflections , not only among the allies , but in holland too , as if he had given over the design upon some intelligences and expresses between him and the king about this time . monsieur bentink had gone over and returned , without any bodies knowing his business . my lord ossory happened to arrive in the camp , the day before the council of war , upon which the siege was raised , which made many think , something his lordship brought from england , was the occasion of it : but i could never find there was any thing more in his journey than the hopes of seeing a battel ( which was ever a particular inclination of my lord ossory ) and a cast of my lord arlington to preserve himself in the prince's favour and confidence as much as he could , by my lord ossory's keeping close to him , at a time when he saw the business of christendom roll so much upon the person of this prince . about this time , the assembly at nimeguen seem'd in danger of being broken by a passionate motion the swedes made in it . there had been a long contest since it first began , between the swedes and danes , about freedom of passage for the swedish couriers through tbe danish territories , for managing the correspondences necessary with their court. the danes pretended the example of france , who refus'd the same liberty to the spaniards . this dispute had been managed by many messages , wherewith the mediators had been charged between the parties , wherein the allies of both sides took equal part : sometimes the matter had been treated with very pressing instances , and sometimes with fainter ; sometimes almost let fall , and then again resumed ; and thus for above a year past ; but about this time the swedes came to the mediators , desire their offices once more to the danes upon this subject , and declare , that without this liberty insisted upon so long for their couriers , they find themselves incapable of giving advices necessary to their court , or receiving orders necessary from it ; and that without it , they must be forced to leave the assembly . this resolution of the swedes continued for some time so peremptory , that it was expected to come to that issue ; but after some foogue spent for about a fortnight or three weeks upon this occasion , and some temperament found out by the dutch for the secure and speedy passage of all the swedish dispatches from amsterdam , those ambassadors began to grow soft and calm again , and to go on their usual pace . soon after , the french ambassadors , who had treated the swedish affairs and ministers with great indifferency and neglect in this treaty , ( declaring to monsieur beverning , their master would not part with one town in flanders , to restore the swedes to all they had lost ) began wholly to change their language , and say upon all occasions , that france could not make peace without the full satisfaction and restitution of the swedes ; and it was discoursed , that the french and swedes had entered into a new alliance at paris to this purpose ; and some believed , it was by concert between them , that this attenite was given by the swedes to the congress . that the french had at that time a mind to break it , and to enter into a treaty with spain under the pope's direction , and at rome , not knowing to what measures his majesty might be induced upon the progress of the french conquests , and the distempers raised in his parliament upon that occasion . but this gust blown over , all was becalmed at nimeguen ; so that monsieur olivecrantz left that place about the end of august , upon a journey to sweden . till this time the motions of business had been respited in the assembly , upon a general expectation that the king was sending me over suddenly with the plan of peace , that he resolved should be made , and to which it was not doubted but all parties would yield , whatever it was ; so great a regard was held on all sides , of his majesty's will and power . but a greater stop was yet given to all further paces there , by the prince of orange's journey into england , about the end of september 1677. which wholly changed the scene of this treaty , and for the present carried it over to london , and left all other places at a gaze only , and in expectation of what should be there agitated and concluded . chap. iii. the prince , like a hasty lover , came post from harwich to newmarket , where the court then was , as a season and place of county sports . my lord arlington attended his highness at his alighting , making his pretence of the chief confidence with him ; and the court expected it upon his alliance and journeys into holland . my lord treasurer and i went together to wait on him , but met him upon the middle of the stairs , in a great crowd , coming down to the king. he whispered to us both together , and said to me , that he must desire me to answer for him and my lord treasurer one to another , so as they might from that time enter both into business and conversation , as if they had been of a longer acquaintance ; which was a wise strain , considering his lordship's credit in court at that time , and was of great use to the prince in the course of his affairs then in england ; and tho' it much shockt my lord arlington and his friends , yet it could not be wondred at by such as knew what had passed of late , between the prince and him , with whom he only lived in common forms , during his stay there . he was very kindly received by the king and the duke , who both invited him often into discourses of business , which they wondred to see him avoid or divert industriously , so as the king bid me find out the reason of it . the prince told me he was resolved to see the young princess before he entred into that affair ; and yet to proceed in that , before the other of the peace . the king laughed at this piece of nicety when i told it him. but however , to humour him in it , said , he would go some days sooner than he had intended from newmarket , which was accordingly done . the prince upon his arrival in town , and sight of the princess , was so pleased with her person , and all those signs of such a humour as had been described to him upon former enquiries , that he immediately made his suit to the king and the duke , which was very well received and assented to , but with this condition , that the terms of a peace abroad might be first agreed on between them . the prince excused himself , and said , he must end his first business before he began the other . the king and duke were both positive in their opinion ; and the prince resolute in his ; and said at last , that his allies , who were like to have hard terms of the peace as things then stood , would be apt to believe , that he had made this match at their cost ; and for his part , he would never sell his honour for a wife . this prevailed not , but the king continued so positive for three or four days , that my lord treasurer and i began to doubt the whole business would break upon this punctilio . about that time i chanced to go to the prince after supper , and found him in the worst humour that i ever saw him ; he told me he repented he had ever come into england , and resolved he would stay but two days longer , and then be gone , if the king continued in his mind of treating upon the peace before he was married ; but that before he went , the king must chuse how they should live hereafter ; for he was sure it must be either like the greatest friends , or the greatest enemies , and desired me to let his majesty know so next morning , and give him an account of what he should say upon it . i did so early in the morning , told the king all the prince had said to me the night before , and the ill consequences of a breach between them , considering the ill humour of so many of his subjects upon our late measures with france , and the invitations made the princes by several of them , durig the late war. the king heard me with great attention ; and when i had done , said , well , i never yet was deceived in judging of a man's honesty by his looks , ( of which he gave me some examples ) and if i am not deceived in the prince's face , he is the honestest man in the world , and i will trust him , and he shall have his wife , and you shall go immediatly and tell my brother so , and that 't is a thing i am resolved on . i did so , and the duke at first seemed a little surprized ; but when i had done , he said , the king shall be obeyed , and i would be glad all his subjects would learn of me to obey him. i do tell him my opinion very freely upon any thing ; but when that is done , and i know his pleasure upon it . i obey him. from the duke i went to the prince , and told him my story , which he could at first hardly believe , but embraced me , and said , i had made him a very happy man , and very unexpectedly , and so i left him to give the king an account of what had passed , and in the prince's anti-chamber met my lord treasurer , and told him the story , who undertook to adjust all the rest between the king and the prince ; which he did so well , that the match was declared that evening at the committee , before any other in court knew any thing of it ; and next day it was declared in council , and received there and every where else in the kingdom with the most universal joy that i ever saw any thing in the king's reign . the french ambassador and my lord arlington appeared the only two persons unsatisfied upon it at court ; the first not knowing how he should answer it to his master that an affare of that importance should pass without his communication , much less advice , in a court where nothing before had been done so for many years ; and my lord arlington , that it should pass without his knowledge , who still endeavoured to keep up the court opinion of his confidence with the prince ; who told me the complaint his lordship had made him upon it , that some things good in themselves were spoiled by the manner of doing them as some things bad were mended by it : but he would confess this was a thing so good in it self , that the manner of doing it , could not spoil it . within two or three days the marrriage was consummated , and immediately after they fell into the debates upon the terms of the peace ; to which , as to that of the match , none but my lord treasurer and i were admitted . the prince insisted hard upon the strength and enlargement of a frontier on both sides of flanders , without which france , he said , would end his war with the view of beginning another , and carrying flanders in one compania . the king was content to leave that business a little looser , upon the confidence that france was so weary of this war , that if they could get out of it with honour , they would never begin another in this reign : that the king grew past his youth , and lazy , and would turn to the pleasures of the court , and building , and leave his neighbours in quiet . the prince thought france would not make a peace now , but to break the present confederacy , and to begin another war with more advantage and surprize ; that their ambition would never end till they had all flanders and germany to the rhine , and thereby holland in an absolute dependance upon them , which would leave them in an ill condition , and us in no good one ; and that christendom could not be left safe by the peace , without such a frontier as he proposed for flanders , and the restitution of lorain , as well as what the emperour had lost in alsatia . upon this i told the king , that in the course of my life , i had never observed mens natures to alter by age or fortunes ; but that a good boy made a good man ; and a young coxcomb , an old fool ; and a young fripon , an old knave ; and that quiet spirits were so , young as well as old , and unquiet ones would be so old as well as young : that i believed the king of france would always have some bent or other , sometimes war , sometimes love , sometimes building ; but that i was of the prince's opinion , that he would ever make peace with a design of a new war , after he had fixed his conquest by the last ; and the king approved what i said . the points of lorain and alsatia were easily agreed to by the king and duke , but they would not hear of the county of burgundy , as what france could never be brought to , tho' the prince insisted much upon it ; so as the king imagined . he was touched by the interest of his own lands in that county ( which are greater and more seigneurial than those of the crown of spain there ) and thereupon told him , that for his lands he would charge himself with either his enjoying them as safely under france as spain ; or if he should rather chuse to part with them than have that dependance , he would undertake to get him what price he should himself value them at . but the prince answered briskly and generously , that he should not trouble himself nor the peace about that matter , and that he would be content to lose all his lands there , to get one good town more for the spaniards upon the frontier of flanders ; so all difficulties began to terminate upon what was esteemed necessary there . this admitted great debates between the king and prince ; one pretending france would never be brought to one scheme ; and t'other , that spain would never consent to the other . but at the last it was agreed , that the peace should be made upon these terms , all to be restored by france to the empire and emperor that had been taken in the war ; the dutchy of lorain to that duke , and all on both sides between france and holland ; and to spain the towns of aeth , charleroy , oudenard , courtray , tournay , conde , valenciennes , st. gillain , and binch . that the prince should endeavour to procure the consent of spain , and his majesty that of france ; for which purpose he should send some person immediately over with the proposition , who should be instructed to enter into no reasonings upon it , but demand a positive answer in two days , and after that term immediately return . the question was , who should go ? and my lord treasurer said , it must be he or i ; for none else had been acquainted with the debate of this business . the prince said , it must be i , for my lord treasurer could not be spared , and it must be some person upon whose judgment and truth he could rely ▪ as to the intentions of that court. the king order'd me to be ready in two days , which i was ; and the evening before i was to go , meeting his majesty in the park , he called me to him , and , a little out of countenance told me , he had been thinking of my journey and my errand , and how unwelcome i should be in france , as well as my message ; and having a mind to gain the peace , he was unwilling to anger them more than needs . besides , the thing being not to be reasoned or debated , any body else would serve the turn as well as i , whom he had other use of ; and therefore he had been thinking to send some other person . i saw he doubted i would take it ill ; but told him , and very truly , he would do me the greatest pleasure in the world ; for i never had less mind to any journey in my life , and should not have accepted it , but in perfect obedience . the king , that was the gentlest prince in the world of his own nature , fell into good humour upon seeing i took it not ill , pretended to think whom he should send , and at last asked me , what i thought of my lord duras ? i said , very well ; upon which he seem'd to resolve it . but the thing had been agreed in the morning , as i was told , upon the duke's desire , who thought france would accept the terms , and that the peace would be made , and had a mind to have the honour of it by sending a servant of his own . whether there were any other motive , i know not ; but my lord duras went immediately with the orders before mentioned ; and some few days after , the prince and princess embarqued for holland , where affairs pressed his return beyond the hopes of my lord duras from france ; the king assuring him , he would never part from the least point of the scheme sent over , and would enter into the war against france , if they refus'd it . however , he went not away without a great mortification , to see the parliament prorogued the next spring ; which the french ambassador had gain'd of the king , to make up some good meen with france after the prince's marriage , and before the dispatch of the terms of a peace to that court. upon my lord duras's arrival at paris , the court there were surpriz'd , both at the thing , and more at the manner ; but made good meen upon it , took it gently ; said , the king knew very well he might always be master of the peace ; but some of the towns in flanders seemed very hard , especially tournay , upon whose fortifications such vast treasures had been expended ; and that they would take some short time to consider of the answer . my lord duras told them , he was ty'd to two days stay ; but when that was out , he was prevail'd with to stay some few days longer , and to come away without a positive answer : what he brought , was what they had said to him before , that the most christian king hoped his brother would not break with him upon one or two towns : but even upon them too he would send orders to his ambassador at london to treat with his majesty himself . by this gain of time , and artifical drawing it into treaty without any positive refusal , this blow came to be eluded , which could not easily have been so any other way . the king was softned by the softness of france . the ambassador said at last , he had leave to yield all but tournay , and to treat even for some equivalent for that too , if the king insisted absolutely upon it . the prince was gone , who had spirited the vigour of the whole resolution , and the treaty of it began to draw out into messages and returns from france . however , the ill humour of people growing higher upon the noise of a peace , and negotiated in france , and the late prorogation of the parliament , this was by proclamation anticipated soon after my lord duras's return , tho' a thing something unusual , and a countenance made as if the king resolv'd to enter into the war ; for which the parliament seem'd impatient , whenever the king seem'd averse to it ; but grew jealous of some tricks , whenever the court seem'd inclin'd to it . about the end of december 1677. the king sent for me to the foreign committee , and told me , he could get no positive answer from france , and therefore resolv'd to send me into holland , to make a league there with the states , for forcing both france and spain , if either refused , to make the peace upon the terms he had proposed . i told the king , what he had agreed , was to enter into the war with all the confederates , in case of no direct and immediate answer from france . that this , perhaps , would satisfie both the prince and confederates abroad , and the people at home : but to make such a league with holland only , would satisfie none of them , and disoblige both france and spain . besides , it would not have an effect or force as the tripple-allliance had , being a great original , of which this seem'd but an ill copy ; and therefore excus'd my self from going . the king was set upon it , tho' i pretended domestick affairs of great importance upon the death of my father , and pleaded so hard , that the duke at last desir'd the king not to press me upon a thing i was so averse from , and would be so inconvenient to me ; and desir'd i might propose who should be sent with the treaty . i made my acknowledgments to the duke for his favour , and propos'd , that mr. thyn should be sent from the office with a draught of the treaty to mr. hyde , who was then come from nimeguen to the hague upon a visit to the princess . this was done , and the treaty sign'd there on the sixteenth of january , though not without great difficulties and dissatisfaction of the prince , who was yet covered in it by the private consent of the spanish minister there , in behalf of his master ; so as the war could not break but upon france , in case of their refusal . in the mean time , france , draws out the treaty upon the terms at london into length , never raising more than one difficulty at a time , and expostulating the unkindness of breaking for the single town of tournay , though that was indeed more important than any three of the others , being the only strong one to guard that side of the frontier , and giving way for any sudden invasion upon gant and antwerp , and the very heart of the country . but while this game was playing in england , they had another on foot in holland , especially at amsterdam , by raising jealousies of the measures taken between the king and prince upon the marriage , as dangerous to the liberties of holland , and making it there believed , that by the match , the king and duke had drawn over the prince wholly into their interests or sentiments : whereas the prince went away possessed to have by it drawn them indeed into his . they propos'd to the dutch other terms of the peace , far short of the king 's , and less safe for flanders ; restoring only six towns to the spaniards , and mentioning lorain but ambiguously ; which would not have gone down in holland , but for the suspicions rais'd by the prince's marriage , among the people there , who had an incurable jealousie of our court , and thereupon not that confidence of the prince that he deserved . there were two ruling burgomasters at amsterdam at this time , who had the whole sway of that town ( as this has a great one in holland ) hoeft and valkeneer ; the first a generous , honest man , of great patrimonial riches , learning , wit , humour , without ambition , having always refused all imployments the state had offered him , and serving only in that of burgomaster of his town in his turn , and as little busie in it as he could ; a true genius , and that said two things to me in conversation , i had not heard before ; one , that a man that were to dye to morrow in torment , would yet enjoy to day , if he were sain ; and that it was some disease or decay of spirits that hindred it . the other , that a man was a coyon , that desired to live after threescore ; and that for his part , after that age , which he was then approaching , he should be glad of the first good occasion to dye ; and this he made good , dying with neglect upon a fit of the gout , talking with his friends till he was just spent , then sending them away , that he might not dye in their sight ; and when he found himself come a little again , sending for them up , and telling them , qu●il y avoit encore pour une demy heure de conversation . this was the character of monsieur hoeft , who was a great inclination of mine , tho he passed for a humorous man ; and told me , i was the only ambassador he had ever visited in his life : he had all the credit that could be in his town , without seeking , or minding , or using it ; whereas valkeneer sought and courted it all that could be , without having half the other's ; being a morose and formal man , but of great industry , much thought , and as was believed , avarice , and making the turns easily , that were necessary in the government , to carry his ends . these two had long been enemies , and thought irreconcileable , till the french instruments at this time with great art and industry made up the quarrel , and joyned them both in the design of making the peace upon the terms offered by france . the parliament meets in january by anticipation of that session , which seemed to import something of great consequence : the king acquaints them with the league he had made in holland , and asks them money upon it for puting himself in a posture to carry on the war if the peace failed : which the parliament gave him , upon the hopes of the war , and not of the peace . the constitution of this parliament , that had sat seventeen years , was grown into two known factions , which were called , that of court and country ; the court party were grown numerous by a practice introduced by my lord clifford , of downright buying off one man after another , as they could make the bargain . the country party was something greater yet in number , and kept in more credit upon the corruption of others , and their own pretence of steadiness to the true interest of the nation , especially in the points of france and popery ; where these came in question , many of the court party voted with those of the countty , who then carried all before them ; but whenever the court seemed to fall in with the true interests of the nation , especially in those two points , then many of the country party meaning fairly , fell in with the court , and carried the votes , as they now did upon the kings pretence to grow bold with france , and to resolve upon the war , if the peace were refused . in october , friburgh had been taken by a feinte of the duke of crequi's , before the duke of lorain could come to relieve it ; and in the same month stettin had been taken by the elector of brandenburgh , after a vigorous resistance , which left the scales as even as they were before , between the two leagues . in january , upon the delays of france to agree the king's conditions of a peace , his majesty entred into a negotiation with the ministers of the confederates at london , in case france went on to refuse them ; but the hopes of a peace was on a sudden dasht by the french attempts upon ypre , and threats of ostend , where the king immediately sends forces over , at the desire of the spanish ambassador , for security of that important place ; nor did the french ambassador seem to resent at all this pace of his majesty , but continued his court and treaty with all the fairness that could be . towards the end of february , the king of france marching in the head of his army , and carrying the queen and ladies to mentz , seemed to threaten lutzenburgh , or namur , or mons ; but having drawn the spanish forces that way , on a sudden crosses the countrey , sits down before gant , and by the end of the month takes both that town and ypre , and thereby gives a mighty alarm to holland , and strengthens the credit and endeavours of those he had already disposed to his terms of a peace , as grown now absolutely necessary ; while england seemed resolved to go into the war , or at least furnish'd the confederates with many such hopes . about the first of april , france made a publick declaration of the terms upon which they were resolved to make the peace ; which though very different from those agreed between his majesty and holland , and more from the pretensions of the allies ; yet having , as to what concern'd spain and holland , been first privately agreed with some leaders of the principal towns , proved indeed the plan of the peace both for holland and all the other confederates engaged in the war. and here the french began that imperious way of treating , which they afterwards pursued in the whole negotiation of the ensuing peace , declaring such and such was the conditions they would admit , and no other ; and upon which their enemies might chuse either peace or war as they pleased ; and to which france pretended not to be tied longer than to the tenth of may , after which , they would be at liberty to change , or restrain them as they should think fit . about this time , i happened to be with lord treasurer one evening in his closet , when a packet came to him from mr. montague ambassador at paris , giving him an account of a large conference monsieur louvoy had lately had with him , by the king his master's order ; wherein he represented the measures they had already taken for a peace in holland upon the french terms ; that since they were agreed there , they hoped his majesty would not be against it ; that however , france had ordered him to make his majesty the offer of a great sum of money for his consent , tho' to a thing already accepted by holland , and wherein his majesty was consequently not concerned . that monsieur louvoy desired the ambassador to write this immediately to lord treasurer , and to offer him a very considerable sum for himself , that should be sent over in money , jewels , or by bills , as he should chuse ; and mr. montague added , that it was desired this affair should be treated only between them two , and not communicated to either of the secretaries of state. my lord treasurer read the letter to me , and i said , well , my lord , what do you say to the offer ? he answered , that he thought 't was the same thing as if it should be made to the king to have windsor put into the french hands , and so he should treat it ; and that we had nothing to do but to go on with our treaty with the confederates . this his lordship and i were incharged with , and had brought near a conclusion , when letters came from mr. hyde , with representations made him from the pensioner at the hague , of the dispositions in holland running violently into a peace , and the absolute necessity he thought there was of concluding it , upon the taking of gant , and danger of antwerp , which was then threatned , and the loss whereof would be so fatal to the trade of holland , especially amsterdam . hereupon mr. godolphin was dispatched immediately into holland , to bring the last and surest account he could get of the resolutions there upon this affair , and return with the greatest speed he could ; he did so , and brought the same account of all dispositions which mr. hyde had given , and in the process of our treaty with the confederates , monsieur van beuningham , when he came to the point , was forced to confess , that he had no powers to conclude , without first communicating to the states , which must draw into length and uncertainty . about this time the french ambassador began to change his language , who had ever before pretended , that his majesty should be always arbiter of the peace ; but now assuring , that his master had agreed with holland , he seemed to wonder and expostulate why the king should pretend to obtain better terms for the spaniards , than their allies the dutch were content with . i was then pressed by the king and lord treasurer to go into holland to know their final resolutions , whether they would yet go on with the war , in case his majesty should go into it ; but i excused my self , knowing the dutch were too much prest by so near approaches of france , to declare themselves upon a reserve of the king 's ; and said , if his majesty resolved to go that way , he must first take his measures with the parliament for the war , and then send them word in holland , he was ready to declare it in case they would pursue it ; and upon this message , i knew the dutch so well as to believe they would do it , and keep close to their late alliance with his majesty . this the king was unwilling to do ; but posted mr. godolphin again into holland about the middle of april , to know their final resolutions ; and prorogued the parliament for fourteen days . during these negotiations , and since the money given by the parliament , and in six weeks time the king had raised an army of about twenty thousand men , the compleatest , and in all appearance the bravest troops that could be any where seen , and might have raised many more upon so great a concurrence of the peoples humour with his majesty's seeming design of entring into a war against france ; and it was confest by all the foreign ministers , that no king in christendom could have made and compleated such a levy as this appeared , in such a time . my lord treasurer upon the twentieth came to me , and assured me of the king's resolution being at length fixed to go into the war , and desired me to prepare what the king was to say to the parliament upon this occasion , which i did ; when i carried it to my lord treasurer , i met there letters from mr. hyde and godolphin , that holland absolutely desir'd the peace , even upon the terms proposed by france , and had resolv'd to send monsieur van lewen over hither , to dispose the king to be contented with them . he arriv'd , and the king sent me immediately to him , to know his errand . he was the chief of the town of leyden , and had join'd with amsterdam , harlem . delf , and some others , in promoting the peace , even upon the french conditions : but being a man of great honour and worth , and having done it upon the suspicion that england was still at bottom in with france , and that all the rest was but grimace ; the prince had procur'd him to be sent over on purpose to satisfie himself ( and thereby his complices for the peace ) that the king's intentions were determined to enter into the war , which his highness thought the only means to prevent the peace . when i came to monsieur van lewen , he told me freely , that it was the most against their hearts in holland that could be , to make a peace upon terms so low and unsafe for flanders ; and that if the king had gone into the war , as was promised , upon france delaying or refusing to accept his scheme , they would certainly have continu'd it : but his majesty's proceedings look'd ever since so uncertain or unresolv'd , that it had raised jealousies in holland of our measures being at bottom fix'd and close with france ; which made most of the towns in holland think they had nothing else left to do , but to go in with them too as fast as they could : and the approach of the french army to antwerp left them now no time to deliberate : yet he professed to me in private , that if the king would immediately declare the war , he believed the states would still go on with it , in pursuit of their alliance , and the terms therein contained . i made this report to the king , who seem'd positive to declare the war , in case the parliament advis'd him , and promis'd to support it ; when an unlucky peevish vote , mov'd by sir t — c — in spight to my lord treasurer , passed the house of commons , that no msney should be given , till satisfaction was received in matters of religion . this left all so loose and so lame , that the king was in a rage , reproach'd me with my popular notions , as he term'd them , and ask'd me when , or how i thought he could trust the house of commons to carry him through the war , if he should engage in it ? and i had not much indeed to say , considering the temper and factions of the house ; nor could i well clear it to my self , by my observation , whether the king was firmly resolved to enter into the war , or if he did , whether the house of commons would have supported him in it , or turned it only to ruin the ministers by the king's necessities . 't is certain , no vote could ever have passed more unhappily , nor in such a counter-season , nor more cross to the humour of the house , which seem'd generally bent upon engaging his majesty in the war ; and the person that moved it was , i believe , himself as much of that mind as any of the rest ; but having since the loss of his employment at court , ever acted a part of great animosity in opposition to the present ministry , in whose hands soever it was : this private ill humour carried him contrary to his publick intentions , as it did many more in the house , who pretended to be very willing to supply the king upon occasion of the war , or even of his debts , but that they would not do it during my lord treasures ministry . in short , there was such fatal and mutual distrust both in the court and parliament , as it was very hard to fall into any sound measures between them . the king at least now saw he had lost his time of entring into the war , if he had a mind to it ; and that he ought to have done it ( upon my lord duras's return , and ) with the whole confederacy . and my lord essex told me , i had been a prophet , in refusing to go into holland to make that alliance , which had , as i said , pleased none at home or abroad , and had now lost all our measures in holland , and turn'd theirs upon france . but the turn that the king gave all this , was , that since the dutch would have a peace upon the french terms , and france offered money for his consent , to what he could not help , he did not know why he should not get the money ; and thereupon ordered me to treat upon it with the french ambassador , who had orders to that purpose . i would have excused my self ; but he said , i could not help seeing him , for he would be with me at my house by seven next morning ; he accordingly came , and i told him very truly , i had been ill in the night , and could not enter into business . the ambassador was much disappointed , and pressed me all he could ; but i defended my self upon my illness , till at length he left me without entring upon any thing . when i got up , i went immediately to sheen , writ to my lord treasurer by my wife , may the tenth , 1678. how much i was unsatisfied with being put upon such a treaty with the french ambassador , that belonged not at all to my post , and which they knew i thought dishonorable to the king ; and thereupon i offered to resign to his majesty , both my ambassy at nimeguen , and my promise of secretary of state 's place , to be disposed by his majesty as he pleased . my lord treasurer sent me word , the king forced no man upon what he had no mind to ; but if i resolved this should be said to him , i must do it my self , or by some other , for he would not make my court so ill , as to say it for me ; and so it rested , and i continued at sheen , without stirring till the king sent for me . in the mean time from the beginning of may , the ill humor of the house of commons , began to break out by several discourses and votes against the ministers and their conduct , which increased the ill opinion his majesty had conceived of their intentions in pressing him to enter upon a war ; yet notwithstanding all this , he had ( as i was told by a good hand ) conceived such an indignation at one article of the private treaty proposed by monsieur barillon , that he said , he would never forget it while he lived ; and tho he said nothing to me of his resentment , yet he seemed at this time more resolved to enter into the war , than i had ever before seen or thought him . monsieur ruvigny the son , was dispatched into france , to know the last intentions of that court , upon the terms of the peace proposed by his majesty , but brought no answer clear or positive ; so as his majesty went on to compleat his levies , and to prepare for the war ; but may the eleventh , the house of commons passed another negative upon the debate of money ; which so offended the king , that he prorogued them for ten days , believing in that time his intentions to enter into the war , would appear so clear , as to satisfie the house , and put them in better humour . monsieur van lewen distasted with these delays , and the counterpaces between king and parliament , begins to discourse boldly of the necessity his masters found , to make the peace as they could , since there was no relying upon any measures with england for carrying on the war , and the season was too far advanced to admit any longer delays . upon these discourses from him , his majesty began to cool his talk of a war , and to say , the peace must be left to the course which holland had given it ; and tho' upon may the twenty third , the parliament met , and seemed in much better temper than they parted , yet news coming about the same time that monsieur beverning was sent by the states to the french court at gant , to propose a cessation of arms for six weeks , in order to negotiate and agree the terms of the peace in that time , the affairs began now to be looked upon both in court and parliament , as a thing concluded , or at least as like to receive no other motion than what should be given it by holland and france . and indeed , the dispositions were so inclined to it on both sides , that the terms were soon adjusted between them . these articles having been so publick , i shall not trouble my self to insert them , but only say , they seemed so hard both to spain , and to the northern princes , who had made great conquests upon the swedes , that they all declared , they would never accept them ; and when the french ambassadors at nimeguen desired sir lionel jenkins to carry them to the confederates , he refused to do it , or to have part in a treaty , or conditions of peace , so different from what the king his master had proposed , and what both his majesty and holland had obliged themselves to pursue by their late treaty at the hague . about this time , france by a conduct very surprizing , having sent monsieur la feuillade to messina , with a common expectation of reinforcing the war in sicily , shewed the intention was very different , and of a sudden , ordered all their forces to abandon that island , with whom many messineses returned , fearing the vengeance of the spaniards , to whom they were now exposed ; and this was the only important service done that crown , by all his majesty's intentions or preparations to assist them ; for no man doubted that the abandoning of sicily was wholly owing to the apprehensions in france of a war with england , which they thought would give them but too much occasion for imploying of their forces ; and indeed the eyes and hopes of all the confederates were now turned so wholly upon england for any resource in their affairs , after holland had deserted them ( as they thought ) by such precipitate terms of a peace , that many of the chief ministers at nimeguen left that place , as of no more use to the treaty it was designed for , and went into england , where they thought the whole scene of that affair then lay , among whom was count antoine the danish ambassador , and soon after , monsieur olivecrantz , the swedish , with the elector of brandenburgh's envoy , and several others . however , the negotiation continued there between the french ambassadors , and monsieur beverning , till he was sent to the french camp , where he concluded the terms of the peace towards the end of june , and a cessation from all hostilities in flanders , for six weeks , which was given to the dutch , to endeavour the spaniards entring into the peace upon the terms they had proposed for them . and in the whole course of this negotiation , france seemed to have no regards , but for holland , and for them so much , that the most christian king assured the states , that tho' spain should not agree , yet he had such care of their satisfaction , that he would always provide such a barriere in flanders should be left , as they thought necessary for their safety ; and that after the peace should be made , and the ancient amity restored , he would be ready to enter into such engagements and measures with them , as should for ever secure their repose and their liberty . this was by all interpreted an invidious word , put in on purpose to cajole the enemies of the prince , who ever pretended the suspicions of his affecting more authority than they desired , and thereby kept up a popular party in the state , the chief of whom had been the chief promoters of the present peace ; and indeed the prince was not at all reserved in the endeavours of opposing it , but used all that was possible and agreeable to the forms of the state ; yet all in vain , the humour having spread so far at first in holland , and from thence into the other provinces , that it was no longer to be opposed or diverted by the prince . in the mean time , england was grown pretty indifferent in the matter of the peace , and spain seemed well inclined to accept their part of it : but the emperor , the king of denmark , and elector of brandenburgh , fell into the highest declarations and reproaches against the states , that could be well invented , ripping up all they had ventured and suffered in a war they had begun only for the preservation of holland ; how they were now abandoned by them in pretending to conclude imperious and arbitrary terms of a peace upon them without their consent : that they were willing to treat with france , and make a peace upon any safe and reasonable conditions , but would never endure to have them imposed as from a conqueror ; and would venture all , rather than accept them ; especially those for the duke of lorain , whose case was the worst treated , tho' the most favoured in appearance by all the confederates , and the least contested by france . notwithstanding all these storms from their allies , the dutch were little mov'd , and held on their course , having small regard to any of their satisfaction , besides that of spain , in what concern'd the safety of flanders ; and the necessities of that crown made them easie , tho' as little contented as the rest : so as the peace was upon the point of signing by the french and dutch ambassadors , when an unexpected incident fell in , which had like to have overturn'd this whole fabrick , and to have renew'd the war with greater heats , and more equal forces , by engaging england to a share of it in favour of the confederates , which they had been long practising without success , and now without hopes . in the conditions which holland had made for the french restoring the six towns in flanders to spain , there was no particular mention made of the time of that restitution ; the dutch understanding as well as the spaniards , that it was to be upon the ratifications of the peace with spain and holland , whether any of the other allies on each side were included , or no. but when the dutch treaty was near signing , the marquess de balbaces either found or made some occasion of enquiring more particularly of the french intentions upon this point . the french ambassadors made no difficulty of declaring , that the king , their master , being obliged to see an entire restitution made to the swedes of all they had lost in the war , could not evacuate the towns in flanders , till those to the swedes were likewise restored ▪ and that this detention of places , was the only means to induce the princes of the north to accept of the peace . monsieur beverning gave account to his masters of this new pretence ; and the states order'd him to let the french ambassadors know , he could not sign the peace without the restitution of the places in flanders upon the ratification of the treaty . the french ambassadors were firm on t'other side , and said , their orders were positive to insist upon the restitution of sweden . the states hereupon sent to monsieur van lewen to acquaint his majesty with this unexpected incident , and to know his opinion and resolution upon a point of so great moment to the peace of christendom on the one side , and to the safety of flanders on the other . the king was difficult at first to believe it ; but sending to the french ambassador at london to know the truth of it , and finding him own his master's intention not to evacuate the towns till the general peace was concluded , and sweden satisfied ; he was both surpriz'd and angry at this proceeding of france , and next morning sent for me to the foreign committee , and there declar'd his resolution of sending me immediately into holland with commission to sign a treaty with the states , by which they should be obliged to carry on the war , and his majesty to enter into it , in case france should not consent within a certain time limited , to evacuate the towns. the duke fell into this counsel with great warmth , and said at the committee , that it was plain by this pace , that france was not sincere in the business of the peace ; that they aim'd at the universal monarchy ; and that none but his majesty could hinder them from it , in the posture that christendom stood . all the lords of the committee agreed with so general a concurrence , that it was hard to imagin this should not prove a steddy resolution , how little soever we had been given to any such . his majesty took the pains to press van lewen to go over with me , to perswade the states of the sincereness and constancy of his resolution to pursue this measure with the utmost of his power ; and took upon himself to excuse to the states his masters , the making this journey without their consent . upon this dispatch mr. godolphin , who had been so lately in holland , told me , that if i brought the states to the treaty his majesty propos'd upon this occasion , he would move the parliament to have my statue set up ; the success whereof may deserve a further remark in its due place . monsieur van lewen and i went over in july , 1678. in two several yatchs , but met soon at the hague ; where , upon my first conference with the commissioners of secret affairs , one of them made me the handsomest dutch compliment i had met with . that they esteemed my coming into holland , like that of the swallow's , which brought fair weather always with it . the prince received me with the greatest joy in the world , hoping by my errand , and the success of it , either to continue the war , or recover such conditions of the peace for his allies , as had been wrested out of his hands by force of a faction begun at amsterdam , and spread since into the rest of the provinces . to make way for this negotiation , i concerted with monsieur van lewen to dine at his country-house , with monsieur hoeft of amsterdam , van tielt of harlem , patz of rotterdam , and two or three more of the chief burgomasters who had promoted the peace , or rather precipitated it , upon the french conditions . after dinner we entred into long conferences , in which monsieur van lewen assur'd them with great confidence of the king's sincereness in the resolutions he had taken , and seconded very effectually all i had to say upon that subject ; which had the more credit from one who had gone as far as any of them in pursuit and acceptance of the peace . the prince was impatient to know what had passed in this meeting , which made me go to him that evening ; and i told him what i was very confident to have found , that monsieur patz was incurable , and not otherwise to be dealt with ; but that all the rest were good and well meaning persons to their countrey , abused first by jealousies of his highness's match in england , by apprehensions of our court being wholly in the measures of france , and by the plausible offers of france towards such a peace as they could desire for themselves . that they were something enlightned by the late refusal of delivering up the spanish towns till the satisfaction of sweden ; and would , i doubted not , awaken their several towns , so as to make them receive favourably his majesty's proposition upon this conjuncture . it happen'd accordingly ; for monsieur hoeft proposing at amsterdam to make a tryal and judgment of the sincerity of france upon the whole proceeding of the peace , by their evacuating the spanish towns , and without it to continue the war ; he carried his point there , in spight of valkeneer , and the same followed in all the rest of the towns : so that when i fell into this negotiation , i concluded the treaty in six days ; by which france was obliged to declare within fourteen after the date thereof , that they would evacuate the spanish towns ; or , in case of their refusal , holland was engag'd to go on with the war , and england immediately to declare it against france , in conjunction with holland and the rest of the confederates . it is hardly to be imagined what a new life this gave to the authority and fortunes of the prince of orange , who was now owned by the states to have made a truer judgment than they had done , of the measures they were to expect both from france and england ; the last having proceeded so resolutely to the offers of entring into the war ; ( which was never believed in holland ) and france , after raising so important a difficulty in the peace , having proceeded in the war so far as to block up mons , one of the best frontiers remaining to flanders , which was expected to fall into their hands , before the term fixed for the conclusion or rupture of the peace should expire . preparations were made with the greatest vigour imaginable for his highness's expedition to relieve mons , and about ten thousand english already arrived in flanders , were ordered to march that way and joyn the prince . he went into the field , with a firm belief that the war would certainly go on , since france seemed too far engaged in honour to yield the evacuation of the towns , and tho' they should , yet spain could not be ready to agree and sign the peace within the term limited : and he thought that he left the states resolved not to conclude otherwise than in conjunction with that crown . and besides , he hoped to engage the french army before the term for signing the peace should expire , and resolved to relieve mons , or dye in the attempt , whether the peace succeeded or no ; so as the continuance of the war seemed inevitable . but no man since solomon ever enough considered how subject all things are to time and chance , nor how poor diviners the wisest men are of future events , how plainly soever all things may seem laid towards the producing them ; nor upon how small accidents the greatest counsels and revolutions turn , which was never more proved than by the course and event of this affair . after the treaty concluded and signified to france , all the arts that could be , were on that side imployed to elude it , by drawing this matter into treaty , or into greater length , which had succeeded so well in england . they offered to treat upon it at st. quintin , then at gant , where the king himself would meet such ambassadors as the dutch should send to either of those towns. but the states were firm , not to recede from their late treaty concluded with his majesty , and so continued till about five days before the term was to expire . then arrived from england one de cros , formerly a french monk , who some time since had left his frock for a petticoat , and insinuated himself so far in the swedish court as to procure a commission ( or credence at least ) for a certain petty agency in england . at london he had devoted himself wholly to monsieur barillon the french ambassador , tho' pretending to pursue the interests of sweden . about a week after i had sent a secretary into england with the treaty signed , this man brought me a packet from court , commanding me to go immediately away to nimeguen , and there to endeavour all i could ( and from his majesty ) to perswade the swedish ambassadors to let the french there know , that they would , for the good of christendom , consent , and even desire the king of france no longer to defer the evacuation of the towns , and consequently the peace upon the sole regard and interest of the crown of swden . i was likewise commanded to assure the said ambassadors that after this peace his majesty would use all the most effectual endeavours he could for restitution of the towns and countries the swedes had lost in the war. it was not easie for any man to be more surprized than i was by this dispatch ; but the pensioner fagel was stunned , who came and told me the whole contents of it , before i had mentioned it to any man ; and that de cros had gone about most industriously to the deputies of the several towns , and acquainted them with it ; and that the terms of the peace were absolutely consented , and agreed , between the two kings ; that he had brought me orders to go strait to nimeguen , and that i should at my arrival there , meet with letters from my lord sunderland , the king's ambassador at paris , with all the particulars concluded between them . how this dispatch by de cros was gained , or by whom , i will not pretend to determin ; but upon my next return for england , the duke told me , that he knew nothing of it , till it was gone , having been a hunting that morning ; my lord treasurer said all that could be to excuse himself of it ; and i never talked of it to secretary williamson ; but the king indeed told me pleasantly , that the rogue de cros had out-witted them all . the account i met with at court was , that these orders were agreed and dispatched one morning in an hours time , and in the dutchess of portsmouth's chamber , by the intervention and pursuit of monsieur borillon . however it was , and what endeavours soever were made immediately after , at our court , to retrieve this game , it never could be done ; and this one incident changed the whole fate of christendom ; and with so little seeming ground for any such council , that before de cros's arrival at the hague , the swedish ambassadors at nimeguen had made the very same declaration and instances to the french ambassadors there , that i was posted away from the hague upon the pretence of persuading them to resolve on . when i arrived at nimeguen , there remained but three days of the term fixed by the late treaty between his majesty , and the states , at the hague , either for the french assent to the evacuation of the towns , or for the carrying on of the war in conjunction of england with holland , and consequently the rest of the confederates . i found all men there perswaded , that the peace would not succeed ; and indeed all appearances were against it . the french ambassadors had given many reasons , in a formal sort of manifesto , to the dutch , why the king , their master , could not consent to it , without the previous satisfaction of sweden , whose interests he esteemed the same with his own ; but yet declaring , he was willing to receive any expedients the states should offer in this matter , either by their ambassadors at nimeguen , or such as they should send to his most christian majesty at saint quentin , or gant. the dutch gave them an answer in writing , declaring , it was a matter no longer entire , since upon the difficulty raised about the evacuation of the towns , the states , their masters , had been induced to sign a treaty with england , from which they could not recede ; nor from the day therein fixed for determining the fate of either peace or war ; and as there was no time , so there could be no use of any deputation to st. quentin , or gant ; nor any other expedient , besides the assent of france , to evacuate the towns. after this , the french ambassador had declared to the dutch , that they had found the king , their master , was resolved , at the desire of the swedes , to retard the peace no longer upon their consideration ; and would consent to evacuate the towns , upon condition the states would send their deputies to treat upon the ways of securing the future satisfaction to sweden , which was by both intended . but the dutch ambassadors continued peremptory , that there could be no deputation made by their masters ; and that if the term fixed by the late treaty with england should elapse , there was no remedy , but the war must go on . to this the french ambassadors replying , that their hands were bound up from proceeding further without such a deputation , the peace was thereupon esteemed desperate ; and the more so , because , at the same time , the duke of lutzenburg pressed mons , and the mareschal scomberg seemed to threaten colen , demanding of them immediate satisfaction of the money that had been seized , during the assembly there ; and brussels it self grew unquiet upon their finding themselves almost surrounded by french troops ; so as the confederate ministers thought themselves secure of what they had so much , and so long desired , and aimed at , which was a long war in conjunction with england ; for they neither believed france would yield a point they had so long , and so publickly contested ; nor ( if they did ) that the dutch would suffer their ambassadors to sign the peace without spain ; and the time was now too near expiring for agreeing the terms and draught of a treaty between the two crowns , which had not yet been in any kind digested . in the midst of these appearances and dispositions at nimeguen , came the fatal day , agreed by the late treaty at the hague , for determining whether a sudden peace , or a long war , were to be reckoned upon in christendom ; when , in the morning early , monsieur boreel , who had been sent from amsterdam to the dutch ambassadors at nimeguen , went to the french ambassadors ; and after some conference with them , these three ambassadors went immediately to those of holland , and declared to them , they had received orders to consent to the evacuation of the towns , and thereupon to sign the peace ; but that it must be done that very morning . whether the dutch were surprized , or no , they seemed to be so ; and entring into debate upon several of the articles as well as upon the interests of spain , this conference lasted near five hours , but ended in agreement upon all the points , both of peace and commerce , between france and holland , and orders for writing all fair with the greatest haste that was possible , so as the treaty might be signed that night . about four in the afternoon , the french ambassadors , having demanded an hour of me , and sir lionel , came to us at my house , gave us an account of their agreement with the dutch ambassadors upon all points in difference between them ; and of the treaty's being so ordered , as that it should be signed that evening , and made us the offer that they would all come and sign it at my house , that so we might have the part in it that was due to the mediators . we answered them , that having been sent by his majesty with instructions only to mediate a general peace , we could not by our orders assist at the signing of a particular one ; and therefore desired them to excuse us from having any part in this conclusion between them and the dutch ; either by the signing it at our houses , or by using our names as mediators in the treaty . the dutch ambassadors came to us likewise with the same communication and offer , and received the same answer ; and i observed their conversation upon this mighty and sudden turn to be a good deal embarassed , and something irresolute , and not very well agreed between the two ambassadors themselves . monsieur beverning complained of the uncertainty of our conduct in england , and the incurable jealousies that de cros's journey had raised in holland . that since the king still desired the peace , his masters had nothing to do but to conclude it ; and that they the ambassadors , took themselves to be so instructed , as that they must sign the peace upon the offers made by the french to evacuate the towns. monsieur ha●en did not seem to me so clear in point of their orders ; and i never could learn whether upon de cros's arrival and discourses at the hague , the states deputies there had sent orders to their ambassadors at nimeguen to sign the peace ( even without the spaniards ) in case of the french assenting to the evacuation of the towns before the day appointed for that purpose should expire ; or whether only the town of amsterdam had by boreel sent that advice to monsieur beverning , with assurances to bear him out in what he did , where his orders might receive a doubtful sense or interpretation ; however it were , monsieur beverning was bent upon giving this sudden end to the war , and such a quick dispatch to the draught of the treaty , that it was agreed in all articles , and written out fair , so as to be signed between eleven and twelve at night . and thus were eluded all the effects of the late treaty concluded at the hague , and the hopes conceived by the confederates of the war 's going on , which so provoked several of their ministers , as to engage them in sharp and violent protestations against the dutch ambassadors , by which they hoped to deter them from signing the peace without new orders from their masters . but all was to no purpose , beverning was unmoved , and the thing was done . the day after the peace was signed , came an express to me from court , with the ratifications of the late treaty between his majesty and the states , and orders to me immediately to proceed to the exchange of them ; which was such a counterpace to the dispatch i had received by de cros , and to the consequences of it , which had ended in the conclusion of the peace ; and thereby rendred the late treaty of no farther use ; that the ratification seemed now as unnecessary as it had been at first unresolved at our court , and unexpected from us by the dutch : however , i went away immediately upon this express , and next day after my arrival at the hague , made an exchange of the ratifications , according to the orders i had received . i found the pensioner , and several other of the deputies very much unsatisfied with the peace , and more with the precipitation of monsieur beverning to sign it upon the sudden offer of the french ambassadors to evacuate the towns , before he had acquainted the states with it , and received new orders upon it . they said , his instructions could not warrant him ; they talked of calling him in question for it , and of disavowing what he had done , and thereupon of having recourse to the treaty with his majesty ( which they now saw ratified ) and of continuing the war in conjuction with england , and the rather because they saw france had no mind to venture it , but had chosen to stoop from those high flights they had so long made in all transactions with their neighbours , either of war or peace . but others of the deputies , especially those of amsterdam , declared their satisfaction in this conclusion at nimeguen ; argued , that the weakness of their confederates , especially spain , and the unsteaddiness or irresolution of england , had made the peace of absolute necessity to holland , and excused any precipitation of their ambassadors in signing that day , or without clear and positive orders , upon the emergency being so sudden and surprizing , and the time so critical , that the delay of sending to the hague must of necessity have engaged the states in their obligations of the late treaty with england , and thereby in a necessity of continuing the war. the truth is , i never observed , either in what i had seen or read , any negotiation managed with greater address and skill , than this had been by the french in the whole course of this affair , especially since the prince of orange's match , which was thought to have given them so great a blow , and by force of conduct was turned so much to their advantage . 't is certain and plain , they never intended to continue the war , if england should fall with such weight into the scale of the confederates , as the force of that kingdom , and humour of the people would have given to such a conjunction ; and consequently , that his majesty might have prescribed what terms he pleased of the peace , during the whole course of his mediation . for besides the respect which the french have for our troops both horse and foot , more than any others , especially since the services and advantages they received from them in all their actions against the germans ; besides the terrour of a conjuction between our naval forces and the dutch , and of descents upon their coasts , with the dangerous influences that might make upon the discontents of their people . they wisely foresaw another consequence of our falling into this confederacy , which must unavoidable have proved more mortal to them than all the rest , in two years time ; for whereas the wealth of france , which makes their greatness , arises from the infinite consumption made by so many neighbouring countries , of so many and rich commodities , as the native soil and climate , or ingenuity of the people produces in france ; in case this war had gone on , with england engaged in it , all these veins of such infinite treasure had been seized at once , or at least left open only to some parts of italy , which neither takes off their wines , their salts , nor their modes in habit or equipage , that draw so vast expences upon all the provinces almost of europe , which lie northward of france , and drains such vast sums of money from all their neighbours , into that fruitful and noble kingdom , more favoured by nature , in my opinion , than any other in the world. but the loss of this advantage , upon the necessity , folly , or luxury of others , must in two or three years time , reduce them to such weakness in those sinews of war , by so general a poverty and misery among their people , that there would need no other effect of such a general confederacy , to consume the strength and force of that nation . this they very prudently foresaw , and never intended to venture ; but having reason to apprehend it from the prince of orange's match in england , they took it without resentment ; nay , improved it rather into new kindness than quarrel , making use of the king 's good nature to engage him in a prorogation of the parliament immediately after ; which made it appear both at home and abroad , that they had still the ascendant upon our court. they eluded the effect of the message sent them by lord duras , with his majesty's scheme of the peace , by drawing it out into expostulations of kindness , and so into treaty . during this amusement of our court , they plyed their business in holland ; yet with greater art and industry , poysoned the people there with jealousies of the prince's match in england , and of designs from both upon their liberties , by a long and unnecessary continuance of the war. they united the factions in amsterdam upon the sente of a peace , and upon their own conditions , to avoid those that had been proposed by his majesty . when they had gained their point with the several deputies in holland , they acquainted the king with their being sure of the peace on that side , and by his ambassador at paris , made offers of mighty sums both to himself and his chief minister , only for their consent to such a peace as holland it self was content with . when the states had absolutely resolved on the peace by the particular faction of amsterdam , and general terror upon the french taking of gant , and threatning antwerp , they esteemed the humour in holland so violent towards the peace , and so unsatisfied with the fluctuation of our councils in england , that they thought they might be bold with them upon the interests of spain , and so raised the pretence of not evacuating the towns before the satisfaction of sweden ; and tho' i know this was by the politicians esteemed a wrong pace of france , yet i did not think it so , but that all appearances were for their succeeding in it . nor had they reason to believe , either our court or holland would have resented it to that degree they did , or that they could have fallen into such close and sudden measures , and with such confidence as they happened to do upon this occasion , by the treaty of july at the hague . when this was concluded , they made all the offers that could be , at breaking the force of it , by drawing it into negotiation , and by condescentions to the states , unusual with that crown , even to the greatest kings . they poysoned it by the dispatch of de cros , and by his instructions , as well as artifices and industry to make the contents of it publick at the hague , which were pretended at court to be sent over to me with the greatest secret that could be . at the same time they made all the declarations of not receding from the difficulties they had raised otherwise than by treaty , and thereby laid asleep all jealousies of the confederates , as well as endeavours to prevent a blow they did not believe could arrive where the honour of france seemed so far ingaged . and thus they continued , till the very day limitted for their final declaration . the secret was so well kept , that none had the least umbrage of it that very morning . when they declared it , they left not the dutch ambassadors time enough to send to their masters , fearing if they had , the states would have refused to sign without spain , which could not be ready before the time must have elapsed for incurring the effects of the late treaty . thus the peace was gained with holland . his majesty was excluded from any fair pretence of entring into the war , after the vast expence of raising a great army , and transporting them into flanders , and after a great expectation of his people raised , and , as they thought , deluded . spain was necessitated to accept the terms that the dutch had negotiated for them ; and this left the peace of the empire wholly at the mercy and discretion of france , and the restitution of lorain ( which all had consented in ) wholly abandoned , and unprovided . so that i must again conclude the conduct of france to have been admirable in the whole course of this affair , and the italian proverb to continue true , che gle francesi pazzi sono morti . on the contrary , our councils and conduct were like those of a floating island , driven one way or t'other , according to the winds or tides . the kings dispositions inclin'd him to preserve his measures with france , and consequently to promote a peace which might break the present confederacy . the humour of his people and parliament was violent towards engaging him in a war ; the ministers were wavering between the fears of making their court ill , or of drawing upon them the heats of a house of commons , whom the king's expences made him always in need of . from these humours arose those uncertainties in our councils , that no man , who was not behind the curtain , could tell what to make of , and which appeared to others much more mysterious than indeed they were ; till a new and formidable engin beginning to appear upon the stage , made the court fall into an absolute resolution of entring into the war just when it was too late ; and to post away the ratifications of the treaty of july , so as to arrive the day after the french and dutch had sign'd the peace , and after the king had given the states occasion to believe he did not intend to ratifie it , but that he had taken his measures with france ; for so all men in holland concluded from de cros's journey , and the commands he brought me for mine to nimeguen , at a time when my presence at the hague was thought the most necessary , both to ratifie the treaty , if it had been intended , and to keep the states firm to their resolutions upon it . thus ended in smoak this whole negotiation , which was near raising so great a fire . france having made the peace with holland , treated all the rest of it with ease and leasure , as playing a sure game . england , to avoid a cruel convulsion that threatned them at home , would fain have gone into the war , if holland would have been prevail'd with ; but they could not trust us enough , to lose the present interest of trade , for the uncertain events of a war , wherein they thought their neighbours more concern'd than themselves . about two or three days after my return to the hague , and exchanging the ratifications , came the news of the battel of mons , between the prince of orange , and the french under the command of the duke of lutzenburgh , who had posted himself with the strength and flower of the french forces , so as to prevent the prince's design of relieving mons. and i remember , the day the dutch peace was signed at nimeguen , i was saying to the mareschal d' estrades , that for ought i knew , we might have a peace sign'd and a battel fought both in one day . he reply'd , there was no fear of it ; for the duke of lutzenburgh had writ him word , he was so posted , that if he had but ten thousand men , and the prince forty , ye he was sure he would not be forced ; whereas he took his army to be stronger than that of the prince . i need not relate an action so well known in the world , and so shall only say , that in spight of many disadvantages from an army drawn so suddenly together , so hasty a march as that of the dutch , and posts taken with so much skill , and fortified with so much industry by the french , as was believed , the prince , upon the fourteenth of august , attacqued them with a resolution and vigour that at first surprized them , and , after an obstinate and bloody fight , so disorder'd them , that tho' the night prevented the end of this action , yet it was generally concluded , that if he had been at liberty next day to pursue it with seven or eight thousand english that were ready to joyn his army , he must in all appearance not only have relieved mons , but made such an impression into france as had been often designed , but never attempted since the war began , and upon which a french officer present in it , said , that he esteem'd this the only heroick action that had been done in the whole course or progress of it . but the morning after the battel , the prince receiv'd from the states an advice of the peace having been sign'd at nimeguen , and thereupon immediately sent a deputy with the news of it to monsieur de lutzenburgh . after compliments passed on both sides , that duke desir'd to see the prince , which was agreed to , and they met in the field at the head of their chief officers , where all passed with the civilities that became the occasion , and with great curiosity of the french to see and crowd about a young prince , who had made so much noise in the world , and had the day before given life and vigour to such a desperate action , as all men esteem'd this battel of st. denis . yet many reflections were made upon it by the prince's friends as well as his enemies : some said , that he knew the peace was signed before the fight began ; and that it was too great a venture both to himself and the states , and too great a sacrifice to his own honour , since it could be to no other advantage : others laid it to the marquess of grana , who they said had intercepted and concealed the states pacquet to the prince , which came into the camp the day before the battel , ( but after it was resolved on ) and that he had hopes by such a breach of the peace , even after it was signed , that the progress of it would have been defeated . whethere this were true or no , i could never certainly be informed ; but so much is , that the prince could not have ended the war with greater glory , nor with greater spight , to see such a mighty occasion wrested out of his hand by the sudden and unexpected signing of the peace , which he had assur'd himself the states would not have consented to without the spaniards . yet upon the certain news of it , he drew back his army , returned to the hague , and left the states to pursue their own paces in order to finishing the treaty between france and spain , wherein the dutch embassadors at nimeguen employed themselves with great zeal and diligence , and no longer as parties or confederates , but as mediators , whil'st sir lionel , who continued still there in that figure , declin'd the function , as in a matter wherein he found our court would not take any part , nor allow themselves to have had any in the peace between france and holland . soon after the prince's return , he went to dieren to hunt in the velawe , like a person that had little else left to do . and i having occasion to go at the same time to amsterdam , he desir'd me to remember him kindly to monsieur hoeft the chief burgomaster there , and tell him , that he desired him to be no longer in his interests , than he should find his highness in the true interests of the state. i did so ; and monsieur hoeft very frankly and generously bid me tell the prince , he would be just what his highness desir'd , and be ever firm to his interests , while he was in those of his country ; but if ever his highness departed from them , he would be the first man to oppose him ; till then he would neither censure nor distrust his conduct ; for he knew very well , without matual trust between the prince and the states , his country must be ruined . from this time to that of his death , monsieur hoeft continued in the same mind , and by his example that great and jealous town began to fall into much more confidence , not only of the prince , but of his whose conduct in the administration of the affairs of their state. for the time i stay'd at amsterdam , i was every day in conversation with monsieur hoeft , who , besides much learning , worth , sincereness , and credit in his town , was a man of a pleasant natural humour , which makes , in my opinion , the most agreeable conversation of all other ingredients , and much more than any of those squeez'd or forc'd strains of wit that are in some places so much in request , tho' i think commonly men that affect them are themselves much fonder of them than any of the company . dining one day at monsieur hoeft's , and having a great cold , i observed every time i spit , a tight handsome wench ( that stood in the room with a clean cloth in her hand ) was presently down to wipe it up , and rub the board clean : somebody at table speaking of my cold , i said , the most trouble it gave me was to see the poor wench take so much pains about it : monsieur hoeft told me , 't was well i escap'd so ; and that if his wife had been at home , tho' i were an ambassador , she would have turn'd me out of door for fouling her house : and laughing at that humour , said , there were two rooms of his house that he never durst come into , and believed they were never open but twice a year to make them clean . i said , i found he was a good patriat ; and not only in the interests of his countrey , but in the customs of his town , where that of the wives governing , was , i heard , a thing established . he replied , 't was true , and that all a man could hope for there , was to have une douce patrone , and that his wife was so . another of the magistrates at table , who was a graver man , said , monsieur hoeft was pleasant ; but the thing was no more so in their town , than in any other places that he knew of . hoeft replied very briskly , it was so , and could not be otherwise , for it had long been the custom ; and whoever offered to break it , would have banded against him , not only all the women of the town , but all those men too that were governed by their wives , which would make too great a party to be opposed . in the afternoon , upon a visit , and occasion of what had been said at monsieur hoeft's , many stories were told of the strange and curious cleanliness so general in that city ; and some so extravagant , that my sister took them for jest , when the secretary of amsterdam , that was of the company , desiring her to look out of the window , said , why , madam , there is the house where one of our magistrates going to visit the mistress of it , and knocking at the door , a strapping north holland lass came and opened it ; he asked , whether her mistress was at home ; she said , yes ; and with that he offered to go in : but the wench marking his shoes were not very clean , took him by both arms , threw him upon her back , carryed him cross two rooms , set him down at the bottom of the stairs , pull'd off his shoes , put him on a pair of slippers that stood there , and all this without saying a word ; but when she had done , told him , he might go up to her mistress , who was in her chamber . i am very glad to have a little divertion with such pleasantries as these , the thoughts of the busie scene i was so deep engaged in , that i will confess the very remembrance of it , and all the strange surprizing turns of it , began to renew those cruel motions they had raised both in my head and heart , whilst i had so great , and so sensible a part in them . but to return where i left the thread of these affairs . after the peace of holland and france , the ministers of the confederates , especially those of denmark and brandenbargh , employed their last efforts to prevent the spaniards agreeing to their part of the peace , as accepted for them by the dutch. they exclaimed at their breach of honour and interest . that what was left the spaniards in flanders by those terms , was indefensible , and could serve but to exhaust their men and treasures to no purpose . that the design of france was only to break this present confederacy by these separate treaties , and so leave the spaniards abandoned by their allies upon the next invasion ; which they would have reason to expect , if spain should use them with as little regard of their honour and treaties , as the dutch ambassadors seemed to design . these themselves also met with some difficulties in their mediation , by a pretension raised in france upon the county of beaumont , and town of bovigues , which they did not find to have been mentioned in what had passed between the french and dutch upon the score of spain , before the peace was signed . all these circumstances began to make it look uncertain what would at length be determined by the states , as to their ratifications , which were like to be delayed till spain had concluded their treaty , though those of france had been dispatched , so as to arrive at nimeguen the twenty second of this month ; and monsieur d' avaux commanded from thence to the hague , in quality of ambassador extraordinary to the states ; and the french army had retired into france at the same time the dutch return'd from before mons. so that all seemed on the french side resolved to pursue the peace : on the side of the empire , and princes of the north , to carry on the war : on the spaniards , very irresolute , whether or no to accept the peace the dutch had mediated for them : and in holland , 't was doubtful ; whether to ratifie that their ambassadors had signed , and whether at least before the treaty of spain should be agreed . whilst the minds of men were busied with different reasonings and presages , as well as wishes , upon this conjuncture ; about the end of august mr. hyde arrived at the hague from england , without the least intimation given me of his journey , or his errand ; so that i was surprized both to see him , and to hear the design of such a sudden dispatch . the substance of it was , to acquaint the states how much the king had been surprized at the news of their ambassadors having signed a particular treaty with france , even without the inclusion of spain , and without any guaranty given for the evacution of the towns within the time requisit : to complain of this precipitation of the states ; and at the same time of the new pretensions that franee had advanced upon the county of beaumont and the town of bovigues , which had retarded the peace of spain , and hindred it from being concluded at the same time with that of holland , which his majesty understood always to have been the intention of the states , as well as his own . that for these reasons he understood , and believed , that the late treaty of july , between his majesty and the states , ought to take effect , the case being fallen out against which that was provided , and both parties being thereby obliged to enter jointly into the war against france . that if the states would hereupon refuse to ratify the treaty their ministers had signed at nimeguen , his majesty offered to declare war immediately against france , and carry it on in all points according to the articles and obligations of the said treaty with the states . tho' mr. hyde did not know , or did not tell me the true spring of this resolute pace that was made by our court , so different from all the rest in the whole course of this affair ; yet he assured me , they were both in earnest , and very warm upon the scent , and desired nothing so much as to enter immediately and vigorously into the war , in case holland would be perswaded to continue it ; and that no time nor endeavours were to be neglected in pursuing the commission he brought over , which was given jointly to us both , and recommended to me particularly from court , with all the instances and earnestness that could be . when i carried him that very evening to the prince at hounslerdike , and he acquainted his highness with the whole extent of his errand and instructions ; the prince received it very coldly , and only advised him to give in a memorial to the states , and ask commissioners to treat , by whom he would find what the mind of the states was like to be upon this affair , and at which he would at present make no conjecture . after a short audience , mr. hyde went to the princess , and left me alone with the prince , who as soon as he was gone , lift up his hands two or three times , and said , was ever any thing so hot and so cold as this court of yours ; will the king , that is so often at sea , never learn a word that i shall never forget since my last passage ? when in a great storm the captain was all night crying out to the man at the helm , steddy , steddy , steddy ; if this dispatch had come twenty days ago , it had changed the face of affairs in christendom , and the war might have been carried on till france had yielded to the treaty of the pyrenees , and left the world in quiet for the rest of our lives . as it comes now , it will have no effect at all , at least , that is my opinion , tho i would not say so to mr. hyde . after this he ask'd me what i could imagin was at the bottom of this new heat in our court ; and what could make it break out so mal a propos , after the dissatisfaction they had expressed upon the late treaty , when it was first sent over , and the dispatch of de cros , so contrary to the design of it . i told him very truly , that i was perfectly ignorant of the whole matter , and could give no guess at the motions of it : and so i continued till some months after , when i was advised , that the business of the plot , which has since made so much noise in the world , was just then breaking out ; and that the court , to avoid the consequences that might have upon the ill humour of the parliament , which seemed to rise chiefly from the peace , his majesty resolved to give them the satisfaction they had so long desired , of entring into the war , which is all the account i can give of this council or resolution . the event proved answerable to the judgment the prince at first made of it ; for tho' the states deputies drew the matter into several debates and conferences with us , which filled all parties concerned in the war with different apprehensions , and served to facilitate the treaty between france and spain ; yet the pensioner told me from the first , this was all the use that could be made of it , and that the states were so unsatisfied with our whole conduct in the business of the peace , that tho' they would be glad to see us in the war , yet they were resolved to have no further part in it , unless france should refuse what they had already promised to spain . however , while this affair continued in agitation , during mr. hyde's stay at the hague , all appearances looked very different from the opinion of the prince and pensioner , who alone had so full a grasp of the business in holland , as to make a true judgment what the general sentiments there would determin in . many of the deputies were so ill satisfied with their ambassadors having signed the peace , that they inclined to his majesty's proposals , and framed several articles against monsieur beverning's proceedings , whereof some lay'd mistakes to his charge ; others , the commission of matters absolutely necessary in the treaty ; and others more directly , his having gone beyond his orders and instructions ; particularly , in having stipulated , that the states should give their guaranty for the neutrality of spain . and in this point , i doubt he had nothing to show from his masters to cover him . the rest seemed rather to be raised invidiously at his conduct , in having suddenly concluded an affair , which they now say might have had another issue if he had given it more breath ; tho' at that time many of his accusers expected as little from england as he did , and with reason alike , since none of them could imagin any thing of that new spring there , from which this violent motion had begun . whatever monsieur beverning's orders or his proceedings had been , the heats were so high against him at the hague , that many talked , not only of disavowing what he had done , but of forming process against him upon it , and tho' in a short stay he made there upon this occasion , he had the fortune or the justice to see his enemies grow calm towards him ; yet he was not a little mortified with so ill payment of what he thought had been so good service to his country ; and after his return to nimeguen , was observed to proceed in the negotiations there , with more flegm and caution than was natural to his temper , and less show of partiality to the peace , than he had made in the whole course of the treaty . all the while these matters were in motion at the hague , the king's forces were every day transporting into flanders , as if the war were to be carried on with the greatest certainty and vigour , which gave opinion and heart to those in holland that disliked the peace ; it raised also so great confidence in the spaniardt , that they fell into all the measures they could with the confederate ministers at nimeguen , to form difficulties and delays in the treaty there , between that crown and france , upon the security that holland would not ratify theirs , till that of spain were concluded ; and that in the mean time they might be drawn into the war by the violent dispositions which now appeared in england , as well as in the confederates to continue it . the spanish ambassadors laid hold of all occasions to except against the matter or style of those articles which holland had mediated between them and france ; they found difficulties upon the condition wherein the several towns to be evacuated should be restored to them , as to the fortifications that had been made in them by the french , and as to the artillery and munitions that were in them at the time when the dutch had agreed upon those conditions . they found matter of dispute upon the territories that belonged to the several towns , and especially upon the chattellenie of aeth , which france had dismembred since it was in their possession , and had joined above threescore villages to the chattellenie of tournay , which had belonged to aeth , and were with that town transferred by the spaniards to the french upon the peace of aix la chapelle : but the french pretending now to restore it only in the condition they had left it , and not what they had found it , the spaniards made a mighty clamour both at london and the hague upon this subject , and complained of this , among other smaller matters , as innovations endeavoured to be introduced by france , even beyond what they had themselves proposed to the dutch , and agreed in april last , which had been laid and pursued as the very foundation of the peace . in this uncertain state all matters continued at the hague for about three weeks , the opinions of most men running generally against the peace , as well as the wagers at amsterdam , by which people often imagin the pulse of the state is to be felt and judged ; tho' it indeed be a sort of trade driven by men that have little dealing or success in any other , and is managed with more tricks than the rest seems to be in that scene ; not only coyning false news upon the place , but practising intelligence from remote parts to their purpose , concerting the same advices from different countries , and making great secret and mystery of reports that are raised on purpose to be publick , and yet by such devices as these , not only the wagers at amsterdam are commonly turning , but the rising and falling of the very actions of the east-india company are often , and in a great measure influenced . but france thought the conjuncture too important to let it hover long in such uncertainties , and therefore first dispatched a courier to their ambassadors at nimeguen , with leave to satisfie the states in those clauses of their treaty wherein they seemed to except justly against monsieur beverning's conduct , and thereby cover the credit of that minister who had been so affectionate an instrument in the progress of the treaty . next they gave them liberty to soften a little of the rigour they had hitherto exercised in the smallest points contested with the spaniards ; and last of all , they dispatched an express to their ambassadors with power to remit all the differenees which obstructed or retarded the conclusion of the treaty between that crown and spain , to the determination and arbitrage of the states themselves . this was a pace of so much confidence towards the states , and appeared such a testimony of the most christian king's sincerity in the late advances he had made towards a peace , that it had all the effect designed by it . the several towns and provinces proceeded with a general concurrence to the ratifications of the peace , that they might lie ready in their ambassadors hands , to be exchanged when that of spain should be signed . monsieur beverning , now favoured with a fair gale from home , the humour of his countrey blowing the same way with his own dispositions , and seconded with the great facilities that were given by france , made such a quick dispatch of what remained in contest upon the treaty between france and spain , that all was perfected and signed by the twentieth of september , and thereupon the dutch ratifications were exchanged with the usual forms . in all this , sir lionel jenkins had no part , as in an affair disapproved by the king his master . the dutch ambassadors played the part of formal mediators , had the treaty between the two crowns signed at their house , and took great care by the choice and disposition of the room where it was performed , to avoid all punctilio's about place , that might arise between the several ambassadors . mr. hyde had the mortification to return into england , with the entire disappointment of the design upon which he came , and believed the court so passionately bent ; i was left at the hague without any thing more to do , than to perform the part of a common ambassador ; france was left in possession of the peace with holland and spain , and by consequence , master of that of the empire , and the north , upon their own terms ; and england was left to busie it self about a fire that was breaking out at home , with so much smoak , and so much noise , that as it was hard to discover the beginning , so it was much harder to foresee the end of it . after the peace of spain signed , and of holland ratified , tho' the ambassadors of the emperour at nimeguen were sullen , and those of denmark and brandenburgh enraged , yet by the application of the dutch ambassadors , the conferences were set on foot between them and the french ; and sir lionel received orders from court to return to his function , tho' the remaining part he had in the affair , was rather that of a messenger , than a mediator . the northern princes continued their preparations and marches , as if they resolved to pursue the war , but at the same time gave jealousies to the emperour , of some private intelligences or negotiations of separate treaties set on foot between france and denmark , and others between that crown and brandenburgh , by monsieur despense , an old servant of the elector , but subject of france . on the other side , france made great preparations to attack the empire , upon the pretence of forcing them into the terms they had prescribed for the peace , and thereby gave so great terror to the princes of the rhine , that lay first exposed to the fury of their arms , that the electors of ments and triers and duke of nieuburgh , sent away in great haste to the states , demanding and desiring to be included by them in the peace they had made , by virtue of an article therein , which gave them liberty within six weeks to declare and include such as they should name for their allies . but this was opposed by france , and refused to any patticular prince of the empire , and allowed only to the emperor and empire , if they should jointly desire to be declared and included in the peace , as an ally of holland . the duke of lorain about the same time , seeing the whole confederacy breaking into so many several pieces , and every one minding only how to shift the best they could for themselves , accepted his part of the peace , as france had carved it out for him , and chose the alternative offered from that crown , by which nancy was to remain to france . but the emperor , tho' he professed all the inclination that could be , to see the general peace restored , yet he pretended not to suffer the terms of it should like laws be imposed upon him ; he consented to the re-establishment of the treaties of westphalia , which seemed to be all that france insisted on , but could not agree to the passage demanded for their troops , whenever they found it necessary for the execution of the said treaties ; and this was insisted on positively by the french. nor could the imperialists yield to to the dependance pretended by france , of the ten towns of alsatia upon that crown , which the french demanded as so left , or at least intended by the treaty of munster , while the emperor's ambassadors denied either the fact or the intention of that treaty . while these dispositions , and these difficulties delayed the treaty of the emperor , the ratifications of spain were likewise deferred by concert , as was supposed , between the two houses of austria , so as the term agreed for exchange of them , was quite elapsed , and twice renewed or prolonged by france at the desire of the states . but during this time , the french troops made incursions into the richest parts of flanders , and which had been best covered in the time of the war , and there exacted so great contributions , ●nd made such ravages where they were disputed , that the spanish netherlands were more ruined between the signing of the peace , and the exchange of the ratifications , than they had been in so much time , during the whole course of the war. the out-cries and calamities of their subjects in flanders , at length moved the spaniards out of their slow pace , but more , the embroilments of england upon the subject of the plot , which took up the minds both of court and parliament , and left them little or no regard for the course of foreign affairs . this prospect made holland the more eager upon urging the peace to a general issue ; and france making a wise use of so favourable a conjuncture , pressed the empire not only by the threats and preparations of a sudden invasion , but also by confining their offers of the peace to certain days , and raising much higher demands , if those should expire before the emperor's acceptance . all these circumstances improved by the diligence and abilities of the dutch ambassadors at nimeguen , at length determined the house of austria to run the ship ashore , whatever came on 't rather than keep out at sea in so cruel a storm as they saw falling upon them , and for which they found themselves so unprovided . the spanish ratifications at length arrived , and after the winter far spent in fruitless contests by the imperial ambassadors , and more fruitless hopes from england , by the spaniards , and other confederates ; sir lionel jenkins gave notice both to the court and to me , that he looked upon the treaty between the emperor and france , to be as good as concluded ; and soon after i received his majesty's commands to go immediately away from the hague to nimeguen ; and there assist as a mediator at the signing of the peace which then appeared to be general . i never obeyed the king so unwillingly in my life , both upon account of an errand so unnecessary , and at best , so merely formal ( which i had never been used to in so long a course of imployments ) and likewise upon the unclemency of the season , which was never known so great in any man's memory , as when i set out from the hague . the snow was in many places where i passed , near ten foot deep , and ways for my coach forced to be digged through it ; several post-boys dyed upon the road , and it was ridiculous to see people walk about with long icicles from their noses . i passed both the rhine and the waal with both coaches and waggons upon the ice , and never in my life suffered so much from weather , as in this journey , in spite of all provisions i could make against it . the best of it was , that i knew all the way ; it was neither at all material that the mediators should sign this branch of the general peace , having signed none of the other ; nor that two should sign it , when one alone had assisted in the course of this negotiation , since it was renewed between the empire and france ; besides , i was very confident it would not at last be signed by either of us ; for i could not believe , when it came to the point , the emperor's ambassadors should yield that of precedence to the mediators at the conclusion of the treaty , which they never consented to do in the whole course of it . so that i looked upon the favour of this journey as afforded me from the particular good-will of some of my good friends in the foreign committee , taking a rise from some instances of sir lionel jenkins , who was in one of his usual agonies , for fear of being left in the way of signing alone a treaty which he neither was pleased with himself , nor believed many people in england like to be so . i arrived at nimeguen the end of january 167 8 / 9 , and found all concluded ; and ready to sign , as sir lionel believed ; yet the imperialists made a vigorous effort in two conferences , after my arrival , to gain some ease in the points of lorain , and the dependence of the ten towns in alsatia , wherein they thought themselves the most hardly used of any others , and in the first , their master's honour and justice most concerned ; so as count kinski made a mien of absolutely breaking , without some relief upon them . but the french ambassadors knew too well the force of the conjuncture , and the necessity laid upon the emperor by the dutch and spanish peace , to pass the same way , or leap out of the window . and they were too skilful not to make use of it , or to give any ground to all the instances or threats of the imperialists . these on t'other side durst not venture the expiration of the last day given them by france , nor the reserve made in that case , of exacting new and harder terms . so as the peace was signed about three days after my arrival . the poor duke of lorain thought himself pressed with such hardships upon both the alternatives , that he could not resolve to accept of either ; for in that he had chosen , not only his dutchy was dismembred of several great parts wholly cut off , but the rest left at the french discretion , who insisted upon great spaces of ground left them in propriety , quite cross this countrey , for the march of their armies , whenever they should pretend occasion ; so this noble , but unfortunate prince , was left wholly out of the treaty , and of his countrey , contrary to the direct and repeated engagements of the confederates , and the intentions of his majesty , as he often declared in the whole course of the treaty . when it was ready to sign , the french ambassadors offered to yield the precedence in signing it to us as mediators , which they had done very frankly in the whole course of this assembly ; but the imperialists , when it came to the point , downright refused it ; and we , according to our primitive orders , refused to sign without it ; and by our offers , gained only the point of having that determined against us , which till this time , had always remained in suspence . whilst i staid at nimeguen , i had a sheet of paper sent me from an unknown hand , written in latin , but in a style and character that discovered it to be by some german ; the subject of it was a long comment upon a quartrain recited out of nostredamus . nè sous les ombres d'une journée nocturne sera en los & bonté souverain , fera renaistre le sang de l'antique vrne et changera en or le siecle d' airain . under the shades of the nocturnal day being born , in glory and goodness sovereign , shall shine , shall cause to spring again the blood of th' ancient urn , and into gold the brazen age refine . the scope of the whole discourse was to prove the prince of orange's being by it designed for the crown of england , and how much glory and felicity should attend that age and reign . i could not but mention it , because i thought the interpretation ingeniously found out , and applied , having otherwise very little regard for any such kind of predictions , that are so apt to amuse the world. and though the present state of the royal family leave not this without appearance of arriving at one time or other , yet it is at too great a distance for my eyes , which by the course of nature must be closed long before such an event is likely to succeed . the author of this paper made , the shades of the nocturnal day , to signifie the deep mourning of the princess royal's chamber , with the lamps hung about it , which by the windows being kept shut , left no other light in it that morning the prince was born , ( which was soon after his father's death . ) restoring the blood of the ancient vrn , was that of bourbon , or of charlemain , from whom the prince was said to descend . the rest was only panegyrick upon his vertues , and the general praise should attend them , and the golden age he should restore . the day after the treaty was signed , i left nimeguen , and return'd to the hague , after a cruel fatigue and expence , which was rendred the more agreeable , when upon my going into england soon after , i found my self above seven thousand pounds in arrear at the treasury ; and though with much trouble and delay , and some worse circumstances ( to engage men that were more dextrous than i in such pursuits ) i recovered the rest of my debt , yet two and twenty hundred pounds , due to me for this last ambassy , continues to this day a desperate debt , and mark upon me , how unfit i am for a court ; and mr. godolphin , after having both said , and writ to me , that he would move to have my statue set up , if i compassed that treaty , has sat several years since in the treasury , and seen me to want the very money i laid out of my own purse in that service ; and which i am like to leave a debt upon my estate and family . i shall not trouble my self with observing the remaining paces of the general peace , by that of the north , which was left to be made at the mercy of france . and though denmark and brandenburgh looked big , and spoke high for a time , after the peace between the empire and france , pretending they would defend what they had conquered from the swedes in germany ; yet upon the march of the french troops into the brandenburgh countrey , both those princes made what haste they could to finish their separate treaties with france ; and upon certain sums of money agreed on , delivered up all they had gained in this war , to the crown of sweden . thus christendom was left for the present in a general peace , and france to pursue what they could gain upon their neighbours by their pretensions of dependences , and by the droit de bienseance , which they pursu'd with such imperious methods , both against the empire and the spaniardt , as render'd their acquisitions after the peace , greater , at least in consequence , than what they had gained by the war ; since not only great tracts of country upon the score of dependences , but strashurgh and lutzenburgh fell as sacrifices to their ambition , without any neighbouring prince or states concerning themselves in their relief . but these enterprises i leave to some others observations . very soon after my arrival at the hague , the king sent me orders to provide for my return as soon as i could possibly be ready , and bid me acquaint the prince and the states , that he had sent for me over to come into the place of first secretary of state in mr. coventry's room . my lord treasurer writ to me to the same purpose , and with more esteem than i could pretend to deserve ; telling me , among other things , they were fallen into a cruel disease , and had need of so able a physician . this put me in mind of a story of dr. prujean ( the greatest of that profession in our time ) , and which i told my friends that were with me when these letters came . a certain lady came to the doctor in great trouble about her daughter . why , what ails she ? alas , doctor ! i cannot tell ; but she has lost her humour , her looks , her stomach ; her strength consumes every day , so as we fear she cannot live . why do not you marry her ? alas , doctor ! that we would fain do , and have offer'd her as good a match as she could ever expect , but she will not hear of marrying . is there no other , do you think , that she would be content to marry ? ah , doctor ! that is it that troubles us ; for there is a young gentleman we doubt she loves , that her father and i can never consent to . why , look you , madam , replies the doctor gravely ( being among all his books in his closet ) then the case is this : your daughter would marry one man , and you would have her marry another : in all my books i find no remedy for such a disease as this . i confess , i esteemed the case as desperate in a politick as in a natural body , and as little to be attempted by a man who neither ever had his own fortune at heart ( which such conjunctures are only proper for ) nor ever could resolve upon any pusuits of it to go against either the true interest , or the laws of his countrey ; one of which is commonly endanger'd upon the fatal misfortune of such divisions in a kingdom : i chose therefore to make my excuses both to the king and to my lord treasurer , and desir'd leave to go to florence , and discharge my self of a promise i had made some years past of a visit to the great duke the first time i had leisure from my publick imployments . instead of granting this suit , the king sent a yatch for me towards the end of february , 167 8. with orders to come immediately away to enter upon the secretary's office about the same time with my lord sunderland , who was brought into sir joseph williamson's place . i obey'd his majesty , and acquainted the prince and states with my journey , and the design of it , according to his command , who made me compliments upon both , and would have had me believe , that the secretary of state was to make amends for the loss of the ambassador . but i told the prince , that tho i must go , yet if i found the scene what it appear'd to us at that distance , i would not charge my self with that imployment upon any terms that could be offer'd me . we knew very well in holland , that both houses of parliament believed the plot ; that the clergy , the city , the countrey in general did so too , or at least pursu'd it as if they all believ'd it . we knew the king and some of the court believ'd nothing of it , and yet thought not fit to own that opinion : and the prince told me , he had reason to be confident , that the king was in his heart a roman catholick , tho he durst not profess it . for my own part , i knew not what to believe of one side or t'other , but thought it easie to presage , from such contrary winds and tides , such a storm must rise , as would tear the ship in pieces , whatever hand were at the helm . at my arrival in england , about the latter end of february , i found the king had dissolv'd a parliament that had sat eighteen years , and given great testimonies of loyalty , and compliance with his majesty , till they broke first into heats upon the french alliances , and at last into flames upon the business of the plot : i found a new parliament was called ; and that to make way for a calmer session , the resolution had been taken at court for the duke's going over into holland , who enbarqu'd the day after my arrival at london . the elections of the ensuing parliament were so eagerly pursu'd , that all were in a manner engag'd before i came over ; and by the dispositions that appear'd in both electors and elected , it was easie to presage in what temper the houses were like to meet : my lord shaftsbury , my lord essex , and my lord hallifax , had struck up with the duke of monmouth , resolving to make use of his credit with the king , and to support it by theirs in the parliament ; and tho the first had been as deep as any in the councels of the cabal while he was chancellor , yet all three had now fallen in with the common humour against the court and the ministry , endeavouring to inflame the discontents against both ; and agreed among themselves , that none of them would come into court , unless they did it all together ; which was observed like other common strains of court-friendships . sir william coventry had the most credit of any man in the house of commons , and i think the most deservedly : not only for his great abilities , but for having been turn'd out of the council and the treasury , to make way for my lord cliffora's greatness , and the designs of the cabal . he had been ever since opposite to the french alliances , and bent upon engaging england in a war with that crown , and assistance of the confederates ; and was now extremely dissatisfied with the conclusion of the peace , and with the ministry , that he thought either assisted , or at least might have prevented it ; and in these dispositions he was like to be follow'd by the best and soberest part of the house of commons . for my lord treasurer and lord chamberlain , i found them two most admirable emblems of the true , and so much admir'd felicity of ministers of state : the last , notwithstanding the greatest skill of court , and the best turns of wit in particular conversation that i have known there , and the great figure he made in the first part of these memoirs , was now grown out of all credit and confidence with the king , the duke , and prince of orange , and thereby forc'd to support himself by intrigues with the persons most discontented against my lord treasurer's ministry , whose greatness he so much envy'd , and who was yet at this time in much worse condition than himself , tho not so sensible of it ; for he had been very ill with the late parliament upon account of transactions with france , which tho he had not approved , yet he durst not defend himself from the imputation , for fear of exposing his master . he was hated by the french ambassador , for endeavouring ( as he thought ) to engage the king in a war with france . he was in danger of being pursued by his enemies next parliament for having ( as they pretended ) made the peace , and endeavoured to stifle the plot ; and yet i found within a fortnight after i arrived , that he sat very loose with the king his master , who told me several reasons of that change , whereof one was , his having brought the business of the plot into the parliament against his absolute command ; and to compleat the happy and envied state of this chief minister , the dutchess of portsmouth and earl of sunderland were joined with the duke of monmouth and earl of shaftsbury in the design of his ruin . what a game so embroyled and play'd on all sides with so much heat and passion , was like to end in , no man could tell ; but i , that never had any thing so much at heart as the union of my countrey , which i thought the only way to its greatness and felicity , was very unwilling to have any part in the divisions of it , the deplorable effects whereof i had been too much acquainted with in the stories of athens and rome , as well as of england and france ; and for this reason , tho i was very much pressed to enter upon the secretary's office immediately after my arrival , yet i delay'd it , by representing to his majesty how necessary it was for him to have one of the secretaries in the house of commons , ( where it had been usual to have them both ) and that consequently it was very unfit for me to enter upon that office before i got into the house , which was attempted , and failed : but how long this excuse lasted , and how it was succeeded by many new and various accidents , and how i was prevailed with by the king to have the part i had afterwards in a new constitution of councel ; and how after almost two years unsuccessful endeavours at some union , or at least some allay of the heats and distempers between the king and his parliaments , i took the resolution of having no more to do with affairs of state , will be the subject of a third part of these memoirs . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64312-e280 in troth , i think you love us as you do yours . that a king of england who will be the man of people , is the greatest king in the world ; but if he will be something more — he is nothing at all . and i will be the man of my people . birdlime never catches great birds . * whence come you ? it answer'd , from marinn●n . the prince , to whom do you belong ? the parrot , to a portugez . prince , what do you there ? i look after the chickens . the prince laugh'd , and said , you look after the chickens ? the parrot answered , yes , i , and i know well enough how to do it . with blows . that there are some wounds among you , that will bleed still , if there be not care taken of them . what do you intend then , sirs , to make us be torn in pieces by the rabble ? notes for div a64312-e14460 * the lilly shall invade the land of the lion , bearing wild beasts in its arms ; the eagle shall move its wings , and the son of man shall come to his assistance from the south ; then there shall be great war throughout the world ; but after four years , peace shall shine forth , and the son of man be deliver'd by those from whom his ruin was expected . 1. that for avoiding the inconvenient that may happen by the great number of coaches in the streets , that are so narrow , and the corners so incommodious , the ambassadors mediators propose , not to make any visits , tho' they be visits of ceremony , with more than two pages , and four lackeys to each ambassador ; and to have but one coach , with two horses ; and not to go to the place of conference , or other publick places , with more than one page and two lackeys to every ambassador . 2. that when coaches meet in these narrow places , where there is not room to pass by one another , every one , instead of contending for place or precedency , shall mind rather to make the passage easie to one another , and stop the first , if he have the first notice that the pass is too strait , and also give place to the other , if it be more easily done on his side , than on the other side . 3. that no lackey shall carry either sword , staff , or stick in the streets ; nor pages any more than a little stick . 4. that the ambassador upon any crime committed against the publick peace , by any of their domesticks , shall renounce all protection of the said domesticks , and deliver them up into the hands of the justice of the city ; desiring , and authorizing them to proceed against them according to their ordinary rules . 5. that in case any insult or quarrel should be made by the domesticks of one ambassador , with those of another ambassador , or any other publick minister , the ambassadors will deliver up such of their domesticks into the hands of the master of the party offended , to be punisht at his discretion . that the mediation was always on foot for to go on with its business . full powers . like able men. their strength and their weakness . and in this distress of their state by so long a war. all means were first to be tried . an incurable wound . as a storm that has ceased ▪ after it had threatned much , and made but little alterations in the world. to push the business on as far as it is possible . the will of the king. whipt cream . and when one is at high mass ▪ one is at it . had been wanting in respect to the king their master . rascal , i 'll set a mark on thee at least , that i may hang thee afterwards . notes for div a64312-e27840 of a sound mind . a sorry wight . that he had still life for one half hour of conversation . the french fools are dead . an easie governess . unseasonably . right of decency . the lives of all the princes of orange, from william the great, founder of the common-wealth of the united provinces written in french by the baron maurier, in the year 1682, and published at paris, by order of the french king ; to which is added the life of his present majesty king william the third, from his birth to his landing in england, by mr. thomas brown ; together with all the princes heads taken from original draughts. mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de hollande et des autres provinces-unies. english aubery du maurier, louis, 1609-1687. 1693 approx. 538 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 191 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a26186 wing a4184 estc r22622 12124901 ocm 12124901 54551 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26186) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54551) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 756:9) the lives of all the princes of orange, from william the great, founder of the common-wealth of the united provinces written in french by the baron maurier, in the year 1682, and published at paris, by order of the french king ; to which is added the life of his present majesty king william the third, from his birth to his landing in england, by mr. thomas brown ; together with all the princes heads taken from original draughts. mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de hollande et des autres provinces-unies. english aubery du maurier, louis, 1609-1687. brown, thomas, 1663-1704. [33], 144, [2], 115-305 p. : ports. printed for thomas bennet ..., london : 1693. "the table" [i.e. index]: prelim. p. [11]-[18]. originally published, 1680, under title: mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de hollande et des autres provinces-unies. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng william -iii, -king of england, 1650-1702. william -i, -prince of orange, 1533-1584. orange-nassau, house of. netherlands -history -wars of independence, 1556-1648. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the lives of all the princes of orange ; from william the great , founder of the common-wealth of the united provinces . written in french by the baron maurier , in the year 1682 , and published at paris , by order of the french king. to which is added the life of his present majesty king william the third , from his birth to his landing in england . by mr. thomas brown. together with all the princes heads taken from original draughts . chara deo soboles . virgil. london : printed for thomas bennet , at the half-moon in st. paul's church-yard , 1693. to his honoured friend thomas chambers of hanworth , esq sir , though i know what a just aversion you have to the common strain of dedications , yet with the usual assurance of an authour of the town , i have presumed to inscribe this history to you ; so much too powerful was either my gratitude or my interest for the complaisance i ought to have had for your modesty . as i have received too many obligations at your hands not to endeavour at some sort of a requital ( if addresses of this nature don't rather serve to increase the debt than to acquit it ) so i am too well acquainted with your temper to offer at any thing that may look like flattery . 't is i confess somewhat hard to be avoided upon these occasions , and few patrons quarrel with the poor slaves , that make these applications to them , for being too liberal of their incense . but you need not fear any such dreadful entertainment from me : for contrary to the received practise of all my predecessors in dedication , i intend not to say one word in your praise . nay what is more surprizing , instead of being a panegyrist i here come publickly to reproach you , and that freedom as gross as it looks , i know you will much sooner excuse than being praised . i must therefore , ( though it is much against my inclination to be the bearer of ill news ) take the boldness to inform you that the world speaks very strange things of you , and such as i am afraid you will find it a difficult matter to justifie without the affectation of being singular . it complains in the first place that in a time of universal perfidiousness and degeneracy , when the profession of friendship serves only to usher in some piece of treachery with a better grace , you have the opiniatreté to be sincere and undesigning ; that at an age wherein others of your quality wholly abandon themselves to their pleasures , and generously neglect the pursuit of every thing besides , you are so ill-natured as to use them only en passant , and cannot be brought to allow that learning sits ill upon a gentleman ; and lastly , that amidst so vast a wealth , which uses to have no other effect upon the rest of mankind , but either to make them neglect themselves or despise others , you obstinately continue to be unfashionably virtuous and condescending . i could tell you of several other objections of the like terrible importance that are frequently made against you , but as by these i have mention'd , you may sufficiently judge what malicious worlds thinks of you , i shall forbear to recount the rest . and now sir , if i may be permitted to speak something of the following translation , i hope it is a present not altogether unworthy of your acceptance . there is this at least to be said in the behalf of it , which very few done out of the same language can pretend to , and that is , the extream scarcity as well as excellence of the original , there being ( as far as i can inform my self ) not above four or five of them in england . that very book which my friends and i made use of , ( for you must give me leave here to inform you , that i have but a small share in this performance ) and is now in the possession of a learned gentleman , had formerly passed the hands of king charles the second ; for he having received a mighty character of it , was so impatient to read it over , that he could not stay to be furnished with one of them from france , but sent to borrow this . as for the author , though i ingenuously own that i am so uncharitable to his country-men , as to believe they are for the general part as unfit to write history as dutch-men are to write epic poems ( for dutch epic poetry is down-right . history disguised with metre , and french history , as far as fiction will make it so , is down-right poetry , ) yet he has happily escaped the genius of the rest of his nation , who are so apt to run out into strange love-adventures , and other chimera's even upon the most solemn occasions , and , as appears by his writings , was a person of great quality , probity and experience . if he has any fault 't is this , that he is now and then too much upon the narrative , but his old-age will excuse that infirmity . as for the rest , he was a passionate lover of truth , and an adorer of true merit , where-ever he found it , whether in catholic or hugonot . difference in religion not being able to prepossess him to any man's disadvantage , if he were otherwise valuable . in short , he has discovered several important matters of state , which , till he revealed them , were mysteries to all the world , and i shall but do him justice when i say that he has joyned the unaffected simplicity of philip de comines , to the veracity of the great thuanus . the last life has been done by a modern hand ; but though it does not come up to the former , seems to be written with great impartiality and freedom . i have thus given you a short account of the author : it now remains that i should conclude , which i find i must do in a different manner from most dedications : for whereas they generally end with some devout wishes for the person , to whom they address ; you have been so eminently well treated both by nature and fortune , that i can wish you nothing but what you possess already . therefore not altogether to depart from so ancient and received a custom , i will pray , but it shall be for my self , who need it most . my first petition is , that you would be pleased to forgive all the defects in the translation , i mean in my own part of it ; and my second , that when your candor has forgiven them , you would once more employ it , and pardorn this presumption in , sir , your most humble , and most obliged servant , t. brown. the table . a. duke of alva sent to succeed the dutchess in the government of the low countreys , page 19. establishes a councel of twelve , called the councel of blood , p. 20 , 21. the arch-duke brother to the emperour rodolphus , chosen governour of the netherlands , p. 64. amsterdam surrendred to the states , p. 65. duke of anjou invited into holland , p. 73. retires into france , and dies , p. 113. arminius and gomarus , their quarrel , p. 160 , 161 , &c. b. barnevelt's story , p. 156 , 157 , &c. bon besieged , p. 240 , 241. and taken , p. 242. marquess de bellefonds , banished by the french king , p. 251. battle of senef , p. 256. c. coligny ( gaspor de ) his character , p. 3. coeverden lost , p. 231 , retaken , p. 232. coligny ( lovise de ) her life , p. 137. cambray besieged and surrendred , p. 280. d. don iohn of austria , made governour of the low countreys , p. 57. his story , p. 58 , 59 , &c. surprises the castle of namur , and charlemont , p. 61. defeats the army of the states at gemblours , p. 65. dies of grief , p. 67. e. counts egmont and horn executed , p. 20. q. elizabeth loved to be thought handsome , p. 153 , &c. f. french king almost over-runs the united provinces , p. 214. g. cardinal granville , his character and story , p. 14 , 15 , &c. name of gueux ( or beggars ) whence the rise , p. 17. grave besieged , p. 265. and taken , p. 269. ghent taken , p. 291. h. haerlem taken by famine , p. 42. henry frederick born , p. 114. his life , p. 177 , &c. his children , p. 178. i. inquisition declares those guilty of high-treason , who had not opposed the hereticks of the netherlands , p. 19. ipres taken , p. 291. l. count lodovick , &c. presents a petition to the governess of the low countreys , against the inquisition , new bishops , &c. which at first is slighted , p. 17 , 18 , &c. lewis de requesens made governour in the place of the duke of alva , p. 44. leyden relieved by breaking down the dykes , p. 45 , 46. and the university settled there , p. 47. m. margaret of austria , made absolute governess of the low countreys , with orders to establish the spanish inquisition , and several new bishopricks in the netherlands , p. 14. mons surprised , p. 32. and retaken by the spaniards , p. 34. count de la mark , takes the brill with several other cities , p. 36. middburg taken by the spaniards , p. 44. maurier traduced at the french court , &c. p. 120 , 121 , 122. maurice prince of orange , his character , p. 125. raises the siege of berghen ap zoom , p. 129 and 140. takes breda , p. 130. and sluise , p. 134. defeats arch duke albert , p. 135. and the lord de balancon , p. 138. his description , p. 148 , 149 , 150 , &c. maestricht besieged by the french , p. 235. and taken , p. 236. mansfeld's story and character , p. 141 , 142 , &c. n. narses ( the eunuch ) his story , p. 8. house of nassau their genealogy , p. 9 , 10 , &c. the netherlands demanded to have all the ' spanish forces drawn out of the low countreys , p. 14. nimighen treaty , p. 273. o. ostend taken by the spaniards , p. 134. st. omers surrendred to the french , p. 285. p. king philip the cause of the disorders in the low countreys , p. 8. his description , p 13 , 14 , &c. perpetual edict concluded between the states and don iohn of austria , p. 60. prince of parma made governour of the low countreys , p. 68. king philip published a prescription against the prince of orange , p. 74. philip william of nassau , his life , p. 115. taken by force out of the colledge of lovaine by king philip , p. 115. shut up in a castle in spain at 13 years old , p. 116. released , and sent to bring the infanta isabella into the low countreys , p. 117. marries eleanor of bourbon , p. 118. s. states general consent to a toleration of both religions , p. 66. request the duke of anjou and alemon to be their lord and protector , p. 73. t. treaty of peace set on foot at breda , p. 48. treaty of peace at ghent , p. 50 , 51 , & ● . treaty of peace at nimighen concluded , p. 297. v. marquess vitelli , his character and epitaph , p. 28. valenciennes taken by the french , p. 279. w. william the first of nassau his birth , p. 3. the favours show'd him by charles 5th , p. 4. made generalissimo at 22 years old , p. 5. builds charlemont , and philipville , p. 5. supports the emperour at the resignation of his empire , and is recommended by him to the king of spain , p. 6. his description , p. 12. retires into germany , p. 19. raises an army there , which is defeated near the river ems , p. 24. raises another of twenty four thousand german horse and foot , p. 25. which refusing to follow him into france to assist the hugonots , he disbands , p. 27. enters the low countreys with a great army , and is received into ruremond , malines , &c. p. 33. acknowledg'd governour of holland , zealand , &c. by the states , p. 38. banishes the romish ceremonies out of the church , p. 39. received into brussels in great triumph , p. 62. lays the common-wealth of the united provinces , p. 68. publishes his apology against king philip's prescription , p. 75 , 76 , 77 , &c. marries lovise de coligny , p. 113. killed at delft , p. 115. his funeral , p. 119. william count de buren , eldest son to prince william , seized at the colledge of lovain , and carried prisoner to spain , p. 23. william henry of nassau , his birth , p. 211. deprived of the offices belonging to his family , p. 212. chose general of the army , p. 215. and restored to all the other commands belonging to him , which cornelius de witt opposes , p. 220. prince william takes naerden , p. 237. falls sick of the small-pox , and recovers , p. 270. besieges maestricht , p. 275. and raises it , p. 277. marries the princess mary , p. 288. attacks , and almost routs luxemburgh near mons , p. 298. cornelius de witt , and his brother killed , p. 224. william the second born , p. 203. besieges amsterdam , p. 206. dies of the small-pox , 208. the author's preface . the reader , whoever he is , must not expest in these memoirs , to find a gay , or rather an impertinent discourse , fill●d with new terms , which some presumptuous little authors , who mind nothing but bare words , call fine language . these people are to understand that i was never bred at a colledge , and that the little skill i have in languages i receiv'd from masters at home , or from common use in conversation . i never read one single line of priscian , or of any other grammarian . their lexicons , and their syntaxes , which my father was used to call , the plague of youth , are as much unknown to me as the isle of pines . i never was able to comprehend what a gerund or a supin meant , and though perhaps i use them upon occasion , i neither know how to define or describe them . i have not without a great deal of pleasure read the quintus curtius of monsieur de vaugclas , whose solid vertue , and extraordinary sweetness , as well as his inviolable fidelity to his friends , i esteem ; although i was never able to edify much by his remarks upon our language . and , what is more than all this , having had the misfortune to debauch my own natural language , during my long abode in forreign countries , where i was bred ; as also by my long stay at mayne , where their language is extreamly vitious ; and thinking it not worth the while to spend money to no purpose at court , and to feed my self with vain expectations , my reader ought not to be surpris'd if he meets in this work some terms and manners of speaking that have not receiv'd the approbation of our modern criticks , who make no scruple to condemn a good book upon the account of one word which they have banished out of conversation , or an expression which does not carry with it ( to use the stile of these foplings ) the delicacy of language . therefore i humbly desire these gentlemen to 〈◊〉 me alone , since i have been so ingenuous as to lay open my infirmities before them ; and by way of requital , i here give them full possession of the eight parts of speech , all the grammars , and all the dictionaries , with all remarks and observations whatsoever , upon languages in the world , upon this condition , that they 'll leave things that are above their capacity to persons of better iudgment and experience . for to deal plainly with them , it 's a sad but a certain truth , that these coyners , and admirers of new words can attribute no other sort of merit to themselves , than what belongs to those mechanicks that make good tools , by the help of which excellent statuaries form admirable statues , and famous architects erect noble structures . for my own part , i have a great respect for those people that can speak regularly and justly upon all occasions , but i cannot endure those vain glorious ●…sops , those would-be-criticks , who in the ruels of ladies use to damn the best compositions in the world , and all for the sake of one term or phrase that has the ill luck to displease them . i would not have so wild an inference drawn from this , as if i were of opinion that 't is impossible for a man to write solidly and politely at the same time . no , i have more sense than that comes to , and preserve as great a veneration for those illustrious persons that possess both these talents , as i have an aversion and contempt for those puny grammarians that are made up of nothing but pride and insolence . 't is not for such unthinking insects as these to judge of an history . if i had the ambition to desire fit and competent iudges for these memoirs , i should wish that the famous president de thou , and those celebrated brothers the messieurs du puy , and that the president ardier might come again into the world. the latter of these was a long time secretary of state under mr. d' herbaut , his unkle . his dispatches were so natural , but at the same time so strong and masculine , as were all the publick declarations that pass'd under his hands ; that mr. conrait , a man generally esteem'd in the world , and who knew the value of things extreamly well , has told me several times , more than thirty years ago , that the kings of france ceased to speak with a majesty befitting their empire , ever since they did not explain themselves by the pen of mr. ardrier . i shall forbear to speak more largely of this illustrious man , who was a singular friend of mine , and to whom i have infinite obligations , till i meet with a fitter opportunity . the greatest part of those histories that have appeared in the world , are properly speaking , nothing else but so many panegyricks composed by interessed hands , that elevate vice and iniquity to the heavens . of this character are the works of paterculus and machiavel , who propose tiberius , and caesar borgia , that in true history were downright monsters , as examples fit to be imitated . directly opposite to these retailers of unjust commendations are a sort of people that deal in pasquils , and yet have the impudence to stile themselves historians . these mercenary , or partial creatures , make no conscience to attack vertue it self , and have frequently represented the most excellent princes that ever wore a crown , as tyrants and wicked persons : witness so many histories , and so many printed satyrs of the huguenots upon catholick princes , and among the rest upon francis of lorrain , duke of guise , for no other reason but because that excellent general made war against them . witness so many cart-loads of scurrilous invectives composed by monks , and other superstitious catholicks against queen elizabeth of england , the most glorious princess that ever wielded a scepter . for to these hot-headed passionate bigots 't is sufficient for you to be of a party , or of a religion contrary to theirs , to be defamed , condemned ; and pursued with a thousand calumnies . these ridiculous monsters vainly endeavour to render queen elizabeth odious and execrable to all posterity , for putting mary queen of scots to death , although 't is a notorious truth , that the above-mentioned unhappy princess was of so unquiet and turbulent a spirit , that she could not forbear to embarras her self with q. elizabeth , who was much more powerful than her self ; and by that ill advised conduct was the occasion of her own ruine . the truth of this assertion cannot be called in question , as being confirmed by the testimony of monsieur de castelnau , intendant of her affairs in france , and ambassadour in england , who tells us in his memoirs , that she ow'd this ill-management to the cardinal of lorrain , his uncle . nay , after she was prisoner in eng●…and , she continued to keep a correspondence with the male-content party there , who endeavour'd to disturb the repose of that kingdom , so far as to attempt the life of q. elizabeth . which obliged her to bring her to a tryal where she was condemned by more than forty judges , the greatest part of them consisting of earls , barons , peers of england , officers of the crown and members of parliament . notwithstanding all this , her sentence was for a long time respited , and q. elizabeth had never dared to execute her , if she had not been persuaded to it by france . for i have heard my father say , that both friends and enemies concurred , out of different views , and interests , to bring that unfortunate princess to the block . monsieur de bellievre , who was sent envoy extraordinary into england , in appearance to solicit for the life of this poor queen ; for which purpose he carried large instructions with him , told him , that he had quite contrary orders under henry the third's hand , to perswade q elizabeth to behead this common enemy both of their persons and kingdoms . all which the king was forced to do out of an apprehension , that if mary stuart , who was not only heir to q. elizabeth , but much younger than she , should come to succeed her ; the guises , her relations , who govern'd her absolutely , and who by their great number of creatures made his crown shake already at home , being supported by the united power of england , scotland , and ireland , would in the conclusion make a second childeric of him . for those of the league had the insolence to change the king's device , which was manet ultima coelo , into manet ultima claustro . the king's meaning was , that after he had enjoy'd upon earth the crowns of france and poland , he hoped he should wear a third in heaven . but these of the league publickly declared , that they would bestow a third crown upon him in a cloyster . and as a learned gentleman of that age had enlarged upon the king's device in this fine hexameter , qui deditante duas , triplicem dabit ille coronam the fury of the leaguers thus paraphrased it in the following distick . qui deditante duas , unam abstulit , altera nutat , tertia tonsoris est facienda manu . besides this in a private cabal held by those of that party , where this execrable design was proposed , it hapning that one in the compan●… , who was more moderate than the rest , demanded , who should be the man that durst put the king in a cloyster ? the cardinal of guise , who was of a hot fiery constitution , after he had reproached him for his faint ●…eartedness , roundly told him , that were the king in his hands , he would for his head between his knees , and immediately make him a monk's crown with the point of a poiniard . an a●…r 〈◊〉 cost him very dear ; for after henry iii had caus'd monsieur de guise , his brother , to be executed , and was considering with himself what he should do with the cardinal , whom he had order'd to be apprehended : col. alphonso d' ornano , father to the mareschal of that name , having put him in mind of these cruel words , and remonstrated to him , that the living brother was infinitely more dangerous than he that was now dead , had ever been ; the king swore he should dye , and immediately sent monsieur de gaast , captain of the guards , with positive orders to dispatch him . this secret solicitation of henry iii. against mary stuart , his own sister in law , queen of scotland , and dowager of france , makes it appear , that to preserve our selves we often sacrifice our allies and relations , and even religion it self to interest , and reason of state. witness what the aforesaid q. elizabeth heretofore told my father , that she held her life by the courtesie of king philip ii. her brother in law , although he was the greatest enemy she had . upon this consideration she kept his picture in her bed-chamber , and made him be looked upon by all the world as her saviour . and in effect he hinder'd her sister mary from putting her to death . for q. mary , second wife to k. philip , being a great catholic , and very infirm , had reason to fear that her sister elizabeth , who was a protestant , when she came to succeed her , would banish the catholic religion out of england , the●…ower ●…ower of london . but. k. philip o●…d the motion with all his power , fearing lest mary stuart , heir to q. elizabeth , who then was marry'd to k. francis ii. should one day beco●… queen of great britain , by right of succession and joyning it to france , as it would unque●…ionably happen if she had any children , by t●…e union of so many kingdoms , a formidable power would be erected , that would u●…erly ruin and confound his vast design of an universal monarchy . at this very juncture the spaniards make religion truckle to interest ; and those grave gentlemen who have so often in their writings reproached us for our alliances with hereticks , and particularly with holland and sweden , in order to recommend themselves with a better grace to the court of rome , at present look upon the hollanders as the greatest support of their monarchy , permitting them to preach publickly in their cities ; nay , to show what a consideration they have for these people , admiral d'ruyter , a little before his death , got a great number of hungarian ministers to be released out of the gallys of naples , whither the emperour had sent them , at one word's speaking to the marquiss de los-velez , the viceroy . thus any body may perceive , that 't is interest only that governs the world , and that a great captain had reason to say , that princes commanded the people , but that interest commanded princes : which is so palpable , so apparent a truth , that the most sacred things among men , have been often devoted to this wicked principle , and the greatest part of crown'd heads observe the rules of iustice and religion no farther , than they find them consistent with their dearly beloved interest . as for what remains , if any scrupulous person shall think sit to quarrel with my memoirs for comparing william prince of orange and admiral colligny , who were both hereticks , and both rebels , to the greatest heroes of antiquity , yet i would not have him conclude that i have the least leaning towards heresy and rebellion , to which i have an equal aversion . my meaning is , that it is a sign of as much , if not more vertue , to make ones self a prince of a private person ; than to be one , and being weak , to resist mighty powers ; than to gain batles , being born to a scepter , as alexander and gustavus adolphus were . kings owe their victories to the valour of their captains and troops , and sometimes to the winds , and to the sun ; that is , to meer fortune . thus cicero speaking to caesar , tells him , that he acquired more glory in pardoning marcellus , and restoring his enemy to his estate and dignities , than if he had gained a great many battels , because his soldiers and officers would attribute the principal honour of it to themselves : and for an undeniable argument , that the gaining of a battle is owine to the experience and courage of the soldery . the prince of conde , who had as much personal bravery as ever any man in the world had , after he had defeated at rocroy the old disciplined regiments of the low-countries , and those of the empire at nordlingue . durst not appear in guyenne before the count of harcourt , who had but a small body of old experienced troops with him , altho the prince had twice the number of new raised men . difference in religion ought not to diminish our esteem of any man. we have seen several good catholicks of very shallow understandings ; as for instance , the cardinal de pelleve , who as he was once haranguing the states general , broke off abruptly , and made nothing on 't , which gave occasion to the following lines : seigneurs etats , excusez le bon-homme , il a laissé son calepin à rome . on the other hand , we have seen some huguenots ; as for instance , monsieur de la none , whom the most celebrated writers have compared to the greatest men of former ages . as for my self , i adore extraordinary merit , where-ever i find it , be it in an heretic , in a rebel ; nay , even in an enemy . the duke of lesse , viceroy of naples , has left an eternal monument of this generous maxim behind him , by erecting a magnificent tomb in st. maries de la nove , at naples , to peter of navarr , with this inscription : petro navarro cantabro , solertissimo in expugnandis urbibus duci , consalvus ferdinandus luessae princeps , ludovici filius , magni consalvi nepos , quamvis gallorum partes secutum , pio sepulchri muncrum honestavit , cum hoc habeat in se praeclara virtus , ut ctiam in hoste sit admirabilis . this hero honour'd vertue in an enemy , in a rebel , and in a deserter ; and not thinking it sufficient to commend him in private , erected a noble mausoleum to his memory . caesar was not less regarded at rome , because he was an epicurean , than if he had been of any other sect of philosophers , who held more favourable sentiments of the divinity and of his providence ; and in our days we more esteem the poetry and history of george buchanan , for all he was a notorious heretic , than the flat insipid verses , or jejune histories of several good catholic authors . generally speaking we follow the opinion we suck'd in with our milk ; and as to matters of religion , 't is a plain case , that we implicitly embrace the sentiments of the doctors of our acquaintance , and believe upon the faith of other people , without searching into the bottom of things . but altho it has been a man's misfortune to have evil parents that have educated him in a false religion , yet this does by no means destroy his moral and heroic vertues , which apparently discover themselves in an extraordinary genius . rebellion is full as detestable as heresy , for 't is a bare-faced revolting against our soveraigns , who are the images , or representatives of god upon earth . nevertheless , one may say , in defence of william prince of orange , that philip ii. occasion'd the defection of the low countries , by his contempt of them , and by violating the priviledges of those provinces , which the emperour charles v. his father always governed with clemency and mildness . and as for what respects admiral coligny , whom i compare to the prince of orange , altho it has been frequently said by his enemies , who were both numerous and powerful , that he served himself of the pretence of the reformed religion , the better to cover his ambition : and after them davila has asserted as much in his history ; yet setting all prejudices aside , t is certain he was firmly perswaded of the truth of his belief , and that the principle motive of his rising up in arms was to support and defend it . his most familiar acquaintance , who pryed diligently into his behaviour , never so much as question'd it , and the ardent prayers he poured out at the moment of his death , as well as several letters to his confidents and relations , which are the faithfullest pictures of the soul , do sufficiently demonstrate it . and here i cannot forbear to exclaim at the massacres of st. bartholomew , wherein abundance of good catholicks were sacrificed to the revenge of their enemies thus it was generally condemn'd by all honest men both in france and elsewhere , except the authors of that barbarous butchery , and their dependants . a latin history lately printed with the king's priviledg , speaking of this bloody execution , has these words , atra illa dies quam sequana non abluat suis undis . and monsieur hardouin de perefixe bishop of rhodez in his history of henry iv as he mentions this massacre , calls it the most abominable action that ever was , and wishes , if it please god , that nothing like it may ever happen again . i don't pretend to injure the memory of king charles ix . nor of the queen his mother , but only say that this action has been universally detested without naming any names : however , if it were necessary to espouse one party or other on this occasion , in my opinion a good frenchman would do much better to interest himself for henry our present king's grandfather , who ran so great a risk of his life , and who was so dishonourably treated on this cruel day , than for charles ix . who scandalously violated his promise . upon this doleful subject henry iv. thus explain'd himself very often , and my father was a witness of it , that the most sensible displeasure he ever receiv'd in his whole life , was that on this fatal day of st. bartholomew , eight hundred gentlemen , all of them men of considerable estates and quality , were basely murdered for their affection to him . these were his very words , and he spoke them when he was king of france , at a certa●…n time when some zealous catholicks came to demand justice of him for certain chronological tables , which the huguenots had printed at geneva before their psalms , where was to be seen , in the year 1574 dyed charles the massacrer . to authorize this cruel action , it must not be alledged that it was approved of at rome , where i have seen in the pope's chappel the tragedy of st. bartholomew represented , and the admiral thrown out at the window , with these words at the bottom , pontifex colinii necem probat . i have read these strange words there some fifty years ago , not without a great regret , and a certain pious bishop told me he could never see them without astonishment . to conclude , no one ought to be surpriz'd , that writing the life of william prince of orange , i have set down the substance of his apology against the prosecution of the k. of spain . if it contains any severe passages on the memory of that prince , i am not the first person that divulg'd them . this piece was printed in several languages near a hundred years ago , and was sent by the prince of orange to the emperour rodolphus , and to several other princes of europe , amongst the rest to henry iii. accompanied with a long letter which the k. received kindly , altho this apology , which in truth is none of the gentlest , was against his own brother in law. this is all i have to say upon the subject of these memoirs , which i hope will be approv'd by all lovers of truth , and truth is the mistress i have courted all my life time . the strong aversion i have to flattery and calumny have somewhat transported me against several writers , that don't deserve the name of historians , but only of scurrilous authors , and little low fulsome panegyrists , who being led away by different passions , have endeavour'd to conceal the truth , which i have taken pains to discover , which will appear by several secrets of state , that i have laid open en passant , and which without question , will not be unwelcome to good men . i have nothing more to add , but that i composed these memoirs to pass away some hours of a dull , melancholly solitude , to which i find my self reduced , having been never bred up to hunting , or any other sports of the like nature , which diversions , if they don't make a country life happy , yet they serve at least to render it less tiresome and disagreable . william of nassau prince of orange . founder of the republique of the united provinces . portrait the life of william of nassaw , prince of orange , founder of the commonwealth of the united provinces in the netherlands . no age of all antiquity has produc'd a more extraordinary man than william of nassau , prince of orange . examine all the heroes of plutarch , and all those great men who lived since that admirable historian ; and 't will be difficult to find any upon record , who possess'd more eminently all those virtues and good qualities that enter into the composition of a brave man. the victories and conquests of alexander and caesar do not so much deserve our admiration . the first was master of all greece , and at the head of a war-like and well-disciplin'd army . the other absolutely commanded half the roman legions , who governed all the world. with these great forces and advantages they entred upon the stage , made their first victories the fore-runners to the next , pursued their blow , and one overthrew the empire of the persians , and the other the roman commonwealth . but prince william has equall'd the glory of these great conquerors , by attaquing the formidable power of king philip of spain without any army or forces , and by maintaining himself many years against him . his courage was always greater than his misfortunes ; and when all the world thought him ruin'd , and he was driven out of the netherlands , he entred 'em again immediately at the head of a new army , and by his great conduct laid the foundations of a commonwealth , that covers the ocean with its fleets , and over-matches all europe in the number and strength of its naval forces . his enemies had no other way to ruin him , but by a base treachery , which he might have avoided , if he had reposed less confidence in the love of the people , who served him instead of guards , and considered him as the father and tutelar god of their country . after having reflected on all the illustrious persons that have lived before him , i can meet with no one that equall'd his profound wisdom , heroick courage and constancy under all his adversities , but gaspar de coligny , lord of chastillon , admiral of france ; so great a man , that d'avila his enemy was forc'd to own that he was more talk'd of in europe than the king of france himself . this admiral , after the loss of four battles , was so far from being broken or ruin'd , and continued still so powerfull , that his enemies were oblig'd to grant him a peace ; and had it not been for a treachery , whose memory will be eternally abhorr'd by all good men , he might have ended his days in peace , and done great service to his country by the conquest of the low-countries ; which he propos'd at so favourable a conjuncture , that we might easily have made our selves masters of ' em . but the ill maxims of those divines , who would conform all religion to the humours and passions of princes , and the doctrine , that no faith ought to be kept with rebels and hereticks ; and that 't is lawfull to do a small evil to bring about a greater good , added to the powerfull motive of revenge ; prevail'd over all the ties of honour and faith , which ought always to be sacred and inviolable . william of nassaw , prince of orange , was born in the year 1533 , at the castle of dillembourgh , in the county of nassaw . he was nine years page of honour to the emperour charles the fifth , who continually admired his extraordinary good sense and modesty . this great prince took delight to communicate his most important affairs to him , and instruct him , and has often declar'd to those he was most familiar with , that this young prince furnish'd him with expedients and counsels that surpriz'd him , and which otherwise he had never thought of . when he gave private audience to foreign princes and ministers , and prince william was about to retire with the rest of the company , he usually bid him stay . all the world was surpriz'd to see this great and wife monarch esteem him above all those that were about him , and trust him at so tender an age with all the secrets of his empire , the management of affairs , and the weightiest negotiations . he was scarce twenty years old when charles the fifth chose him out among all the great lords of his court , to carry the imperial crown which he resign'd to his brother ferdinand . an office which he discharged with much unwillingness ; assuring his good master , that 't was an unwelcome task he had imposed on him of carrying that crown to another , which his uncle henry count of nassaw had put upon his head. and for a proof that charles the fifth set on less a value on his courage than his prudence ; when philibert emanuel , duke of savoy , was obliged by his own private affairs to be absent some time from the netherlands , tho' the prince was but 22 years old , and was in breda at that time ; charles the fifth of his own accord , against the advice of all his counsel , made him generalissimo , to the prejudice of so many experienc'd captains , and among the rest of count egmont , who was twelve years older , at a time when he had to deal with two great generals mounsieur de nevers , and the admiral of france . but the prince was so far from receiving any blow that campagn , that he built charlemont and philipville in sight of the french armies . i do not pretend to relate all the actions of the prince of orange , which would require a volume , and which so many historians have done in several languages . 't would be a strange itch of writing , and a manifest robbery to publish what may be met with in particular books . my design is only to make some reflections and observations on this great prince , and acquaint the world with some particulars of his life , which i learn'd from my father and other eminent men of that age. but in order to make my history more intelligible and agreeable to those who have not read his life , i was engaged , contrary to my former intentions , by an illustrious person ( to whom i have too many obligations to refuse him any thing ) to make a short abridgment of his life , enough to give a general idea of him , as geographers present us at one view all the old and new world in a little map ; not doubting but a narrow portraicture of so extraordinary a man will cause these particulars i know of his life to be read with greater pleasure , and besides will show to all the world upon what foundations this prince has erected the powerfull commonwealth of the united provinces . besides the esteem the emperour had for his vertue , there was no man at his court whom he lov'd so tenderly as the prince of orange . which he made appear to the last moment of his administration . for at the famous assembly at brussels , a. d. 1555 , when the emperour resign'd all his kingdoms to his son philip , 't was remarkable that in so considerable an action he was supported by the prince of orange . all these marks of confidence , and professions of friendship , which the emperour made him , were the cause of his misfortunes . for tho' at his departure into spain the emperour recommended him particularly to the king his son , the spaniards who govern'd him ( for he had been bred always in spain ) being jealous of the growing greatness and good fortune of this young prince , made the king entertain such suspicions of him , that his most innocent words and actions had an ill interpretation put upon 'em , and the refusel which the states made of complying with the demands of the king was laid to his charge . he easily perceived by the cold receptions of the king , that his enemies had ruin'd him in his good opinion : but he was confirm'd in his belief when king philip was going aboard the ship at flushing , which was to carry him into spain . the king looking on him with a great deal of anger , reproach'd him with hindring the execution of his designs by his private intrigues . the prince replying with much submission , that the states had done every thing voluntarily and of their own accord ; the king took him by the hand , and shaking it , answer'd in spanish , no los estadós mas vos , vos , vos , repeating the word vos several times , which the spaniards use by way of contempt , as we say in french toy , ioy , thou , thou . this particular i had from my father , who learn'd it from a confident of the prince of orange , who was present . the prince , after this publick affront , had more wit than to conduct the king aboard his vessel , but contented himself with taking leave of him , and wishing him a good voyage into spain : for he was secure enough in the city , where he was well beloved , and where there was a great concourse of people from all parts to see the king 's embarkment . as a further proof of his disgrace , instead of having the government of the netherlands conferr'd on him , which his ancestors had enjoy'd , and which he passionately desired , he saw cardinal granville , his enemy at the helm , intrusted with all the secrets of the court of spain under margaret of austria , duchess of parma , and governess of the netherlands , who had particular orders to have an eye on his actions , and to communicate no affair of importance to him ; which made him resolve for the preservation of his honour and his life too , which he saw openly threatned , to support himself with the love of the people , and court foreign alliances . from hence 't is reasonable enough to conclude , that king philip by his ill usage of the prince of orange , who had done such great services to the emperour his father , was himself the cause of all the disorders in the low-countries . for had he continued a favourable treatment to the prince of orange , according to the advice and example of his father , he had without dispute been a good subject , and never had taken those desperate resolutions , which kindled a fire that lasted above a hundred years , and cost the lives of so many thousand men , and drain'd the treasure of the indies . this ought to be a warning never to drive great courages to despair . we meet with a thousand instances of this nature in history , but particularly of narses . this famous eunuch , after all his great services were slighted , ( for the empress sophia , wife of iustin the second , had sent him word that she would make him spin with her women , ) replied , that he would weave such a web , that she and the whole empire should never be able to cover . and to make his threatnings good , he call'd the lombards into italy , who conquer'd the best part of it , to which they left their name . this done , without returning to constantinople , he stay'd some time at naples , where he died quietly in his bed , in spite of all the designs of this proud empress , who had sent longinus , a wicked and cruel man , to succeed him , with orders to dispatch him . but before i enter upon the general history of the actions of this prince , 't will be proper to say something of his family , leaving the particulars , which would be too tedious to the genealogists . the house of nassaw is , without contradiction , one of the greatest and ancientest in all germany . for besides its high alliances , the number of its branches , and the honour of giving an emperour near four hundred years since , it has this particular advantage to have continued ten entire ages , and to boast with the state of venice , as a learned man says , that its government is founded upon a basis of a thousand years standing . count oiho of nassaw , who liv'd six hundred years since , had two wives : the first brought him in marriage the country of gueldres , and the other zulphen , which were preserved three ages in the house of nassaw . after him another count otho of nassaw married the countess of viandden , who had great estates in the netherlands , above three hundred years since . his grandson engilbert , the first of that name , count of nassaw , married the heiress of laeke and breda , a. d. 1404 , and was grandfather to engilbert of nassaw , the second of that name . this prince was great in war and peace . he won the battle of guinegaste , punish'd the rebellion of bruges , and was governour-general of the netherlands under maximilian the first . he died without children , and made his brother iohn heir of all his estates . this count iohn had two sons , henry and william . the lands in the low-countries fell to henry's share , the eldest ; william the youngest had those of germany . this is that henry count of nassaw , to whose strong solicitations against francis the fifth , charles the fifth owed his empire . this was he , who on the day of his coronation put the imperial crown upon his head : nevertheless , after the conclusion of peace between those great princes , when he was sent by the emperour to do homage for the counties of flanders and artois ; king francis by an incredible generosity forgetting all what was pass'd , married him to claude de chalon , only sister to philibert de chalon , prince of orange , who had been brought up by ann of bretan his mother-in-law . by this means rene de nassaw , and of chalons his only son , was prince of orange , after the death of his uncle philibert de chalons , who died without issue . william count of nassaw brother to count henry , embraced the reform'd religion , and banish'd the catholick out of his dominions . 't was he who was the father of the great william of nassaw , whose life i am writing , who became prince of orange , and lord of all the estates of the house of chalons by the will of rene de nassaw , and de chalon his cosin german , who was kill'd at the siege of st. desier , a. d. 1544. and left no children behind him . the emperour charles the fifth , who was so much obliged to the house of nassaw , was extreamly concern'd to see this young prince bred up a heretick , with much ado he removed him from his father , and placed him near his person , in order to his conversion to the catholick religion , which indeed the prince made a publick profession of as long as the emperour liv'd , and in the beginning of the reign of philip the third . but the prejudice of the education and the new religion which he had suck'd in with his milk , and had a taste of afterwards at the court of france , where the new opinions were very much in vogue when he was a hostage at paris for the peace of cambray , made so strong an impression on him , that he could never wear it off . his father count william of nassaw had five sons and seven daughters , by iulienne countess of stolbourg . the eldest was this william of nassaw prine of orange . the youngest was iohn count of nassaw , who left a numerous and renowned posterity behind him . the three other sons were lodowick , adolphus , and henry of nassaw , who signaliz'd themselves in the civil wars of france and the netherlands : they were never married , and all three died with their swords in their hands , couragiously seconding the design of their elder brother . the seven daughters of william of nassaw were all married , one to the count of bergues , who was mother to that count de bergues , who in our days commanded the spanish armies against his cosin germans , prince maurice , and henry frederick , and afterwards quitted the spanish service upon some disgust . the other six were married to sovereign counts of germany , one amongst the rest to count schouarsbourg , who had the misfortune to be present at antwerp , when iohn iauregny a biscayner had like to have kill'd the prince with a pistol-shot , and at delft when he was assassinated by balthasar guerard a native of the franche comtè . for she never left her dear brother , who loved her entirely . william prince of orange was of a middle stature ; a brown complexion , with chesnut hair , he talked little , thought much , but spoke always to the purpose , and his words passed for oracles . no private man in the time of charles the fifth liv'd with so much splendour as the prince of orange , he entertained all the foreign princes and ministers at his house , and in short was the glory of the emperours court and his sons , who in his proscription which he thunder'd out against the prince of orange , having upbraided him with the favours he had received from him , & how ill he had return'd them , the prince in his apology replyed , that he was so far from having any obligations to the king , or inriching himself in his service , that he had born the principal expence of the court composed of many nations , the king taking so little care of it , that he was forced to desray it out of his own pocket . this splendid way of living , and this engaging manner of insinuating himself into all peoples affections , gain'd him the esteem and friendship of all the world. besides he had a great advantage over all the princes and lords of the emperors court ; the house of nassau having had the honour to produce the emperour adolphus , who was kill'd , a. d. 1298. at the battle of spires , upon whom these verses were made . anno milleno trecent is his minus annis , in iulio mense rex adolphus cadit ense . when king philip who had been bred up in spain , came into the low countries in his fathers lifetime , there appear'd such a vast difference between the father and son , that all the people , and particularly the nobility , conceived as much aversion and contempt for one , as they had love and adoration for the other . the emperour was good natur'd , easie of access , treated all sorts of nations familiarly , and talked to 'em in their own language , which won him an universal respect and veneration . king philip rarely appeared in publick , wore his clothes always in the spanish fashion , talked little , and still spanish , which procured him the general hate of the nobility , and the people of the netherlands , who hating and dreading the pride of the spaniards that govern'd him , demanded of him in full assembly of the states held at gand , to withdraw all foreign troops out of the netherlands , and use their own forces for the security of the towns , and make no stranger governour of the low countries ; these demands surprized , and incensed the king , who believed all was done by the instigation and contrivance of the prince of orange ; but concealing his resentment , he gave the states hopes of complying with their requests . in this assembly he made margaret of austria his natural sister , wife of octavio farnese duke of parma absolute governess of the low countries , created many knights of the golden fleece , and then embarked for spain . at his departure he left orders with the governess , to establish the spanish inquisition the in netherlands , and erect several new bishopricks . these innovations were the original cause of all the civil wars and confusions , so strange an aversion had the people for the very name of the inquisition and the new bishops , whom they considered as the agents , and under officers of the inquisition . anthony perrenot cardinal de granville , first bishop of arras , and then of malines , was minister of state , and had all the management of affairs under the dutchess of parma ; he was son to nicholas perrenot of besancon , secretary of state to charles the seventh , who for his personal merit had advanced him from the quality of a private citizen . this cardinal naturally haughty and insolent , treated the nobility in a very imperious manner . for which they hated him to that degree , that at last count egmont , count horn , and the prince of orange , no longer able to bear his insupportable pride , writ plainly to king philip , that his arrogance and violent proceedings were abhorr'd by all the nobility and people , and would ruin the netherlands if he was not recall'd in time . this remonstrance was considered as a criminal boldness in spain , and from that time they took a resolution to destroy these three lords , and all their adherents . but at that conjuncture they were constrained to dissemble and recall the cardinal . great disorders hapning in the netherlands , count iohn de bergues governour of hainault , and iohn de montmorency , lord of montigny , governour of tornay , were dispatched into spain , with orders to acquaint the king with what had passed , and perswade him to compose the differences by mildness and clemency , rather than by severity and roughness . but both losing their lives there , was a warning to the rest to stand upon their guard. assoon as the prince of orange , who was a great politician , knew of the resolution the king had formed , by the advice of the spanish ministers , and at the instance of cardinal granville , who resented his being driven out of the low countries , of sending the duke of alva with an army of spaniards and italians into the netherlands , he wisely judg'd , that the king design'd to revenge himself on the states , for the demands they had made him , and the forcible removal of the cardinal , which was generally imputed to him . knowing besides , that the alterations which were to be made , would infallibly occasion great convulsions and commotions ; he desired the governess to request the king to give him leave to resign his governments of holland , zeland , utrecht , and burgundy , which was denied him . he was only perswaded to remove from him his brother count lodowick , who was thought to give him counsels which were prejudicial to the peace of the netherlands . which he did not think fit to consent too ; no more than the new oath of fidelity to the king , which many other great men refused to take , for this oath obliging him to root out hereticks , he must consequently have sworn the ruin of his own wife who was a lutheran . besides he alledged , that having already taken the oath of fidelity , 't was needless to take a new one unless they question'd his fidelity . the same course was followed by anthony de lalain count of hochstrat governour of malines , count horn , philip de montmorency , admiral of the low-countries , and henry brederode , baron de viane and vicount of utrecht , descended from the soveraign counts of holland , and by many other lords . a. d. 1566 , in april the governess , pressing with great heat , the establishment of the inquisition , and the new bishops , four hundred gentlemen , headed by count lodowick of nassaw and count brederode ( the next day arrived the count de bergues and culembourg , ) met at brussels in the hotel de culembourg , and had the boldness to present a petition which they had drawn up , to the governess in the palace . the heads of this petition were to reject the inquisition , the new bishops , and the publication of the council of trent , which they maintained to be contrary to the interest of the provinces . this boldness let loose the reins to all the seditions and factions in the netherlands , and occasion'd all the sacrileges , all the villainies , and impieties , the breaking down images , demolishing churches , and altars , &c. which are preserved in history , and are abhorr'd by the protestants themselves . this famous petition presented by the nobility marching two by two modestly clad , and arm'd only with their swords , was at first slighted ; and count barlaymont a great confident of madam de parma , because he saw a great many in the company not so rich as himself , told the governess , by way of contempt , that they were a troop of beggars , and that she ought to take no notice , or have any regard to ' em . hence the name gueux or beggars , continued to that party , as that of hugeunots to the protestants of france . the confederate nobility , far from taking offence at this nick-name , applyed it to themselves , and cloathed themselves all in gray cloths , and wore little wooden porringers , and beggars bottles in their hats , and drank healths publickly to the gueux or beggars , at their entertainments . the gentlemen who entred into this association , wore at their collar a medal of gold , on one side of which was stamped the kings image , on the reverse two hands joyn'd , holding a bag with this inscription , fideles au roy jusque a la besace : faithful to the king even to the bag. the greatest lords on their footmens liveries embroider'd dishes , bottles , and beggars bags , glorying in the nick-name , and publishing that they would sacrifice their fortunes to support so just a confederacy . about the end of the year 1566. the prince of orange had a conference at dendermonde with count egmont , horn , hochstrat , and his brother lodowick , to consult of means for their own security , and the good of the provinces ; most of them were of opinion to take up arms , and oppose the entrance of the spaniards into the low countries , who had a design to ruin them , as the prince of orange made appear by letters of the spanish resident at paris , which he had intercepted : but count egmont governour of flanders , and artois , who had a great interest with the souldiers , would not hearken to it , but remonstrated to the assembly , that they ought to trust to the king's clemency and goodness . which he repeated again at villebrook in another meeting , and the prince of orange replyed , that this clemency of the king would be his ruin ; and that the spaniards would make him a bridge over which they would pass into flanders , and which they would break down as soon as they had entred . after this the prince told him , that since he took so little care of his safety , he would provide for his own by retiring into germany . to which the count answered , farewell , prince without land ; and the prince replyed , farewell , count without a head , which prophecy prov'd too true . a. d. 1568. the 10th . of february the spanish inquisition declared guilty of high treason , all those who had not oppos'd the hereticks of the netherlands . which was in effect condemning all the nobility , which the council of spain had a design to destroy , particularly the great men and governours of provinces , and those who had presented the address against the inquisition : which the king confirm'd by an edict , which bore the same date . this done , he sent the duke of alva with an army of veterane souldiers , composed of spaniards and italians , to succeed margaret dutchess of parma , in the government of the low countries . the duke passed from spain into italy , where having made a rendezyous of his troops , he entred into luxemburg , through savoy , the county of burgundy and lorrain , and crossed all those countries without the least complaint of the inhabitants in so long a march ; so severe was the duke , and so strict an observer of military discipline . the prince of orange , before the arrival of the duke of alva , retired into germany to his county of nassaw , giving out , that under pretence of settling the inquisition , and other illegal things contrary to the liberties and privileges of the provinces , the spaniards design was to force them to rebel , that they might have a plausible pretence of enslaving them , and erecting a despotick government in the netherlands , as a revolted , and conquered nation , in the same manner as they had done with the indies , naples , sicily , milan and sardinia . and indeed the severity , and cruelty of the duke of alva confirm'd what the prince gave out ; not only to the provinces , but all the neighbouring princes , who condemned his unjust and violent proceedings , and particularly the emperour maximilian , a good natured and a merciful prince . at his first coming the duke established a sovereign council of twelve judges , of which he made himself the president . they were all men of the long robe , of no birth nor merit , except le sieurs barlaymont , and norcairme , who were gentlemen of quality . the most eminent was iohn vargas a spaniard , so famous for his cruelty , that the spaniards used to say , they had need of as keen a knife as that of vargas to cut off the gangreen of the low countries . there was also one hessels , a flemming , of this new council , who slept always at the tryal of criminals , and when they awaked him to deliver his opinion , he rubbed his eyes and cryed between sleeping and waking ; ad patibulum , ad patibulum , to the gallows , to the gallows , as william guerin advocate general of the parliament of provence ; who said , when they brought before him , one of herindol suspected of heresie , tolle , tolle , crucifige , in imitation of the iews . this hessels was afterwards hanged upon a tree , without any form of justice or process , by the governours of gand , imbise and rihove , whom he had often threatned by his gray beard to hang. sentences were often passed by only two or three judges of this council , as the judgment against strales a burgomaster of antwerp , which was sign'd only by vargas and two other spaniards . this council was called by the duke of alva , the council of troubles , and by his enemies , the council of blood. by the establishment of this council , which was a supream court of judicature , the duke of alva deprived all the other councils of the netherlands of their power and jurisdiction : for all men , without exception , were denied the liberty of appealing , even the knights of the golden fleece , who by the statutes of their order were to be tryed by their peers alone , in the presence of the king : which was contrary to all privileges . the judges of the country were forbid to take cognizance of the last troubles ; and all the councils of the provinces were to answer before this tribunal . a rich burgher was condemned to death , his hands being tyed behind his back , being bound to the tail of a horse , and mercilesly dragged to the place of execution . the first and second days of iune , eighteen lords and gentlemen were barbarously executed at brussels ; among the rest the two barons of battembourg brothers ; iohn de montigny lord of villiers , and the lord de huy a bastard of the counts of namur ; drums beating all the time of their execution , that their dying speeches might not be heard ; nor the people stirred up to compassion by hearing them complain of the injustice which had been done to them . the fifth of iune following were publickly executed at brussels , count egmont and count horn , several regiments of native spaniards being drawn up in the great square to guard the execution . i may say , that the death of these two lords cost the spanish king the low countries , so universally were they loved and esteemed . the first won the battle of st. quintins and gravelins . the french resident at brussels writ to court , that he had seen that head cut off , which had twice made france tremble . cardinal granville never feared any of the great lords of the netherlands , but the prince of orange , for the rest were not capable of forming or maintaining a party ; and when the news was brought to rome in general , that the duke of alva had seized on all the great lords of the low countries ; he asked whether silence was taken , meaning the prince of orange , and when they told him , no : he replyed , the duke had done nothing . the prince of orange who had put himself into a place of security , was summoned to appear before the supream council , who condemned him for not obeying : for he appeal'd to the states of brabant , his natural judges , and the king himself , because he was knight of the golden fleece ; and consequently , could not be tryed by subdeligate and suspected judges , and his professed enemies , but by the king himself , assisted by his peers the knights . which he represented at large in publick manifesto's to the emperour maximilian and the german princes , who approved his reasons , and condemned the violence of the council of spain , which went so far as to seize on his eldest son william count de buren , who was arrested in the college of louvain at the age of thirteen , contrary to the privileges of the university , and the country of brabant , and afterwards carried prisoner into spain . this hard usage made the prince resolve to pass the rubicon , and hazard all as caesar did , and endeavour to do himself justice , and have satisfaction for his injuries by way of arms. he raised an army in germany , and sent it into friezland under the command of count lodowick his brother , who made a happy beginning of the compaign by the entire defeat of iohn de ligny , count of aremberg , governour of the province , a famous captain ; who the year before was sent general of a considerable army into france , to the assistance of charles the ninth , against the huguenots , who had the boldness to besiege him in paris , after having missed of surprizing him at meaux . this count of aremberg died upon the place : but 't is said , he revenged his death by that of count adolphus of nassau , brother to william prince of orange , and count lodowick , who remained master of the field of battle , of the baggage , and artillery of the spanish army . but count lodowick did not long enjoy the pleasure of this victory ; for the duke of alva fell upon him in the same country with old disciplin'd troops , at a time when the germans , instead of preparing for a vigorous defence against so powerful an enemy , mutinied and demanded their pay , and routed his army , the most part of which were drown'd in the river ems which lay behind them . count lodowick with great difficulty saved his life which he had certainly lost , if he had not met with a little boat , and crossed the river which is very wide as it falling into the seas , leaving all his baggage , and artillery in the hands of the spaniards . the prince of orange , a man of a steady and unshaken courage in all his misfortunes , without being startled at this blow , raises another army of twenty four thousand german horse and foot , which he joyned with a body of four thousand french , commanded by francis de hangest lord of genlis . before he entred into the netherlands , he published a manifesto , in which he lays open the reasons he had to take up arms , clears himself of the crimes he was charged with , excepts against the bloody council , and the duke of alva who pretended to be his judge . he owns that he had quitted the church of rome , for a religion which he thought more agreeable to the holy scripture ; declares that he was forced to make war for the preservation of his country , and to free it from the slavery the spaniards were preparing for it , as in duty bound , being one of the great lords of the netherlands . he hopes that king philip whose good inclinations were obstructed by the ill counsels of the spaniards , will one day better consider the fidelity of the provinces , and the oath he publickly took of preserving their privileges : he says that the laws of the dutchy of brabant dispense with the subjects , from paying that obedience to the errors and mistakes of their princes , which they only owe to their lawful commands , which ought to be conformable to the customs of the province . he added that the brabantines never suffered any prince to take possession of the government before they had agreed with him ; that if the prince breaks the laws , and the constitutions of the dutchy , the subjects shall be absolved from their oath of allegiance , till their injuries are redressed . after this the prince having passed the rhine , crossed the meuse happily between ruremonde and mastreicht , though the duke of alva was on the other side of the river to dispute the passage with him . he passed his foot over at a ford , whilst the horse who stood above , broke the force of the river ; in the same manner as caesar passed the river segre near lerida in catalonia . the duke of alva would not believe the count of barlaymont , who brought him the first news of it , but asked him whether the prince of orange's army were birds . thus the prince of orange entred into brabant . but the duke who would not stake the netherlands upon the success of a battle against a fresh army , and stronger than his own , having fortifyed all the towns , and covering himself with rivers , and posting himself very advantageously , laughed at the prince of orange , who presented him battle every day . for after the prince had made twenty nine incampments , without being able to draw the duke to an engagement , being received into no city , contrary to his hopes , and pressed by famine in a little country , uncapable of supplying longer so numerous an army , and his souldiers mutinying and demanding their pay , ( in one of which mutinies some officers were killed in his sight , and he himself had been shot if the pistol bullet had not lighted on the pommel of his sword , ) he was forced to disband his army , which refused to follow him into france , to the assistance of the huguenots , the greatest part of the officers telling him , that they promised to serve only against spain , not france . he paid the army with the little ready money he had , with his plate , and the money which the sale of his artillery and his baggage yielded him , engaging to the principal commanders , his principality of orange , and his other lordships for the security of what he ow'd them . the extraordinary prudence and firmness of the duke of alva can never be enough admired , who found out an excellent way of beating his enemies without fighting , whereas other victories are usually won by bloody and hazardous battles . he swore to the messenger who came from his eldest son frederick de toledo , and chiapin vitelli , marquess of celone , his mareschal de camp , to press him to give the enemies battle , that 't was a strange thing they would not suffer him to manage the war as he pleased , and that if any durst talk to him of fighting again , he should never return alive . this marquess of vitelli was a brave captain , and had done such great services to the duke of tuscany in his wars , that king philip demanded him of the duke , to command his army under the duke of alva . he behaved himself extreamly well in flanders , and died in the time of the commendador de requisons , who succeeded the duke of alva in the government of the low countries . he was so prodigiously fat , that he was forced to gird up his belly to be able to walk . as he was a great eater , and reckoned an atheist , after his death the gueux made this epitaph on him . o deus omnipotens , crassi miserere vitelli , quem mors praeveniens non sinit esse bovem . corpus in italiâ est , tenet intestina brabantus ; ast animam nemo , cur ? quia non habuit . the prince of orange disbanded his army in strasbourg , where he arrived from the netherlands through the frontiers of picardy , champagne and lorrain . between le quesnoy and cambray , the prince cut off eighteen companies of foot , and three hundred horse , and made almost all the officers prisoners . don rufillé henriquus , son to the duke of alva , with many others , were killed upon the place , which was some satisfaction to him for the blow he had received in brabant , where count hochstrate received a mortal wound , and died not long after very much regretted by the prince of orange , for his valour and unmovable fidelity to his party . philip de morbais lord of louverval , was taken prisoner in the same action , and afterwards beheaded at brussels . the prince out of this great army reserved to himself only a body of twelve hundred horse , and with his brothers , count lodowick and henry , joyned the prince palatine wolfgang , duke of deuxponts , whom he found ready to enter france , to the succours of the huguenots . he was present at the taking of la charité , which was very happy for that party , for if the germans had not made themselves masters of a passage over the river loire , they could never have joyned the admiral . he was afterwards in the battle of roche la ville . d' avila observes , that the prince of orange on this occasion commanded the main battle of the huguenots army , with the count de rochefoucaut , and that count lodowick of nassau his brother , signalized himself in the vanguard against philip strozzi , colonel of the french infantry , who advancing too forward , was made prisoner by the huguenots . the same author assures us , that 't was at roche la ville , where the king of navarre , afterwards henry the great , began to give proofs of the courage , which he has since made appear on so many dangerous occasions . he was afterwards at the siege of poictiers which was fatal to the huguenots , for when they had ruined their army before the place , they were forced to raise the siege to relieve chatelleraut . at last he quitted the camp at foy la binese near richelieu , disguised like a peasant , with four men in his company ; and after having crossed tourrain and berry with great difficulty , he arrived at la charité , and then montbeliard , from whence he retired into his county of nassau to raise new forces . his brother count lodowick was afterwards at the battle of moncountour , whence he saved himself in company of the admiral de chatillon , and a body of the huguenot horse . this year the admiral advised the prince of orange to give out commissions for commands at sea , to several persons of quality , who had been driven out of the low countries by the duke of alva , who after having put to death a vast number of men , forced all people to pay the tenth penny for the sale of their moveables , the twentieth for immoveables , and the hundreth penny for all they possessed . the admiral assured the prince , that if he could once set footing in holland or in zealand , countries very strongly situated , 't would be difficult to force him out , because he was so well beloved by the people , who would never fail him at his need . william lord of lumay , descended from the count de la mare , was the chief of these refugees . he and his associates were called the sea gueux by way of distinction from the land gueux . this advice of the admiral was very useful to the prince of orange , and was a sort of prophecy of his establishment in those provinces , for by this means he possessed himself of all holland and zealand , and was as successful and victorious at sea , as he had been unfortunate at land ; for 't was observed , that in ten years continual war , the spaniards were always beaten by the hollanders at sea. in the year 1570. peace being concluded with the huguenots , the court of france , the better to amuse and over-reach the huguenots , made a shew of employing them against the netherlands , under the conduct of the duke of alenzon , admiral colligny , and count lodowick of nassau . the court pretended to be dissatisfied with the king of spain , for poysoning isabella of france his wife , whose death the french gave out they would revenge , and the murders of the french that had been massacre'd in florida by the spaniards . they promised to the prince of orange by count lodowick his brother , whom they had loaded with honours and caresses , a considerable supply of men and money , and the sovereignty of zealand , utrecht , and friezland , and that they would joyn the other provinces to france . the prince of orange , upon these great hopes and appearances which proved false , refused a very advantageous and secure treaty , which the emperour , offered him from the part of the king of spain , and sent forces under the command of his brother-in-law the count de bergues , to make an attempt upon gueldres and over-yssel . the count took zutphen and several other places . his brother count lodowick was to make a considerable effort on the side of hainault , where he surprized mons , the capital of that province , which diversion hindred the duke of alva from retaking the cities of holland and zealand that had newly declared against him , and which he might easily have done at a time when they were unprovided of forces and necessaries for their defence . but nothing incensed the duke of alva so much as the surprizing of mons which he resolved to recover at any rate , leaving every thing else to apply himself wholly to this seige , which gave time to the revolted cities to draw breath , and furnish themselves at leisure with men and ammunition . the brave defence of count lodowick , assisted by mounsieur de la nove bras de fer , and many of the french nobility , made the siege of mons very long and difficult . the spaniards fired above 20000 canon-shot against it . in the mean time the prince of orange who had retired into germany , had raised a greater army than his first , to enter into brabant , where the cruelty and exactions of the duke of alva made him hope for better success than he had in his first invasion . this army was to be paid with the money the french court had promised to supply him with . thus the prince believed with reason that the spanish forces would not be able to defend the low-countries , attack'd on so many sides by land , whilest by sea they were gauled by the counts de la mark , sonoy , treton , the brothers boisols , and bertel entens his lieutenants in holland and zealand , where they had great success , as i shall afterwards declare . the spaniards were never in so great danger of losing the netherlands as at that conjuncture . the hopes of the prince were not groundless , and in all probability the spaniards had been quite driven out of the low-countries , if france had made good its promises . thus this great man , who had so many strings to his bow , parted from germany with a great army to enter into the low-countries , when he found all people driven to despair by the tyranny of the duke of alva , and ready to receive him with open arms . first he was received into ruremonde , where he passed his army over the bridge into brabant . louvain gave him a sum of money , and malines opened its gates to him , which cost that poor city very dear . the duke of alva was absent at the siege of mons which he resolved to take , and the prince designed to relieve , as well to save so important a place , as to deliver his brother lodowick from the danger he was in . but mr. de genlis who marched from france to the relief of the place with 7000 horse and foot , having been defeated and taken prisoner by frederick de toledo , who had gone out to meet him , upon the secret intelligence which he received from the court of france of his marching towards mons , and the condition of his forces . the prince having attempted in vain to raise the siege , for the duke of alva had intrenched himself so strongly that 't was impossible to force his lines , and at the same time understanding by the discharging of the great guns and other signs of rejoycing in the camp , of the massacre of st. bartholomew , where admiral de chatillon and all his principal friends had been kill'd , and having no hopes from the french who had deceived him , but on the contrary having all the reason in the world to be apprehensive of so great a kingdom which had declared against his party and religion , he advised his brother lodowick to make an honourable composition , which was granted him , and he himself retired by small marches towards the rhine . in this retreat he was in great danger of being kill'd by the enemies and his own soldiers . for the german officers talked of arresting him to secure the payment of their arrears , which they were promised should be paid at their arrival in brabant , where he expected to receive the money the french had promised him . but this eloquent and engaging prince appeas'd the mutiny , by assuring them 't was not his fault , and satisfied them with promises and the little ready money he had . on the other side he was in great danger of his life at malines ; 800 spanish horse , who had chosen men mounted behind them , entered into his camp by night , and pierced as far as his tent , and would have killed him as he slept , if a little dog who lay in his bed , had not waked him by scratching his face with his claws ; the greatest part of the spaniards being cut off , he marched strait on to the rhine , where he disbanded his army at orsay , and went through over-yssell to utrecht , and thence to holland and zealand , which had declared for him , all except middleburg and amsterdam , in the following manner . whilest the prince of orange was a refugee in france and germany , and wandring from province to province , william de la mark boissols . siegneurs de lumay , sonoy , treton , the boissols entens , and others who acted under the orders of the prince , turned pirates and practised the trade a long time with great success , till having no longer a retreat in the ports of england , which queen elizabeth denied them at the instance of the duke of alva , and for fear of making the spaniards her enemies , the count de la mark and the rest , designing to seize a port in north-holland or friezland , were obliged by the contrary winds to put in for shelter , with 30 great and small ships , into the isle of vorn in holland where the brill is , which they took by surprize , having found it without a garrison , which was sent to punish utrecht for refusing to pay the tenth penny . this count de la mark was a rash and a cruel man. he swore never to shave his beard nor head till he had revenged the death of count egmont and horn. when he had surprized the brill , which signifies spectacles in the flemish tongue , he had himself painted in a large piece , with the duke of alva behind , whom he stood and put spectacles on his nose by way of derision , it being a term of contempt in holland , to say a man wants light . he put ten pieces of money in his colours in hatred of the imposition which the duke of alva had established , and to make him more odious . the count de bossut governor of holland for the spaniards , made a fruitless attempt to drive them out of the brill . many other cities of holland , viz horn , alkmar , edam , goude , oudewater , leyden , gorcum , harlem , and all zealand , except middleburg , following the example of the brill , abandoned the duke of alva , and declared for the prince of orange . flushing , a considerable city and port of zealand , was one of the first that revolted , by the perswasion of the priest , who on easter-day , as he was saying mass , exhorted the people to recover their liberty . this air of sedition having blown the people into a flame , they immediately went to their arms , and forced the spanish garrison to leave the place . but they arrested alvarez pacheco , a spaniard and relation of the duke of alva , who was superintendant of the fortifications of the cittadel which was building at flushing . he was immediately hanged by order of treton , who revenged on him the death of his brother , who had been beheaded by the duke of alva at brussels 4 years before . pacheco in vain represented that he was a gentleman , and desired the favour to be beheaded , but he was hanged publickly on a gibbet . i wonder at the variety of opinions i have met with in the most famous historians of the netherlands concerning this pacheco . grotius says he was a savoyard , though benlivoglio , strada , meursius and emanuel de metteren , do all agree he was a spaniard . cardinal bentivoglio says he was beheaded , and others write that he was hanged : on the other side meursius calls this gentleman who was executed , a relation of the duke of alva , pacioli , although the others call him pacheco , confounding this pacheco with francis paciotti of urbin , count de montefabre , so famous for his skill in fortifications and other engines of war , that when he had built the cittadel at antwerp , his name was given to one of the bastions by order of the duke of alva , the four others were called the duke , ferdinand , toledo and alva , not one by the name of the king his master but to return to this pacheco , emanuel de metteren , though a very exact historian , names him pierre pacheco , though famianus strada , who was better informed , names him alvarez . which shows that the greatest men are liable to mistakes . the sea gueux in requital of the duke of alva's cruelty , hanged all the prisoners they made without distinction , but the spaniards they tyed by couples back to back and threw them into the sea. as soon as the prince of orange arrived in holland and zealand , he made the sieur diederic or theoderick de sonoy , a friezland gentleman , his lieutenant in north-holland , otherwise called westfrise , and charles b●…issol governor of flushing , and his brother lewis boissol admiral these two gentlemen were of brussles , and being condemned by the duke of alva , follow'd the ●…ortunes of the prince of orange . about that time the states of holland and zealand met at dordrecht , where they acknowledg'd the prince of orange for their governour , though he was absent , and obliged themselves by oath never to abandon him , and the prince in like manner swore by his proxy philip de marnix sieur de st. aldegonde , to continue inviolably devoted to their interests . 't was observed in this assembly that st. aldegonde gave his hand to all the deputies of the states , and they to him , in token of their mutual confidence and fidelity . william count de la mark then present , was declared lieutenant of the prince of orange , but rebelling some time after against the prince with his confidentt bertel entens as rash as himself ; they were both seized on , and they would have proceeded to the trial of the count , if the consideration of his alliances and great services had not pleaded for him , for he had been guilty of great cruelties to some good ecclesiasticks which deserved a severe punishment . after he was out of prison he retired to leige where he died of the bite of one of his mad dogs . the prince did all things in the name of the states , though he had all the power of the government in his own hands , such an intire confidence had the people in him . there were anciently but six cities in holland that had right to vote in the states , viz , dordrecht , harlem , leyden , delft , amsterdam and goude , the prince added twelve others to these six , viz , rotterdam , gorcum , schedam , sconen , la brille , alkmar , horn , enkhusen , edam , munikedam , medimblet and purmerend , that he might engage these cities in his interest by the honour he had done them , and that they might be the better affected to him in the assembly of the states , and ease the publick miseries and grievances the more effectually by being acquainted with them . he had the absolute disposal of all employments and charges , but refused the name of king and contented himself with the power . at that time he banished all the romish ceremonies out of the churches , that this difference of religion might out off all means of an accommodation with the spaniards who were sworn enemies to the new opinions . a. d. 1572 the duke of alva , after the recovery of mons , being very much indisposed , sent his son don frederick de toledo , to take the cities of holland and guelderland that had revolted from him . don frederick resolved to make malines an example , for opening its gates to the prince of orange : he did not think it enough to pillage the town for several days together , but permitted his souldiers to commit all sorts of cruelties and barbarities , even to ravish the women , without excepting the nuns . after this he marched against the marquess of bergues , routed him , and possessed himself of all the towns he had won , among the rest of zutphen , which he mercilesly gave up to the plunder of his army . he retook narden and intirely destroyed it , cutting off the innocent and guilty without distinction of age or sex , and contrary to the promise which iulian romero a spanish colonel , had made to the burghers of saving their lives , he burnt the houses , razed the walls , let the dead bodies lie three whole weeks in the streets without burial . an excess of barbarity which was considered by the most cruel , rather as a detestable villainy , than a just punishment for their revolts . this made harlem take a resolution to hold out to the last extremity , having to do with so merciless a conqueror . the dutch historians write that the art of printing was begun at harlem , a. d. 1440. by laurence le contre , and thomas pieterson his son-in-law ; but that their factor iohn faustus betraying them , carried away the letters to amsterdam , then to cologne , and from thence to mayence , where he stopt , and where iohn guttemburg , a german gentleman , who is commonly reckoned the inventor of printing , improved it very much . wibald riperda a friezland gentleman , commanded in the city of harlem , and don frederick declared , that he would make use of no other keys to enter the city than his canon . but this proved a long and a bloody siege , having lasted from december 1572. to iuly 1573. the spaniards lost above four thousand men before it , among others the sieur crossonier , great master of the artillery , and bartholomew campi de besoro an excellent engineer . there was so great a famine in the city , that a little child three years old was dug up by its parents some days after it was buried , to prolong their miserable life . during this siege don frederick , tired with its length , and despairing of good success , talked of returning into brabant ; but the duke of alva , blaming his impatience , sent him word that if he resolved to raise the siege he himself would come in person , sick as he was to carry it on . but if his indisposition hindred him , he would send into spain for his mother to supply the place of her son. this reproach made don frederick resolve to continue the siege . in the heat of the siege , the spaniards having thrown into the city the head of a man with this inscription ; the head of philip konigs , ( id est , king , ) who came to relieve harlem with an army of two thousand men , and aftewards another with this inscription ; the head of anthony le peintre , who betrayed mons to the french. the inhabitants of harlem , put to death eleven spanish prisoners , and put their heads into a barrel which by night they rolled into the enemies camp : with this inscription . the citizens of harlem pay the duke of alva ten heads , that he may no longer make waer upon them for the payment of the tenth penny , which they have not yet paid , and for interest they give him the eleventh head. as they had hopes that the siege would be raised , they suffered themselves to be transported to prophane mockeries , making the images of priests , monks , cardinals , and popes , and then tumbled them down from the top of the walls , after they had stabbed them in a hundred places at last the city being reduced to the greatest extremity , by an unheard of famine , which swept away above thirteen thousand persons , and all hopes of relief being vanished by the defeat of the succours , which the count de la mark , and the baron de balemberg were bringing to the city , they were obliged to surrender at discretion , by the crys of the women and children , for the men had resolved to sally out in a body , and cut out an honourable passage with their swords through the enemies army . the spaniards forced the citizens to pay a great summ of money , to hinder the entire destruction of the place ; and hang'd and drown'd above two thousand persons in some few days ; among others all the ministers , the principal men of the city , and the officers of the troops . wibald riperda governour , and lancelot a bastard son to brederode , were both beheaded . the cruelty of the spaniards at harlem , instead of doing their cause service , ruin'd it , and made the people resolve rather to suffer the last miseries , than submit to so cruel and tyrannical a government . thus the little city of alkmar bravely repulsed all their attacks , and the prince of orange surprized gertrudemberg which belonged to him in his own right , and which covered dordrecht . about the same time maximilian de henin , count de bossut , a famous captain , and very much valued by the duke of alva , who was made governour of holland , was taken in the zuider-zee , which is the sea of amsterdam , and his fleet defeated by that of the prince of orange . his great ship was also taken , which he called the inquisition to reproach the dutch , with the principal cause of their revolt . this count was carried to horn , where he remained prisoner four years , till the pacification of ghent . the spaniards having taken prisoner at the hague , philip de marnix sieur de st. aldegonde , minister of state to the prince of orange , he assured the duke of alva , that he would treat the count de bossut , in the same manner as he did st. aldegonde . the prince of orange can never be enough commended for his good nature , in treating the count with so much kindness , and civility , though not long before he had corrupted a burgomaster of delft , and prevailed upon him to betray the prince , and deliver him into his hands , whilst he was walking out of the city . but the conspiracy was discovered by a letter intercepted from the count to the burgomaster . about that time the duke of alva and his son were recalled into spain ; king philip having found out too late , that their cruelty confirmed the ▪ low-countries in their rebellion . lewis de requesens , great commander of the order of st. iames in castile , and governour of milan , who had a great share in the famous victory of lepanto , succeeded the duke of alva in the government of the netherlands . the duke at his departure boasted , that he had put to death by the hands of the hangman , above eighteen thousand men , yet cruel vargas who returned into spain with him , cryed at parting , that his clemency and gentleness had lost the king the netherlands . a. d. 1574. middleburg the capital city of zealand , having been a long time defended by that renowned captain christopher de mondragon , and endured a great famine , and after the defeat of the spanish fleets , who attempted in vain to relie●…e it , was reunited to the rest of the province . this siege lasted two years , and the spaniards spent above seven millions in the several fleets they set out to succour it . the prince of orange so successful at sea , had always ill luck at land. for the fourth army which count lodowick of nassau brought him out of germany , to assist him in driving out the spaniards from the rest of holland , was defeated near nimeguen by sancho d'avila , a general of great experience , who from a private souldier , had advanced himself , through all the degrees and employments of war , to that great command . the germans of count lodowicks army , instead of providing for their own , and their general 's defences , fell to mutiny according to their usual custom , and demand their pay. in this action , count lodowick and his brother count henry of nassau , and christopher count palatine , were all three killed . d'avila remained master of the field of battel , of sixteen pieces of canon , and all the baggage . this battel was fought in the beginning of the government of requesens . the prince of orange who loved his brothers tenderly , was sensibly afflicted with this loss . but he abated nothing of his constancy and courage . a. d. 1575. the spaniards , encouraged by the defeat and death of the two brothers of the prince of orange , laid siege to the city of leyden , which after a long and unparallell'd famine , was miraculously saved by breaking down the banks , which drowned a great many spaniards , and by the succours which was conveyed into the city , by an infinite number of boats that swam on the lands that were overflown . when the prince represented to the states , the damage which the breaking down the dikes would occasion , they replyed , that a country spoiled was worth more than a country lost . but in regard this was a very memorable siege i think fit to say in general , that they had built two hundred flat bottomed boats , with twelve , thirteen , fourteen , sixteen , and eighteen oars . the greatest carried two pieces of canon before , and two on the sides ; they sent for eight hundred seamen from zealand , who had all little pieces of paper in their hats with this inscription ; rather serve the turk than the pope and spaniard , upbraiding them with the violence they used to their bodies and consciences . this fleet was commanded by the admiral louis bossut . one of the seamen having plucked out the heart of a spaniard , eat it publickly all raw , and bloody , so violent is the aversion and passion of these country-men . they had no bread in the city for seven weeks , and their daily allowance to a man was half a pound of horse-flesh or beef , but by good fortune to the city , that very day the spaniards drew off , twenty six fathoms of the wall fell down , and a north wind dryed up the greatest part of the water , and they must unavoidably have fallen into the power of the spaniards , if they had stayed only one day longer . such an accident happened at rochelle , for a little after the surrender , a tempest broke down a great part of the bank. in this siege they made paper money with this inscription : haec libertatis imago . they coyned tin money at alkmar , and had five hundred rix dollars for five thousand pieces of that coin. before the relief of leyden , ferdinand de la hoy , the new governour of holland , and the sieur de liques , governour of harlem , sollicited the citizens of leyden to surrender , flatterring them with a good and favourable treatment . they answered him only with this latin verse , fistula dulce canit voluerem dum decipit anceps . continuing to perswade them by letter to a surrender , they replyed , that they would defend themselves to the last extremity , and that if they hadspent all their provisions , and had eaten their left hands , they should have still their right hands remaining , to guard themselves from the tyranny of the spaniards , and that they remembred the cruelties which had been committed at malines , zutphen , harden , and harlem . the prince of orange after the relief of leyden , was received into the city as a god. he preserved and embalmed seven pigeons in the town-house , in token of his perpetual acknowledgement of the service they did him in carrying the letters of the besieged to him , and his answers back again . at that time he founded the university of leyden , setled annual revenues upon it , and endow'd it with great privileges . the year before , the prince , having lost his second wife anne of saxe , married charlotte de bourbon , daughter to the duke of montpensier , who had retired to the court of frederick the third elector palatine . the marriage was celebrated at the brill , where she was conducted from heydelberg , by the siegneur de st. aldegonde . she had been a nun formerly , and abbess of iouarre . the father , a zealous catholick , demanded his daughter of the elector , by monsieur the president de thou , and after that by monsieur d'aumont . the elector offered to restore her to the king , provided she might be allowed the free exercise of her religion , but mr. de montpensier choosing rather to have his daughter live at a distance from him , than see her before his eyes make profession of a religion , which was so much his aversion , gave at last his consent to the marriage , and gave her a fortune . after the siege of leyden , a treaty of peace was set a foot at breda , but it did not take effect . the states of holland and zealand demanded the departure of the spaniards out of the netherlands , the meeting of the states general , and the liberty and exercise of their religion . requesens , on the contrary , offered to withdraw the spaniards , and a general act of oblivion of all things passed , and the re establishment of their privileges , but added that the king of spain would never tolerate any other religion in his dominions , than the roman catholick . the treaty of peace being broken of , the states coyned money , on one side of which was stamped the lyon of holland , holding a naked sword with this motto ; securius bellum pace dubiâ , war is safer than a doubtful peace . about the same time the commander requesens made himself master of zirczee in zealand , by the incomparable gallantry of christopher de mondragon , who waded over several leagues of the sea to the amazement of all the world , and the great hazard of his troops . but requesens dying not long after , the spanish and german soldiers mutinyed for want of pay , and fell to ravage all the country . they sack'd maestritcht , and antwerp it self , where the loss was computed at twenty four millions in money and other moveables , and in the destruction of houses . the plundering of this great city lasted several days , and was called the fury of the spaniards , many of whom made their guards of their swords and corselets of pure gold , but the goldsmiths of antwerp mixed copper with it . the spaniards made prisoners in antwerp , count egmont , the seigneur de goignie , and the baron de capres . this last making a low bow to hieronimo rhode chief of the muniteers , who sate in an elbow chair at the entrance of the citadel , received a kick in the belly from this insolent spaniard , who told him by way of scorn , that he had nothing to do with his reverence . the spanish and german troops after the taking of antwerp , living with insupportable licentiousness , and committing great barbarities , the provinces who continued firm to the obedience of the king of spain , called in the prince of orange to their assistance , for they lay exposed to all the robberies and insolence of those mutineers , and declared the spaniards enemies to the king and country . at that time all the provinces of the low countries , except luxemburg which is divided from the rest , united for their common defence , and made the famous treaty of peace at ghent , a. d. 1576. containing twenty five articles , the principal of which were , that there should be a general amnesty of all that was past . that all things should continue in the same posture they were in at that time . they took a solemn oath to mutually assist each other to free the country from the yoke of the spaniards and other foreigners . that all placarts and condemnations , which were made upon the account of the late troubles , should be suspended till the meeting of the states general . that all prisoners particularly the count de boissut should be set at liberty . that the pillars , trophies and statues with inscriptions , which had been erected by the duke of alva should be pluck'd down , particularly that which was set up in the court of antwerp , and the pyramid he had raised , in the place where the hotel de culembourg stood , which he had razed , because the nobility met there to draw up an address against the inquisition . at that time all men believed the king of spain had entirely lost the netherlands , for he was forced to comply with the time , and ratify and approve the peace . in pursuance of this treaty the castles of ghent , valenciennes , cambray , utrceht and groeningen were demolished ; all friezeland declared for the states , and gaspar de robb who had married the heiress of billy and malepert , governour of the province was laid close prisoner in the town-house of groeningen with irons on his legs . this gaspar a man of sense and courage , was son to king philip's nurse , and native of robb in portugal . he was advanced and employed by margaret of parma , and in her time was governour of philipville . he was released out of prison , by vertue of the perpetual edict , which was made under the government of don iohn of austria . christopher de vasquez who had hid himself in the monastery of the cordeliers , shaved and disguised like a monk , was also taken ; and carried in that habit into the great square of groeningen , the people crying out in mockery . that they had got a new bishop favourer of the inquisition . upon this subject , i cannot forbear observing , how addicted the people of these countries are to turn their enemies into ridicule upon the least good success , as they did after the taking of levarden in friezland , for the states having surprized it , they brought all the monks , and priests into the great square , where their troops were drawn up in battalia , and placed them by ranks , between the ranks of the souldiers , and then conducted them out of the city in the same order , at the sound of fises and drums , with incredible mockeries , and there left them without doing them any other injury than laughing at them . they had already given proofs of this inclination to derision and raillery , after the surprizing of the brill , in that picture which i mentioned before , where count de la mark put spectacles on the duke of alva's nose , and at harlem ; where the citizens believing , that don frederick de toledo would raise the siege , made processions of images clad like monks , priests , and cardinals , holding the figures of the blessed sacrament , which they flung down from the tops of their walls . i my self at twelve years old , observed the particular bent of this nation to mockery . my father who was embassador into holland , had put to board in the year 1622. with doctor iohn gerard vossius a german , and native of heidelburg , who has published a vast number of learned works : my elder brother , my self , and my younger brother called daniel , who was killed in the battle of harlingen , in the year 1645 , who had so great a genius for the mathematicks , that he would have equal'd , the reputation of galileus , and archimedes , if death had not snatch'd him away in the flower of his age. that year 1622. maurice prince of orange ; having forced the marquess ambrose spinola , to raise the siege of bergen-op-zoom , assisted by count ernest of mansfield , and duke christian of brunswick ; the cities of the low countries were transported , with inexpressible joy. among others leyden joyned derision to its publick rejoycings . this doctor 's house stood before the square of the church call'd hoguetanskirk , where was one of the greatest bonfires . upon the top of the pile was placed a great spinning wheel , which they call spin in dutch , and round it little tickets of paper , on which was written the name of spinola general of the spanish army . upon the cord of the wheel there were other tickets , with the names of gonsolvo de cordoua , one of the chief commanders of the spanish army . upon the wheel was a great distaff loaded with flax , which they call ulasque in dutch , and upon it was writ the name of don louis de valasco , general of the horse ; this done they put fire to it , and the people over-joy'd , fancied they had burnt these generals with their names . this bears some resemblance with the rebus's of picardy , and acquainted me at that time , with the raillying humour of these people . pursuant to this inclination of the people , 't was reported with probability , some years since , that the sieur van beuningen , which is the sieur du boudon in french , had caused himself to be ingraved an a medal , like another ioshua making the sun stand still , meaning that he had put a stop to , and been the iupiter stator of the french king's conquests , who had taken the body of the sun for his device . but persons very well informed , have assured me that 't was a scandal fastned on him , to cast an odium upon him , and his nation , at our court , and that the medal was never seen , nor had ever any being , unless in the imaginations of those men , who contrived the story . it is true , that the united provinces , after the peace of aix la chapelle , all the honour of which they assum'd to themselves , puffed up with the glory of a treaty , which they imagined so advantageous to them , coyned medals with a pompous motto , which their enemies call'd proud , and which as i am assured was this , assertis legibus & sacris , defensis exteris regibus , vindicata perorbem christianum marium libertate , egregiâ pace virtute armorum partâ . batavia p. which i thus translate in favour of the ladies . having vindicated our religion and laws , and defended foreign kings , our allies , and established the security of navigation in the seas of the christian world , and made a glorious peace by the force of our arms , the states-general , &c. the consideration of which made monsieur de lamoignon , the greatest and most famous man in france for his learning and vertue , say to me , that the romans , after the destruction of numantia , and carthage , the rival of their empire , could not have talked of their victories in more lofty and magnificent terms . at the end of the year 1671. the states-general seeing that those medals drew upon them the envy and hatred of the most powerful monarchs , suppressed them as well as they could , by breaking the coins and molds , insomuch as there remain very few unless in the hands of the curious . these proud medals with the continual and insolent reflections of the amsterdam gazzette , which took a liberty of openly rallying all things without sparing crowned heads , which ought always to be respected . was not the least motive of the last war. 't is this gave credit to the imaginary medal of the sieur van beuningen , whose airy and extravagant discourses made any thing to be believed of him . upon this subject i may affirm with reason , that those men are the wisest who are never arrogant in good fortune , which many easily change into bad by the ordinary revolutions of the affairs of this world , which suffer nothing to be settled or lasting besides moderation make men lamented when they are unhappy ; but we rejoice at the misfortune of insolent persons . when duke charles of burgundy had been defeated by the suisses , he sent the seigneur de contay his favorite , to louis the xi . at lyons , to court his friendship in the most humble and submissive terms imaginable , contrary to his usual custom ; upon which philip de comines says these very words , if a prince would take my advice , he should behave himself with so much moderation in prosperity , that he should never be forced to change his language in adversity . he adds , that the seigneur de contay , as he pass'd through lyons , had the mortification to hear songs sung in honour of the victorious suisses , and to the disgrace of his master , whom they had routed . but most princes and ministers display all their sails to the favourable gales of good fortune , without thinking of contrary winds which often shipwrack them . since we have been talking of the sieur beuningen or boudin in french , i make this observation , that at the beginning of the war , the principal officers and ministers of holland had very odd pleasant names . their great manager of business was the sieur de boudin , in english , pudding ; their mareschal de camp the sieur urst , dead lately at hamburgh , ( he was of holstein , of mean birth , and raised his reputation by defending cracovia so long time for the swedes against the imperialists . ) urst in dutch signifies hogs guts season'd ; their other general that defended groeningen and retook grave , was the sieur de rabenhaupt , which is ravens-head ; and one of their colonels was paen , bread , and vin , wine , who had his head cut off . 't was observed also that the swedish ministers and commanders had strange names , oxenstiern signifies ox-forehead . one of their most famous colonels was called douffell , which is devil , who was killed at the battle of leipsick ; and another sthtang , a serpent ; and colonel wolfe , who defended stetin so bravely . i am of opinion these digressions will not be disagreeable to the reader , which serve to divert and refresh him after he has been tir'd with narrations all of the same nature . this has been practised by herodotus and others with general approbation . but to return to our principal subject , the affairs of the low countries . don iohn of austria , natural son to charles the v. famous for the victory of lepanto , succeeded the commander de requesens in the government of the netherlands , and arrived at luxemburg the very day that antwerp was sack'd . he went incognito through france , and passed for an attendant of octavio de gonzague , and saw henry the iii. at dinner ; and at paris he was informed of the state of the low countries by don diego de zunega the spanish embassador . don iohn of austria despised the dutch , and thought them very easy to be imposed upon , as did the duke of alva , who used to say , he would stifle the hollanders in their butter . but these heavy stupid men , as he thought them , having more solidity and good sense than florid wit , easily discovered that he had a design to deceive them by fair words and affected civilities . he was at that time thirty years old , a man of high and ambitious thoughts : he had formed a project of making himself king of tunis by the assistance of the pope , but king philip would never hearken to it . afterwards being made governour of the low-countries , he had a design to depose queen elizabeth , and rescue mary queen of scots , whom he pretended to marry by the favour of the guises her relations , who encouraged him to this attempt for their own private interests . these vast designs gave great jealousy to king philip , who was apprehensive with reason , left a war-like prince as he was and who had won so much reputation over all europe , by gaining the battle of lepanto , by this new accession of power , suffering himself to be hurried away with his ambition and the natural desire of empire , should one day endeavour to make himself master of his dominions to the prejudice of his children . these thoughts frightned him extreamly , with reflection on the old example of iugurtha , who , though a bastard , possessed himself of the kingdom of masinissa by the murder of the lawful heir ; and the fresher instance in his own family , of henry the bastard , his predecessor , who dispossessed and put to death pedro the cruel the lawful king of castile . king philip , who to rid himself of the like fears had not spared his own son don carlos , had more wit than to suffer any longer the just grounds of suspicion which his bastard brother gave him , he resolved to set himself at ease of that side . iohn d' estovedo secretary to don iohn , who was accused of inspiring his master with these ambitious designs , being dispatched into spain about some affairs of consequence , he was privately assassinated by antonio perez , secretary of state , and favorite to king philip , by his orders ; whose death made all the world believe , that iohn's , which happened not long after , had been hastned . upon iohn's arrival into the netherlands , his favouring the spaniards who were declared publick enemies , made a rupture between him and the states , who took up arms against him by the advice of the prince of orange . he earnestly exhorted them not to suffer themselves to be deceived by the false hopes which don iohn gave them from the part of the king of spain , representing to them that angry princes dissemble for some time , but they never forget an injury but when 't is out of their power to revenge it , and that they are sparing of no words nor promises to conceal their resentments ; quoting that maxim of the roman emperours , that they who had offended their princes ought to be numbered among the dead . in fine , the perpetual edict was concluded between the states on one side , and don iohn on the other in the name of the king , by the mediation of the emperour rodolphus and the duke of cleves and iuliers , on the 17th of febr. an. dom. 1577. by this the treaty of ghent was ratified , a general amnesty granted , and the holding of the states . the departure of the spaniards and germans out of the low-countries was agreed to , and that they should leave behind them all the provisions , ammunitions and atillery which were in their garrisons . the spaniards promised to punish the soldiers who had been guilty of so many outrages , and to set at liberty the count de burin prisoner in spain . but the prince of orange , and the states of holland and zealand , entered their protestation against the edict , maintaining , that a great many things , particularly those which related to religion had not been sufficiently explained . in pursuance of this perpetual edict , the spaniards went out of the castle of antwerp , and philip de croy duke of arschoite was made governour of it , who took an oath publickly bare-headed to iohn escovedo , that he would keep the castle of antwerp for king philip his master and deliver it up to no man but himself or his successors , but by his express command ; to which escovedo replyed , if you perform what you promise , god will help you ; if not , the devil take you , body and soul ! and all the standers by cryed , amen . by virtue of this edict all prisoners were released on both sides , the count egmont , the sieur de s. goignie , the sieur de capres , and others in the custody of the spaniards , and gaspar de robb , and others by the states . this done , don iohn was received into brussels in great state , as governour-general of the low-countries : but beginning to oppress the provinces , pursuant to the private orders he received from the court of spain , which were discovered by several letters intercepted , which don iohn and his secretary escovedo writ in cyphers to the king and his ministers , which philip de mornix , seignieur de st. aldegonde decyphered : this made them resolve to oppose his pernicious designs by force of arms. don iohn , under a pretence that they had a design upon his person , retired from brussels , and having received the queen of navarre into namur , surprized the castle of namur , and then charlemont , and made preparations for war ; and recalled the spanish and german troops . he called that day he seized the gastle of namur , the first of his government , as henry the iii. afterwards called the day of the murther of the duke of guise , the first of his reign . the states took up arms on their side , demolished the castle of antwerp , and joined themselves to the prince of orange . but the states-general assembled at brussels demanding the free exercise of the catholick religion in holland and zealand ; he made answer , that he could make no alterations in that affair without consulting the states of these two provinces , who had the sole and absolute power of doing it . this was a fundamental maxim of that state ; which was afterwards changed by the factions and force of arms under the government of prince maurice , his son , as i shall manifest in his life . prince william of orange being arrived at breda with his third wife charlotte de bourbon , he was invited by the states to come and encourage them by his presence : for this effect the burghers of antwerp went out to meet him , and conducted him into their city , where the states-general deputed to him the abbots of villiers and marotes , the barons de fresin , and capres , to beseech him to come in all haste to brussels . the prince went to brussels through the new-canal , attended by the burghers of antwerp who marched in good order on one side of the canal , and on the other side by the burghers of brussels , all in gilt armour , who came out of their city to meet him . he was receiv'd into brussels with great magnificence and triumph , with incredible acclamations of joy by all the world. immediately he was declared governour of brabant , and superintendant of the finances of the provinces . upon this we may observe that tho' the life of this prince has been cross'd by strange disappointments and misfortunes capable of sinking a man of less resolution than himself : yet these accidents were sweeted from time to time with those secret pleasures and delights which the most stoical and insensible men are overjoyed at , as the acclamations and applauses of the people , whose hearts and affections he entirely possess'd . other princes command only the bodies of their subjects , without having any empire over their minds , which ought to make up the noblest part of their dominions . but as envy is the inseparable companion of vertue ; and a great reputation is often more dangerous than a bad one ; this pompous reception of the prince of orange added to the authority his great birth , experience , and merit gained him in the states and in the hearts of the people , procured him the jealousy of many lords and gentlemen of quality ; the chief of whom were the duke arschot newly made governour of flanders , the marquess of havret his brother , the count de lalain and his brother , the siegneur de montigny , the viscount of ghent , count egmont , the sieurs de compigny , de rassinguem , and de sueveguem , and many others : this jealous party dispatched privately the sieur de malstede to offer the government of the low-countries to the archduke matthias brother to the emperor rodolphus . he made so much hast , and pressed the archduke so strongly to depart , that he was arrived at cologne from vienna before 't was known that they had sent for him . these gentlemen imagined that they should have all the management of the government under the archduke , who would consider them as the authors of his establishment ; and at the same time should ruine the authority of the prince of orange by giving him a superiour of that quality . but the prince of orange , who had the art of complying with all times , and turning poison into antidotes , made a modest complement to the states general for not acquainting him with so important a resolution as they had taken of sending for the archduke ; whereas nothing ought to be transacted without the common consent of all , especially matters of such consequence . but he made no opposition to the reception or establishment of the archduke . then having brought over to his party the count de lalain who had the chief command of the army , he managed matters so well by his address and submissions that he gained the archduke who was made governour of the netherlands upon certain conditions ; and he himself was declared lieutenant-general by majority of voices in the states ; and the archduke in consideration of his great abilities trusted him with the intire management of affairs . in this manner the prince of orange by his good conduct and prudence , turn'd that storm upon his enemies , which they raised with design to ruin him . for the duke of arschot , the head of the faction , had the mortification to be seized in the capital city of his government ( ghent ) by a creature of the prince of orange ( rehove ) who bore the greatest sway in that large city : and to make his grief the more sensible , his best friends , the bishops of bruges and ypres , and the sieurs de ressinguem and de sueveguein , and many others of his dependants , were seiz'd on at the same time . don iohn of austria , having been declar'd enemy of the low-countries by the states-general the 7th of september , 1577. recall'd all the spanish and italian troops who had retired out of the netherlands , in pursuance to the perpetual edict . with a great body of germans under the command of alexander farneze duke of parma , son to margaret of austria , formerly governess of the netherlands . with this reinforcement the last day of ianuary , an. dom. 1578. he defeated the army of the states , at gemblours , commanded by the sieur de goiguin in the absence of the count de lalain and the principal officers who were at a wedding in brussels ; for which they were extreamly censured . all the cannon was taken , with 30 colours and 4 cornets . but the reduction of the famous city of amsterdam , which surrender'd to the states , and was united to the body of holland , the 8th of february following , eight days after the defeat , made sufficient amends for this loss . don iohn , encouraged by this great success , and hoping that this victory would be the instrument of another , advanced with great forces to attack the army of the states at rimenant near malines commanded by the count de bossut . but the count had intrenched himself so strongly , that don iohn was obliged to retire in great confusion , and considerable loss : and 't was agreed on by all hands , that if the count de bossut had marched out of his camp he would have intirely defeated don iohn , who had a crucifix in his colours with this motto ; with this sign i have beaten the turks , and with this i will beat the hereticks . in iuly the states-general consented to a toleration of both religions in the provinces , which was called the peace of religion , which all men were not satisfied with ; by this means a third party sprung up , called the malecontents ; the principal of which were emanuel de lalain , baron de montigny , the viscount of ghent , governour of artois , valentine de pardieu , sieur de la motte governour of gavelines , the baron de capres , and others . thus the provinces of artois and hainault returned to the obedience of the king , notwithstanding all the remonstrances which the states made to them by letters and deputies . about this time the states coined money with the bodies of count horn and count egmont , and their heads upon stakes on one side , and on the reverse two horsemen and two footmen fighting , with this inscription , praestat pugnare pro patriâ quam simulatâ pace decipi ; it is better to fight for our country , than be deceived by a feigned peace . the malecontents , to secure themselves against the states , desired that the foreign troops might be recalled into the netherlands , contrary to the pacification of ghent , and the perpetual edict . on the other side the states , in order to their defence , treated with the duke of alencon , whom they call'd the defender of the belgick liberty , upon condition that he should supply them with 10000 foot , and 2000 horse , paid at his own charge . this treaty was concluded by the means of the queen of navarre his sister , who in her journey to the spaw-waters , had drawn over a great number of men to the party of her brother , whom she loved so tenderly ; among others the count de lalain , and the sieur d' enchy governour of cambray . a. d. 1578. in september died don iohn of austria , in the camp at namur , of grief for being suspected in spain , where his secretary had been assassinated , or of poyson as many are of opinion . immediately after died the count de bossut general of the states ; who after his death , desired mr. de la nove bras de fer , in consideration of his reputation , valour , conduct and experience in war , to take upon him the charge of mareschal de camp of their army . alexander farneze prince of parma , succeeded don iohn in the government of the low countries , and by his civility , and obliging carriage to all men , added to the great promises he made , strengthened the party of the male-contents , and weakened the power of the states . about this time , the 22d . of ianuary , a. d. 1579. the prince of orange laid the first foundation of the commonwealth of the united provinces , by the strict union which he made at utrecht , between the provinces of gueldres , zutphen , holland , zealand , friezland , and the ommelands , consisting of twenty six articles , the chief of which were these , the provinces made an alliance against the common enemy , and promised mutually to assist each other , and never to treat of peace , or war but by common consent . and all this without prejudice to the statutes , privileges , and customs of every particular province : which article was broken under the government of prince maurice , when the states general assumed a jurisdiction over all the subjects of the provinces , who till that time had no other lords than the particular states of the province . this treaty was called the union of utrecht , because 't was made in that city . it was r●…tified by all the governours of the provinces , and the states to show how necessary a perfect union was to their preservation , took those words of micipsa in salust for their device . concordiâ res parvae crescunt , little things become great by concord . that year maestricht was taken by storm by the duke of parma , after a siege of four months , and a treaty of peace was set afoot at cologne by the mediation of the emperor rodolphus , but the king of spain , refusing to grant a toleration of religion in the netherlands , though it had been allowed in france and germany , the design did not take effect . under the government of the duke of parma , many actions passed between the male-contents , and the troops of the states commanded by mr. de la nove , who surprized ninove in flanders and took in their beds count egmont , his wife , and mother with count charles his brother , and carried them prisoners to ghent , where the people , as they passed through the streets , threw dirt upon them , and treated them with a thousand indignities and abuses , upbraiding them with abandoning their country , to joyn with the executioners of their fathers . but monsieur de la nove after great success , was surprized himself with the few men he had with him , by the viscount of ghent and marquess of risbourg . the cause of this accident was the sieur marquette's not obeying monsieur nove's orders in breaking down the bridge which led to him . by order of the duke of parma he was carried prisoner to the castle of limburg , where he was barbarously treated by the spaniards , who offered to set him at liberty , provided they might put out his eyes . from whence 't is visible how apprehensive they were of this great captain . at last , after a long imprisonment , he was exchang'd upon count egmont's swearing never more to bear arms against spain , of which the duke of lorrain and many other lords and princes were guarrantees . besides his great skill in the art of war , which is celebrated by all historians , never was a man of so clear and dis-interested a vertue , which he gave continual proofs of during the whole course of his life ; but among the rest one very remarkable instance : monsieur de la nove bras de fer was a gentleman of bretaigne , and had a sister married to monsieur de vezins , a man of quality and fortune in anjou , who had by her a son and two daughters ; this sister had 20000 crowns for her fortune ; but dying young , monsieur de vezins married a woman who was one of her attendants , by whom he had several children : this megere , after the death of her husband , desiring to secure to her children the great estate of the house of vezins , could think of no more effectual way than by delivering the children of the first wife , her mistress , to an english merchant for a sum of money , upon condition that she should never see them more . the merchant carried them immediately to iersey and guernsey . no one knew what became of the daughters ; but the foreign merchant , having more good nature than the mother in law , took pity of the boy , and brought him with him to london , where he bred him up , and taught him the trade of a shoomaker . this boy , when he was grown up , travelling up and down the country , happened to be in flanders at the time that monsieur de la nove commanded the army of the states , and bringing him some shooes , monsieur de la hove , having narrowly view'd him , told those that were about him , that this young lad had much of the air , stature and mien of his brother in law de vezins . though he was exposed at the age of 4 or 5 years , he still retained some memory of his name , his country , and what he was ; and told him that his name was vezins , and that he was a french man by birth . but the great business of monsieur de la nove hinder'd him from making further enquiry into the matter at that time . some years after , being released from his imprisonment at limburg , and retiring to geneva , this same young man who travelled over the world , as apprentices do , once more meeting him when he had no affairs , after having very well examined him , and , besides the general resemblance , discovered some particular marks which those of the family de vezins bore , he resolved to make him be acknowledged heir of that house ; and in order to it , contrary to his own interest , made all the necessary proceedings in anjou , at the council and parliament for the recovery of the estate ; but being kill'd at lambette in bretaigne with a musquet ball , before the affair was compleated , his son odel de la nove , ( whom i have seen in my youth ) embassador extraordinary into holland , a man that pursued the generous example of his father , put an end to the process ; and by a famous decree made him be declared heir of the house of vezins , which the children of his cruel mother in law had so long usurped . these heroick actions of the father and son can never be sufficiently praised , which the curious reader will be glad to learn ; and the example of so rare a vertue may sp●…r on a generous mind to an emulation of such noble performances . in this time the prince of orange who had been made governour of flanders , was at ghent , where he altered the magistrates of the city ; erected contrary to their privileges by the violence of iohn imbese a turbulent daring fellow , who had at that time the chief authority of the city . imbese retired into germany to prince casimir palatine , who had formerly brought such a great body of horse to the assistance of the states , that they had much more been harass'd and inconvenienc'd by them than relieved or defended . but he returned again to ghent and domineered there for some time with a guard of 30 halberdiers who still accompanied him ; but in the end a contrary faction setting up against him , as nothing is more changeable than the affections of the people , he was arrested , tryed and beheaded . an. dom. 1580. the prince of orange represented to the states-general , that considering the desertion of some provinces , and the falling off of a great many men who quitted their party to reconcile themselves to spain , by the means of the duke of parma ; they could no longer defend themselves against so powerful an enemy ; and that they were obliged either to make an accommodation with spain , which he would never advise them to do , when they could have no security for their lives or religion ; or else to chuse some neighbouring prince for their lord , and that he could think of none more proper than the duke of anjou and alencon only brother to henry the iii. king of france . which resolution the states approving of they sent deputies into france ; the most considerable of whom was philip de mornix , seigneur de s. aldegonde , who made a treaty with him in september an. dom. 1580. at the castle of plessis les tours . the heads of which were , that the states of holland , brabant , flanders , zealand , utrecht and friezland , would acknowledge him for their sovereign prince , and his posterity after him , upon condition that he should leave matters of religion in the same posture they were in at that time ; and preserve the privileges of the provinces that he should hold an assembly of the states-general every year , who nevertheless should have power to meet when they pleased . that he should put no man into any employment , place , or government of the provinces without their consent . and that if he invaded their privileges and broke the treaty , he should forfeit his right , and that they should be absolved from their oath of fidelity , and have power to elect a new prince . the archduke seeing that there was no further occasion for his presence in the netherlands , and that they were looking out for a more powerful protection , withdrew , after having received thanks and many presents , according to their abilities and the times , leaving behind him the reputation of a good and moderate prince : but his enemies in the end made him suspected of holding intelligence with the spaniards . the prince of orange with all his power sollicited the coming of the duke of alencon , to support himself and his country with so considerable a prince ; but more particularly because in iune 1580. the king had published a terrible proscription against him , in which he upbraids him with the favours he had received from the emperor ; among others , for having secured to him the succession of renè de nassaw and de chalon prince of orange : that he had made him governour of holland , zealand , utrecht , and burgundy , knight of the golden-fleece , and councellor of state : that though he was a stranger , he had loaded him with honours and riches , for which he made him very ungrateful returns . that by his instigation the nobility had presented the address against the inquisition : that he had introduced the new religion into the low-countries , and disturb'd the catholick religion , by the breaking of images , and demolishing altars : that he had made war upon his lord : that he had opposed all the pacifications , even that of ghent , and broken the perpetual edict ; that , in short , he declared him an ungrateful man , a rebel , a disturber of the publick peace , a heretick , a hypocrite , a cain , a iudas , one that had a hardned conscience , a profane wretch , who had taken a nun out of the cloister to marry her , and had children by her , a wicked and perjur'd man , the head of the troubles of the netherlands , the plague of christendom , the common enemy of mankind : that he out-law'd him , and gave his life , his body and estate to him that could seize on it ; and to free the world from his tyranny , he promis'd , upon the word of a king , and as a servant of god almighty , to give 25000 crowns to any man that should bring him alive or dead to him , and besides a free pardon and indemnity of all his crimes ; and to make him a gentleman , in case he was not so before . he declared all his adherents to have forfeited their nobility , estate and honour , if within a month after the publication of this out-law'ry they did not leave him and return to their duty . in december following the prince of orange published his apology , which is a very long , eloquent and handsome piece , and read it publickly in the assembly of the states-general . the prince made a discovery of a great many secrets which 't was the king's interest never to have had known . kings have not so much advantage in defending themselves against their subjects with their pens as their swords , and for that reason the king made no answer to it ; but because this apology is very considerable , 't is proper to put down the substance of it . after having submitted his life and conduct to the consideration of the states , he says , he was forc'd , contrary to his nature and custom , to discover some indecencies which he would very willingly have concealed ; and , if they had not loaded him with injuries and abuses , he would have only answered the proscription , which he would have made appear unjust and without any foundation . that his enemy who made it , and the duke of parma who published it , not being able to kill him by poison or sword , endeavour to blot his reputation by the venom of their tongues . as for the obligations they reproach'd him with , he owns to have received a great deal of honour from the emperor , charles the v. who bred him up 9 years in his chamber ; and that his memory ( these are his own words ) will be for ever honoured by him ; but at the same time he is obliged to justifie his own innocence , to declare that he never received any advantages from the emperor , but , on the contrary , suffered great losses in his service . that he could not deprive him of the succession to renè de nassaw and de chalons prince of orange his cousin-german , whose sole heir he was without a manifest injury , unless they reckon the not seizing upon another man 's right to be a liberality . that he was so far from having received any advantages from him , that on the contrary , the emperor , for the good of his own affairs , being pressed on one hand by the protestant princes , and on the other by the king of france , had by the treaty of nassaw disposed at his expence of the county of catzenellebogen in favour of the landgrave of hesse , though it had been adjudged to him by the imperial chamber at spires , with above two millions of arrears , and the emperor had taken no care to restore prince renè of nassaw , his cousin-german , to the possession of the third part of the dutchy of iuliers which belong'd to him by their grandmother margaret countess de la mark , though he had gained the victory by the valour of that prince . that the king had deprived him of the possession of the seigniory de chartel velin , ( for which there was due to him above 350000 livres ) by bringing the cause to be tryed in his council , when it was to be judged by the parliament at molines ; and it has ever since continued undecided . which he mentions to show the world who ought to be taxed with ingratitude , he or the king. that h●… had spent above 500000 crowns in the embassy he made , against his will , to the emperor ferdinand ; and when he was hostage in france for the peace of cambray ; and that year when he commanded the imperial army , and built charlemont and philipville in sight of the french generals ; in all which time he only received 300 florins a month , which would not pay for the pitching his tents . that , quite contrary , those of his family had spent great estates , and exposed their lives freely in the service of the princes of the house of austria ; that engilbert the second count of nassaw , his great grandfather , being governour of the netherlands for the emperor maximilian the i. had secured him these provinces by the gaining of a victory . that count henry of nassaw , his paternal uncle , prevail'd upon the electors to preferr charles of austria , grandson of maximilian , to francis the i. king of france , and put the imperial crown upon his head. that philibert de chalon prince of orange , had conquered lombardy , and the kingdom of naples , for the emperor ; and that by the taking of rome and clement the vii . his enemy , he had gained him vast honour and renown . that the nephew of this philibert , renè de nassaw and de chalon , his cousin-german , was killed at the emperor's feet before st. dizier after having repaired the loss of a battel and conquered the dutchy of gueldres . that if the house of nassaw had had nobeing in the world , and had not done such great exploits before the king was born , he could never have been able to put so many titles , countries and seigneuries , in the front of that infamous proscription , which declares him a traitor and a villain , crimes which none of his family had ever been guilty of . that for so many expences , and signal services of his family , they could not shew the least mark of acknowledgment from the house of austria . that the kings of hungary had given to his predecessor as a perpetual proof of their valour in defending them from the invasion of the infidels , several pieces of artillery , which were carried away by force , out of his castle of breda when the duke of alva tyranniz'd in the low countries . when the king reproaches him with having made him governour of holland , zealand , utrecht and burgundy , knight of his order , and councellor of state , he answers , that if he ought to thank any one for that , 't is the emperor charles v. who at his departure for spain , had so appointed it in consideration of his great services . that the king himself had forfeited his pretensions to that order , by breaking the statutes ( which expressly enjoyn , that no knight can be tryed but by his peers ) in condemning the counts egmont , horn , de bergues , and montigny , by rascals , and men of no birth or merit . that the government of burgundy belonged to him hereditarily , the house of chalon having all along enjoyed it without contradiction . and as for the employment of a councellor of state , he obtained that by the policy of cardinal granville who screen'd himself from the people by the authority of the prince , in whom they reposed an intire credit and confidence . when the king , to render him odious , charges him with marrying a nun , he answers , that slanderers ought to be free from all blame , and that 't is an unaccountable impudence in the king to reproach him with a lawful marriage , and agreeable to the word of god ; whereas the king is all covered over with crimes . he maintains that he was actually married to donna isabella osorio , and had three children by her , when he married the infanta of portugal , mother to don carlos . that he murthered his own son for speakiing in favour of the low-countries ; and poisoned his third wife isabella of france , daughter to henry the ii. king of france , in whose life-time he publickly kept donna eufratia , whom he forced the prince of ascoti to marry when she was big with child by him , that his bastard might inherit the great estate of this prince , who died of grief , if not ( says the prince ) of a morsel more easy to swallow than digest . that afterwards he was not ashamed to commit publick incest in marrying his own niece , daughter to maximilian the emperor and his sister . but , says the king , i had a dispensation . ay , says the prince , only from the god on earth ; for the god of heaven would never have granted it : these are the very words of the prince . that it was as strange as insupportable , that a man blacken'd with adultery , poisoning , incest , and parricide , should make a crime of a marriage approved of by monsieur de montpensier his father-in-law , a more zealous catholick than the spaniards are with all their grimaces and preterisions . that if his wife had made vows in her tender age , which is contrary to the canons and decrees , according to the opinion of the ablest men ; and though she had never made any protestations against it , he was not so little vers'd in the holy scriptures , but he knew that all bonds and engagements entred into meerly upon the score of interest , had no force before god. to that article , where the king calls him a stranger , he answers , that his ancestors had possessed for many ages counties and baronies in luxemburg , brabant , holland and flanders ; and that those who have estates in the provinces have still been reckoned natives . that the king is a stranger as well as himself , being born in spain , a country which bears a natural aversion to the low-countries ; and he in germany , a neighbouring country and friend of the provinces . but ( says the prince ) they 'll say he is king ; to which he answers , then let him be king in castile , arragon , naples , the indies , and ierusalem , and in africk and asia , if he please ; that for his part he will acknowledge but a duke and a count , whose power is limited by the privileges of the provinces , which the king has sworn to ob serve . that he must let the spaniards know , if they are not acquainted with it already , that the barons of brabant , when their princes go beyond bounds , have often shown them what their power was . he ended this discourse by saying , that 't was strange that they had the impudence to charge him with being a stranger , in regard his predecessors were dukes of gueldres , and owners of great possessions in the provinces , when the king's ancestors were only counts of hapsburg , living in switzerland , and their family was not known in the world. the prince maintains that the design of the spaniards was always to enslave the netherlands and erect a tyrannical government , as they have done in the indies , naples , sicily and milan . that the emperor charles the v. being acquainted with it , represented to king philip , in his presence , and the old count of bossut and many others ; that if he did not curb the pride of the spaniards he would be the ruin of the netherlands . but that neither the paternal authority , nor the interest of his affairs , nor justice , nor his oath , which is sacred among the barbarians , could bridle his unbounded passion of tyrannizing . that the country granted a considerable supply of money , with which and the courage of the nobility of these provinces , having won two famous battles , and taken a great number of prisoners of the highest quality in france , he concluded a peace at cambray , as profitable to himself as disadvantageous to his enemies . that if the king had any gratitude remaining he could not deny but that he was one of the principal instruments in bringing it about ; having managed it in particular , with the constable de montmorency , and the mareschal de st. andre , by the king's orders , who assured him that he could not do a more grateful piece of service to him , than by effecting a peace , at a time when he was resolved to go into spain upon any terms . but these supplies of money , and this great success obtained by the blood of their nobility , were reckoned crimes of high-treason , because nothing would be granted , but on condition the states-general should meet , and the promis'd subsidies pass through the hands of commissaries of the provinces , to clip the wings of these harpies , barlaymont and others like him . and these as he assures , are the two great crimes , which created that implacable hatred in the king and council to the low-countries . the first of these crimes was the demand of an assembly of the states-general ; who are as much hated by bad princes for bridling their tyranny , as they are loved and reverenced by good kings the true fathers of their country , who consider them as the most sure foundation of a state , and the true support of soveraigns . the second is the demand they made of having commissioners of the provinces for managing the subsidies ; the prince affirming that these devourers of the people reckon their robberies and cheatings a better revenue than that of their lands . that seeing themselves out of condition any longer to enrich themselves at the expence of the publick with indempnity ; they look out for all pretences , by flattering their princes , to incense them and set them at odds with their subjects . he concluded this article by assuring the states-general to whom he addresses himself all along ) that he has seen their actions , heard their discourses , and been witness of those counsels , whereby they designed to make a general massacre of them , as they had practised in the indies , where they had destroyed thirty times more people than are in the low-countries to that part of the charge where the king accuses him of gaining the hearts of all those who desired innovation , particularly those who were suspected of the reformed religion , by his private intrigues ; and of being the author of the request against the inquisition . he owns that he was always of the reformed religion in his heart , which had been established by his father william count of nassaw in his dominions . that he heard the king of france , henry the ii. say , when he was hostage in france , that the duke of alva was then treating with him to root out all the protestants of france , the low-countries , and all christendom besides . that they had resolved to establish the merciless inquisition ; the severity of which was such , that the looking a squint upon an image was crime enough to deserve burning . that he could not suffer that so many good men and lords of his acquaintance should be design'd for the slaughter ; which made him firmly resolve utterly to extirpate this cursed race of men , and that if he had been well seconded in so just and generous a design there would have been nothing left to preserve the memory of the spaniards but their bones and their graves . as for the address which they make a crime of , he thinks it as advantageous to his own credit and honour , as to the king's service , and the interest of the provinces , to have advised the presenting it , as a certain method to divert the deluge of these infinite disorders which afterwards happened . and as for the protestant sermons , he advised madam de parma to permit them , things being in such a posture that they could not be hindered without a manifest danger of the entire subversion of the government . when the king says that the care and providence of madam de parma was so great , that he was obliged to quit the netherlands ; he owns that the charge would be true , if his treachery and disloyalty had been the cause of it ; but that , a year before , he would willingly have retired and surrendred all his employments . when he saw that monsieur de bergues and montigny had lost their lives in spain , and gibbets were erected , and fires kindled all over the country , he thought it high time to put himself in a place of security , without trusting to the king's lerters , full of fair promises and offers , the better to deceive him . that they had fallen upon his person and estate . that neither the consideration of the privileges of the university of louvain , nor the province of brabant , could hinder them from carrying his son prisoner into spain : and that by so rigorous and unjust a treatment he was absolved from all his oaths , and had good ground to make war upon his enemy ; which was objected to him as a crime . that the king laid nothing to his charge , but what his predecessor henry of castile had been guilty of : who tho' a bastard rebell'd against his lawful prince don pedro king of castile and leon , and kill'd him with his ownhand . if the king answers , that don pedro was a tyrant , and that he possessed castile only by that title ; wherefore , says the prince , should not the king of spain be used in the same manner ; for there never was a tyrant who subverted the laws and constitutions of the country with more arrogance , or broke his oath with more impudence than king philip. and that at least don pedro was neither guilty of incest , nor a parricide , nor a murtherer of his wife : and though he was born the king's subject , and should take up arms against him , 't was no more than albert the first duke of austria , formerly count of hapsburg , his predecessor , had done against the emperor adolphus of nassaw , his lord , one of the prince's ancestors . the prince affirms , that there is an origiginal , mutual contract between the dukes of brabant and their vassals ; that they owe obedience to their prince , who , on his side , is bound to preserve their privileges ; the chief of which are , that the dukes cannot change the constitution of the province by any decree ; that they are to be satisfied with their ordinary revenue ; that they can lay no new impositions , nor bring any troops into the province without the consent of the states ; nor alter the price of money ; nor imprison any man without the information of the magistrate of the place , nor send him out of the country . the lords of the provinces are obliged by their oath to maintain and assert these privileges ; because by their prerogative they have the charge of the militia , and the arms of the province ; and not doing it they are to be accounted perjur'd , and enemies of their country . that the king has not violated only one of these privileges , but all , and many times over . he has seiz'd upon his estates , his dignities , and his son , contrary to his immunities . that for this reason he was absolved from his oath of allegiance , and by consequence had a right to defend himself by force of arms ; and above all , because the king would never redress and make amends for his faults , having rejected the intercessions of the emperor maximilian , and the petitions of his subjects who deputed to him the principal lords of the netherlands , which he put to death by the hands of the hangman against the law of nations , as he had served all others whom he could seize on by his artifices , and who were too credulous , in believing his false promises . this abundantly justifies the prince for taking up arms for his own and his country's preservation ; and if he could not take footing in the netherlands at his first entry , as the king reproaches to him , 't was no more than what had happened to the greatest generals , and to the king himself , who has often invaded holland and zealand , and been driven shamefully out without being able to make himself master of one inch of ground . and in regard , by his oath , he dispenses with his subjects from obeying him if he acts contrary to the laws , why is he so impudent to say that the prince has taken up arms against him unjustly . to that article in which the king says he returned into holland and zealand by bribery and corrupting the inhabitants ; he makes answer , that he went there at the instance and sollicitation of the principal men of the province , which he is able to make appear by their letters . when the king accuses him of having persecuted the church-men , driven out the catholicks , and banished that religion ; he replies , that all this had been done by a common consent , to preserve their lives and privileges against men who had taken an oath to the pope , and were setting all engines a work to subvert their liberties , and the newly established religion : which was represented at the treaty of peace at breda , where this article of religion was confirmed by the decree and seal of all the cities , and that 't was not fair to impute that to him , which was done by an unanimous consent of the whole country . when he reproaches him for granting liberty of conscience ; he answers , that he had always been as averse to the burning so many men as the duke had taken pleasure in it ; and that he was of opinion to put a stop to all persecutions . he ingenuously owns , that the king before the holding of the states at ghent , and his departure into spain , had commanded him to put to death many good men suspected to favour the new religion ; but he never put these cruel orders in execution , but gave them notice of it , not being able to do it with a safe conscience , and chusing rather to obey god than man. he says that they do him wrong in laying the murther of some ecclesiasticks to his charge ; for he punished the criminals with death ; and those who were of an illustrious family , as the count de la mark , convicted of those outrages , were condemned only to imprisonment and loss of their employments , in consideration of their great alliances . to that head wherein the king declares that he did not command the duke of alva to establish the imposition of the 10th and 20th penny ; he answers , that his not being punished for it , is sufficient proof that he had orders to do it . and that he cannot escape the imputation of a tyrant for imposing this tribute , or suffering so great a boldness committed against his will to go unpunished . he adds , that the duke of alva had too much sense to dare settle so severe an imposition without the express and reiterated orders of the king ; and that otherwise he would never have fined the burgo-master of amsterdam 25000 florins for opposing the raising of this new tax . that the king would have done much better to preserve the kingdom of tunis and guletta , which the emperor had conquered from the turks , and which he preferred to all his other victories , than to make an unjust war upon his own subjects . but that his passion and fury had transported him so far , that his eyes and understanding were blinded , and hindred him from seeing the ill measures he had taken : and that he chose rather to expose his weakness to his subjects than employ his forces against the common enemy of christendom . he adds , that as hannibal had sworn the ruin of the romans upon the altars of his gods , so the duke of alva had vowed the destruction of the netherlands ; which is visible from the cruelties he committed there . that if a master is known by his servant , they might easily guess at the good affection the king bare to the low-countries by the tyranny of this unrelenting minister . when the king says , that the pope dispenses with him from keeping his oath ; the prince answers , that he does not consider , that by breaking his oath , at the same time his subjects were absolved from their oath of fidelity . he adds , that the duke of alva was preparing to hang the principal men of brussels for refusing to submit to the raising of the tenth penny ; and that the hangman was ordered to get ready seventeen ropes ; that the dictum of the sentence was already writ , and the spanish soldiers going to their arms to guard the execution , when the happy news of the taking of the brille arrived , and saved them from the gallows . speaking of the perpetual edict , he says it was concluded by the artifice of the spaniards contrary to his advice , and that of the states of holland and zealand . that there was no other difference between the duke of alva and the commander de requesens and don iohn ; but that the last could not dissemble as well as they , nor conceal his venom so long . for 't is undisputable from the letters which were intercepted , that he had the same orders as the other governours had to oppress the low-countries . when they charge him with breaking the pacification of ghent and the perpetual edict ; he answers , that 't was the spaniards that broke it , by restoring no man to the possession of his estate , or charges , and by detaining the prisoners . that the king had given orders to don iohn not to observe the peace , as appears from the intercepted letters , and that when he swore to it , 't was on condition that he would keep it till he repented of it , as he explained himself to some deputies of the states . thus the peace of ghent and the perpetual edict being once violated , 't was in the power of the states to provide for their own defence , by explaining , enlarging and altering the treaty . that he is extreamly concerned at the insolencies which the soldiers committed in his governments , though they were not to be compared with the intolerable outrages of the spaniards . he complains of the treachery of many lords and gentlemen of the netherlands who preferred their own private interests , and the spanish tyranny , to the good of their country , which they have torn by their division , and might have rendred flourishing by their union inveighing against the infidelity of his false brothers called male-contents , he says , he cannot enough admire the inconstancy and the unsettledness of their resolutions . they serve the duke of alva , says he , and the commander requesens , like servants , and make a vigorous war upon me . immediately after , they treat with me , are reconciled , and declare themselves enemies to the spaniards ; don iohn arrives , they follow him and contrive my ruin ; when don iohn miscarries in his attempt upon antwerp , they quit him and recall me ; i am no sooner come , but , contrary to their oath , without acquainting me with it , they call in the archduke matthias : and him too they immediately forsake ; and without giving me notice , send for the duke of anjou , and promise him wonders , and then abandon him and join with the duke of parma ; upon which the prince cries out , are the waves of the sea or the euripus more inconstant than these men , who consented to this proscription , when 't was my courage and firmness that restored them to the enjoyment of their estates and places ! when they say that he got the government of brabant and flanders by intriguing and making parties ; he answers in a word , that these governments were conferred on him at the desire of the states , and by a general approbation . when they endeavour to make him odious , by saying that he loads the people with impositions ; he replies , that they are laid on by the consent of the people , and if the king raises such excessive taxes upon his subjects to oppress holland and zealand and the other united provinces , why should not they have the same liberty allowed them , in order to defend themselves from the spanish tyranny . when they blame him for turning out those officers in the cities who were well affected to the king ; he says , that they were enemies to the country , and he did well to drive them out . when the king taxes him with the credit and authority he had over the people , as a great crime ; he answers , that 't is a great honour to him that they have chosen him for their defender against so cruel a tyranny , which has kindled so just an hatred and aversion in all their hearts . when they reproach him with hating the nobility ; yes , says the prince , those who degenerating from their ancestors , and not treading in their generous steps , betray their country , and join with those who endeavour its ruin. when the king says that the peace treated at cologne by the mediation of the emperor rodolphus , was judged reasonable by all men of sence ; the prince says , that it follows thence necessarily , that all those who think it unreasonable and deceitful , have neither reason nor judgment . for what appearance is there , ( continues he , ) that a people harrassed and impoverished by so long a war , would refuse an equitable peace with their prince , unless it appeared to be a bait or a blind only to surprize them ? that this peace projected at cologne was worse than war , and that the honey of a treacherous tongue is more dangerous than the point of a sword. that if the emperor thought this a reasonable peace , he was perswaded so by the betrayers of their country . when they object to him the union of utrecht , which they reckon the worst and greatest of his crimes ; he answers , that the spaniards like nothing that contributes to the interests of the states ; and what is wholesome to the oppressed , is mortal to the favourers of tyranny . that their enemies had grounded all their hopes upon their division ; against which there is no such specifick as a good union , nor a more certain antidote against discord than concord , which has prevented and made useless all their intrigues and intelligences . he owns that he was the author of this union ; and speaks it so loud , that he wishes that not only spain , but all europe may hear him . upon which he exhorts the states to preserve it , and to practice the moral of the bundle of arrows tied together by one band , which they bear in their arms. instead of blushing at it , he glories in an action so conducive to the preservation of their liberties . when they upbraid him with driving out the church-men ; he denies that he ever did so , till george de lalain , count de renneberg governour of freizland , surprized groningen by treachery , and the massacre of the principal burghers , among others the burgo-master hillebrand , a man of the greatest authority in the city , having supped with him and caressed him , the better to over-reach him , the day before this infamous surprizal . and that they could not reproach him , that in all the troubles and confusions stirred up by the spaniards he ever stained his hands in the blood of the confederates , who relied on his faith. when he is accused of driving out some of the nobility ; he denies it , and declares that they retired voluntarily through the terrour of their consciences , having openly contriv'd the ruin of their country ; and , wou'd to god , added the prince , all they who are like them would follow them , to rid the country of all fear . he says 't is ridiculous to call him hypocrite , who never dissembled with the spaniards . when he was their friend he talked freely to them , and foretold them by word of mouth , and writing , that those rigorous persecutions would ruin them . that being forced to become their enemy , to support the liberty of his country , what hypocrisy can they charge him with , unless they call hypocrisy the making open war upon them , taking their cities , driving them out of the country and acting against them with all the vigour the right of a just war entitles him to . that if they will take the pains to read over his defence , which he published 13 years since , to justify his taking up arms , they will see the letters of a king , who is a hypocrite and dissembler , who thought to surprize him with fair words , as now he thinks to daunt him with threats . when king philip calls the prince of orange desperate as cain and iudas ; he says 't is a quite different thing , to distrust the grace of god who cannot lye , and to suspect the words of a treacherous and deceitful man : witness the poor moors of granada ; count egmont , horn and many others . that the fall of cain and iudas was despair caused by the dreadful sins they had been guilty of ; to which state he was not yet reduced , his conscience upbraiding him with nothing . but the style of a man in despair is visible in this heathenish and turkish proscription . when he accuses him of distrust , and says it is an ordinary thing with wicked men , he makes an apostrophe to cardinal granville ( whom he believed the authour of this proscription ) in these terms : and thou cardinal , who hast lost so much time at the college , unless thou callest that learning , to be trained up in thy youth in the arts of lying and deceiving , what answer canst thou make to that sententious orator and lover of his country , when he says that distrust and jealousy is the strongest bulwark of liberty against tyranny ? which was said against another philip , a puny tyrant in comparison of this dom philip , who has out done the greatest , and whose tyranny the divine philippick it self is not able to express . consider of it ; and i for my part , says the prince , will speak , write and ingrave every where this fine and useful sentence . and would to god , i may be better believed by my people than demosthenes was by his , who suffering themselves to be imposed on by such villains and dissemblers as thou art , were in the end utterly ruined . when the king reproaches him with refusing very advantageous offers which were made him upon condition he would retire into germany , and abandon the states ; he says the spanish folly and impertinence cannot be sufficiently admired , who endeavouring to blacken and defame him , raise his reputation , by owning that he preferrs the safety of the states , and their liberty , to his own repose and native country . that he would willingly be freed from all his troubles and disappointments , and enjoy his estate and the presence of his son in peace . but since this could not be effected without perjuring himself , and betraying the states , violating his faith , and abandoning them to the cruelty of their mortal enemies : no consideration of his estate , his life , children or wife should prevail upon him to deliver them over a prey to the spaniards , to be worried and massacred by them . he concludes , 't was a very great crime which they reproach'd him with , to be a man of honour and of unshaken firmness and constancy , not to be wrought on by threatnings nor promises . and that on those false accusations the king and spaniards have grounded this barbarous proscription full of calumnies , abuses , and inconceivable imprecations , which he is no more frighted with than philibert of orange was with the bull which pope clement the vii . thundered out against him ; who for all that made him his prisoner . he declares to the states and all europe , that whatever spaniard , or whatever man in the spanish interests says or shall say , as this proscription does , that he is a wicked man and a traitor , lyes , speaks falsely and against the truth . that though the spaniards forbid him the use of fire and water , in spite of all their rage he will live by the assistance of his friends as long as it pleases god , who alone has the disposal of life and death , and who has numbered all the hairs of his head. as for his estates he hopes ( god willing ) that the purchase of them will cost the spaniards so dear that they will be obliged to seek out others elsewhere at an easier rate . as for those they wrongfully detain from him , he hopes to dispossess them , and that they never usurped the possessions of a poor prince who proved a greater burthen to them . when the king promises 25000 crowns to any man that shall bring him alive or dead , to make him a gentleman if not so before , with a full pardon of all his crimes how hainous soever ; he answers , that if a gentleman had been guilty of so villainous an action , no man of honour would eat or drink with the wretch or endure his presence . that if the spaniards reckon such men noble , and if this is the ready way to honour in castile , no wonder all the world believes that the most part of the spanish nobility are descended from the moors , and iews who sold our saviour's life for ready money ; and that they inherit the vertue of their ancestors . upon this subject , the prince writes that the just god has taken away the king's understanding , who by the ennobling of villains and pardoning of the greatest crimes , would destroy the defender of a people tyrannized over . that he has the impudence to mix the name of god with so many abominable promises , though he calls himself the minister of god , and assumes the power of not only permitting what god forbids , but of rewarding it with money , nobility , and indemnity of all their offences . the prince concludes by a persuasive of union to the states , and not to suffer themselves to be dazled with the false praises the king gives those who forsook them contrary to their oath , to scatter division among them . his enemy gives out that his quarrel is only to the prince of orange as author of all these troubles and the war , which will last eternally so long as he lives , imitating the wolves in the fable , who published that their design was only on the dogs , ( the keepers and guardians of the flock ) to devour afterwards the sheep at their leisure . but for a proof of the king 's dissembling and his cruelty , when he was absent in germany the country was as much persecuted as ever . as many were drown'd hang'd and burn'd as before ; and the liberty of the country was extreamly well maintained by their mild governour the duke of alva . that the king 's principal design was to root out the religion , the only bulwark of the state , without which it could not support it self three days : for they of the reformed religion could repose no confidence in spaniards or papists . he repeats once more , that union and religion may defend and protect them from all their enemies , and concludes in these words , that he would willingly purchase their ease and repose at the expence of his own banishment or death . that exile and death upon these conditions would be grateful and agreeable . but if they thought his life might contribute to the defence of their liberties , he offered them his assistance , industry , and blood it self , which he would spill to the last drop in their preservation . the prince of orange would willingly have had the states-general publish this apology in their name . but some provinces finding the reflections on the king to be too severe and bitter , and not being acquainted with the crimes he imputed to the king , thought it not proper . they contented themselves with declaring by a decree , that the prince of orange was wrongfully accused , that he had accepted the government at their earnest desires ; and offer'd to maintain a troop of horse for the greater security of his person : desiring him to continue to defend their liberties , and promising all obedience and deference to his commands and counsels , which they acknowledged to have no other aim but their safety . not long after , an. dom. 1581. the city and castle of breda were surprized by claude de barlaymont count de hautepenne , by the means of the baron de fresin kept prisoner in the place by order of the states upon suspicion of holding intelligence with the spaniards , the truth of which he confirmed , as much a prisoner as he was , by causing the city to be surprized by the means of one soldier , whom he had gained over to his party . this was a great loss to the states and a sensible affliction to the prince , whose hereditary estate this city and its territories were . this is an instance that a prisoner ought never to be kept in a frontier-town , but in the heart of the country ; for as they think of nothing but setting themselves at liberty , and all their thoughts are bent that way , they are always contriving methods and inventing ways to bring it about ; 't is in effect nourishing a serpent in our bosom , and there needs nothing more to take an impregnable fortress than the corrupting of a centinel when the enemy is in the neighbourhood , who may come at the time appointed to petard or scale the place . we should have seen in our time a remarkable instance of a surprize of this nature , to the great advantage of the arms of france , if hatred and revenge had not born a greater influence over the great minister , than the glory of his master or the good of his kingdom : but this mystery has lain concealed hitherto , for fear of his resentment who governed all things with an absolute authority in the last years of the life of monsieur the cardinal de richelieu . the story is this ; after the defeat of honne court , in may 1642. don francisque de mello governour of the low-countries , put several prisoners of quality , in the castle of ghent , to the number of seventy . the principal of whom were the count de rantzau , since mareschal of france , the marquess de roquelaure now duke and governour of guyenne , the marquess de st. maigrim kill'd at the battle of st. anthony , and the sieur de lalen captain in the regiment of piedmont , who died afterwards at cremona , commanding the french infantry of the army of italy . this monsieur de lalen was originally of lyons , of mean birth , but of extraordinary valor and fidelity , which might give him just grounds to hope for the highest employments of war. monsieur de rantzau , impatient in his prison , obtained leave of the spaniards to send monsieur de lalen into france to propose some exchange of prisoners . but during his stay at court , where the variety and multitude of business hinders their speedy dispatch , and where monsieur de noyers , who hated him , did not take much pains to get him his liberty . monsieur de rantzau , tired with the long stay of monsieur de lalen , and holding a secret correspondence with me by letters , who did him all the good offices at court of which i was capable , upon the account of the esteem and friendship i had for him ; he complained extreamly in all his letters of monsieur lalen's being detained so long , at a time when his presence was necessary for a great design , which he had projected . at length overcome by his impatience he writ me a long letter in cyphers , part french , part latin , by which he advised me that nothing was easier than to surprize the cittadel of ghent , by the means of the hollanders who were neighbours to it ; and the prince of orange might advance near with a body of foot , without giving the least jealousy ; and in short desired me to go to court and make this proposal . but , in order to make appear how easy this enterprise might have been put in execution , 't will be convenient to insert the proper terms of the letter which was writ in cyphers , a copy of which i transcribed before i presented an original to monsieur de noyers . sir , i am extreamly concerned that my endeavours have had no better success ; and that monsieur de lalen is detained for such slight reasons . if he had made a quick return , 't would not have been difficult to surprize this place . there are now but 300 men in garrison , many of whom are old and can scarce go , and as many disabled and can make no defence ; besides the 28 or 30 portugese and catalonians , who have promised us their assistance , and above 70 officers who are prisoners . philippine , where there is a garrison of dutch , is but four hours march from us . all the country between this place and that is under contribution . their parties come up to the very gates of the city , and many of them enter upon several pretences . for they carried off lately a horse from the middle of the market-place , by a cunning stratagem , in the presence of all the world. the covetousness of the governor , the count de salazar , gives all people a free entrance into the castle , that he may sell off his wine at the greater gain , which by a particular privilege pays no excise to the king. and a measure which costs fifteen pence in the city is worth but six pence in the castle . here are still five or six thousand burghers and strangers , men and women who drink without being search'd or examin'd . if you will consider all these circumstances , and reflect upon what happened at the surprize of amiens and breda , you will find a fairer occasion and a greater probability of effecting this . to hasten so important an affair i waited on monsieur de noyers , who was at that time at chaume en briè with the king to ta●…e care of the preservation of monsieur le cardinal de richelieu , who stayed behind at the bourbon waters , in great suspicion of his master and many of those who were about him . but this minister having assured me that he would give the necessary orders about this affair , and commanded me to speak to no man of it , i retired , easily perceiving by his looks and discourse , that he did not relish this proposal , however advantageous it was , when it came from a man to whom he had such an aversion . he never acquainted the king with it , for fear he should reward and consider monsieur de rantzau for so important a service . the campaigne being at an end , the spaniards , according to their usual custom , reinforced their garrisons , among others , that of the castle of ghent , with the troops of their army , which changed the face of affairs , and made the execution of this enterprize impossible . the same year that breda was surprised by the spaniards , the duke of anjou , pursuant to his engagement with the states of the provinces , came from chateau thierry with 10000 foot , and 4000 horse to the relief of cambray besieged by the duke of parma , who raised the siege . not long before the viscount de turenne , who was afterwards the famous duke de bouillon , henry de la tour , the counts of ventadour , and de la fenillade , and four other lords , having run the risque to pass through the army of the duke , and throw themselves into the place , were made prisoners , and forced to pay a great ransom . at that time the states-general , assembled at the hague , declared the king of spain to have forfeited the soveraignty of the netherlands , broke his seal and arms , and commanded all people to acknowledge him no longer for their prince , and take the oath of fidelity to them . the beginning of this decree runs thus , that a prince is appointed by god almighty , the head of his people , to defend them from oppression , as a shepherd to keep his flock ; and that when a prince oppresses them , they may choose another lord to govern them in iustice according to their privileges . the rest is nothing but a long narration of the cruelties and infractions of their privileges by the king and his ministers , which obliged them to have recourse to another prince . at the same time the duke of parma took tournay from the states notwithstanding the vigorous defence of mary de lalain princess d'epinoy , sister to emanuel de lalain seigneur de montigny , one of the chief malecontents . she gave great proofs of her courage in this siege , encouraging the soldiers and burghers to a gallant resistance , and exposing herself so much in the most dangerous places , that she received a harquebuss shot in her arm. this lady , who deserves a place among the heroines , died the year after at antwerp extreamly regretted by the states-general , for her courage and firmness to maintain their party . immediately after , the duke of anjou passed into england , to have the advice of queen elizabeth , and to endeavour to accomplish his marriage with that princess , a contract being made , and rings having been presented on both sides . but the queen having found out some excuses to hinder it contented her self with supplying him with money for his voyage into the netherlands , and sending with him my lord leicester , admiral howard , both knights of the garter , and 100 other lords and gentlemen of quality , who carried with them a train of 500 men. an dom. 1582. he repassed from england into zealand , aboard the ships of this princess , arrived at flushing , and because of the great cold went a foot to middlebourg the capital of zealand , which is a league from thence , where he was received and treated very magnificently . the prince of orange and epinoy went to meet him , and going aboard the 50 ships provided for them , arrived at antwerp , where this great city received him with surprizing pomp and splendour . all the keys were lined with the burghers in arms , most part very richly dress'd , and with gilt arms : triumphal arches were erected in all parts very richly adorned with fine inscriptions . this prince marched under a canopy of cloth of gold , from the port to the great piazza , where a theatre was built with a throne upon it . there the prince having cloathed him with the ducal cap and mantle of red crimson velvet lined with ermins , he sware publickly in the presence of the states and the officers of the city , and an infinite concourse of people from all parts to see so extraordinary a sight , that he would religiously observe the treaty concluded with them , and the privileges of the provinces , and govern , not by his will , but by iustice and equity . afterwards the states , and the magistrates of antwerp swore fidelity and obedience to him as their sovereign prince . but this publick rejoycing was interrupted by an attempt made on the prince of orange . one iauregny a spaniard of biscay , factor to a merchant called anastre , spurred on by the reward promised in the proscription , fir'd a pistol at him , loaded with one ball , which struck him under the right ear and went out through the left cheek , breaking several of his teeth . at first they believed the french to be the authors of this attempt , but the murtherer being killed by the halberdiers of the prince , and papers found in his pocket , which proved him to be a spamard , they were undeceived , and the people who had run to their arms to revenge his murther on the french at the cloister of s. michael , where the duke of anjou lodged , retired to their houses . the prince of orange , to appease the tumult , with much difficulty , writ a letter with his own hand to the magistrate , to assure him that the spaniards were the authors of this attempt . the grief and concern of this great city , for the wounding of the prince , cannot be expressed . immediately publick prayers were appointed , and as long as he continued in danger the people stayed in the churches praying to god for his recovery . when he was well , they kept a general fast , and the whole day was imployed in thanking god for restoring to them the father of their country . when he was in a condition to travel , the duke of anjou carried him to ghent and bruges , where another great conspiracy against those princes was discovered . the chief man concerned in it was nicholas salvedo a spaniard , who confessed that he had received 4000 crowns from the duke of parma , to make away the duke of anjou , and the prince of orange , by poyson or any other way ; and that he followed them in order to put his villainous design in execution ; francis baza an italian and native of bresse , one of his complices , was arrested likewise , and confessed the same thing , but before execution stabbed himself with his knife , to prevent the severity of the punishment which was preparing for them . salvedo was carried to paris , where by a decree of the parliament he was drawn in pieces by four horses in the greve . the wretched salvedo seeing himself a prisoner in the conciergerie , accused monsieur de villeroy , in hopes to save himself , by making so great a man a partner in his guilt , or at least suspend the punishment he deserved . but no credit was given to so hellish an accusation of a minister of the greatest abilities , and the most devoted to the good and interest of the state , of all those who ever had the administration of france . and it must be acknowledged , to his honor , that in all the fury of the league , he was the man that prevented its falling into the hands of foreigners , and after a ministry of fifty years , died poorer at the end than the beginning of his greatness . his father had been likewise secretary of state , and his grandfather , of the same name , de neville , was so under francis the first , and superintendant of the finances . the duke of anjou , imitating the conduct of rehoboam who ruined himself by following the counsel of the young men , by the advice of the sieurs de fervaques , s. agnan , de la rochepot , and other hot-headed young fellows that governed him , without acquainting the prince of orange , the duke of montpensier , count de lavall , nor any other lords who were capable of giving him good counsel ; resolved , contrary to his oath and against all justice , to seize , the same day , on all the most considerable cities of the netherlands , as dunkirk , dendermonde , bruges , and antwerp it self , not being able to bear any longer the great authority of the prince of orange , and so limited a power , complaining to be only a sovereign in name . and for a proof of his just resentment , and in his own justification , he alledged that the people of antwerp had taken up arms to destroy him in his lodgings , and having rebelled against him by so rash an act , he was consequently absolved from his oath . thus he surprized dunkirk , dendermonde , and some other places , but missed of bruges and antwerp , when he thought himself master of it ; for though he had poured into the city 17 companies of foot supported by all his army , which he had advanced near the walls , under pretence of making a review of it ; nevertheless , the burghers ran in all hast to their arms , and made so brave a resistance , that the french were obliged to retire in disorder to the gate by which they entred , where there was made such a terrible slaughter of them , that 't was impossible for those without to succour their friends within ; for there were mountains of dead bodies pil'd in heaps one upon the other , which block'd up the entry and cut off the retreat of the french , of whom there were more stifled than kill'd . in this bloody dispute , called the enterprize upon antwerp , there were killed only 83 burghers , and 1500 french , among whom were 300 gentlemen , who were all buried without distinction in a great ditch . and as the people of these counties who are much of the same humour with the germans , in all extraordinary events make computations upon the numbers , they observed that this deliverance fell out in the year 1583 , which number made up that of the 83 burghers and 1500 french who were killed that day . the duke of anjou , having miscarried in his attempt , surrendred by a treaty made with the states all the places he had possessed himself of , and returning into france , died of grief in his appenage of chateau-thierry , in the beginning of the next year , with the reputation of a violent and unsettled temper . the flemmings believed that the prince of orange was concerned in the attempt the french made to surprize antwerp , and his enemies and enviers ( which great men never fail to have ) made use of this false pretence , to lessen his great credit , and of his fourth marriage with louise de coligny , daughter to the admiral de chastillon , whom he married after he had lost his third wise charlotte de bourbon , who died at antwerp not long after he was cured of his wound , which was a visible proof , as they said , of his inclination to the french , who at that time were had in execration by all the netherlands . seeing himself thus suspected , and that the party of the states declined in the walloon provinces , he retired into holland , where he thought his life in greater security and less exposed to those attempts which superstition on one side , and the reward promised in the proscription on the other , made every one ready to undertake against his person . he chose the city of delft for his ordinary residence , where at the beginning of the year 1584. he had a son born called henry frederick , grandfather to the present prince of orange , who did not degenerate from the vertue of his ancestors . prince william employed philip de mornix , seigneur de s. aldegonde , in the management of his greatest affairs , and made him burgomaster of antwerp when he left it . he was a man of quality , integrity and learning . about the end of his life he made use of iohn barneveld , whom he valued very much upon the account of his honesty and great capacity . having been almost overset with the tempests which had been raised up against him and having a heart above the storms , he took for his devise , a sea-gull or didapper , in latin mergus , with this motto , saevis tranquillus in undis , undisturb'd in the midst of the stormy waves . he behaved himself with so much sweetness and civility to the common people , that he never wore his hat as he walked through the streets , where people of all ages and sexes crowded to see him . his most intimate friends assured my father , that in his passage through the streets , if he heard a noise in any house , and saw a husband and wife quarrelling , he entred , heard the difference patiently , perswaded them to a reconciliation with incredible sweetness . the breach made up , the master of the house asked him if he would not taste his beer ; the prince said yes ; the beer brought , the burgher , according to the fashion of the country , begins the prince's health , in a gup which they call a cann , and which is usually of blew earth , then wiping off the froth with the palm of his hand , presented the can to the prince who pledged him . and when his confidents told him , that he condescended too much to men of such mean quality , and treated them with too much civility , the prince used to answer , that what was gained by pulling off a hat or a little complaisance , was bought at a very easy rate . no wonder , after this , that he was so universally lamented by the people when he was unhappily assassinated in the 51st . year of his age. 't was done by one baltazar de guerard a gentleman of the franche comtè and native of villefons in the county of burgundy , who in hopes of a reward , or pretending to merit heaven , by taking out of the world an enemy to the king and the catholick religion , killed him at delft , as he rose from table , with a pistol shot loaded with three bullets , of which he died without saying any thing more than lord have mercy on my soul , and this poor people ! this dismal accident happened in the presence of louise de coligny his fourth wife , and the countess of schouarzebourg his sister , whom he loved very tenderly , and who never forsook him and was present at antwerp when iouregny wounded him . this villain had insinuated himself into the acquaintance of the prince , under the name of francis guyon son to peter guyon of besancon , who suffered for religion . he had always the huguenot psalms in his hands , and was a constant frequenter of sermons , the better to conceal his design : insomuch as the prince trusted him , and sent him upon several dispatches , and at the very moment he assassinated him , he demanded of the prince a pass-port to go somewhere where the prince was sending him . he was but 22 years old , and made appear as much constancy and resolution in suffering the punishment of his crime , as boldness in undertaking it . he repeated a hundred times , that if he had not done it , he would do it again ; and when his flesh was plucked off his limbs with burning pincers he did not utter the least cry or groan , which made the hollanders believe he was possessed by the devil ; and the spaniards , that he was assisted by god almighty ; so different are the opinions and passions of mankind . the marks of the balls which entred into a stone of the gate , after they had gone through the body of the prince , are shown to strangers at this day in delft in holland , and i my self saw them when i was young . thus died william of nassaw prince of orange , and these are his principal actions , which are like so many solid pillars upon which he has erected the great fabrick of the commonwealth of the united provinces . there was need of as vast a genius and capacity as his was to undertake so great and difficult a work , an unparallelled courage to carry it on to the end , and an unheard of constancy in arriving to it , in spite of the formidable power of spain , and the domestick treasons , which crossed his generous designs . after this i believe no man will accuse me of an hyperbole for ranking this great man among the heroes of antiquity ; and asserting that the life and vertue of the admiral de coligny bore a great resemblance with that of the prince of orange . they had both a very great share of conduct , wisdom and moderation . they both had the address to clear up and unravel the most perplexed and embroiled affairs . both heard more than they talk'd . they had both the art of persuading , and were full of good counsels . both possessed the hearts , the esteem and the veneration of all those of their party . their courage was above their misfortunes , and their constancy in supporting them was admirable . both were often routed , and still found some glorious resources in all their adversities . both had to do with the most powerful kings of christendom . both made use of the assistance of england and germany to maintain themselves . both lived in the same time , and out-lived 50 years . both supported the same religion , and established it one in france , the other in the low-countries . both were proscribed , and prices set on their heads . the prince was seconded in his wars , by the courage of count lodowick , adolphus , and henry of nassaw , his brothers . and the admiral was supported in his , by the counsels of odel de coligny , cardinal de chatillon , and by the valour of francis de coligny , seigneur d' andelot colonel-general of the french infantry , his two brothers . in fine , both died a violent death and by treason , and both equally dreaded . the powerful princes whom they had attacked not thinking themselves secure till they had cut off these two great men ; and not being able to compass it by open force and war , made use of treachery and fraud to bring it about . the prince would never have perished as the admiral did ; for he would never have committed himself to the power of his enemies being of the same opinion with the man who said , that when a subject draws his sword against his king , he ought to throw away the scabbard . the prince died by giving all sorts of persons too free access to his person , at a time when superstition was the motive to such horrible attempts , and perhaps by being of caesar's opinion , who told his friends when they advised him to guard himself , and make himself fear'd , that 't was better to die once , than live in continual apprehensions of death . as soon as the news of his murder was spread about , nothing was to be seen over all parts in the cities but tears , nothing to be heard over all the villages of the country but lamentations , as if all had lost what was most dear to them . the people of the united provinces , in the celebration of his funeral , shewed the greatest mourning which was ever heard of , and their affliction went even to despair . the funeral pomp was very magnificent ; all the nobility assisted at it , and the chief men of the provinces , in deep mourning followed by an incredible number of people of all conditions . prince maurice his son followed the corps , having on his right hand gerard trucses archbishop and elector of cologne , and on his left count de hohenlo or helac . this was that elector , who falling desperately in love with agnes de mansfield a nun , chose rather to lose his soveraignty and electorate than his mistress . he was of the same opinion with that greek poet who writ , that a beloved nymph stood in instead of all things , and that we can want nothing with her ; but not enjoying her , we are poor amidst the plenty of all other goods . this archbishop delivered into the hands of the united provinces the city of reneberg in the diocess of cologne . it was so often taken by the spaniards and dutch , that the marquess spinola called it the whore of war , and it was seven years since in the hands of the states , the consideration of which made the present elector of cologne join with france , to recover again this place of his electorate , which this trucses had alienated , and this alliance gave us an opportunity of falling upon holland behind , which some years since was almost over-run . the gravers of holland have represented this magnificent funeral pomp of the prince of orange , upon several sheets of paper glu'd together , which take up the whole side of a great hall , in order to perpetuate the memory of so remarkable a mourning . count maurice his son built him a very stately monument of marble , where his images stands made to the life ; the basis of this fine monument is adorn'd with several statues representing all the vertues , and the upper part is surrounded with weeping loves . it stands in one of the principal churches of delft , and is not inferiour to the most sumptuous and stately tombs in italy . reflecting on this tragical death of the prince of orange , i have often wondred that so wife a man , and who had so powerful enemies , had not better guarded himself . for when he passed through the cities he was commonly attended by only three or four domesticks ; and i wondred at it the more because , not long before , iouregny had like to have killed him at antwerp , where he escaped miraculously . and there were many salcedes in the country who wanted only an opportunity to assassinate him . for after his death the spaniards gave out , that when he was murthered by this burgundian , there was the same time at delft , a lorrainer , an english man , and two more of different nations , who had the same design , and could not have failed to put it in execution . it seems to me that his own dangers ought to have made him provide better for his security ; but he feared only two nations , the italians and spaniards , imploying all others but these two ; and in the city of delft which he had made the seat of his residence there was neither spaniard nor italian . he observed that though a price had been set on admiral coligny's head , nevertheless no man durst run the hazard of assassinating him in hopes of a reward which could prove of no service to them when they had lost their lives ; for there was no appearance of making an escape after they had killed a prince in his own country and in the midst of his attendants . had he lived till the year 1589. and seen a little monk , spurred on by a false zeal of religion , have the boldness to assassinate henry the iii. at st. cloud in the midst of his army , he would have taken more care of his safety . these dismal accidents , and the deplorable death of henry the iv. massacred in the middle of paris , were a warning to richelieu who had always in his mind , this proverb , that suspicion is the mother of security . for when he saw all europe had conspired his ruin , he stood upon his guard , and died peaceably in his bed , in spite of all the disgusts of his master , and the contrivances of his enemies . the superstitious catholicks and spaniards celebrate this belthazar de guerard , and have ranked him in the number of their martyrs . upon which subject i cannot but admire that famianus strada in his excellent history of the low countries has insinuated that iouregny who narrowly missed of killing the prince at antwerp , had a good design , because he had fortified and prepared himself before he executed it , with the sacraments of the communion and pennance , as if god almighty who has expressly forbid murther in the decalogue , and our lord iesus christ , who hath said and taught that he who should strike with the sword , should perish by the sword , would guide and strengthen a murtherer in his attempt . some examples of the old testament will not serve to justifie him , where god almighty for the preservation and establishment of the people of israel , and for other reasons best known to himself allowed of such actions , otherwise there could be no security for the life of any prince . the huguenots on the other side made a martyr of that execrable poltrot , who killed the great francis of lorrain duke of guise , who had given him a treat in his house and made him eat at his table , insomuch as adrianus turnebus one of the learnedst men of his age , made a latin poem in honour of this poltrot , who was called iohn de merè , where he says , conspicuus fulvo stabit mereus in auro . and toward the end , plurimus ut maneat mereus in ore nepotum . another learned heretick said this in his poem , praemia multa meret , alluding to his name de merè . another heretick goes so far as to say among other things in french verse , ce valeureux poltrot qui tant s'ever tua que le tyran , tueur de chretiens il tua . i knew in my youth the lady of the sieur alard a captain in the french troops in holland , so prepossessed with false zeal and bigotry for calvinism , that she shewed publickly to all the world the picture of poltrot , like iudith having killed holofernes , which she kept in the reuelle of her bed , as a great martyr , and whom she considered as the deliverer of the little flock . the doctors of the league honoured with many elogies iames clement a iacobin , the murtherer of henry the iii. comparing him to ebud who freed the people of israel from their servitude , by killing eglon prince of the moabites in his chamber . for men's passions are so violent , and their animosities prejudice them in such a manner , that they celebrate actions which deserve not only the blame of all good men , but an exemplary punishment . william prince of orange made more noise in europe than all the kings of his time put together , and has left behind him a renowned posterity , who pursuing his glorious example , have amazed all the christian world by actions which are immortalized in history . he may boast to have been the father of two very great captains , to have produced kings , electors , landtgraves , and sovereign princes in germany , to have peopled france with princes , princesses , dukes , cardinals , mareschals , and many great lords . but for a clearer understanding of the matter , we must first declare that he had four wives . his first wife was anne d' egmont daughter to maximilian d' egmont count of burem and leerdam , a great heiress , whom he married by the favour of charles v. and had by her a son and daughter . the son was philip william prince of orange , of whom more hereafter , and the daughter mary de nassaw who was married to philip count de hohenlo , commonly called de holac , a great general , who after the unexpected death of the prince of orange which put the united provinces into a strange consternation , generously resisted all the efforts of the spaniards , and taught the first rudiments of war to prince maurice his brother in law who was at the college at the time of this unhappy accident . his second wife was anne of saxony , daughter to the great maurice elector of saxony who made head against the emperor charles the v. by whom he had the famous maurice , of whom we shall give a very large relation , and a daughter named emilia de nassau who married emanuel king of portugal , son to king anthony of portugal , who was dispossessed by king philip the ii. this prince emmanuel won so much on the princess by his civility , courtship and addresses , that she chose him for her husband as poor as he was , and of a contrary religion , and tho' prince maurice opposed the match as advantageous to neither . they had two sons , whom i knew in my youth , one of whom left a son , among other children , who went lately into holland to demand of the prince of orange the remainder of his grandmother's fortune ; and many daughters , some of whom were married to persons of a very unsuitable quality . she was a very good princess , but about the end of her life , having fallen out with the prince of orange her brother , she retired to geneva . an. dom. 1623. and died shortly after of melancholy , leaving six daughters whom i saw at geneva , an. dom. 1624. she was godmother to one of my sisters and gave her her name emilia , who is still alive and is married to the seigneur de montrevil near menetoon in champagne : her godfather was the count de culembourg , son to florent de pallant count de culembourg , whose house at brussels was pulled down by order of the duke of alva , and who having done nothing after the address of the nobility , retired into holland and lived so privately that he died unknown to those of his own party . the third wife of william prince of orange was charlotte de bourbon of the house of montpensier , whom i have declared before to have been a religieuse or abbess of iouarre . but the love of liberty which is an invaluable blessing , prevailed over all the vows she had made in her youth , which she pleaded she had been forced to , and had made several protestations against . she died of a pleurisy at antwerp , a. d. 1582. leaving six daughters behind her . the eldest lovise iulienne de nassau was married to frederick the iv. elector palatine , father to frederick the v. elected king of bohemia , who by the princess elizabeth of england , sister to charles the i. king of great britain , had many princes and princesses . the eldest , henry frederick design'd king of bohemia with his father , a. d. 1620. was a very handsom and hopeful prince . he studied at leyden , and our tutor benjamin prioleau author of the latin history of the last regency , carried us duely every sunday after dinner to play with this young prince , who loved us extreamly , which made us the more regret his death when we afterwards heard of it . he perished unhappily in the sea of haerlem , going in company with the king his father to see the spanish galleons laden with an inestimable booty , which had been taken by peter hain the dutch admiral near the island of cuba . a vessel by night , sailing full speed , having fall'n soul on his , split it in two ; thus the prince and all that were in it were drowned , except the king his father , who by great fortune , having caught hold of a rope that was thrown out to him from the ship , was miraculously drawn aboard . the second is the present elector palatine , who has several children by the princess of hesse , among others , madam the dutchess of orleans , a princess of great wit and judgment , who has already children who are the first princes of the blood in france . the third is the famous prince robert who has won so much reputation by sea and land , having not deceived the hopes which he had given in his infancy , by the martial and manly look which was then taken notice of . the fourth was called edward , who lived a long time in france , where turning catholick he married the princess anne de gonzague daughter to the late duke of mantua , montferrat and lions , and sister to maria louise q. of poland , and wife to two brothers uladislaus and casimir kings of poland . she was celebrated for her beauty under the name of the princess maria. concerning whom , i add this by the way , that having been designed queen of poland , and understanding that i was very well acquainted with the state of that kingdom where i had been twice ; she desired me by the duke de noailles to give her some instructions of it , which i did several afternoons ; and in token of her acknowledgment she would be godmother to my eldest daughter , with monsieur the coadjutor of paris , then archbishop of corinth , who is the famous cardinal de retz , the learnedst prelate in the kingdom . but to return to the prince palatine , edward : he left three daughters by the princess anne of mantua , the eldest of whom is madam the dutchess of enguien , already the mother of several princes and princesses of the blood. the other married the duke of brunswick hanouer , who had only daughters , and the third the prince of solme who was made prisoner at the battle of seneff . if i well remember ( for i write all this by my memory which is very good without the assistance of any book ) there was another son of the king of bohemia , a very handsom man , godson to prince maurice of nassau , called maurice . i saw another son of his , called philip , who retired to venice , for an action which 't is better to pass over in silence than mention . another son was called louis , who died young , whom my father named so for the late king who was his godfather , by an order of his majesty which follows . monsieur de maurier , being acquainted with the desire my cousin the count palatine of the rhine has to invite me to be godfather to the last son which god has given him , i shall be extreamly glad to pay him this testimony of my friendship and good affection , and that you should perform this office in my name when the time is , first informing him of the charge i have given you , and renewing the assurances of my affection to him : referring this to your care i desire god ( monsieur maurier ) to keep and preserve you . written at paris the 15th day of novemb. 1623. signed lowis ; and below , brulart . in pursuance of this order the ceremony of the baptism was performed . prince maurice represented the king of sweden , who was likewise godfather , and the countess of nassau , the queen of sweden . my father walked as embassador of france , with the king of bohemia on his right hand , and the prince of orange on his left. the ceremony was celebrated with great pomp in a church at the hague called the cloistre , where i was present , with my three brothers . for which great honour the king and queen of bohemia thanked the king of france by monsieur d'ausson de villeroul , of the house of iaucourt , brother-in-law to my father , who was in their service , and afterwards unhappily perished with prince henry frederick by the splitting of the vessel which i mentioned before . the pope's nuncio resident at paris hearing of this baptism , made great complaints of it at court , and said 't was a great shame for the most christian king and eldest son of the church to have his person represented by a huguenot in an ecclesiastical ceremony . the king and queen of bohemia left behind them several princesses eminent for their beauty and merit , one of whom turned catholick , and is now abbess de maubuisson . the princess louise iuliane de nassau , eldest daughter of charlotte de bourbon , and william prince of orange , had also a daughter by frederick the iv. elector palatine , who was married to the late elector of brandenburg , father to the present elector . i saw ( a. d. 1635. ) the old electoress palatine a konigsberg , the capital of the ducal prussia , where she had retired to her daughter the electoress of brandenbourg after the disorders of the palatinate . these two princesses were extreamly civil to me . the second daughter of charlotte de bourbon and william prince of orange , was elizabeth de nassau , wife to henry de la tour , duke of bouillon , a famous general in the the wars of henry the iv she was living in the year 1641. and i saw her in the castle of sedan , after the battle wherein the count de soissons was killed . she left two sons and four daughters who had children the eldest was frederick maurice de la tour , duke of bouillon , as great a captain as his father , who by the countess de bergue had the present duke of bouillon , great chamberlain of france , and the cardinal de bouillon , a prince of great learning and merit , and the count d'auvergne who has distinguished himself in our armies , and other children , among the rest the dutchess d'elbeuf . the second son of elizabeth de nassau and henry de la tour duke of bouillon , was the famous henry de la tour , viscount de turenne , a general of as great wisdom and valour , who during the whole course of his life was held for one of the firmest pillars of the state , and in consideration of his extraordinary valour and great services , was interr'd at st. denys with our kings , by a just order of his majesty . he married the heireress of the house de la force , whose vertue equalled her birth ; she was daughter to the deceased duke de la force , and grand-daughter to a mareschal of that name , two famous captains , and died without issue , but if she had left any children behind her they could not have failed of being great men , being descended on both sides from an illustrious number of generous ancestors . besides these two great sons , elizabeth de nassau had several daughters by henry de la tour , duke de bouillon . the eldest , anna maria de la tour , married henry duke de la trimouille and de thouars her cousin german . iuliane de la tour was married to francis de roye de la rochefoucault , count de roussy , father to the count de roye , very famous in our armies . elizabeth wife of guy alfonse de darfort , marquess of duras , father to monsieur de duras , captain of the guards du corps to the king , mareschal of france , governour of the franche comtè , and of the count de lorge likewise mareschal of france . i believe that the youngest was called henrietta de la tour , wife to the late marquess de la moissy of the house of matignon . she is mother to the marquese du bordage , and the count de quintine , who married a lady of the illustrious name of montgomery , as considerable for her beauty and merit , as the greatness of her extraction . the third daughter of charlotte de bourbon and william prince of orange , was named catharine belgique , who married philip louis count of hanau a sovereign lord near francfort on the main , from whom , besides the counts of hanau , is descended amelia elizabeth , wife to that generous william landtgrave of hesse , who died in the year 1637. after whose death this princess , a woman of a masculine courage , continued on the war against the imperialists , and pursued the steps of her husband who after the peace of prague ( where most of the protestant princes forsook their allies and joined with the house of austria ) had the courage and resolution to make head almost alone against so formidable a power . among other children she left the present landtgrave of hesse , called william as his father was , the electoress palatine mother to the dutchess of orleans , and the princess of tarente , mother to the present duke de la trimouille who is married to the heiress of the house of crequi . the fourth daughter of charlotte de bourbon and the prince of orange , was charlotte brabantine , wife to claude duke de la trimouille , and de thouars , count de la val who had henry duke de la trimouille , dead lately , and frederick de la trimouille , count de laval killed in a duel in italy by the late monsieur du coudray montpensier . i saw him , and knew him in my youth , and because his upper lip was slit , they called him bec de lievere or hare-lip . henry duke de la trimouille had by mary de la tour , his cousin german , formerly mentioned , the prince de tarent and de talmont who is dead , and who had the duke of trimouille already mentioned by the princess of hesse . the fifth daughter of charlotte de bourbon and the prince of orange , was charlotte flandrine de nassau , who returning to the religion of her ancestors died abbess of s. croix in poictiers . she was a very good princess , i knew her , but was little , and so deaf that she could not hear without a little silver trumpet . the sixth daughter of charlotte de bourbon princess of orange was aemilia of nassau , wife to frederick casimir count palatine , of the branch of duponts , called the duke of lansberg . this is the illustrious and great posterity of this fruitful abbess . the fourth and last wife of william of nassau prince of orange , was louise de coligny , widow to monsieur de teligny , and daughter to the great admiral de chatillon ; by whom he had only one son , the renowned henry frederick prince of orange , of whom we shall speak hereafter . besides his celebrated posterity of legitimate children , the prince of orange left a natural son called iustin de nassau , who led a considerable body of men to the assistance of king henry the iv. before the peace of vervins . he was a brave , vertuous man , and died governour of breda . i have heard my father say , that in the year 1616. having dispatched to court upon some important affair , a garson captain , named lanchere , famous in the netherlands , where he served . this courier in his return passing through breda , monsieur iustin de nassau asked him , what news ? he answered , nothing considerable but the imprisonment of the count d' auvergne , since duke of angoulesme . iustin de nassau asking him the reason , he replied , bluntly striking him on the back , ( for he was acquainted with his true extraction ) don't you know , sir , that a son of a whore was never good for any thing . a fault which the poor lanchere confessed to my father when he knew that he was a bastard . which is a proof that 't is good to be informed of pedigrees and alliances , otherwise we are liable to mistakes , and to offend innocently persons of quality . the end of the life of william of nassau prince of orange . the life of lovise de coligny , the fourth and last wife of william of nassau prince of orange . this lady had very excellent vertues , without having the least mixture of any weakness incident to her sex , through the course of her whole life , though it was very long . she had been married to monsieur de teligny before the famous day of st. bartholomew , which was in 1572. and she died in 1620. the admiral her father esteem'd her very much both for her modesty and prudence she gain'd every body's heart and affection , by her way of conversation , which was easy and graceful ; and had an universal respect , as well for her true sence , as her extraordinary good nature . she was very well shap'd , though her stature was but low ; her eyes were very beautiful , and her complexion lively . the admiral , who loved her tenderly and passionately , desired to have her well disposed of , after having cast his eyes upon all the persons of quality that were of his own religion and party , he found none so deserving to marry this excellent lady as monsieur de teligny , ( son of monsieur de teligny a famous captain in the wars of italy ) in whom he had observed more valour and conduct than in any other gentleman of his time ; besides , his vertues were so considerable , that those who writ in favour of queen catharine queen of medices , ( who mortally hated the admiral have confessed , that she and the king her son had very great difficulty to consent to the death of monsieur de teligny , who had rendred himself agreeable to both of them , by his handsom deportment , and by his sincere and noble way of acting ; which shews that vertue is always attractive , from whencesoever it proceeds , and that it has uncommon charms to make it self admired and favoured , though in the person of an enemy . the admiral then advised this beautiful lady to accept of monsieur de teligny , and to preferr a man indued with so many good qualities , though of moderate fortune , to others , who though they had greater riches and titles , were still less worthy to possess her . but she soon lost so good a husband , together with the admiral her father , in the cruel day of st. bartholomew . having heard of this misfortune in burgundy , her mother-in-law and she , with the young lord of chatillon her brother , had much ado to get into switzerland to secure their lives , the massacre of the protestants being universal throughout all france . this great admiral was son of another gaspar de coligny , lord of chatillon upon loyr , mareschal of france under louis the xii a famous general , who died at aix , as he was commanding the french army against the spaniards , and of louise de montmorency , sister to anne de montmorency , constable of france . he left behind him three sons that were very considerable ; odet cardinal of chatillon the eldest , who was patron to all the wits and learned persons of his age ; iasper admiral of france , who , before that , had been governour of paris and picardy ; and lastly , francis de coligny lord of andelot , colonel general of the french infantry . a son of the admiral , named francis was likewise colonel of the french infantry , he signalized himself , as well upon the bridge of tours , by saving the persons of henry the iii. and the king of navarre , from the forces of the league , and afterwards in the battle of arques , by which he gained the reputation of surpassing the admiral . he left two sons by a daughter of the house of chaune de pequigny ; the eldest , who promised much , was taken off by a cannon bullet at the siege of ostend ; the other was the mareschal de chatillon , father to the count de coligny that died young , and the duke de chatillon who was killed at charenton . the mareschal chatillon had likewise two daughters , one married to the prince of montbeliard , and the other named henrietta , countess of adinton and suze , had so great a genius for poetry , that she has out done sappho her self , by her exquisite works , which are the delight of all such as are lovers of gallantry . madam de teligny having lived during her widowhood with a conduct that made her admired by the whole world , she was sought to by prince william of orange after the death of charlotte de bourbon , and he married her in the year 1583. upon the reputation of her vertue . but soon after , by a fatality that usually snatches from us that which is most dear , she saw him assassinated before her own eyes , having had but one son by him , born a little before his father's death who was the famous henry frederick prince of orange . she had this advantage , to be sprung from the greatest man in europe , and to have had two husbands of very eminent vertues , the last of which left behind him an immortal reputation ; but she had likewise the misfortune to lose them all three by hasty and violent deaths ; her life having been nothing but a continued series of afflictions able to make any one sink under them , but a soul that , like hers , had resigned her self up so totally to the will of heaven . she has told my father freely , that at her coming into holland , she was very much surprized at their rude way of living ; so different from that in france , and whereas she had been used to a coach , she was there put into a dutch waggon , open at top , guided by a vourman ; where she sate upon a board , and that in going from roterdam to delft , which is but two leagues , she was crippled , and almost frozen to death . there never was one of a more noble soul , or a truer lover of justice than this princess . but it was observable , during the great differences between maurice prince of orange her son-in-law , and monsieur barneveldt , she took part with the latter , and used all her endeavours to save his life , having founded her good opinion of him , upon his having been one of the chiefest confidents of the prince her husband . this princess was my father's greatest support in his long embassy ; and rendred him always agreeable to the house of orange . this was a favour which at that time he stood mightily in need of ; for the court would suffer no person there , but one that stood fair in the opinion of that family . this protection was so much the more advantageous and necessary to him , because there were several persons of quality in france that were brothers-in-law or cousins to prince maurice , who used all their endeavours to render him suspected , and to have him recalled from that employment , which was the most considerable that could be hoped for from france in that conjuncture . all europe was then in a profound peace , so all embassies at other courts lay dead , and had no action stirring that was considerable . that of holland only was of importance , by reason of the war , which on their part was managed under the conduct of that famous captain count maurice ; and in flanders by the great general ambrose spinola a genoese . the english , scotch , danes , swedes , the germans those that were protestants , and the french went thither to learn the rudiments of war under the count ; and the germans , the italians , the sicilians , the polanders , and the spaniards , that were catholicks , did the same under the marquess ; so it seemed as if all the whole christian world was met in this little corner of the earth to learn how to fight against one another . france then maintaining divers companies of foot , and some troops of horse in that countrey , being very much interested in what concerned the good of the united provinces , who then employed the arms of the spaniards their ancient enemies ; and having likewise very often an occasion for the assistance of the dutch men of war , the embassador had continually some matter of importance to write to court , and to dispatch his couriers thither . besides the king every year gave large sums to the hollanders for the payment of the french troops ; and the embassador , besides the allowance for his employment , and his pensions from court , had moreover fourscore thousand livres a year as treasurer in holland ; and all the money went through his hand . besides the great profit of this employment , there was likewise much honour and pleasure in the service ; for all the french nobility , when they came from the university , went to learn the art of war under prince maurice , as heretofore they had done in piedmont under the great mareschal brisac . in winter the hague was full of french lords and gentlemen , who to honour their king , and the person of his minister used to accompany him to his audience of the states-general ; and it not being possible to provide coaches for two or three hundred gentlemen and officers , that sometimes came together , the embassador himself used to march on foot at the head of so splendid a company ; and his coach to follow after empty . i shall spend no more time upon the concerns of my fathers embassy , or his obligations to the princess louise of orange ; but return to my principal matter , and relate what i know concerning philip prince of orange , eldest son to william of nassau , by his first wife anne of egmont . phillip william prince of orange . portrait philip william of nassau , prince of orange , and eleanor of bourbon his wife . this prince was godson to king philip the second ; and when prince william his father was forced to take arms in his own defence , he studied in the colledge of lovaine : where , amongst other priviledges , it is not permitted to arrest any person upon what account soever . notwithstanding this , iohn vargas , a spaniard , accompanied with several souldiers of the same nation , took him thence by force , pursuant to an order from the duke of alva ; in spite of all the clamours of the rector of the university , who complaining vehemently and in good latin , that their priviledges were violated , was answered by vargas very incong●…uously in this barbarous expression , non curamus privilegios vestros . the prince of orange his father complained of it by publick manifesto's , which set forth the cruelty of the spaniards ; and proved that there were neither laws nor priviledges , nor innocence of age , that could exempt any person from their tyranny . this poor child was carried prisoner into spain at 13 years old , and shut up in a castle in the country , where he could have no education , and where he pass'd the greatest part of his time in playing at chess , which the governour of the castle had taught him . towards the end of his imprisonment , which was about 30 years , they allow'd him a little more liberty . this prince was naturally complaisant ; his body sat , and wore a very large beard . being carried young into spain , he continued a catholick ; so the spaniards , to justifie this unjust detention , said they had brought him thither only to preserve him from the poyson of heresie , and to keep him in security from it . during his stay in spain , the captain who guarded him having spoke much to the disadvantage of prince william his father , this generous son , push'd on by affection for his father , which animated him to resentment , took him about the middle , threw him out of the window , and broke his neck . he thought that so bold an action would bring him into trouble : and indeed upon this occasion there were different advices given in king philips council , but at last it was resolved to use mildness , and indulgence in this encounter ; gabriel osorio , a young gentleman , who was present at the action , having reported it in favour of the prince , said the governour had been wanting in his respect towards him ; so this death was allowed to his just resentment . the prince thought himself so obliged to osorio , for this favorable representation which he had made of him , that he ever after kept him near his person , and bestow'd on him a great many favours . at last , king philip ii. either moved by so long a captivity , or weary of punishing the pretended iniquity of the father upon the son that was innocent , or rather hoping that his deliverance would raise jealousies and divisions amongst the brothers of the house of orange , ( as the escape of monsieur de guise , from the castle of tours , had caused amongst the heads of the league ) resolved to release him , after so long an imprisonment . then count maurice shewed upon this occasion , that he had a soul that was wholly disinterested , and let him enjoy all the estates which were then in his possession , as breda and other places ; and madam the countess of holoc , his sister by father and mother , used him very generously , making him a thousand fair offers , and rich presents , upon his arrival in the low countries , where they two met at cleves ; but count maurice for fear of being suspected , satisfied himself with visiting him by an envoy . prince philip came into flanders with albert the arch-duke , who a little while after sent him back to spain , to bring the infanta isabella ( afterwards his ●…se ) into the low countries , to whom her father philip gave in marriage , the soveraignty of the seventeen provinces ; all europe was very much astonished , that the son of a man so odious to spain , should be chose to execute so important a commission , which could not be given him without a large testimony both of esteem and confidence . he lived afterwards in the court of brussels with the arch-dukes of flanders : for the states of the united provinces conceived such a distrust of him by reason of this employment , and because king philip had reestablished him in his lands , situated in the spanish low countries , and in the franche comte , which had been confiscated ; that they would never let him come to visit their provinces , much less to continue there , though he had often testified his desire of it . he never appeared there before the year 1608 , when the truce with the spaniards was almost concluded ; and in this journey he did nothing else but reconcile the princess emilia his sister , with his brother count maurice , who would never see her since her marriage with prince emanuel of portugal , because it had been concluded without his consent . he married eleanor of bourbon , the sister of the deceased prince of conde , a very virtuous princess , by whom he had no children . this marriage with the first princess of the blood of france , put him in possession of his principality and town of orange , where the sieur de blacons who was governor of it , as being a kinsman of monsieur the marshal des lesdiguierres , who commanded absolutely in dauphiny , would not let him enter ; but the sieur de blacons , had so many express orders from the king to leave the place ; and monsieur des lesdiguierres had an order to make them be precisely obeyed , that at last the prince saw himself possess'd both of the place and his soveraignty ; for before he had been look'd upon as an enemy , having followed the arch-duke albert when he was at calais , and would make king henry iv. raise the seige of amiens . prince philip farther confess'd to his most intimate friends , that in his whole life he was never in so great pain and such strange uneasiness , as at the time when the battle of newport was fought ; for the arch-duke , who presumed very far upon his own forces , thinking them as much superior in valor , as they were in number , to those of the hollanders , had boasted , that if he had gained the day , he would send the two brothers , maurice and henry frederick , bound hand and foot as his prisoners into spain . so he sent out his scouts on every side , kept all his horses ready sadled and bridled in his stable , and his people all in a condition to retire suddenly into some place of safety , thinking that his brothers being lost , he likewise must perish by the spaniards : so that during the whole fight he was at his prayers , and made ardent and continual vows that his brothers might obtain the victory . during the truce , which was concluded for 12 years , he made a voyage into holland , in the year 1615 , with madam the princess his wife , and they lived generally at breda . my father had the honor to see them , and converse with them often , and he was so far in both their good graces , that they helped him to overthrow a great many calumnies which had been invented to draw upon him the indignation of monsieur the prince of conde , and several other lords and great persons of the kingdom , who during the minority of the late king , had been several times in arms upon diverse pretences ; it having been told them by my fathers enemies that during these commotions , he had acted with too much heat and violence against them , having caused several vessels full of arms to be seized , and stopped divers officers from holland , who would have come over to their service ; to all these disobliging actions were added some discourses to the disparagement of these great persons , which my fathers enemies had likewise imputed to him . these princes had so far given credit to such impostors , that not being able to seize upon my fathers person , they testified their resentment by sacking his castle of fountayne dangé , near chateleraut , which they pillaged by their troops ; but mary de medices , the queen mother , who had knowledge of this disorder , being then at poitiers , made him ample satisfaction ; so that he had no further loss , than of several original papers , and ancient titles which were not in her majesties power to repair . the king himself upon this occasion wrote to my father as follows , monsieur de maurier , then after this are two pages in cypher . as for what remains , i am very sorry that your house has suffered for the services you have rendred me . i will takecare of my servants , and encourage them to do well by the protection which i give both to their persons and estates . the sieur de puysieux may acquaint you with what i have ordered upon this account ; continue only to serve me with care and fidelity as you do at present , and you shall receive both the honor and the profit of it . i pray god keep you monsieur de maurier , under his holy and safe protection . written at poitiers , jan. 20 , 1616. signed lewis , and a little lower . brulard . the queen likewise wrote him the following letter . monsieur de maurier , the king , my son , answers your dispatch by this bearer , whose intentions i am assured you can so well execute , as they may produce the effect which we desire , pursuant to your good counsels ; we confide therefore in your affection and care in this encounter ; nor shall i add any further command . you know likewise what considerations he has made you , for the house which you have lost in his service ; to which , if you continue firm with the same fidelity and diligence , you shall receive all possible content and advantage . i pray god keep you monsieur de maurier in his holy and safe protection . written at poitiers the 20th of january , 1616. signed mary , and a little lower brulard . monsieur de puysieux writ to him likewise , towards the end of a long dispatch . as to what concerns your interests , and the loss and damage you have sustained in your house of fontayne , i have not been wanting to represent it to their majesties , in all those circumstances which were requisite ; at which they are much concerned , and do not intend that any of their servants shall suffer upon account of the good services they have rendred them . they have ordered you 2000 crowns for a recompence of your loss , and would have you know , they do it upon that consideration ; and have thought fit to encrease your pension to 1000 crowns a year . i wish i could still testifie more to your content , the extream desire i have of serving you , that you may know that i am truly your very humble , and very affectionate servant , from poitiers , jan. 20th 1616. puysieux . prince philip , and madame his princess , had so much goodness as to disabuse the princes and grandees , who had raised a war , which they called the war of the henrys , because the greater part of the heads of that party were so called ; mounseir the prince was called , henry of bourbon ; monsieur du mayne , henry of lorrain ; monsieur du longeville , henry of orleans ; and the duke of bovillon , henry de la tour. they told them all , that these injurious speeches were pure inventions to animate them against my father . they acquainted them likewise that whilst he acquitted himself of his duty , he all along continued to preserve that respect which was due to them ; that for what remained there was no reason to object it to him as a crime , to have served his master faithfully . and that he could not without betraying his trust , and endangering his own ruine , but execute such orders as came to him from court. i remember that i saw them at our house in my infancy , and particularly the princess , who had the goodness to make very much of us , and did my father the favor to think fit , that one of my sisters , who was born at that time , should have the honor of bearing her name of eleanor : she was presented in baptism by prince henry frederick of orange , who was her godfather . this daughter was married to the baron de mauzè , near rochelle , brother to the marquess de la villedieu , and died without children , in 1660. she was a woman who painted the best in france , and writ the most correctly , whose letters were all of a vigorous and masculine stile , without one word that was unnecessary . prince philip died at brussels , in the beginning of the year 1618. he had the hemorrhoids very much in●…amed ; and gregory a german chyrurgeon having hurt him with the syringe whilst he gave him a clyster , a gangreen insued , and it was impossible to save him . the princess his wife died likewise in the same year . after his death , count maurice his brother took upon him the quality of prince of orange , and inherited his whole estate ; whereas before he was contented with the bare title of count. maurice of nassau , prince of orange . this great captain has falsified the proverb , which says , the children of heroes are generally good for nothing ; for though he was the son of a most excellent father , who left behind him an immortal glory , yet he has not only equall'd him in his prudence and greatness of soul , but has likewise surpassed him in the art military , and great performances ; as the father for 20 years together made the discourse of all europe , so the son for 40 years successively , did it much more than all the crown'd heads in europe : for from the year 1584 , when he came first into action , to 1625 , when he died , prince maurice was never mentioned without admiration and astonishment , as being held for one of the greatest captains that has ever yet appeared : in truth , though nature does not always make extraordinary efforts to produce great men in the same family and succession , yet the great actions of the father are powerful incentives to stir up their children to imitate them : the glory of their ancestors being a light , which directs their posterity to march in those generous paths which they have trod before them if the vertue of strangers has often stirred up some couragious souls to do great things , ( as that greek whose rest was discomposed by the triumphs of miltiades ; ) sure domestick examples must be much more moving , that they may not incur the shame of having degenerated . upon this occasion i shall here relate what i have often heard my father say in his latter years , that he had undoubtedly past his life in the country like some of his predecessors , had not it been for the example of iames aubrey , his great unkle ; who by his vertue , his knowledge and his eloquence , discharged the office of advocate general to the parliament of paris , was lieutenant civil of the council to henry the second , and his ambassador extraordinary to england ; where he concluded a peace between henry the second , and edward the sixth ; and left behind him the reputation of being the french demosthenes and cicero , by that famous plea which he made , pursuant to an order of the king , for the people of cabrieres and merindol ; and which monsieur the chancellor de hopital admired so much , that he has translated great part of it into latin verse . my father therefore thought , that by his labour he might arrive to honourable employments ; and so well ordered the talents which god had given him , that he likewise was employed in embassies , and admitted to the council of his princes . prince maurice of orange from his very childhood discovered the passionate desire he had to follow the glorious steps of his father ; and took for the body of his device the trunk of a tree , cut off so as to seem about two foot high , from whence there grew a vigorous sprout , which apparently would renew the noble tree which had produced it , with these words , tandem fit circulus arbor , at last the sprout becomes a tree : to show that he would revive the glories of his father . i do not pretend to represent the great actions of this prince in all the particulars ; i shan't say any thing that may be found in common annals , nor add to the number of those who transcribe other people ; my design is only to draw the portraicture of his person and his manners , to inform the world of some transactions of his life which are not known , and to set forth the causes of those great differences which hapned between him and mr. barneveld ; which , as it was thought , would have overturn'd the commonwealth , by an intestine division that has remained almost to this day , and threaten'd its ruine if it had not been prevented . but before we come to these things , it is necessary briefly to represent his principal actions , and to tell you , that prince maurice had a great stock of constancy and courage from the 17th year of his age , when he was called to the government of affairs upon the decease of his father ; for he was not cast down by that torrent of success which attended alexander farnese duke of parma , governor and captain general for the king of spain , who had then taken bruges , ghent , dendermond , deventer , nimeghen , the grave , with a great many other places , and even antwerp it self , ( which was held for impregnable ) by a siege , which was looked upon as a miracle of the age ; having stopped the river schelde , and repell'd the force of the sea by a dyke , which was then held as a thing impossible , and which afterwards set an example for undertaking the same thing at rochel . prince maurice was not more disturbed by the confusion and disorder that had reigned for a long time in the common-wealth , occasioned by the haughty conduct of robert dudley earl of leicester , captain general for the queen of england in the united provinces , whose insupportable pride , and unmeasurable ambition , did them more prejudice than the sums of money which he brought , and the troops which he commanded , ever contributed to their service ; for four entire years the states were reduced to strange extremities , so that it was thought impossible for this young prince to rid himself of so great difficulties ; and to cure those evils which were occasioned by the intrigues of spain , and the treachery of some of the earl of leicester's dependants ; who , after their return into england , sold the most important places to the spaniards . to be short , as the affairs of this world do not always continue in the same posture , and are subject to a perpetual change , so that good fortune , which till then had favoured the duke of parma in all his enterprizes , of a sudden came over to the party of prince maurice ; for the spanish navy , which they had entitled the invincible , and was designed to swallow up england , and the united provinces , was destroyed in the year 1588. by the fleet , and good fortune of queen elizabeth ; the third part of so great a navy scarce returning into the spanish havens , after having undergone incredible dangers upon the coasts of england , scotland , and ireland ; and this inestimable loss was accompanied with the mortification which the duke of parma received before berghen ap-zoom , which he had besieged ; prince maurice having forced him to quit his enterprize , with the entire ruine of his reputation . after this success the prince , for the course of 20 years , to the time of the truce , had fortune still so favourable to him , that he conquered 38 or 40 towns , and more fortresses , and defied the spaniards in open field at three signal battels : besides , he obtained several great victories at sea , as well upon the coast of flanders , as upon that of spain and the indies , by the valor of his lieutenants and vice-admirals . but nothing gained him so much reputation , as the happy surprizal of the town and castle of breda , which belonged to his own propriety . he made himself master of it in 1590 , by the stratagem of a boat of turfs , without any effusion of blood , or losing so much as one soldier upon so important an occasion ; and since this remarkable action has made so great a noise in the world , it may not be unnecessary to give some account of it , in as brief terms as possible . a boatman , called adrian bergues , who furnished the garison of breda with turfs , being discontented with the spaniards , proposed a way to prince maurice , how to surprize the place , by placing some soldiers in the bottom of his boat. the prince seeing the probability of the matter , gave the management of this great design to charles de heraugiere , a walloon gentleman , native of cambray , captain of foot in his guards , reputed a man of bravery and conduct . as soon as he received this order , he made choice of 70 soldiers out of several companies , and some commanders , whose courage had been tryed . these he put at the bottom of the boat , where they were placed very uneasily , as being forced either to lie down or stoop , the rest of the boat being filled up with turfs to a very great height . it was extreme cold weather ; besides , they were up to the knees in water , which came in by a leak , which at last they fortunately stopped . the excessive cold made them cough very much , but above all , matthew helt , a lieutenant , ( whose name ought to be remembred here in testimony of the courage he shew'd upon this occasion ) not being able to hinder himself from coughing as they came near to the castle , drew his sword , and desired his comrades to kill him , that the enterprize might not fail , and he become the cause of their ruine ; but the boatman hindred him from being heard , by often pumping , as if his boat had took water . the garrison , consisting of italians , wanted firing , the soldiers , because of the ice , helped to draw the boat by a sluce within the walls of the castle , as the trojans brought the wooden horse into their city ; which gave occasion to the poets of the time , to compare the taking of breda to that of troy ; but withal remarking this difference , that the horse made the enemies masters of troy , from whence proceeded its ruine , whereas this boat put the right lord into possession of breda , who thereupon caused it immediately to flourish . prince maurice having spread the report that he had a design upon gertrudemberg , made the surprizal of breda become more easie ; for edward lanza vechia , who was governor of both places , ran to that which he thought was most in danger . so the castle being without a commander was easily carried . as soon as heraugiere had made himself master of it by the death of 40 of the enemy , prince maurice , attended by the counts de hohenlo and solmes , francis vere the general of the english , iustin of nassau the admiral , and the sieur de famars general of the artillery , being entred into the castle with several of his troops , was afterwards received into the town , whence the italian garrison , which , for the most part , consisted of horse , ran , with full speed , by the way of antwerp . heraugiere , with a great deal of justice , was made governor of breda , and lambert charles a french man , a brave soldier of fortune , was made serjeant major : i saw him afterwards when he was governor of nimeguen . there were medals stamped upon so considerable an occasion , which had these words upon one side , breda à servitute hispanica vindicata ductu principis mauricii à nassau . 4 martii 1590. breda delivered from the spanish yoke , by the conduct of prince maurice of nassau . march 4. 1590. and upon the reverse was represented a boat , with these words , parati vincere aut mori , prepared to overcome or dye . one of these medals was given to each of the soldiers in the boat , as likewise a sum of money , with the promise of future advancement ; adrian de bergues the boatman had likewise a medal , and was rewarded with a very large pension . this surprizal may occasion this necessary reflection , that ye ought never to trust the guard of two frontier places at the same time to one only governor , who has but too much trouble to preserve his own government from the neighbouring enemy , whose mind is always intent , and his eyes open , for some opportunity to be able to surprize him . the taking of hulst in flanders , was a very considerable action , and that of gertrudemberg much more so , by reason of a long and difficult siege , in sight of the spanish army , consisting of 30000 men , commanded by the old count peter ernest of mansfeldt , in the absence of the duke of parma , who was then in france , with succors for the league : this old general could never force the young prince in his own lines , nor oblige him to come out of them , though he presented him battle each day continually ; so that when count mansfeldt said one day to a trumpeter whom p. maurice had sent him , that he admired his master , who was a young prince , full of heat and courage , would always contain himself within the covert of his own retrenchments ; the trumpeter answered him , that his excellency of nassau , was a young prince , who desired to become one day such an old and experienced general , as his excellency of mansfeldt was at present . the year following he took the great and famous town of groninghen , capital of the province ; he likewise took , and retook rimbergues , and seized upon maeurs , and the grave , towns belonging to his own patrimony ; having by the death of several spaniards revenged the public injuries and those of his private family . the reputation of prince maurice was very much increased , by the long and memorable defence of ostend , where the spaniards having lost more than threescore thousand men , in a siege that continued above 3 years , and exhausted their treasures by the expence of above two millions , at last became masters of a bit of ground which might seem to be a burying place rather than a city . at the time of this loss prince maurice was so happy and diligent , that to return it with usury , in a few days he seized upon the town of sluise in flanders , which was of more consequence than ostend , that had cost so many men , so much time , and so vast a treasure ; upon which theophilus says very well in the ode he made for the prince of orange . much time , and many years the spaniards spend before their forces gain ostend . but , sir , when you resolve to seize a town , few days suffice to beat its bulwarks down . each day of yours much more importance bears . than all that space of time , which mortal men call years . this ode did not displease prince maurice , and tho he was naturally an enemy to flattery , and vain glory , yet he recompenced this poet with a chain of gold , and his medal , to a very great value . but this prince showed at the battle of newport , where he overcame the arch-duke albert , that he knew as well how to defeat a numerous and well appointed army in open field , as to defend places , or else to force and surprize them . the arch-duke , and the duke d'aumale were wounded in the fight , francis mendoza admiral of arragon , maister de campe , was taken prisoner , with a great many other commanders , and even the arch-dukes pages , whom prince maurice sent him back very civ●…illy , without any ransom . all the cannon , the baggage , and above 100 cornets and colors , remained in the hands of the conqueror , who saw above 6000 enemies dead upon the place , and had all other marks of a full and entire victory ; which made several people say , because this great success happened upon the 2d day of iuly , that the fortune of the house of nassau was changed , seeing that 300 years before , upon the same day of iuly , the emperor adolphus of nassau , had lost his life and empire near spire , in a battle against albert of austria ; and that the same day maurice had revenged the disgrace of his ancestors , by the defeat of the arch-duke albert , who was a descendant from the former albert of austria . a little before the fight , there was a dispute of honor , between prince maurice , and prince henry frederick his younger brother , who was then but 17 years old ; for when the elder desired him to retire into some place of safety , that in case of any misfortune , he might defend his family , and his country ; prince henry being offended , said , he would run the same fortune with himself , and live or dye by him . prince maurice showed that no ill success could daunt his courage , for the resolution he had taken to give battle , was not altered notwithstanding that the night before the arch-duke had defeated the count ernest , whom the prince had sent to seize a pass , with 2 regiments of foot , and 4 troops of horse , that were all cut off , and several colors , with 2 pieces of cannon taken . it is remarkable that the prince , to take away from his army all hopes of a retreat , and to show his men that they had nothing to trust to , but their arms , made all those vessels that brought them into flanders to be sent away , for which he was much commended by the admiral of arragon , as the thing which had gained him the victory by , the necessity that was laid upon his soldiers to fight boldly , as having no prospect of life but in the defeat of the spaniards ; so he told his men before the fight , that they must either overcome the enemy , or drink up all the water in the sea. there came out at that time a magnificent inscription upon this battle , in honor of prince maurice , which is this . anno 1600 secunda die iulij , mauricius aransionensium princeps in flandriam terram hospitem traducto exercitu cum alberto archiduce austriae conflixit , copias ejus cecidit , duces multos primumque mendosam coepit , reversus ad suos victor signa hostium centum quinque in hagiensi capitolio suspendit deo bellatori . in the year 1600 , the 2d day of july , maurice prince of orange , having brought his army into flanders , then possessed by his enemy , fought with albert arch-duke of austria , slew his forces , took several commanders , and especially mendoza , then returning conqueror to his country , he hung up 105 of the enemies colors , in the councel house at the hague , to the honor of god the disposer of victory . this was not his first essay of a field battle , for otherwise he might have passed for one , that was good only at the taking of towns , but he had long before forced the duke of parma to raise the seige of knotsemburg , over against nimiguen , having defeated 7 troops of his best cavalry ; a disgrace which the duke lessen'd , by the necessity laid upon him , by orders from spain , to go and succor roan . in the year 1594 , he had likewise at the battle of tournhout , defeated and slain the lord de balancon , count de varax , general of the artillery of spain , who commanded a body of 6000 foot , and 600 horse , of which , besides the general , above 2000 were left upon the place , with several prisoners of note , amongst whom , a count of mansfeldt was one ; there were 38 ensigns taken , with the cornet of alonzo de mondragon , which were all hung up in the great hall of the castle at the hague , for a perpetual memorial . and upon this occasion , i shall here relate , how an ambassador of poland , being come from king sigismond , to exhort the states general to reconcile themselves to the king of spain , whose power he magnified so far , as that sooner or later it would entirely subdue them , and speaking as if he would frighten them with lofty words , full of vanity , and according to the eloquence of his nation : count maurice , who was then present at this harrangue , upon his going out of the assembly , led the ambassador into this hall , where he show'd him all the colors and cornets , taken from the spaniards at knotsemburg , and turnholt , and without using many words , let him understand , that in reality the king of spain was not altogether so invincible . but as prince maurice was victorious at land , so he was not less successful at sea , having always got great advantages over the spaniards , by the conduct of his vice-admirals . they were assisting to the ruine of the spanish flota , stiled the invincible , and brought several of the galeons into zealand . in the year 1596 , iohn de duvenvorde , lord of varmont , contributed his help to the earl of essex , in taking the town of cales , and burning the spanish fleet , for which queen elizabeth returned thanks to the said sieur de varmont , by a very obliging letter , which extreamly commends his bravery . in the year 1599 , the vice-admiral peter vanderdoes , seized upon allagona , capital of the canary islands , where he forced the spaniards to fly into the mountains , and followed them even thither , and then having sacked and burnt the place , returned victorious to his own country . in the year 1603 , don frederick spinola , not being able to endure that these vessels of zealand should always lye before the haven of sluise , went out , with 8 gallies , and some other vessels of war to chase 'em thence ; he was slain in the fight , and his fleet so ill handled , that it was constrained to retreat into sluise with a considerable loss : not to mention here a great many other considerable advantages obtained in the indies , and diverse other parts of the world , over the vessels of the castilians , and the portugueses . this is what i shall say in general of this great prince , only adding , that in the year 1622 , the truce of 12 years being expired , and the marquess ambrose spinola , having besieged berghen ap zoom , with all the forces of spain , the prince of orange made him raise the siege , being assisted by count ernest of mansfeldt , and christian duke of brunswick , that he had expresly sent for out of germany . these generals had taken arms in favor of the king of bohemia , and passing through brabant , had defeated at fleuru , ( if my memory does not fail me ) don gonsalvo of corduba , who was sent to oppose their passage : in the fight the duke of brunswick had an arm cut off as he was forcing a barricade , which obliged him to wear one of silver , which i myself have seen . there was great rejoycing through all the united provinces for this happy victory , public thanksgivings were ordered to be made in every town , where there were such prodigious bonfires , that they seemed to be all on fire . so this count of mansfeldt , and the duke of brunswick contributed to the prince of orange's glory , which seemed to have been decay'd and worn out of mens minds by so long a truce , but was renewed and revived throughout the whole world , by so illustrious an action . and because that here there has been occasion to speak of these two men , who in their time were the scourges of mankind , it may not be amiss to let the prince of orange rest a little , and to relate what i know of their manner of proceedings , and their principal encounters . this count ernest was a bastard of the famous house of mansfeldt , which has produced great generals ; he was a man so subtile and cunning , that some have rightly stiled him ulysses germanicus , or the german ulysses . he was so bold , as to maintain the quarrels of the elector palatine , elected king of bohemia , with a great deal of constancy and resolution , against the family of austria ; he had several successes both unfortunate and happy ; at last being called into holland to the succor of berghen ap zoom , i remember that i saw him there ; he was then about 50 years old , fair , much wrinkled , of a good stature , but a little stooping ; he always wore a gray hat , without a hatband , and said that he would never put it off till he had made his fortune , which i myself have heard him speak . france , that too late understood its true interest , ( for it had unadvisedly sacrificed the elector palatine to the fury of the house of austria , as i shall more fully relate hereafter ) assisted him with a sum of money , which my father paid him , and with the succor of 4000 foot , under the conduct of monsieur de mantereau , who had his winter quarters in east frizeland , beyond the river ems , with the troops of count mansfeldt . this new attila afterwards ravaged the lower saxony , from whence being chaced by the count de tilly the emperors general , he marched through the country of brandendurg into silesia , where he had some fortunate successes , and from thence at last retired to bethlem gabor prince of transylvania . a little after , as this unquiet spirit , fruitful in new expeditions , was going to venice , to propose some league , passing through bosnia in november 1626 , he was taken with a violent pain in his bowels , of which he died , not without suspition of poyson , and was buried at spalatro . he was a man of great courage , who run through and ravaged the greatest part of germany , having spread the terror of himself both within and without the empire , and so frightned champaigne and paris itself , when montpelier was besieged , where the late king was then in person , that the most part of the inhabitants of that great city , seeing their king and his principal forces upon the confines of his realm , conveyed themselves , with what they most esteemed to the city of orleans , to avoid a fire which consumed all things that were found in its way : some blockheads of paris being frightened with his approach , commonly called him bloody bones , and used his name to frighten children that were troublesome . as to duke christian of brunswick , he was of the illustrious and ancient house of brunswick , one of the richest and most powerful in all germany , which at present maintains armies both within and without the empire , and which having conquered the dutchy of bremen , assists the kings of spain and denmark , the hollanders and elector of brandenburg with its forces . this duke christian was commonly called halberstat , because he was bishop of that place , and sometimes dol hartzoch , which is as much as to say , one that acts like a madman . he was a prince of good mein , and well made ; he was very brave , but his courage had something more of brutishness than true valor : for when he saw a workman on the top of a steeple , he took no greater pleasure than to fetch him down with a stone , which in my time he did in holland : he had a great passion for the queen of bohemia , from whom he had taken an english glove , which i saw him wear , tied to a string in his hat , and hanging below the brims of it . having raised an army in lower saxony , and not having wherewithal to pay it , he turned a statue of st. liberius into money , which was much bigger than the life , and at that time in the cathedral church of paderburn . this saint liberius had been bishop of mans. such a beginning enticed him farther , and knowing that at munster there were 12 apostles , all of silver , of a prodigious bigness ; he went thither , and seizing upon the place , marched directly to the great church called the dome , accompanied with all his collonels and captains , made a speech to these apostles , reproaching them with their idleness and disobedience , in not observing the commands of their master , to go instantly through all the world , in these words , go throughout all nations ; swearing that he would make them travellers , and become obedient : so he immediately commanded to coin them into rix dollars , with which he paid his army , and so spread them throughout all germany . he had taken this for his device , gottes freindt , und der psaffen feint , which is to say , friend of god , and enemy of priests , whom he slew , or at least guelt them , without any remission ; at last this outragious spirit departed in 1626 , at wolfenbottle , of a burning fever in the prime of his youth . after having raised the seige of berghen op zoom ; maurice prince of orange did nothing considerable besides the project he laid for the surprize of antwerp , but heaven and the winds were opposite to his design ; he had given so good order for every thing , the undertaking was so well laid , and he promised to himself such a happy issue , that he said that it was god alone that could hinder the success . prince maurice before he had resolved to ruine mr. de barneveld , honored my father with his esteem and confidence , insomuch that he undertook his defence against those that had aspersed him , as his elder brother prince philip , and his princess had done before ; which was very well known to all those who were then in holland , and which appears evidently by a letter which prince maurice writ to monsieur de villeroy , after the peace of landau , wherein he not only justifies my fathers conduct , but moreover tells him , that the court had no person thereabouts , who could serve france so much as my father , and that was so agreeable to him and the states general . the letter is this . sir , at my return from zeland , upon the instances that were made me by monsieur de maurier the kings ambassador , for the re-establishment of the french officers in their employments , i used my endeavors for the satisfaction of their majesties , the states having taken the same resolution , their act shall be executed ; i am very much pleased that the troubles in your kingdom have been so happily composed , and particularly that your labors have so well succeeded in it , wishing that this repose may be of long continuance to the prosperity of their majesties , which is the thing that i desire : besides , although the care and diligence which monsieur maurier has show'd in his faithful execution of the kings commands , may speak sufficiently for themselves , yet i must render this testimony to his behavior , that it has been such as has served their majesties heartily , and to the purpose , without giving any one reason to complain , having managed all his actions , which are very well known to us , with modesty , respect and honor , and thus much i can give you certain assurance of ; whereas if any other reports may be spread to his prejudice , they must do great injustice to his conduct and integrity : the states general and all of us , are fully satisfied with his whole proceedings , and think their majesties cannot hereafter make use of any other minister , that will be more faithful and serviceable to themselves , or more agreeable to this commonwealth , which , as i have reason , i must declare to be my own opinion ; and with that i shall conclude , together with assurance of my desire to serve you , and prayers to god to give you health and long life . sir , your very affectionate servant maurice of nassau . this letter , and several others of the same strain , which madam the princess dowager of orange , and the principal persons in the country had writ to court , contradicted the aspersions of several persons of quality , who had assured the queen mother and her ministers , that my father was disagreeable to the prince and states general . in short , prince maurice , upon all occasions , gave my father very signal marks of his esteem and friendship ; so that in the year 1615 , having a son born , the prince would be his godfather , and gave him his own name of maurice , with a little picture of a great value , this is he who has been known by the name of villaumaine , and who having past all his life in holland , where he was born , arriv'd by 40 years service and his own merit , without any favor , to the command of collonel ; he had a mortal aversion for this last war , for he drew his extraction from france , where his family was established ; on the other side he saw himself obliged to defend the place of his birth , where he had all his effects , and where he was at last arrived to an honorable post , by an extraordinary patience : never man had more true friends than he , and they of all nations , so that he gained the esteem of all the considerable frenchmen that had known him in holland , amongst others of monsieur de beringhen , chief querry to the king , of mr. de st. romain , who was ambassador in portugal and switzerland ; and towards his latter days , of the princess of tarentum : he lived in great esteem for his valor and fidelity , and died at the head of his regiment in the battle of senef , very much lamented by all that knew him , and by the prince of orange himself , who placed a great confidence in him . i hope i shall be pardoned for the tenderness i had for this only brother that was left me , which occasioned this digression . but let us now come to the description of prince maurice's person and manners , even to the secrets of his life , which have not hitherto been divulged , as i have learnt them from my father , and several noble persons of that country . this prince was very strong , and indefatigable in labor ; he appeared lesser than he was , by being full and fat ; his face was plump and ruddy , his beard fair , which he wore very large and broad ; he always made use of little pleated ruffs about his neck : he never clothed himself but after the same fashion , with the same stuff , and that always of a sort of brown or musk color ; his doublet was of silk with gold stripes , the rest of his cloaths were woollen , but his cloaks , or long coats , were faced with velvet ; i speak of his common habit , and not of those that were designed for great feasts and public assemblies . he often wore in his hat a band of diamonds , he was never without a girdle , to which was fastened a sort of belt for his sword , that was gilt : i never saw him in any other habit , and yet i have minded him a thousand times , at the french church , in the castle at the hague , which heretofore was a chappel for the counts of holland , and often at my fathers , whither he used to come , either to eat , or play at chess , which was his chief diversion ; for during the truce , when he was not busy in war , he often plaid at it , and for that reason look'd upon such as did so . h ehad a great affection for mr. de la caze , a brave captain of bearn , whose son served in the troops of holland , and played very well at it . this mr. de la caze had no revenue more certain , than what he won of the prince at this play , scarce ever parting from him without 9 or 10 crowns of gold , which was worth more to him than his company . they never plaid for above one at a time , without ever doubling , but la caze that he might not dishearten the prince , would let him win one game in three or four . this monsieur de la caze has told my father , that the prince would be very much vexed when he lost , which happens even to the greatest men ; and the reason is evident , because it is their own fault if they lose , for this game does not depend at all upon chance , but good conduct ; and 't is very provoking to see ones self surpassed by others in knowledge or judgment . monsieur de la caze said , that when the prince had lost , and it was late before they gave over play , the wax lights being almost burnt out , he would pull his hat down over his eyes without rising from his seat , or bidding him good night ; but at such times as la caze had let him win , the prince would be very pleasant , conduct him on his way , and command his pages to light and wait upon him to his lodgings ; such particulars as these show the temper of people , and that the greatest men are not without their weaknesses . in relation to chess , prince philip of orange told my father , that he had heard for certain in spain , when he was there a prisoner , that an old spanish lord having been winner all the evening at this play , and continuing so good part of the night with king philip the 2d , without being so complaisant as to let him carry one game , and having remarked much disturbance in the kings countenance , he told his children upon his return home , that he must depart the day following , and never think of coming back to court , where there was nothing to be done or hoped for , either for himself or them , because he had beat the king at chess all that night , and should never be forgiven for it . prince maurice used to make himself very merry with us frenchmen , who to cloath themselves after the fashion of those times , wore slasht doublets , with one single shirt , which made those freeze that look'd upon them , being so thin cloathed , and shivering , in the midst of winter , which is very long and sharp in holland ; and as he was jesting one day upon them in a great company , one of these gentlemen told him , he had a way to deceive people , for he had two shirts on , and that nothing was so warm as two shirts ; the prince was pleasant , cried , lay a wager upon it ; to which the other replying , that he knew nothing warmer than two shirts , prince maurice answered , that undoubtedly three were warmer than two ; and that the weather was cold enough for him to make use of them . prince maurice related to my father , that one winter at the hague , when there was a great many german princes of his kindred there , they met one day at one of the chief inns to divert themselves , where after having drank till scarce any of them could see , one of the company proposed the putting out the lights , and throwing stools at one another all night long , which being done , one of these soveraign princes found his arm broke , another his knee out of joynt , another his skull crackt , and those that came off best had horrible bruises and black eyes ; after this they were all forced to go to bed , and consider what to do with themselves . this story the prince learnt from monsieur luc his surgeon , a frenchman , very expert in his profession , who was called to their help upon this occasion : prince maurice smilingly ask'd my father , if this was not a very fine and agreeable diversion for the princes his relations , and whether they had not extraordinary reason to boast of their pastime . prince maurice loved mathematicians and engineers very well , and amongst others of that age , he very much esteemed monsieur alcome , one excellent in the profession , to whom he gave a large pension , though he had a very good one from the king ; but there was no body could teach the prince in that science , he having contrived several fine inventions for the passage of rivers , and fiege of places , so that in his age , he served for a pattern to engineers , as well as captains . he would not suffer his troopers to wear straight boots , saying great inconveniencies might arise from thence , being often in haste to get on horseback ; ridiculing us frenchmen , for affecting to have fine legs , so that they would be whole hours in getting their boots off , or on ; and to set them an example , he had his own boots so large , that he could almost leap into them . he did not approve those italian grooms who taught their horses to prance , which he said was very dangerous , and had been the death of several people ; he had no people to manage his horses , and was content if they would only turn to the right and left . during the truce , the king of france sent him a magnificent present of spanish horses by monsieur de pluvenelle , querry to his majesty , who had the honor to teach the king to ride , being a person of great reputation , and the most famous man of his time in that art. the prince , though he was very vigilant and laborious , yet had so great a quietness of mind , that so soon as ever he was in bed , and his head laid upon the pillow , he fell into so sound a sleep , that it was a difficult matter to wake him ; but knowing his own infirmity , that he might not be surprized in time of war , as his father , who was of the same complexion , was like to have been in his tent , near malines , after having given necessary orders , he made two men watch by turns every hour , with command to wake him , if any accident should happen . marquess spinola was of a humor quite contrary to the prince , and could never sleep if he had the least business upon his spirits ; the marquess was very lean , the prince very fat , and their tempers very different ; the one being dry and choleric , the other plump and sanguine . prince maurice , being one day in a good humor , told my father , that elizabeth queen of england , by a weakness common to her sex , had so extraordinary a desire to be thought handsom , that when the states general had sent her a magnificent embassy , which consisted of the principal persons of their country , accompanied by a great many young gentlemen of the united provinces , a hollander who was in the ambassadors train at their first audience , having looked earnestly upon the queen , told an english gentleman , with whom he had been acquainted in holland , that he saw no reason why the queens beauty should be generally spoke of to so much disadvantage ; that he thought people much to blame for doing it , that to him she seemed very agreeable , and that if he durst , he would let her see what passions she was able to raise in a young gentleman ; with several other such like discourses , often looking upon the queen , and then applying himself to the englishman . the queen who took more exact notice of the private persons than the ambassadors , as soon as the audience was ended , sent for the englishman , and commanded him on pain of her displeasure to tell her , what his discourse was with the hollander , being certain that it was concerning her , as was evident by their mein and behavior . the gentleman made a great many excuses , saying it was not worth her majesties knowledge , at last the queen being very urgent , he was forced to declare the whole matter , and confess the extream passion which the hollander had testified for her royal person . the event of the affair was this , that the ambassadors were each of them presented with a chain of gold worth 800 crowns , and every one of their retinue with one of 100 crowns ; but the hollander who thought the queen so handsom , had a chain of 1600 crowns , which he wore about his neck as long as he lived . this queen , who had a thousand great qualities , had still the vanity of being thought handsom by all the world , and i have heard my father say upon this occasion , that being sent to her , in every audience that he had , she would pull her glove off a hundred times to show her hands , which were very white and handsom . but to return to the character of prince maurice , he was naturally good and just , and died with the reputation of an exemplary honesty ; to show that he deserved this character , i need only relate the following story . two of his domestics who were frenchmen , one called iohn de paris , who waited upon him in his chamber , the other one of his halberdeers , named iohn de la vigne , having assassinated a jeweller of amsterdam , who had stones of a great value , which he would have sold the prince ; he was so far from protecting them , ( as several persons of quality would have thought it concerned their honor to do ) that on the contrary , he himself prosecuted the actors of so inhumane a butchery , and made them both be broke alive upon the wheel . if this great and just character of prince maurice , might be any way in the least sullied in the opinion of some persons , it was occasioned by his contests with monsieur barnevelt , who had been one of the principal ministers , and confidents of prince william his father , and who after his death got the soveraign command both by sea and land , to be put into the hands of prince maurice ; for people being in a terrible confusion after that disaster , and several seeing themselves deprived of their principal support , being desirous to have recourse to the amnesty which king philip offered them , he said publicly that matters were not in so desperate a condition ; that they ought to take courage , they had indeed lost a real support by the death of the father , but that he had left a son , then studying at leyden , who was capable to fill his place , and gave very great testimonies of his inclination to vertue ; so by the perswasion and authority of this great man , prince maurice was no sooner come out of the colledg , but he was placed , as commander , at the head of armies ; upon this account the prince looked upon him as his benefactor , till time made him think , he had reason to alter his opinion , and use other measures towards him : whilst monsieur de barnevelt was for the continuance of the war , which the prince desired to uphold his authority , they kept a very fair correspondence ; as likewise in the year 1598 , when he met king henry iv. in brittain to diswade him from making the peace of vervins . but when barnevelt shew'd himself inclinable to a truce , after a war of 40 years , which had so exhausted the state , that it was impossible , by reason of the prodigious number of debts , to have the war continue any longer ; it was then that this prince , who thought the truce would give a mortal blow to his glory and his interests , could no longer conceal his resentment , but fell openly at variance with monsieur de barnevelt , even in publick conferences , so far as to give him the lye , and one time to lift up his hand against him . prince maurice used all imaginable endeavours to perswade king henry iv. to break the design of the truce , as inconsistent with the welfare of france , since the spaniards , being no longer engaged against the united provinces , would without all doubt turn their whole forces against his kingdom : he spread several papers which accused those who were for the truce , of being traytors , and holding acorrespondence with the spaniards , but monsieur de barnevelt , made it be represented to the king by such ambassadors as had their dependance upon himself , what he had several times before told to mr. buzanval his ambassador , and monsieur the president iavin , who had been dispatched extraordinary envoy into holland ; that it was necessary for the united provinces , to use the king in the same method that sick and wounded persons do their physicians , or their chyrurgions ; that is , to discover plainly their wounds and infirmities , whereby his majesty may see , if it lay in his power to afford them such remedies , as would heal them ; that their state was charged with excessive debts , whose interest was to be paid to private persons , that had lent their money to the public , and had scarce any thing else remaining for their own subsistence ; and that except that interest was exactly paid , the greatest part of them must be left to starve . that the several imposts which were established to maintain the charges of the war , were not sufficient for its continuance , and that 13 or 14 hundred thousand crowns were over and above necessary , to pay the interest of their debts , and the troops which were then in their service ; but that if his majesty would supply them with what was necessary for their continuance of the war with spain , they would pursue it more vigorously now than ever . the king , whose treasure was exhausted , seeing that he would be obliged to furnish them every year with at least 4 millions of livres , consented to the proposal of the truce , which was concluded by his authority , notwithstanding the perpetual opposition which prince maurice made to it by his creatures . so the truce being concluded , in the year 1609 , by monsieur barnevelt's perswasions , it is not to be admired , if the prince of orange bore no good will to him ; seeing france had followed the sentiments of that great man , and had so little consideration for hisinterests and councel : after this time , the prince sought occasions to revenge himself of barnevelt , but before he came to his final resolution , he endeavored to gain him over , by the means of the princess dowager of orange , his mother-in-law ; but this did not succeed , for monsieur barnevelt intimated to the princess , as if prince maurice had a design of possessing himself of the soveraignty of the country , and that it was upon this account he so manifestly pursued his ruine . the prince finding that barnevelt was not to be brought over , began to encourage such persons as were jealous of that power and authority which barnevelt had gained upon the states ; but the prince managed this affair with such discretion , that those , whose ruine perhaps he might design , should have least reason to distrust him , or provide for their own safety ; pursuant to this , he bestowed upon them all imaginable favors ; he gave to monsieur de grouneveld , monsieur barnevelt's eldest son , the office of master of the dykes , and forests in holland ; to stautembourg his youngest son , he gave the government of berghen ap zoom , which is one of the principal keys of the country . among others , he brought over francis aersens , son of cornelius aersens , secretary to the states , originally of brabant , who had been a long time resident , afterwards ambassador in france : this man was author of all the violent councels , and principal executor of the passion of the prince ; he was a man of ability , and very bold , who aspired to new things , that so he might become great ; eloquent to the public damage , and desirous to heap up riches by any means whatsoever . the prince likewise made use of several other persons , who were of an unquiet and ambitious temper , willing to fish in troubled waters , and to make their advantage of the disgrace such people were fallen into , as they before had reason to envy . but as it was not safe , so neither did it seem just , to fall upon monsieur barnevelt , and his dependants , till they had rendered themselves suspected , and odious to the people ; the difference which happened at this time upon the matters of religion , between the followers of gomarus , and arminius , gave an occasion for the peoples disgust against him : for this diversity of opinions had so divided the state , that there were great quarrels in the schools , and even fights and murders , upon their coming out of the churches ; what one minister had preached in the morning , after dinner was confuted in the same pulpit , by another minister of a contrary opinion ; so all the doctors and ministers having banish'd charity , which is the chief foundation of the christian religion ; instead of instructing people in true piety , and explaining the word of god , that breathes nothing but peace , and which is sufficiently intelligible to minds that are meek and well disposed , amus'd themselves only with handling such questions , as the vulgar never could comprehend ; and all full of animosity and revenge on either party : employed their whole wit and knowledge to make their adversary appear ridiculous , employing scurrility more than arguments against one another . these different sermons , in which the ministers mutually accused one another of ignorance and heresie , sowed divisions amongst the people , each following the opinion of his own minister , as being uncapable to judge for himself in questions so difficult , as those of free-will , grace , or predestination ; like as it happens at this time , when ladies of the greatest quality , follow some the opinion of the jesuits , and others that of the doctors of port royal ; besides this division encreased daily , and not only took deep root throughout the whole state , but an infinite number of printed books , swarmed in every place , and entertained mens minds with schism and bitterness . the gomarists , wedded to the opinion of calvin , maintained that god had sentenced by an eternal decree , what men were to be saved , and what were to be damned ; that this sentence drew the one into the path of piety and salvation , whilst it left the other buried in all that vice which is common to humane nature . the arminians said , on the contrary , that god who was a most righteous judge , and a most merciful father , made this distinction between sinners , that those who repented of their faults should obtain grace and life , whereas such as were disobedient and obstistinate in their crimes , should be punished for them ; that god desired all would come into the right way , and had given them good precepts for to follow , but that there was no necessity that might force either the one , or the other , it depending upon each mans will , either to damn himself , or to be saved . in the heat of the disputes , and in several writings , the arminians accused the gomarists of making god the cause of mens sins , and maintained that by a sort of destiny , they made souls immovable , being submitted to the irrevocable fatality of eternal life or damnation . the gomarists on the other side , blamed the arminians for blowing up mens minds with so great an arrogance , as to think they could possess the greatest of treasures , which is a soul well constituted , without being beholding to god alone for it , but to the merits of their own good works . these opinions were defended with so much heat and positiveness , that i have heard daniel tilenus ( a famous arminian , native of gaulsberg in silesia , who had been driven from sedan , by the ministers of a contrary opinion , and who died at paris in an extream old age ) often say , he had much rather embrace the opinion of mahomet than that of calvin ; alledging that the turks believed in god , whereas the calvinists did not , forasmuch as the principal attribute of god was to be infinitely good and merciful ; that the turks acknowledged a god of such a nature , but that the calvinists framed one that was cruel , pittiless , and that damned his own creatures with a set deliberation . upon the mention of tilenus i shall add , that he disputed against cardinal perron , and that the conference which they had together was printed ; and that tho he was a german , and upon the frontiers of poland , yet there was no person in france , who writ in our language with more elegancy and neatness , which i am certified of from my father , who received a thousand letters from him , and who was a competent judge in this matter , as being himself esteemed to have had one of the best pens of the age ; he lived in the same country of silesia , which has likewise produced monsieur de borstell , who had the same talent at writing , and was so much esteemed by madam des loges , and immortalized in the letters of monsieur balza●… . the states general being often assembled to remedy these disorders which daily happened in all their cities , by reason of these divisions upon the account of religion , it was the advise of monsieur barnevelt , that all ministers , and professors of divinity , should be prohibited to speak concerning grace , and predestination , either in the pulpit or the universities ; that all printers likewise should be forbid to publish any books upon this subject ; that both parties should live together in brotherly union , without scandalously dividing the church ; that this doctrine was so subtle , and so incomprehensible to the common people , that the whole country would be at rest and easie , as soon as nothing more should be spoke concerning it : that there remained a field large enough for the ministers to comfort and instruct their flocks , by exhorting them to the practice of gods commandments and christian vertues , by explaining to them the old and new testament , which leads mens minds to nothing more than peace and charity : in short , he added that the book of predestination was a book so difficult and obscure , that the greatest doctors could not see a letter in it , and that the very angels had much ado to comprehend it . this council was so wise and prudent that at the same time it was followed by the french king , who seeing his kingdom disturbed with the same questions , and threatned with a dangerous schism , by the disputes and frequent writings of the iesuits , and such as were called iansenists ; imposed a perpetual silence to all these writers . but prince maurice and his dependants opposed themselves to the sentiments of monsieur barnevelt and his party , as esteeming them to lye under a suspition of holding correspondence with the roman catholicks and the spaniards , and that by this means they would bring back popery into the united provinces , which was the only thing that could ruine that republick , and francis aersens being a bold man that could write and speak fluently , he was ordered to make use of his pen upon this occasion . there were several papers published at this time , among which , one was called praevia detectio , another dissertatio necessaria , a third hispanici concilii artes : and whereas monsieur barnevelts party had commended his wisdom and the pains he had taken for the good of his country , and the counsels he had given so much for its advantage ; so monsieur aersens by these writings accused him openly of being in league with the papists , and corrupted by the spaniards to ruine the true religion , and bring his country back again into slavery . monsieur barnevelt answered aersens , with a very large apology , wherein all his long services for the good of the state were represented to the sull ; but this gained no ground upon those who were affected to prince maurice , who had the power in his hands , and the soldiers all depending upon him , and then the common people could not but follow him , as having no reason to think he could have any design to their prejudice , who had so long exposed himself to a great many dangers in the defence of their liberties . monsieur de barnevelt seeing himself thus attacqued , complained to the states of holland , as his judges and natural lords , who took him into their protection by an authentic act ; but he having counselled those of utrecht to preserve their new garrison which they had levied for their particular safety , upon their own charges , affirming they might do it by the priviledge of their province ; the states of each country having reserved their rights by the union of utrecht : the prince of orange and his party imputed this action to him as a crime , and made it pass for an attempt against the good of the confederated commonwealth . the prince soon after went to utrecht , assisted by some deputies of the states general , disarmed the new levies , and changed the magistrates , as at leyden , haerlem , amsterdam , and other places ; afterwards he displaced several of the states of holland , and substituted others in their room ; a little while after by an extraordinary order of eight persons under the title of states general , prince maurice caused monsieur barnevelt to be arrested , he was put into the castle of the hague , in the same chamber where admiral mendoza of arragon had heretofore been prisoner ; at the same time monsieur hoguerbeis , a person of merit and known capacity was arrested likewise , with monsieur hugo grotius , pentionary of rotterdam , a man of great learning , and the sieur de leydenberg secretary to the states of utrecht . they were accused of several crimes against the state , amongst others , that they would have laid the whole country in blood , and betray'd it to the spaniards . the prince to secure himself from any hatred that might be drawn upon him in this conjuncture , declared that whatever he acted , was in the name of the states general , as principal conservators of the safety of the republic . the prisoners on the other side remonstrated , that though this was done under the name of the states general , yet that in effect it proceeded only from the power of the prince , who was armed , and followed by the greatest part of the common people ; that the change at present made in the common-wealth was so considerable , that it ought to astonish all those who were true lovers of the laws and liberties of their country . that as for the states general , they had no jurisdiction over the subjects of particular provinces , much less to arrest persons of their quality , who were deprived of their employments without any process , against all justice , and in opposition to the states of holland , who were their only lords and superiors ; that their true crimes were their opposition to the ambitious desires of prince maurice , their obedience to the states of holland , who were their masters , their counsel to some towns to preserve their priviledges , and to arm themselves for their own safeties ; and finally their refusal to give consent to the calling of a general synod , which they thought would cause more mischief than advantage to their country : that they were opprest by their enemies under the title of states general , who are the deputies of provinces , only for the affairs of peace and war , for the receiving proposals from foreign ambassadors , and reporting them to the particular states of each province ; the states general having no other lawful right of intermedling with the affairs of the provinces , each of which are soveraign states , and have time out of mind been masters of the life and fortune of their subjects ; that this was only a specious pretext , by which the neighboring princes , who did not know the true constitution of the provinces , might be hindered from defending them , and to put some sort of colour upon so great an injustice ; they alledged farther for themselves the ancient customs sworn to by the earls of holland , the dukes of burgundy , and charles the 5th , which for several ages had been inviolably observed , and for whose preservation their ancestors had taken arms ; that as for a general or national synod , they could not agree to it , because it would seem , as if the seven provinces were but one nation , contrary to the priviledge of particular provinces , which had always provided for matters of religion in their own bounds , which was so true , that when the states of the 17 provinces , assembled at brussels , having instantly demanded of prince william of orange , that the roman catholic religion might be exercised in his governments , returned answer , that this depended only upon the states of holland and zealand . that they appealed from these judges as incompetent , and visibly suspected of being their enemies , to such judges as were natural and proper to their cause . at the same time prince maurice with the states general , called a national synod in the town of dort , and several divines of foreign countries were invited thither ; in this assembly the opinion of arminius was declared to be heretical , scandalous , and tending to the re establishment of popery in the united provinces , and in pursuance of this decree , utembaugarts , and all the other ministers and doctors suspected to be of that opinion , were dismissed from their cures , and banished the country , and forbid to return under pain of severe punishment . after this , monsieur barnevelt and the other prisoners , were tried before judges nominated by the states general ; these judges condemned monsieur barnevelt to death , upon the 12th of may 1619. my father had several times interceeded for him in the name of the french king , and monsieur de boissise had been twice sent envoy extraordinary into holland , to exhort the states to consult their proper welfare , and treat their prisoners with moderation . pursuant to the sentence , he was executed in the court of the castle at the hague , being 66 years old , where the scaffold was raised against his chamber window , opposite to the prince's apartment , who was said to have beheld this execution from his window by the help of a prospective ; upon which some people made their reflections . prince maurice and the states had less regard to the intercession of france , because the king of england was in their interest , as being perswaded that monsieur barnevelt was none of his friends , and that he had done him a sensible displeasure , by causing the english garrisons to retire from the town of flushing , the brill , and the castle of ramekius ; which the english held for a security of those sums which queen elizabeth had lent to the states general . monsieur barnevelt ( being the chief of a very splendid embassy ) made great instances to the king to recall his forces from their towns ; king iames promised him publickly and solemnly that he would do it , provided they paid the money due to him , thinking he had imposed an impossible condition upon them , considering how the provinces had been exhausted by their taxes ; but monsieur barnevelt having got the kings word , applyed himself with so much diligence to the collecting of the money , and by his credit the people bled so freely , that in a little time these vast sums were carried into england , which king iames , tho' very much surprized at , was obliged to receive , and consequently to recall his garrisons ; and the remembrance of it stuck so close , that he had always a great aversion for monsieur barnevelt . prince maurice had another reason to make him have less regard to the intercession of france , which was because he was not in the least afraid of their resentments ; lewis the 13th was then come out of his minority , and a new favorite was absolute master of affairs , who had more regard to the raising of himself and two brothers , than to meddle with the affairs of other countries , which appeared in the business of the elector palatine , king of bohemia ; for though by reasons of state he should have been maintained , to weaken the house of austria , which at that time was become formidable , and because this elector was one of our principal allies , who might always have so divided germany , as that one of the parties should have assisted us when we had occasion ; yet monsieur de luynes promised the marquess de mirabel , the spanish ambassador , then at paris , to ruin the affairs of the palatinate , upon condition that monsieur de cadenet his brother , should marry mademoiselle de pecquigny and chauln●…s ; one of the most noble , most beautiful , and richest heiresses of her time , who was educated at bruxels , in the family of the infanta isabella . upon these hopes , which were not ill grounded ( for the spaniards had given him their word ) monsieur de luynes sent a splendid embassy into germany , consisting of monsieurs d' angouleme , de bethune , and de chateau-neuf ; who deceived the protestant princes , that were armed for the defence of the palatinate ; for it was concluded by the treaty of ulme , where all the princes of both parties were assembled , to hearken to the propositions of france ; that both catholics and protestants should lay down their arms , and the quarrel be decided by the king of bohemia , and the emperor only . the protestant princes suffered themselves to be abused , and did perform the treaty honestly , so that the marquess of ansbatch , the general of their forces , had orders to disband them ; but the duke of bavaria , and the other catholic princes of the same parties , sent their troops by the danube to the emperor , who overthrew the prince palatine at the battel of prague . after this , monsieur de luynes , having thus sufficiently raised his family , began to consider what might be for the interest of the kingdom , and thereupon councelled the king to weaken the hugonots , who as he told his majesty , had the insolence to make a distinct state within themselves , and had hitherto been held invincible ; hereupon monsieur de luynes seized upon all their important places , except montauban , from saumur to the pyreneans , and after his death , in the year 1622 , pursuant to his maxims montpelier was taken , and at last ( some time after ) cardinal richelieu counselled the king to attack rochel , which he gained , and razed immediately ; and having in that destroyed the principal strength of the hugonot party , their entire ruin soon followed , upon the duke of rohans retreat to venice , who had a long time upheld them by his valor and industry . prince maurice was sufficiently informed of this condition of france , by the dukes of bovillon , and dela trimoille , who had married his sisters ; besides these , he had a great many friends in germany , where several of the soveraign princes were related to him , either by his own side , or his mothers , who was daughter to maurice duke of saxony . the elector palatine was his nephew likewise , and he afterwards was chose king of bohemia , which he accepted , as 't is said , upon the advice of prince maurice , and the persuasions of the princess his lady , though contrary to the counsels of king iames , his father in-law , who thought a young prince was not capable to manage an affair of such importance , and resist the power of the house of austria ; protesting that he would neither succor him with men nor money , except he quitted this design , which would infallibly become his ruin : but the duke of bovillon perswaded the elector palatine to the contrary , as having some power over the young prince , who was his nephew , and had been bred up with him at sedan ; and the duke discovered some ambition to have his nephew a king , when he wrote to some friends at paris , that whilst lewis was making knights at fountainbleau , he was making kings in germany . but this royalty did not continue above 6 months , so that his enemies called him a king of snow , because the single battle of prague , in the beginning of the year 1621 , lost him all bohemia , silesia , lusatia , moravia , with the adjoyning provinces ; and the year following , the spanish forces marching from the low countries , deprived him of the palatinate itself , in which he was not re-established , but by adolphus's descent into germany ; charles duke of lorrain , who died many years after , one of the oldest captains of the age , signalized himself very much at the battle of pragne , where count harcourt was likewise , tho very young . but to return to prince maurice ; france being so apparently inclined to the interests of barnevelt's party , its ministers , which were then in holland , used to say , that prince maurice would have pretended to the soveraignty of the united provinces , but that such people , who in the beginning had been hottest against mr. barnevelt , and most devoted to the prince ; yet when they fathom'd his designs became averse to them , notwithstanding their former obligations ; besides the exile , death and imprisonment of persons who had been so considerable in the state , and had likewise a great many friends and dependants , wrought a mighty change in the peoples affections to the prince , which appeared very visibly ; for whereas before when he went through the towns of holland , every body came out of their houses praying for him with extraordinary acclamations ; now , as he was one day going through the market-place at gorcum , which was full of people , there was scarce a single man that pull'd his hat off to him : for the common people were so variable , that the very writings which heretofore had made mr. barnevelt become suspected by them , were now produced as so many motives for their pity and compassion towards him . to this they added , that the assistance which probably he might have hop'd for , from the elector palatine , was since the loss of the battle of prague , no longer to be expected ; and the emperor ferdinand the 2d , having by the happy success of his generals , count tilly , and wallestein , made himself absolute master of all germany , even to the baltick sea , where he established an admiralty at wismar , reduced all the princes , and imperial towns under his obedience ; prince maurice could no longer expect succors from germany , whatever friends he might heretofore have had there . but those who adhered to the interests of prince maurice , and the house of orange , acquitted him of a design so prejudicial to the good of the united provinces , by maintaining that it was a perfect artifice of his enemies , to make him become odious to the people of the low countries ; for said they , what probability was there , that prince maurice ever had it in his thoughts to become soveraign of his country , since after the extirpation of barnevelt and his party , he never made one step towards it , which he might have done , having then no farther obstacles . prince maurice did not long survive a great conspiracy , which the sieur de stautemburg , youngest son of mr. barnevelt , had laid against his life , which being happily discovered some hours before its execution , obliged him to punish a great number of the conspirators , throughout the pincipal towns of holland . the prince was never married , but had several natural children , the most considerable of them all was mousieur de beververt , a man very well made , and very brave , he was governor of bolduc , after whose death the prince of tarentum had that government , and was succeeded by collonel fitz patrick , a scotchman . prince maurice died in the spring of the year 1625 , when the marquess spinola besieged the town of breda . and as some pretended it was for grief that he did not succeed in the soveraignty ; so others said that it was , because he could not relieve that place , which was his own propriety , and had been surprized by him 34 years before . frederick henry . prince of orange . portrait henry frederick of nassau prince of orange , and his posterity . this prince was born the 28th of february 1584. he was of a good mein , and of a strong make , and his parts were as eminent , as his person was agreeable . he was a very great captain , and equall'd the glory of his brother maurice , who taught him the art of war , and lead him into the most dangerous adventures ; and amongst others , at the battle of newport , where though he was very young , he contributed much by his valor to the gaining that great victory in a conjuncture , where the army of the states general had before them a powerful body of men commanded by albert the arch-duke in person , and the sea behind them , so that it was absolutely necessary , either to make themselves conquerors or to perish . when prince maurice died , in the year 1625 , he advised his brother henry frederick his chief heir , to marry madam de solmes ( who was come into holland with the queen of bohemia ) whose beauty and good carriage were accompanied with a great deal of modesty and prudence ; she died a little while ago , being very antient , and her name was amelia , daughter to iohn albert count de solmes . this prince had one son , and four daughters , the eldest of these ladies married frederick william the elector of brandenburg , by whom she had several children . this prince has the greatest territories in all germany , they reaching from the low countries to poland and curland . the 2d daughter henrietta emilia , married the count de nassau . the 3d henrietta catherina , married iohn george prince of anhalt ; and the 4th married the duke of simeren , the youngest son of the house palatine , who died a little while ago . the son was called william , was born in 1626 , and died the 6th of november 1650 , after the business of amsterdam . he was a prince naturally ambitious , and of great courage , so that his enemies reported of him , that though he was so young , yet he aimed at the execution of that design , which had been laid to prince maurice's charge , by barnevelt and his adherents . his sudden death changed the whole face of affairs in the low countries . he had great prospects from his alliance of england , having married princess mary , daughter of charles the first king of great britain , by whom he left prince william henry of nassau ( now king of england , &c. ) who was born the 14th of november 1650 , some days after the death of his father . this young prince william was very remarkable in his infancy , for his reservedness and moderation ; his prudence increased as he grew up , and such people as were nice observers of merit , and took great notice of him , have affirmed , that never prince gave greater hopes than he , even in the most tender years . he suffered with an admirable temper the injuries of barnevelt's party , which revived itself in the persons of the two de-wits , who were brothers ; expecting with a silent patience , which was greater much than that of his ancestor , the great prince william , what time would produce , and what favorable occasions might occur , at last for his re-establishment ; for having by a solemn sentence been deprived of all the employments of his family , after the sudden death of the prince his father ; he was restored to them again , at the beginning of the last war , by an ordinance that was made on purpose for it . his rise and re-establishment were owing to france , which having made great conquests for almost 8 years together ; the greatest part of the frontier towns , and several capital places of the provinces utrecht and zutphen among others , were rendered up at the very sight of their armies , though these places were provided with large garrisons , yet being composed of officers and men without any experience , the king of france became master of more than 40 places , in less than two months . these misfortunes , which seemed to be the presages of greater , and had put the united provinces into the utmost consternation , gave occasion to the people to complain of the ill conduct of the two de wits , who governed till that time ; and furnished those who adhered to the house of nassau with a reasonable pretext to affirm , that the princes of orange were only able to uphold their tottering state , and defend them against their most potent enemies ; and that , as heretofore , they had protected them against the tyranny of spain , so it was they alone who could preserve them from the fury and violence of the french armies . the grand-mother of this young prince , who was a woman of a masculine courage , and suffered the indignities that had been offered to the house of orange with great impatience , having beheld it , in its greatest splendour , was not a little serviceable in stirring up all the creatures and dependants on the house of nassau , who were very numerous ; these people being angry to see themselves fallen from their credit , the principal employments being given to the sons of burgomasters ; and seconded by the fury of the people , that were grown out of all patience at so many disasters , and the sight of a victorious army , through the very bowels of the countrey , massacred the enemies of the young prince , who was afterwards restored to the possession of all the dignities that had belonged to his ancestors , which is to say , that of general of their forces , stadt-holder and admiral , which were moreover by a solemn decree made hereditary to his family . upon this occasion it cannot but be admired , how so powerful a state , that had made head for fourscore years against the crown of spain , had taken such large towns , and gained so many battels , and had become formidable at sea to all the princes of the world , having carried its arms and victory to the farthest part of the earth ; that this state , i say , which had rendred itself so famous by the long defence of ostend , which has equall'd the reputation of the famous sieges of tire , and the ancient troy , should be reduced in less than two months to the very brink of its ruine ; and it had assuredly been destroyed in the year 1672 , if by a desperate resolution it had not resolved to save itself by drowning part of the country ; as a pilot who throws all his cargo overboard , during a furious storm , that so he may preserve his men and vessel . but those who knew the constitution of these provinces , and were not ignorant that discord is the plague and certain destruction of the most flourishing states , were not so much amazed , considering it was more than threescore years since that country had been torn in pieces by two contrary factions , which threatned its subversion without any foreign forces : this gangreen likewise had so seized upon the most noble parts of the united provinces , that in the year 1672 , by a strange fatality and an unaccountable passion , the greatest part of the chief persons in that country , desired the loss of their land army , and the defeat of the prince of orange , whose rise and power they so much envied : for this reason they had not sufficiently provided his army with necessary provisions , whilst they applied their principal cares to increase the fleet , to resist the kings of england and france , who attacked them jointly with a navy of above fourscore men of war. but it is not less surprizing to consider the expedition the french made in this campaign , when as these people for fear of becoming subject to the house of orange , allied to these great monarchs , had committed a considerable fault in their politicks : for after the peace of munster , imagining themselves to be in perfect security , and that they had nothing more to be afraid of , and being acknowledged soveraigns by spain , they might rather give laws than receive them from any body . they disbanded the greatest part of their old forces , that were strangers , and those experienced officers who had gained so great glory to their country , imagining that the surest means of freeing themselves from the slavery which they thought themselves threatened with , was to take from the prince of orange the support of his government , by reforming those troops which looked upon him as their master , having taken an oath to him , and were devoted perfectly to his service . besides the principal men in the country had , as they thought , some interest in this change , for they gave all the commands in the army , and the government of places to their own relations , thinking by the assistance of this souldiery to sortifie themselves , and at the same time to weaken the house of orange ; but they found by sad experience , that endeavoring to avoid one inconvenience , they fell quickly into a greater . for having given the great employments in the army , and government of places to sons of burgomasters , and deputies of towns ; people without any experience , and who wanted tutors for themselves , rather than to be commanders ; when a strong and powerful enemy made war against them , these young men show'd none of their northern courage in this storm and danger , for there were places that were garrisoned with 5000 foot and 800 horse , that rendred themselves all prisoners of war , at the very sight of the french army , without making any resistance . my brother de la villaumaine , who came into france a little before this last war , giving me an account of the state of the army in holland , told me that if a powerful enemy should attack them , the officers must resolve to perish and bear the brunt in their own persons ; having no confidence in the souldiers they commanded , who did not know how to manage their arms ; a prophecy which was since accomplished at the expence of his life ; a little before he told me likewise , that the dutch horse were so ill equipped , that 50 reyters of munster would put to flight two or three hundred dutch troopers , who would fly before these germans as sheep before a wolf. there happened the like inconvenience to the swedes , for having committed the same fault as the hollanders , because after the peace of munster , they likewise disbanded the old troops which had done such great actions , and revived the antient glory of the goths , who had conquered a great part of europe , being so bold as to attack the elector of brandenburg and his old souldiers , with their new levies , that never durst maintain their ground against him , and were always beaten when he could joyn them ; so that if by an extraordinary good fortune they had not had so faithful , and so mighty a protector as the french king , they had quite lost pomerania , and been sent back to their own cold countries beyond the baltick sea : all which shows us that a prince ought always to keep a large body of old troops to defend his state , which without such a support runs the hazard of becoming a prey to the first enemy that shall be bold , and strong enough to attack it . to these two causes of the extremities to which holland was reduced in 1672 , that is to say , to the intestine divisions , and to the disbanding of the old foreign souldiers ; there may a third be likewise added , which was the extraordinary and unheard of drowth that happen'd that year ; for it was so great , that the rhine , one of the greatest rivers in europe , that carries men of war , was so low , that the french troops were able to ford it ; so the country being frightned to see itself attacked both by sea and land , by the powers of france and england united to its ruine , was reduced to the utmost despair , seeing heaven conspire to their destruction , by taking away those ramparts which nature had designed for its preservation . the french army for the reasons before mentioned , had penetrated into the very heart of the country , and 40 places were taken in a small space of time , whereas the state thought they might have found work for 20 years , these people that were a little too haughty in their prosperity , lay then under a terrible consternation ; almost in the same condition as the venetians were heretofore , when king lewis the 12th made himself master of the greatest part of the territories which they had upon the continent . being in this despair , they were constrained to the last remedy , which was to overflow their country , and breaking down their dykes to oppose a sea to the french forces , so hindring them from passing further , they averted the ruine of the commonwealth , which else had assuredly run its period . heretofore seeing themselves reduced to a like extremity , they made use of the same remedy against the spanish army at the siege of leyden , having succoured the place then at the very point of being lost , with an innumerable company of boats , which swum upon the land , which they had overflow'd ; and then the united provinces were reduced to so strange circumstances , and to such a height of despair , that the principal persons amongst them proposed , in imitation of the ancient switzers , to burn all their towns , villages and castles , and to spoyl the country as much as they could , and go on board their ships to settle themselves in the indies , so to be delivered from the spanish tyranny ; but they had not vessels enough to transport a fourth part of the people , and were unwilling to leave the greater number to the mercy of so pityless an enemy : and for a motto of the lamentable condition which this country was then reduced to , they engraved upon the money which they coyned at that time , a vessel without masts and sayls , tost by the waves and storm , with these words , incertum quó fata ferant : words which represented the extremity of their condition . but to return to the prince of orange ; he appeared at the head of an army at 22 years old ; as his great grandfather prince william , who was generalissimo to the emperour charles the v. at the same age ; and throughout the course of this great war , he show'd so much courage and conduct , both in sieges and battels , that he had assuredly pass'd the actions of his illustrious ancestors , who for 200 years serv'd for a model to the greatest generals , if he had not had the misfortune to be born in the age of a king , whose genius and power no common forces could stand against . i do not design to make an exact journal of the actions of his illustrious father prince henry frederick , since they may be learnt from other . histories , but speak of them in general , and relate some certain passages not commonly known . in the year 1626 he took oldensell , capital of the country of tui●…z , in the neighbourhood of friezeland and groninghen : and the same year peter hein , one of his vice-admirals , in the bay of todos los ▪ santos , in the road of st. salvador , took a spanish fleet laden with sugar . in the year 1627 he took grolle , before the face of count henry de bergues , general of a powerful spanish army , that could put no succours into it , nor make the prince raise his siege , he being so well entrenched against the enemies army . at the end of the year 1627 the same peter hein mentioned before , took the spanish silver fleet near the isle of cuba . this prize , without reckoning the galeons and vessels , was esteemed at more than twenty millions ; there were , besides other riches , 356000 marks of silver , and 300000 marks of gold , abundance of pearls , cochinele , jewels , bezoar , musk , ambergreese , 250 chests of sugar , and an infinite number of stuffs , and other merchandizes of great value . this vice-admiral peter hein arrived gloriously in holland in the beginning of the year 1629 , which was remarkable by the conquest of the strong town of bolduc , where by a siege that was very long and difficult , prince henry frederick show'd by his conduct and valour that he could overcome that which had resisted his brother maurice , who had heretofore attacqued that important place without success . but what was more marvellous was , that whilst prince henry frederick lay before the place , count henry de bergues having pass'd the river isell with a great army , ravaged all the country of utrecht , where he seized upon amersfort , and put holland into such a consternation that several people counselled the prince to quit his enterprize upon bolduc , and succor the heart of his country which was made desolate by the enemy ; but he had the constancy to persevere , till he had made himself master of so considerable a town , without being moved by the councels of his chief officers , or the lamentations of the people that had been plundered . at the same time the prince by the vigilance and resolution of otho de guent lord of dieden , governour of emeric , having happily surprized the town of wesel , where was the magazine and artillery of the spanish army ( which obliged count henry de bergues to repass the issel in all the haste imaginable ) he gained by this double conquest the reputation not only of a very brave , but likewise of a very fortunate captain ; a quality so desirable to a general , that scilla the dictator preferred the surname of happy to that of great . in the year 1630 he seized upon the town of olind in brazil , by the conduct of his vice-admirals ; and the same year count iohn de nassau , his cousin , who for some discontent had gone out of the dutch service to that of spain , was defeated near the rhine , and taken by collonel illestein , who was not half so strong ; he was carried prisoner to wesel , from whence he was ransomed for 18000 rix dollers . the year following the same count iohn de nassau , who had gathered together a very strong fleet in hopes to surprize willemstat , he was totally defeated by the hollanders , above 4000 of his men taken prisoners , and the rest either slain or wounded , and the count had much ado to save himself with the prince of brabanzoon . in the same year 1631 , the states general , to gratify the prince of orange , and to testify their acknowledgment for the services which he had continually done his country , gave the reversion of all his offices to his son prince william , and the writings for it were presented to the young prince in a box of gold. in the year 1632 , prince henry after having taken ruremond , venlo and strale , he set about the conquest of maestricht , a place somewhat distant from holland , scituated upon the river meuse , in the confines of brabant , where he provided his ammunition and victuals for the siege with so much prudence , that he had enough to make himself master of the place ; he had surrounded it with a great circumvallation , which the spanish army could not force , no more than another german army , under henry godfry , count of papenheim , a famous captain ; both which were constrained to retire with disgrace , after several efforts that were unsuccessful , and many considerable losses . in the year 1633 the prince besieged and took rhineberg , and the year following the spaniards having besieged the fort of phillipin , which incommoded the town of ghent , the prince of orange made them raise the siege . a little before count henry de bergue , complaining that he was ill used by the spaniards , had quitted their service and retired into holland , upon which he published a manifesto ; and two years after , in the year 1634 , he was condemned as contumacious , to have his head cut off , by the sentence of the court of mechlin . in this place i must tell you how in the year 1628 , after the taking of rochel , the cardinal richelieu , who was absolute governour in france , was mighty desirous to gain the reputation of having destroyed all the retreats of heresie , having an unmeasurable desire of making himself be canoniz'd ; and to arrive at it the more easily he made his confessors say , that he had never committed so much as a venial sin , as i have often heard from mr. lescot de s. quintin , his confessor , whom he made bishop of chartes : as crafty a man as ever came out of picardy , who under the pretence of freedom and apparent simplicity , conceal'd a great deal of subtilty and artifice . the cardinal to gain a reputation among the zealots for the catholic religion , had treated underhand with iohn osmael lord of walkembourg , governour of orange , who seemed discontented with his master , to deliver up the place to him . this man bred up by the family of orange , and intrusted by prince henry with the charge of his soveraignty , was gained by the promise of four hundred thousand livres in ready money , and an estate of twenty thousand livres a year in provence , whither he designed to retire and renounce calvinism , having no other religion besides his interest . but this affair being long in hand , and walkembourg resolving not to render the place till the money was paid down , the prince was so happy as to get some intimation of this treason : he dispatched the sieur knuth , a zealander , a man of resolution , in whom he had an entire confidence , with an express order to dispatch this traytor ; but that he might not cause the least suspicion , he sent him to orange alone , as pretending other business . this knuth with whom i was acquainted , and who was a very bold and dexterous person , having made sure of the principal inhabitants of the town , and of several gentlemen in the principality of orange , watched his opportunity to surprize the governour ; who being one day come down from the castle into the town , with very little company , contrary to his usual custom , he attack'd and killed him in the house of one pyse a scrivener , whether he was retired . afterwards knuth went directly to the castle , where the lieutenant after having levelled the cannon against the town , and being doubtful for some time what he should do , at last received him upon sight of the prince's order , and took a new oath of fidelity to prince . henry frederick of nassau , together with all the garrison ; the prince afterwards sent the baron de dona his brother-in-law to command in the place . this walkembourg had married the daughter of the sieur de bic , treasurer to the states , a lady of great probity and merit , who had used all possible endeavours to alter his pernicious designs . she had the trouble as well as his daughters to see him expire , for he was forced to render himself to knuth , after having been wounded through a chamber-door , where he had for a long time defended himself . i have heard my father relate this story with great indignation , he being a professed enemy to all ingratitude and unfaithfulness : and to shew me and my brothers the horrors of those crimes , he related to us upon this occasion , the treason of bernardine de corte , who delivered up the castle of millan to king lewis the 12th , for a hundred thousand crowns , that had been intrusted to him by duke lodowick sforza his master , by whom he had been bred in the quality of a page , and was at present preferred before all his other subjects to the command of that place , where he had put all that he thought most precious , whilst he was going to seek for succour in germany . he recounted likewise to us such another treason of donat rafagnine , who sold valencia to the same king for fifty thousand crowns ; and remarked to us from guicciardine that these traytors were so look'd on , and detested in the french army , and that shame made them die with discontent . this mr. knuth rendred an important piece of service to his master , who rewarded him with a present , and a pension of two thousand livers a year for his life . no body can imagine but that the prince of orange must bear some ill will to cardinal richelieu , for having endeavoured to take away this soveraignty , which was as dear to him as his eyes ; but he concealed his resentment , as expecting some favourable opportunity of shewing it , which it was not long before it was offered him : for some time after the cardinal having some difference with mary de medicis , the queen mother , who being of the house of austria by the mothers side , was upheld by all the power of spain and germany , he was forced to have recourse to foreign alliances , and to caress those whom he had before despised and offended . this storm which was raising against the cardinal for his destruction as well within as without the kingdom , obliged him to seek the friendship of the prince of orange , who tho he had not the title of soveraign , disposed of all things belonging to the united provinces . there was a treaty concluded between france and the states general , by which they were to attack the spaniards , and to divide the conquest of the low countries , which they had already devoured in their imaginations ; the prince of orange was to enter holland with the dutch army , and france was to joyn him with thirty thousand men , and the french generals had orders from the king to obey the prince of orange ; so much it seems at that time they thought him necessary to their affairs . in short , the spring following the year 1635 , the french army under the command of the marshals chatillon and breze enter'd the low countries , and defeated the spanish forces at avein commanded by prince thomas of savoy , who afterwards took the name of prince of carignon ; all the baggage and cannon remained in the possession of the french , with abundance of prisoners , several of which that were of the best quality were carried to maestricht : these generals after this victory joined the prince of orange , and sacked part of brabant , but the prince who did not love the neighbourhood of the french better than that of the spaniard , and had still the remembrance of the affair at orange very fresh in his mind , for want of victuals and subsistence ruin'd the french army that had been so victorious : which being retired into holland after raising the siege of lovain , under pretence of the approach of picolomini with a german army , the greater part of it perished there with hunger and sickness ; the sixth part of it never returning back again into their own kingdom . the prince of orange looked upon cardinal richelieu as an enemy , that was reconcil'd to him only out of the necessity that he had for him in his present circumstances , and for this reason he under-hand did him all the displeasure , and gave him all the mortification that he could possibly ; granting a favourable reception to such as had been disgrac'd by him in france ; honouring them with his confidence and considerable imployments ; as amongst others it appeared by mr. hauterive and mr. beringhen , whom he respected not only in spight of the cardinal , but because they deserved it ; and cardinal richelieu as powerful as he was , was forced to swallow those pills , having necessary occasion for holland to make some diversions , which conduced to the good of his other affairs ; this made the cardinal know , that it was not good to offend people of courage , and being a very great politician , he could dissemble so far as not to be angry at this ill treatment ; so he continued to seek the prince of orange's friendship , and it was agreed that each should attack the common enemy from his own side ; he maintained a faithful and perfect correspondence with the french ; and the prince who was sufficiently revenged , and drew great advantages from his alliance with france , executed the treaties he had made with great sincerity . the same year in which happened the battle of avein , and the siege of louvain , the spaniards surprized the fort of skink , by means of lieutenant collonel enhold , who made himself master of it by a party of the garrison of guelders , whom he made use of to execute so bold an enterprize . the sieur veld the governour being waked with the noise of the attack , and rising in his shirt , had his arm immediately broken , and being in despair to see himself surprized , would not render himself prisoner , whatever offers of quarter they could make him , still defending himself till he was overwhelm'd with blows . the father of this enhold had been beheaded at the hague for some crime , and the son to revenge the death of his father , quitted the dutch service , and put himself under the spaniard ; which happened very luckily for him , for by the surprize of so important a place , beside the inward satisfaction which he had , to cause so great a loss to the states , the cardinal infant ferdinand of austria being newly arrived in the low countries , where he had the soveraign command presented him , for so bold and happy an action , with a chain of gold of great value , and gave him the summ of fifty thousand livres . but prince henry was so set upon the regaining of this place , that he gave the spaniards free entrance into the countries of guelders and utrecht ; having besieged it in the month of august 1635 , he re-took it in april 1636 , by a siege of six months . in the year 1637 , cardinal richelieu , to oblige the prince of orange , gave him the title of highness , in a discourse made on purpose by monsieur de charnasse , ambassadour of france to holland , in the name of his majesty ; and at an assembly of the states general , which was soon after printed : in which he was followed by the ambassadors of all other princes , who before had used no other title but that of excellence . in the same year 1637 , prince henry , by a siege of four months , re-took the town and castle of breda , which the marquis ambrose spinola had conquered in the year 1625 , by a long blockade of a whole year , with incredible expences ; although this place was defended by france , england and denmark ; so the marquis put over one of the gates of the town , that he had carry'd it , tribus regibus frustra renitentibus , notwithstanding the resistance of three kings . it was at this last siege of breda that monsieur de charnasse was killed ; for though he was ambassadour of france , yet he would serve at the head of his regiment , which he had in the low countries ; hoping to become a mareschal of france , by the favour of the mareschal de breze , whose aunt he had married , and who had gained him his employments . in the year 1639 the hollanders gained a considerable victory at sea over the spaniards , the fleet of don antonio doquendo , consisting of 67 men of war , that had been equipping so long in spain ; joyned to some vessels from dunkirk , who were considerable in that time , came for some great design , ( which none yet have ever penetrated ) were stopped in st. george's channel by the renowned admiral martin erpez tromp , with only-twelve ships ; but being afterwards reinforced with ninety men of war , and several fire-ships ; that came from diverse places , he encompassed the spanish fleet , ( that had put itself into the downes , near the fleet of the king of great britain , as thinking itself to be there in safety ) ; and then attacqued it with so great resolution , that after a long combat , where abundance of persons of france , england , and the low countries , ran from all parts to see from the shore so extraordinary a spectacle : the greatest part of so powerful a fleet was burnt , destroyed , or separated ; and those which escaped put themselves under the covert of some english vessels ; and so retreated into the river of thames , or some port in flanders . the spaniards lost above 7000 men , that were burnt , or drowned , besides 2000 who were made prisoners by the hollanders . this victory was very great and memorable , for there were 40 large vessels sunk , burnt , or taken ; and amongst others the great galeon of portugal , called mater tereza was burnt , which was 62 foot broad , and had 800 men on board , who all perished . this tromp was the father of count tromp , who was engaged in the king of denmark's service , and gained great advantages over the swedes . in the year 1641 , prince henry frederick married his only son prince william , to the princess mary of england , eldest daughter to charles i. king of great britain , and madam henrietta of france ; and this marriage was celebrated with a great deal of pomp and magnificence . the year 1645 was remarkable for the taking of the important town of hulsh in flanders , which was carried in spite of the spaniards , who could neither put succors into it , nor make prince henry raise the siege . this prince during the space of two and twenty years that he had the government in his hands , was remarkable for his wife and moderate conduct . because the princess louise de coligny his mother , had maintained barnevelt's party , some people thought that the prince following his mothers inclinations , would re-establish that party , and recall such of them as had been banished , and among others mr grotius : but this prince , like a good politician , thought it better to let things continue in the posture he found them in , than to embroil'em afresh , by bringing a prevailing party upon his back : i have seen mr. grotius in a great passion upon this occasion , and he has spoke very ill of the prince , accusing him of ingratitude , and of having no respect for those who had been friends to his mother . prince henry was very rich ; but instead of finding any support from england , he was forc'd to help king charles in his necessity , with all his ready money : the greatest part of which has been repaid by the king of england , since his restauration , to his nephew the prince of orange . henry frederick died the 14th of march 1647 , and was buried with a great deal of state. besides his children that we have mentioned before , he left a natural son , remarkable for his valor , his name was mr. zulestein , collonel of the dutch infantry , who died at the attack of vorden . prince william of orange , laid the foundation of the commonwealth of the united provinces , and was their first founder ; his eldest son maurice secured and established this commonwealth by his victories , which forced the spaniards in the treaty of truce for 12 years to acknowledge the united provinces for a free state ; and henry frederick brother to maurice , and grandfather to the present king of england , by the continuation of his conquests , at last forced the spaniards to renounce entirely the right which they had pretended to that country ; so that we may say with reason and justice , that this illustrious father , and his two generous sons , who have imitated his vertues , are the founders of this commonwealth , which sends ambassadors that are covered before the most powerful kings in christendom , even before the king of spain himself , whose vassals they were about 100 years ago . henry frederick had for his devise this word , patriaeque patrique intimating thereby , that he thought of nothing but serving his country , and revenging the death of his father . william ii ; prince of orange . portrait the life of william ii. prince of orange . this prince was born in the year 1626 , the states general were his godfathers , and by the appointment of his father was called william , after the name of his illustrious grandfather . in the year 1630 this young prince was declared general of the cavalry of the low countries , and the year following the states granted him the survivorship of the government of their province . he was no sooner of age to bear arms , but he followed his father to the army , and was present at the siege of breda , giving great proofs of his courage , though but 13 years old . immediately upon the death of his father frederick henry , he took the oath of fidelity to the states , for the government , of which they had granted him the reversion . all europe was in a profound peace upon conclusion of the treaty at munster , which was done the next year after prince henry's death . the states considering the vast debts they had contracted by the extraordinary expences they had been obliged to make , resolved to retrench all unnecessary ones ; having a great number of troops in their pay that were of no use now the war was at an end , they proposed to disband a considerable part of them . william the second , who had succeeded in all the places of the prince his father , and knowing very well that nothing but the army could support the credit of the places he was possessed of , made a strong opposition to this design of the states general : he represented that it was against all the rules of policy to disband troops who had been so faithful to the provinces , and that france or spain might make use of this opportunity to fall upon their common-wealth , in a time when they could not be in a condition to defend themselves . the states , who were already resolved to break 120 companies ; to make some sort of satisfaction to the prince , offered to continue the ordinary pay to the disbanded officers : the prince agreed to this proposal ; but the province of guelders and the city of amsterdam opposed and protested against it for several reasons . they who were in the prince's interests , advised him to visit the principal cities of the netherlands , to perswade the magistrates to take a resolution of leaving not only the officers , but the troops in the same condition they were in before the war , that they might be in a readiness to serve where-ever there was occasion . pursuant to this advice , the prince having sent for the principal collonels of the army , went in person to four or fivecities of holland ; the burghers of amsterdam , who were well assured that the prince would visit them too , and apprehending his presence would cross the resolutions they had taken ; desired him by their deputies to put off his intended journey to this city , for several reasons which they gave him : haerlem , medemblic , and several other places followed the example of amsterdam . the proceedings of these cities was so considerable an affliction to the prince , and incensed him so much , that in a meeting of the states general , he resented it with inexpressible concern : he endeavoured to insinuate to them by a great number of reasons , that the affront they had put upon him , in refusing to give him audience , was designed only to lessen his authority ; that nothing but a publick satisfaction would make him amends for this affront ; which he demanded earnestly of the states . the deputies of amsterdam , and other cities , answered this remonstrance by a long manifesto , wherein they alledged the reasons that induced them to make the prince that request ; this touched him to the quick , and made him continue more obstinate against disbanding the souldiers ; and transported him so much , that he arrested six of the principal magistrates , and sent them prisoners immediately after into the castle of lovestein . this violent proceeding of the prince alarm'd all holland . the people were generally apprehensive that he aspired to the soveraignty of the united provinces , and that he opposed the disbanding the troops for no other reason . all europe said something , and tho probably the prince had no such design , the attempt that he made upon amsterdam , confirmed the suspicions all men had entertained of him , that he was too arrogant to obey the orders of a popular government : but those who judge impartially of this action , are of opinion , that he never aim'd at making himself king , and that he had no other prospect in besieging amsterdam , but to revenge some private affronts , and support his authority and credit by humbling such a powerful city . whatever his reasons were , he resolved to besiege it , and actually perform'd it on the 30th of iuly , 1650 ; he narrowly miss'd of surprizing it , for the citizens had not the least apprehension of such a design . the troops appointed for this enterprize put their orders so punctually in execution , and met so exactly at their rendezvous , that the city must unavoidably have fallen into the prince's hands , but for the hamburgh courier who passed through the prince's army without being perceived , and gave timely notice of it to the magistrates . the city immediately took the alarm , the council of thirty six met , the burghers run to their arms , the bridges were drawn up , the cannon mounted upon the ramparts , and the city put in a posture of defence ; deputies were dispatched to the prince with proposals which took up all the next day , which was done to gain time for the opening of their sluces . the prince seeing all the country under water , and the impossibility of continuing a long siege , and the firm resolution of the burghers , hearkened to a treaty of accommodation , which was concluded three days after ; very much to his advantage . the prince was sensible the states would resent this attempt , and the better to make his peace with them , he released the prisoners out of the castle of lovestein , upon condition that they should be for ever unqualified for any public employments or places , and at the same time presented a memorial to the states with a particular account of the motives he had to form this siege . the states sent it back without opening it , assuring him that there needed no justification , since the difference had been so soon adjusted . about a month after the prince assisted at a particular assembly in the dutchy of guelders , where by his prudence and good conduct he entirely quieted all the jealousies they had entertained of him . he returned to the hague about the beginning of november , and went to bed very weary with his journey . he had been observed to be melancholy ever since the miscarriage of his design upon amsterdam , for which reason the court was not alarm'd with this little indisposition . he was let blood the next day , and the day after the small pox appeared , and proved so violent , that the physicians believed him in danger ; he died the 6th day , in the twenty fourth year of his age , on the 6th of november , 1650. there wanted but three things to make his memory immortal , viz. the continuation of the war , which he passionately desired , a longer life , and a little more deference to the state , whom he treated with too much authority ; for he was master of a great many good qualities , and eminently possessed the advantages of body and mind . he was a great general , and would have been as renowned for all civil and military vertues , as the heroes of his family . he had a vast comprehensive genius , and learned in his youth the mathematics , and spoke english , french , italian , spanish , and high dutch , as readily and fluently as his mother tongue . he was buried at delf in the magnificent tomb of the princes of orange in great state . he married mary stuart , eldest daughter to charles i. king of great britain . an illustrious birth , interest of state , and glory , are the three ordinary motives which sway princes in the choice of their alliances , and all three concur in the making this match ; for the glory of the immortal actions of his father frederick were spread over all europe . william his son had given a thousand proofs that he did not degenerate from the valour and vertue of his ancestors ? and the family of nassau , had given five electors to cologne and ments , and an emperor to germany . the proposals were no sooner made , but they were accepted , and the marriage was celebrated at london with great magnificence . from this marriage was born william iii. whose history we are now entring upon . william iii. king of england . prince of orange etc. portrait the history of william iii. prince of orange , and king of great britain . out of the french by mr. brown. the sudden and unexpected death of william ii. ( who died in the 24th year of his age ) threw the court and friends of the house of nassau into such a consternation as is not easie to be exprest . but to moderate their grief , the princess royal within eight days after was delivered of william henry , a prince in whom the valour and all the other qualities of his glorious ancestors revived ; and who may justly be stiled the restorer of that flourishing republick , whereof his fathers were the architects and founders . * he was born on the fourteenth of november , 1650 , and had for his godfathers , the states of holland and of zealand , the cities of delf , leiden , and amsterdam . as it was his misfortune to be born at a calamitous conjuncture , when his enemies were furnished with a plausible pretence to deprive him of those dignities which his ancestors had enjoy'd ; the states general finding themselves now at liberty , by the death of william ii. and concluding from the enterprize of amsterdam what they might expect from a single governour , resolved to remedy all inconveniences that might for the future happen upon this occasion , and so appointed a general assembly to meet at the hague . this assembly began on the eighteenth of ianuary 1651 , and did not end till the month of august the same year . in the first session it was resolved , that since the country was now without a governour , by the death of the prince , the choice of all officers and magistrates for the time to come should be in the disposal of the cities ; and that not only the ordinary souldiers , but even the guards of the deceased prince should take an oath of fidelity to the states of holland . this was unanimously carry'd , notwithstanding all the representations made by the princess his mother , who ineffectually labored to preserve him in those offices which her husband possessed , and before him the other princes of orange : the royal family of great britain , from whom principally she could expect any assistance , being at that time under an eclipse through the wicked machinations of those execrable parricides , who after they had barbarously murder'd their lawful soveraing king charles i. of blessed memory , by a train of hypocrisy and other villanies peculiar to their party . shared the soveraignty between themselves . our prince , who like hercules was to encounter snakes in his cradle , suffer'd a great deal from the intreagues and contrivances of barnevelt's party , now re-established in the persons of the messieurs de witt. but he bore all with incredible moderation , still waiting for a favorable opportunity to be restor'd to those dignities and great employments he had been deprived of by a publick decree , obtained by a predominant faction , immediately after the death of his father . it must be confessed that france in some measure contributed to his re-establishment , altho without the least design to favour the prince . heaven so ordering it that that mighty monarch should ravage and almost destroy this flourishing republic , to convince the world at the same time that only the family of the founders of this republic was capable to repair its ruines , and restore it to its former grandeur . the reader can scarce imagine with what a prodigions torrent the king of france over-ran and surprized all the united provinces , obliging the greatest part of the frontier towns and other capital cities to surrender themselves . amongst the rest , utrecht and zutphen open'd their gates at the first approach of the enemy ; for altho there were large garrisons in both those places , yet being composed of burghers , and commanded by officers of little or no experience , they were frighted at the sight of a well disciplin'd , couragious army , that knew how to make the best advantage of the victory , and the fright they had put their enemies in . these calamities , which had been foreseen long before by some of the most prudent persons of these provinces , as they occasioned a general consternation , so they gave the people subject to complain of the ill conduct of the mrs de wit , who at that time had all the authority of the government in their hands ; and by this means furnished the friends of the house of nassau with a favourable opportunity to speak their thoughts upon what passed at that time : which they did by way of advice to the people , giving them to understand that the princes of orange were probably the only persons that were able to support their tottering state , and to defend them against their most puissant enemies : adding that as these illustrious princes had formerly deliver'd them from the tyranny of the spaniards , so they alone could stop the fury and career of the french. the princess dowager , grand mother to his highness , a lady of incomparable prudence and of a courage above her sex , did not contribute a little by her address to awaken those persons that were in her interests , and who were not inconsiderable for their number : these at last not being able to see themselves any longer despised , or that all the great offices of state shou'd be thrown away upon persons that were not worthy of them ; and at the same time making use of the fury of the people , who justly alarm'd to see a victorious army in the bowels of their country , spoke of nothing but sacrificing the de witts , managed their affairs so dexterousl●… that they attained their designs : for after the prince had made a journey towards the beginning of the year 1672 to visit the fortifications of some places , the states of holland and west-frizeland being assembled , it was unanimously agreed , that he should be chose general of their army , which was notified next day to the states general ; and on the 24th of february the prince having accepted their offer , took the oaths before them with the accustomed ceremonies . it is very remarkable that the peasants of west-frizeland , who make excellent souldiers , wou'd not take up arms but with this condition , that they should swear to be true to the republic , and to obey the states and his highness the prince of orange . the immoderate ambition of some persons had formerly occasion'd two fatal factions , who to fortify their own particular interests weakned the nerves of the public security : which made those who had the greatest credit with the people commit the greatest solecism's in matter of policy that any party can be guilty of . for these short-sighted statesmen imagining that after the peace of munster , there was nothing left them to fear , and that no body cou'd hurt them in their pretensions , but the too great power of the house of nassau , by reason of its alliances with france , and particularly with england , they casheer'd their troops composed of old soldiers , and experienced captains , who had preserved the country , but were looked upon to be intirely devoted to the prince of orange ; and at the same time gave the greatest posts in their army and in their garrisons to the sons of burgher masters and deputies of cities , people who however brave they might be in their own persons , were for the most part of little or no experience , as having never seen a battle , and this was the reason that when they came to be surprized by a vigorous enemy , whole cities , altho they had in garrison five thousand foot , and eight hundred horse , surrendred at discretion , without discharging one gun , at the first sight and appearance of the enemy . thus faction and interest , that are commonly the destruction of the most flourishing kingdoms , having reduced the states general to the brink of despair , they were constrained to have recourse to their last asylum , the prince of orange , in order to avoid their approaching ruine ; and to place the little hope that was remaining , in the hands of one person . whom the prevailing party had formerly rejected with a great deal of ingratitude , and who indeed did not deserve such a hard destiny : for , in fine , children ought not to be responsible for the actions of their fathers , when they have by no means justified them . the prince had no sooner accepted the high charge of general of the armies , which was presented to him from the part of the states by monsieur de beverning , iohn de wit , and gaspar fagel , but he immediately repaired to the army , which was then posted near nieu rop ; where all he cou●…d do against the united forces of the french , commanded by the king in person , was to keep his post . and this he performed with so much conduct , that the enemy , as powerful as he was , cou'd have no advantage over him on that side . on the other hand , thinking to force the prince out of his retrenchments , they were forced to retire with loss , and to abandon their works . all this while the frontier towns and garrisons in the province of holland sell every day into the hands of the enemy , which made the people complain openly , and distrust the fidelity of those that governed . the inhabitants of dort were the first that rose ; and sent one of their captains to the magistrates , to know whether they were resolved to defend the city , or to sit still . the magistrates answered that they were ready to resist the efforts of those that should attaque them , and to do all that could be expected from them ; the people demanded at the same time to see the magazines . but the keys being missing , this put the mobb into so great a serment , that there were a thousand voices crying out at the same time , that there was treachery in the case ; that they would have the prince of orange to be their head and governour ; threatning to murder the magistrates upon the spot , if they did not immediately comply with their demands . these menaces so terribly alarmed the magistrates , that they dispatched commissioners that very moment to his highness , desiring him to come to their city with all possible haste , to prevent by his presence the insurrection of the people . the prince alledged several reasons to them , to convince them how dangerous it was for him to leave the army ; but all was to no purpose : they persisted still in their demand , till at last the prince resolved to grant what they desired . being therefore with great solemnity conducted to the town-hall , they intreated him to signify his pleasure to them . to which his highness answered , that it belonged to them to make proposals to him , since they were the occasion of his coming . after some demur they requested him , that for the satisfaction of the people , he would be pleased to visit the fortifications and magazines of the city , without taking the least notice of making him stadt-holder ; to which the prince freely consented , and to that effect made the tour of the town immediately . but at his return , the people suspecting that the magistrates had deceived them , as well as they had done the prince , flocked in great multitudes about his coach , and boldly asked him , but with a great deal of respect for his person , whether the magistrates had made him their governour or no ? his highness having modestly answered , that he was content with the honour they had already done him , and that he had as much as he cou'd desire ; they unanimously declared , that they wou'd not lay down their arms till they had chose him stadt-holder . so that at last , the magistrates , terrified with the menaces of the people , and not knowing what other measures to take in so critical a juncture , were not without some repugnance , constrained to accomplish what they had before only done by halves : so difficult a matter it is for men to lay aside a settled hatred and aversion , that has once taken root in their hearts . upon this they passed an ordinance to abolish the perpetual edict ; which the prince refused to own , unless they would absolve him of the oath he had taken , when he accepted the charge only of captain general , which they gave him likewise by this ordinance . so they immediately made another act , which was read in the great hall by the secretary , by which the magistrates declared his highness the prince of orange to be stadt-holder , captain , and admiral general of all their forces , as well by sea as by land ; and gave him all the power , dignity , and authority which his ancestors , of glorious memory , had enjoy'd . after this the whole city rang with acclamations of an universal joy , and the arms of the house of orange were immediately placed upon the towers , and ramparts . only cornelius de wit , an ancient burghermaster , coming from the fleet sick and indisposed , said he wou'd never sign the act , whatever instances were made him to do it . he was pressed after an extraordinary manner not to refuse the signing of it , but neither the perswasions of the chief men of the city , nor the threatnings of the people , who were ready to plunder his house , nor the tears of his wife , who was sensible of the great danger he was in , cou'd prevail with him to alter his resolutions . nay , it went so far , that his wife threatned to show her self at the window , and declare her own innocence and that of her children , and to abandon him to the fury of the populace ; but all this made no impression upon him . dort was not the only place that rose up after this manner : all the cities of holland and zealand , where the burghers took notice of the ill conduct of their magistrates , did almost the same thing . so that upon a report made by the deputies of the respective cities , the states of holland , zealand and friesland , did not only confirm what had been done by the city of dort , but in a full assembly of the states , they presented his highness with some publick acts , by which the prince was absolved from his first oath of captain general , and at the same time was invested with the dignity of stadt-holder , together with all the rights , jurisdictions and priviledges heretofore granted to his predecessors . in conse●…ence of which his highness the very same day , in the hall of audience , took the place of stadt-holder , captain , and admiral general of the united provinces , with the usual ceremonies ; and afterwards returned to the army , that was encamped at bodegrave . from this very moment , as if the re-establishment of the prince had inspired the people with new courage , a body of five thousand french were twice repulsed before ardemburgh ; and without counting those that were killed upon the place , were forced to leave five hundred prisoners behind them , amongst which were several officers , and persons of quality ; and all this effected by the extraordinary bravery of no more than two hundred burghers . 't is true , that the women and boys assisted them , no body being spared upon this occasion ; which will be an everlasting disgrace to france , that looked upon the city as good as in their own possession . the burghers of groningen did not defend themselves with less courage and good fortune against the bishop of munster , than those of ardemburgh had done against the king of france . for that bishop having besieg'd this city with an army of twenty five or thirty thousand men , he was obliged to raise the siege , with the loss of almost half his souldiers , after he had been at a prodigious expence in buying all sorts of ammunition and inst●…ments of war , necessary to make himself master of that important place . in the midst of this extraordinary zeal the people show'd for the prince , an accident happen'd that served to confirm him more effectually in their affection , and occasioned the death of two of his greatest enemies . for a chyrurgion having accused cornelius de wit , bailiff of putten , with having secretly proposed to him to poison or kill the prince of orange ; after examination of the matter the baoliff was apprehended and put in prison , and altho he denied what was laid to his charge by throwing back the same crime upon his accuser , in order to justifie himself to the prince and people , nevertheless being confronted with the chyrurgeon , who still persisted in his accusation , which he confirmed by a promise that he said the bailiff had made him of 300000 franks for a recompence , and of six ducatoons which he had given him in hand , and by several other circumstances , usual in affairs of this nature : the court of holland , after they had maturely considered the report made by the advocate general , condemned cornelius to be divested of all his dignities and employments , and to be perpetually banished out of the territories of holland and friezeland . but the people seeing the states had pushed on the matter so far , and imagining that a criminal who was treated with so much severity , wou'd have received a greater punishment if the judges had not favoured him , began to murmur at the sentence , as too mild and gentle ; and immediately ran towards the prison with weapons in their hands . it hapned at this moment that iohn de wit came in his coach to take his brother out of prison , when one of the burghers dropping these words amongst the people ; now the two traytors are together , and it is our fault if they scape us . this was enough to animate the mobb who were heated enough before : but another thing happen'd , that helped to exasperate them more ; which was , that whilst the people were waiting for the coming out of the two brothers , some body or other had maliciously spread a report , that above a thousand peasants and fishermen were marching towards the hague to plunder it . upon which another burgher saying , come along gentlemen , let us make these traytors come out ; follow me and i will show you the way . these words inflamed them to the highest degree , so they immediately burnt the prison-gates , drew out the two brothers by main violence , dragg'd them about the streets , murder'd them , and cut them to pieces , crying aloud , behold the traytors that have betray'd their country . thus fell cornelius and iohn de witt , two sworn enemies of the house of orange . 't is commonly pretended that iohn was author of these politic resolutions , viz. the exclusion of his royal highness from all his offices , of the perpetual edict , and of the qualities requisite for a stadt-holder . min heer fagel succeeded the pensioner in his place , the prince of orange having approved his election . the elector of brandenburgh writ a letter to the states in favour of the prince , telling them that since he heard his r. highness was re-established in the dignities of his ancestors , he did not doubt but heaven would prosper a resolution so advantageous to the public , especially since he knew the prince inherited all the vertues of his glorious predecessors ; protesting besides that he found himself obliged since his elevation , to contribute all that lay in his power to assist the prince , to recover and preserve what his ancestors had acquired at the expence of their own blood , with so much reputation to themselves . about this time the prince being resolved to dislodge the advanced guards of the french , made a detachment of horse and foot , and with them gives an alarm to the enemy , whom he chased as far as their trenches before utrecht , disheartened with the loss of their own men before cronemburgh . while both parties were thus busied in the feild there was great changing of the magistrates in most of the cities , to the great satisfaction of the inhabitants , who now hoped to see their country enjoy its ancient tranquillity . his highness not being any longer able to suffer the corruption of military discipline , which had been so fatal to the republic in general , ordered several officers to be punished for their cowardice and treachery . but nothing touched him so sensibly as to see the season almost past without any considerable action , which made him resolve to attack narden . for this purpose he commands coll. zulestein and count horn to advance ; the first to take his quarters between utrecht and narden , and the other to intrench himself at polanen , on the mill side . his highness intrenched on that part near bodegrave with four regiments , the duke of luxemburgh made all imaginable haste to relieve the besieged , and with about eight or nine thousand men fell upon the quarter of coll. zulestein , but was repulsed with loss , and forced to retire . the town was afterwards batter'd in a very furious manner , and reduced to such extremities that they sent deputies to capitulate . but in this interval the duke of luxemburgh having received a new reinforcement , marched by a way full of water , by the help of some peasants , who served him as guides ; he once more attacqued , when they least expected him , the very same quarters of coll. zulestein , from whence he had been beaten the night before ; and after a bloody resolute dispute , wherein the collonel was slain , ( having refused quarter , ) the duke at last threw three thousand men , by way of relief , into the town : nevertheless he was repulsed the second time by count horn , and forced to leave his prisoners behind him . of the french there were 2000 killed , and fifty officers who dyed of their wounds within 5 days after the engagement , without reckoning those that lost their arms and legs upon this occasion : which caused so great a consternation amongst the french that were at utrecht , that after this time the officers drew lots , when they were go out in any parties against the prince of orange . of the hollanders were slain six or seven hundred men , besides coll. zulestein , and a lieutenant collonel . his highness seeing the city had received so considerable a relief , retired to his own quarters , with the honor of a compleat victory , and raised the seige without the least loss , having defeated almost five entire regiments , the greatest part of their officers being either slain or mortally wounded , and having twice repulsed an old general , who had never succeeded in his design had it not been for the perfidiousness of the peasants . after the unsuccessful attempt upon narden , his highness assembled a council of war , at which the principal officers of the army assisted , and having commanded the horse that were quartered at helden to hinder the english merchandise from being transported from rotterdam to brabant , he marched himself to rosendael , which was the place of the general randezvous , from whence with an army composed of twenty four thousand horse and foot , he took his march directly to the country of liege . at his approach the count de duras , who was at moseyk , retired with his army to vassemburgh , and higher towards the river roer . 't was believed that his highness's principal design was to chase the french from their quarters near the meuse , and give battle to the count de duras , who commanded the enemy's troops , in case he found a favorable opportunity to do it . to effect this , having passed his army upon a bridge of boats near navagne , and joyned the auxiliaries which came to him from spain , he marched directly to tongres , and invested it on all sides with the spanish cavalry and his own . he had no sooner done this , but news was brought him that the count de duras had decamped , upon which repassing the meuse between sittart and maseik , he encamped near ainsberg , where he continued two days , to see if he cou'd engage the count to give him battle , but the river which was swell'd with the late rains not favouring his design , he returned the same way to mastricht ; from whence he detach'd a party of horse and foot to possess themselves of the castle of valcheron . this castle was strongly fortified , but after some resistance surrendred at discretion . they found in it great quantity of hay and corn , and other provisions . after this his highness marched to lewick , hoping to engage the enemy , but the count had retired in mighty speed , and was got at such a distance from the princ's army , that it was impossible to overtake him . at last perceiving that the count de duras had no mind to hazard a battle , he ordered the count de marcin to invest charleroy with the van-guard , while he himself followed with the main body of the army ; but the weather was so violently cold that it was impossible to open the trenches , or to make the least circumvallation , so that after he had made himself master of bins , taking three captains with three hundred soldiers prisoners , pillaged and demollished the town , he marched back the same way , and put his army into winter quarters . the count de montal , who sometimes shut himself up in tongres , and sometimes in charleroy , because he was afraid for both these places , and yet could not tell which of them the prince would besiege , was much mistaken to imagine , that the prince would undertake a long siege in the most rigorous season of the year . however it was very remarkable , that a young general , who commanded an army composed of so many different nations , should be able to march in the midst of so violent a winter into the enemies country , to beat an old general from his post , to offer him battle , and for this purpose to follow him from place to place , to alarm two strong garrisons , and return home with abundance of prisoners , and the booty of two fortified places , and all this in the compass of nine days , without the loss of any of his men , or at least very few . not to mention the terror he put the archbishop of colen in , who neither thought himself safe at bonn , or any other place within his own territories , while the prince was so near him . during the prince's expedition , the duke of luxemburg got together an army of forty thousand horse and foot , with a resolution to conquer the province of holland , and hoping to enrich himself and his men with the pillage of leyden and the hague , designed to march upon the ice , with the flower of the french army , towards the end of december ; but being arrived at slinwetering he found the waters so high that only three thousand five hundred foot could pass , the rest being obliged to return to naerden . this party first attacked nieucrop , but was repulsed by the peasants , so that he marched toward swammerdam , where the soldiers were the first that fled , leaving the inhabitants to the mercy of the enemy . nevertheless count koningsmark , who commanded at bodegrave , having advice of the coming of the french , made all imaginable haste to march by leiden , and posted a regiment at goursluys to hinder their incursions on that side . this desperate and unexpected march of the french at first put the people into a great consternation , particularly those of the hague ; but nothing discouraged them so much , as to hear that while the states took all imaginable care to prevent the enemies returning , collonel painvin had abandoned his post at niewerbourg , and retired to tergou . by this means the enemy had an open free passage to go home when they pleased , whereas otherwise they must either have perished in the water , or else surrendred themselves at discretion , by reason of the great thaw which followed soon after : but all their fears and apprehensions vanish'd at the prince of orange's return , who having at breda received advice of this enterprize of the french , arrived with incredible diligence at alfen , and in a short time his presence re-established every thing as before . all this while the duke of luxemburg ravaged the heart of the country , where he had like to have lost his life by a fall from his horse into the water which was thaw'd , his people saving him not without a great deal of difficulty . but tho he made a shift to escape , it did not fare so well with six hundred of his best soldiers , who there perished . thus ended this bold and hazardous expedition . it is certain the french committed unheard of cruelties at swammerdam , and all other places that fell into their hands , ravishing the women , stripping and wounding young and old , and throwing children into the fire . but these losses nevertheless were in some manner recompenced by the taking of coeverden , which is one of the strongest cities in the low countries , the key of friezland and groningen , encompassed on all sides with a morass , fortified with large deep double ditches , the ramparts extreamly high and strong , and defended by seven bastions that carry the names of the seven united provinces , and a very regular castle , looked upon by ancient writers to be impregnable . this city fell into the hands of the bishop of munster , in the fatal year 1672 , not without suspicion of treachery . but fortune now declining to espouse the french interest any longer , since his highness was restored to all his paternal dignities ; it was retaken with as much gallantry and courage , as it had been lost with dishonor and cowardice . for this very same place , which verdugo had in vain besieged , for the space of one and thirty weeks together ; and which the bishop of munster , after he had rendred himself master of it , had plentifully stored with provisions , out of a prospect of making it the magazine for those parts , was by a party of nine hundred and sixty men only , commanded by m. de rabenhaut , retaken in less than an hour , without the loss of more than sixty men , whereas the enemy lost above an hundred and fifty , besides the officers that were slain at the assault , and four hundred and thirty prisoners taken , of which number were six captains , eleven lieutenants , and fourteen ensigns . the rest of the garrison , for in all it consisted of nine hundred men , saved themselves by a precipitate flight as soon as they saw the city was lost . but what was most considerable , there was found in this important fortress such a prodigious quantity of all warlike ammunitions , and other provisions , that without question the enemy might have maintain'd the siege much longer . besides as the retaking of this strong place by the hollanders , gave infinite incouragement to the people , so the loss of it extremely mortified the enemy , and put them into such a terrible consternation , that upon the news of this loss they abandon'd several other places . all this served to increase the reputation of his royal highness , for the people observing how much all affairs went for the better , ever since the management of them was lodged in his hands , they were easily perswaded , and that not without good reason , that all this unexpected series of successes was the sole effect of his bravery and conduct . at this time the disputes between the new and old magistrates of friezland were carried on with that warmth and vigour that they held their assemblies apart , and formed resolutions intirely opposite to each other . this disorder , which might in time have proved pernicious to the public tranquillity , cou'd neither be determin'd by the governor of that province , nor by the princess dowager of orange , whatever instances and precautions both one and the other used to extinguish the differences ; but no sooner had the commissioners sent by the prince arrived there , but all these breaches were repaired , and the country once more settled in order and union . after this , his highness went in person to zealand , where the same divisions reigned as in friezland ; and at the moment he appear'd in the assembly of the states at middleburg , all the differences vanished , and the province was in a condition to defend it self , to the great satisfaction of the people in general , the magistrates in particular , and the eternal praise of this illustrious prince . he took occasion from hence to go and visit the frontiers and fortifications of flushing , sluyis , and ardenburgh , where they deliver'd him the keys in a silver bason by the hands of the young maids of the city , all drest up with flowers . he did the same thing at assendyck , bergen ap zoom , breda , boisleduc , and other places ; and af●…er making an exact review returned to the hague . the spring was by this time well advanced , and the hollanders had business enough on their hands ; for on one side they were attaqued by the king of france in person with a powerful army , and the prince of conde and the duke of luxemburg were at utrecht with great forces , watching an opportunity to throw themselves into the heart of the country ; and on the other side the king of great britain , with his fleet and that of france conjoyn'd , vigorously attacqued them . for these reasons the prince of orange cou'd not stir abroad , being constrained to keep his post , as well to have an eye upon the prince of conde and the duke of luxemburg , as to prevent the descent of the english. in the beginning of may 1673 , the king of france parted from paris at the head of a great army , which several other bodies in the french acquisitions were to join ; and after a slow march sate down before maestricht on the 10th of iune with all his forces , consisting in all of forty two thousand horse and foot ; having given orders before to the count d' orge to invest the place with three thousand horse . the garrison of maestricht consisted of about four thousand foot , and eight or nine hundred horse , under the command of monsieur de farjaux governour of the town , a brave experienced captain , as he abundantly convinced all the world by the generous resistance he made , and by that vast inundation of blood it cost the french king to take it ; who lost on this occasion more than 9000 of his best souldiers , all his musqueteers except seven , and an infinite number of gallant officers : and perhaps it had not been purchased so easily , if the besieged had been in time relieved with a recruit only of a thousand men , or if they had been better provided with ammunition , which now began to fail them . it would be too tedious to give an exact relation here of all the rencounters , and bloody combats that happen'd night and day , and of the firing which was made on both sides , this being rather the business of a journalist than an historian . i shall therefore content my self to say in a few words , that after the garrison , by a vigorous defence , which lasted near three weeks , had lost one half of her men , by continual batteries and assaults one after another , and those that remained were not in a condition to defend themselves any longer , by reason of the perpetual fatigues they had endured , the governour was sorced at last , at the repeated instances of the magistrates , or rather by the treachery of some ecclesiasticks of the romish perswasion , to capitulate and surrender himself . in effect , upon a faithful relation which the governor gave his highness of all that had happen'd , the prince was so well satisfy'd with his conduct , that he made him major general of his army . and to say the truth his opposition had been so vigorous , and withal so fatal to the french , that the king of france thought he had done enough for this campaign in only taking mastricht . so that after he had demolished the fortifications of tongres , he divided his army at the same time , part of which he sent to the mareschal de turenne , another body was appointed to ravage the country of triers , because the elector of that name had taken the emperor's side . and three brigades marched immediately to reinforce the army which was in holland . the french army being thus dispersed , and the english fleet after the last engagement leaving the coasts of holland , the prince of orange found himself more at liberty , and not enduring to spend any more time without action , he recalled all the troops that were in zealand , to come and joyn the rest of his army , and marched all on the sudden to besiege naerden with twenty five thousand men. he gave the command of the cavalry to major general farjaux , and took his quarter on one side , and count waldeck on the other . while things were in this posture , the duke of luxemburg having made up a body of ten thousand men besides four regiments of munsterian horse , advanced within sight of the dutch , as far as the prince's intrenchments , which by that time were finished ; but not daring to relieve the town , the prince pursued his design , took the counterscarp by assault , and the ravelin before the huyserport after three hours resistance , forced the besieged to retire into the town in great disorder , and obliged them the day following after the loss of their forts to demand leave to capitulate . in short the town was surrendred , on condition the garrison should march out with colours flying , drums beating , and two pieces of cannon . the governour , as he passed by , saluted his highness with a profound reverence , and as 't is reported , told the prince that he had very good reasons , for delivering up the town in so short a time , which he would acquaint the king his master with at a proper time and place : but in all appearance his reasons upon examination were not thought valid , for he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment , after he had been degraded at utrecht in a very ignominious manner . 't is true , all the world was surprized , that the french so easily abandon'd a place of that importance and strength , and which was in so good a condition to defend it self ; for there were two thousand nine hundred and thirty souldiers in the garrison , who wanted no provisions ; besides that the french , ever since they had rendred themselves masters of it had fortified it extremely . but whatever was the cause of it , whether some divisions arising between them and the swissers , as some people imagine , or something else which we don't know , his highness , who to encourage the souldiers by his own example , exposed his person to all dangers , both in the trenches and upon the batteries , carried the town in four days , having only 100 men slain outright , and about 200 wounded , whereas the enemy lost abundance more , which is quite contrary to what happens in all other sieges . nor was he less careful to preservehis conquest , than he was to acquire it : to this purpose having given all necessary orders to repair the fortifications , and placed a sufficient garrison in in it , he made count coningsmark , a brave experienced captain , governour of the town , and then returned to the hague to prepare himself for some greater designs . for after the states of the united provinces had made a stricter alliance with the king of spain and the emperor , to defend themselves mutually against france their common enemy , by which they were obliged to assist one another conjointly with all their forces ; after this triple alliance , i say , in consequence of which , the imperial army consisting of about twenty thousand foot and ten thousand horse was already on their march ; the prince of orange to perform something remarkable before the season was over , caused his army to advance to rosendael in brabant , and following it soon after himself , he joyn'd with the count de monterey , who without the least difficulty yielded to him the preheminence and command of the whole army . but finding that the prince of conde had changed his post upon the news of the two armies being joyn'd , and that he had so well intrenched himself that it was impossible to attack him , he advanced higher , and joyn'd the imperial army commanded by montecuculi , between andernach and bon. in his march he summoned rhinbeck to surrender , which thro the perswasion of a burgher , who encouraged the rest to make resistance , being refused , he commanded the sieur de walkenburg to take two regiments of dragoons , and two of infantry , and to make an assault , which they did with that vigour , that the souldiers entring the town put all to the sword , and hang'd up the burgher who had so ill advised them as to make an opposition . the confederates being now joyn'd , it was resolved to attack bonn. the better to effect this the marquis d' arsentar was dispatched to kessenning to take his quarters there , and on the next day montecuculi lodged the imperialists at goedesbourg . his highness went to post himself with all his forces at rynford , and general spork , who commanded the imperial cavalry , planted himself on the other side of the city , near westerwaldt . bonn is a considerable city , called by the romans , iulia bonna , scituate upon the rhine , within four leagues of colen . as it was then in the hands of the elector and the french , they had placed in it a garrison of two thousand men , under the command of lantsberghen , and had provided it with all ammunitions of war , with twenty four piece of cannon planted upon the walls and ramparts . the confederates not thinking themselves sufficiently paid for the loss of mastricht by the retaking of naerden , resolved to render themselves masters of bonn. the pr. of conde durst not hinder them in person , but sent the mareschal d' humieres with a body of five thousand horse to oppose them , and to endeavour to throw some relief into the town in the beginning of the siege . to put this in execution he advanced as far as birchem , from whence he sent a party of an hundred horse , who pretending that they belonged to the duke of lorrain , passed through the midst of the imperialists , without being stopt by any of the centinels , and so got safe into the city . but another hundred hoping to meet the same success , as they passed by his highness's quarters , found the centinels not so credulous as their brethren were , so they were all cut in pieces , or made prisoners ; which news coming to the ears of five hundred more , who had hid themselves in a neighbouring wood upon the same design , they fled with the greatest precipitation imaginable . at this time general spork detached a body of five thousand horse to go and meet the french , which the mareschal being informed of , he sounded a retreat , and went back to utrecht . on the other side , the bsiegers having finished their batteries , and made their approaches , gave but little , or no rest at all to the besieged , and after they had made three mines ready to spring , they prepared to give a general assault . nevertheless the generals of the confederates being willing to spare their own people , and hoping to make themselves masters of the place by gentler methods , sent to summon the governor afresh , remonstrating to him that he had no hopes of being relieved , that they were ready to spring three mines ; that to be farther satisfied of the truth of this matter he might if he so pleased , send one of his own men to behold them ; and that in case of longer resistance they were resolved to put all to the sword , without giving quarter to any whom they found in arms . this message so effectually frighted the besieged , that after a few days siege they demanded articles , and surrendred the same day upon the ordinary conditions , viz. to go out with drums beating , colours flying , without carrying any provisions , or ammunition with them , except two pieces of cannon . there went out of the garrison a thousand five hundred men , the rest being either slain or wounded , all the germans who were in this number immediately deserted , and listed themselves in the emperour's service . the city being taken , his highness retired to vesseling , and from thence marching lower with his army , and that of the imperialists ( for he commanded both ever since the departure of montecuculi for vienna , till the arrival of the duke de bournonville ) he took the two castles of brevel and sechuich , the latter of which had a garrison of two hundred french commanded by a german , who perceiving that the soldiers , after they were summon'd to surrender , resolved to hold it out to the last , bethought himself of a stratagem to make them alter their opinions , for having commanded the french to go down into the lower court , under a pretence to defend it , when he saw them all there , he drew the draw-bridge upon them , who finding themselves by this means exposed to a much greater number , were forced to yield up the place . this same castle in the year 1642 , had been besieged by the entire army of the duke de weimar , and the landgrave of hesse , under the command of the counts de guebriant and d' eberstein , and for six weeks together was battered with extraordinary fury . but after all their efforts they were constrained to raise the siege . all this while the mareschal de turenne kept himself at a distance , for altho he received the news that bonne was besieged by the confederates , and had a mighty desire to attempt the raising of the siege , yet knowing that the duke of lorrain lay upon the banks of the moselle to observe him , he moved up and down in the electorate of ments , mightily complaining that he was no sooner informed of the joyning of the confederates . the mighty multitudes of the french were by this time reduced to so inconsiderable a number , and all through their prodigal ill-managed effusion of blood , that they were not in a condition to keep the field without draining their garrisons . this necessity obliged them to abandon the greatest part of their conquests in the low countries , and draw out their men from thence , rather than suffer so powerful an army as that of the confederates was , to retake without any manner of resistance the cities upon the rhine , the meuse and the moselle . woerden was the first place they quitted , as it was the first that suffered under their tyranny , the governor having received orders from the duke of luxemburg to demolish the ramparts , and to carry away with him all the ammunition and heavy canonn : but as in the bodies of persons possessed , the devil before he departs , leaves terrible marks of his rage behind him ; so after the same manner the governor of this town , before he left it , sent for the magistrates and demanded twenty thousand livres of them to save themselves from plunder and fire ; alledging that he had orders from the king and duke of luxemburg to pillage and reduce the place to ashes , unless they gave him the above mentioned summ. the magistrates repaired to utrecht , but notwithstanding all the remonstrances and submissions they made to the duke of luxemburg , were obliged to comply with what he demanded of them , nay and more than that , to save their castle , their gates , and their fortifications , which ohterwise they threatned to lay level with the ground , and were forced to leave hostages till the summ was paid . the malice and perfidy of the french was such , that they had min'd the castle and one of the bastions , and had insallibly destroy'd them , if the swissers that werein the place had not discovered their treacherous intention . harderwick was intirely dismantled , yet for all that they had the good manners to demand twelve thousand livres of the inhabitants , but the richest burghers having long before quitted the town , they were forced to go without it . the fort of crevec●…ur was utterly demolish'd : nevertheless the french made an offer to save the church and the governor's house for the summ of three thousand pistols , to be paid by the inhabitants of boisleduc , but this proposal being rejected , they neither spared the house , nor the church . bommel , a fortress of great importance , upon the fortifications of which place the king of france had expended the summ of sixscore thousand livres , was deserted at the same time ; the inhabitants giving a dozen hostages for the payment of two thousand crowns , to preserve their houses from being pillaged . utrecht , where the french had always in garrison between six and seven thousand men at least , and which place consequently was a mighty expence to them , was likewise abandoned . nevertheless this city was obliged to give hostages for the payment of 100 thousand crowns . the french leaving it all on the same day , the burgher-masters were absolved from the oath they had taken against the re-establishment of the pr. of orange , and sent their deputies to him to acknowledge him for their stadt-holder , in the name of all the province , which change was very agreeable to the people . elburgh upon the south sea , campen on the overyssel , and hattem were likewise quitted by the french , and steenwick and weppel by the munsterians . in consideration of so unexpected a change , which was intirely owing to the prudent conduct and great courage of the prince of orange , the states confirmed him in the office of stadt-holder , to testify how sensible they were of the services he had done the republic ; and not content with this , entailed this dignity upon the heirs of his body , born in lawful wedlock in an instrument dated febr. 2d. 1674. the same day the states of zealand conferr'd the same administration upon his royal highness , and declared him chief nobleman of their province . it was high time now to deliver these states from those consusions and disorders , which the french had occasioned in the government . and the prince very wellknowing that it was no less glorious for a good governour to reform and correct what was amiss at home , than to make conquests abroad , went to utrecht to settle the government of that province upon the antient foot. to effect this , he conven'd immediately after his arrival an assembly of the states , where it was resolved that new members should be chose to compose the body of the nobility and magistracy ; which was put in execution in the very same manner he had projected . for having given them to understand , that at the request of several of the burghers , he had drawn up a scheme of certain orders for the better government of the province for the time to come ; but yet wou'd by no means impose any thing upon them without the advice and consent of those that were present ; at last , after a mature deliberation , they all unanimously submitted to the ordinances proposed by his highness , which were , that the government of the province should be in the hands of three distinct societies , as it anciently had been , viz. the councellors elect , the body of the nobility , and the deputies of towns : that the councellors elect should be continued three years and no longer ; that after that time was expired , which they were to acquaint the governour general with three months before , he should have power to continue them , or else to make new alterations , as he should see convenient ; provided he nominated none but those that were of the reformed religion , and that amongst these councellors elect there were four burghers and four gentlemen ; moreover , that the governour general should have the disposal of the vacant places of the provosts , as also of the revenues of the vicaridges belonging to the provosts , deans and chapters of monks , as soon as they fell , and employ this for the maintenance of poor ministers , and other pious uses in the province ; that to avoid all disputes relating to the nobility , the governour alone should have the power , after the death of one or more of that body , to put in his or their place , such person or persons as he should think fit , provided they made profession of the reformed religion , having a due regard to their age , birth , estates , and such other circumstances ; that after the first nomination and election of a governour general , all vacancies of bailiffs of towns , presidents , advocates , and in short of all civil and military offices , should be at his disposal . after this a form of an oath was agreed upon , which all that were present were to take without further scruple , and all others should be obliged to do the same , according to their several functions . and when the following proposition was made , whether it were advisable to confer the charge of governour general , captain , and admiral general of the province upon his highness and his heirs male lawfully begotten ; they all nemine contradicente approv'd the motion , and so conserr'd that dignity upon his highness . at the same time general rabenhaupt , with the militia of frizeland and groningen , reinforced with the regiment of bumarnia , took the field , and made himself master of northom , which he fortified with sixteen companies of horse , and six of foot ; and from thence advancing to tuvent , took several other places of less importance , designing to chase all the munsterians out of that part of the country , and to that end marched as far as nienbuys . the enemy was no sooner informed of the general 's march , but they invested northom with five regiments of horse , three companies of dragoons , and three hundred foot , commanded by general nagel , and beat the advanced guards back into the town . general rabenhaupt had no sooner received intelligence of this , but he came back the same way to relieve the place ; which he performed so happily , that the enemy was obliged to betake themselves to flight , after they had lost a hundred and seventy of their men ; of which number sixscore were slain upon the place , and the rest made prisoners . the next day he return'd to nienbuys , and being resolved to make short work on 't , gave orders to five regiments to make an assault in five several places all at the same time ; which they executed with that bravery , that after a quarter of an hours resistance , the enemy was forced to retire into the castle , which was encompassed but with one single rampart , and defended with no more than two pieces of cannon . the besiegers , who pushed the point home , were now just ready to enter the castle , when the enemy begged quarter , which was granted them . the garrison consisted of three hundred foot , thirteen officers , and two hundred and seventy horse and dragoons , with fifteen officers . general rabenhaupt after so happy a success put his small body of an army into winter quarters , which news being brought to nagel , he came back again to nyenbuys , and retook it for the bishop of munster . but the bishop , either dreading these uncertain chances of war , or rather fearing the approach of the imperialists , made his peace with the emperour . which so mightily alarm'd the french , who were still in possession of their frontier towns in the low-countries , that the marquess de bellefonds , who succeeded the mareschal d' humieres in the government of the conquer'd provinces , resolved to abandon the rest , pretending he had occasion for the men to preserve those conquests they had made upon the rhine . besides , being informed that the prince of orange designed to march into brabant with thirty thousand men , there to joyn the spanish army that was composed of twenty thousand , instead of fortifying the places of his government , he began to demolish them . thiel compounded for twenty two thousand florins , to preserve themselves from fire and plunder , which they threatned them with , and to save their fortifications . the town of zutphen promised seventy thousand , and gave hostages for the security of payment . arnheim paid twenty six thousand florins , and four thousand sacks of corn and meal , which the magistrates of the town engaged to see carried to grave . deventer paid six thousand rixdollars to the bishop of munster . thus the whole province of overyssel regained its ancient liberty , and returned to its natural and lawful soveraigns . after which his highness sent commissioners thither to make some necessary alterations , and regulate affairs , till he had an opportunity to come himself in person and put a full conclusion to them . the king of france seem'd to be exceedingly displeased with the conduct of the marquis de bellefonds so that he banished him to bourges , with a prohibition to come near the court , altho all the world knew this was only a meer pretence to conceal his present necessities , and that he was forced to exhaust his garrisons in the low-countries to reinforce his army which he had designed for the conquest of the franche-comte . but the honour of all these desertions was justly attributed to the prince of orange ; for he , like another scipio , carrying the war into the enemy's territories , in less than two years , forced all these french hannibals to quit his own country , and seek their fortune elsewhere . in the mean time the king of france , endeavouring , like the sea , to gain in one place what he had lost in another , entred the franche comte with a prodigious army , which joyning with another that was commanded by the prince of conde , became so formidable , that in a short time he made himself master of besançon , dole , salins , and in short of the whole province . while these two armies were thus joyn'd , the prince of orange repaired to his army at berghen op zoom , from whence he marched to malines , and kept himself on his guard in brabant , during all the time the french king was in the neighbourhood : but this monarch being return'd to paris after his new couquest , where he lost both abundance of brave officers , and of his best souldiers , the imperialists threw themselves into namur , took the castle , and dinant , and the passage of the meuse being by this means opened . they went to joyn the army of the confederates towards the end of iuly . the three generals after some conference , order'd that the count de souches should lead the van , his highness command the main body , and the count de montery the rear . in this order the confederates prepared to attack the prince of conde , who with an army of fifty thousand men was encamped on the other side the river pieton , to prevent the designs of the enemy . the confederates , who had an army of sixty thousand men , resolved to set upon the prince and give him battle . with this prospect they marched strait upon him , having abundance of all sorts of provisions , which came daily out of brabant . with this resolution the confederate army arrived at nivelle by the beginning of august , where they incamped for some days . but because they saw the prince of conde was by no means disposed to quit his post , but on the other hand was still fortifying himself more and more within his trenches , the confederates judged it expedient to approach nearer to him , to see if he would not be willing to hazard a battle in open field . being therefore advanced within five or six mile of the french camp , they did all that in them lay to make him leave his strong scituation , but 't was to no purpose ; for the prince ( whether he had received orders from the king , or this was his own proper sense of the affair ) would by no means quit it . and now the confederate army finding that all their efforts were in vain , resolved to attack some important place , not doubting but the prince would leave his post to come and relieve it , and so they should bring their designs about . this resolution being taken , the prince of orange decamped from senef and marched strait on the side of bins . the imperialists had the vanguard , the hollanders the main body , and the spaniards the rear ; and because the passage was narrow , the cavalry marched on the left , the infantry in the midst , and the artillery with all the baggage on the left also ; and to secure their march the prince de vaudemont still kept behind , with four thousand horse and some dragoons . the prince of conde being informed of their march , and knowing perfectly well the difficulty of the ways through which the confederates were to pass , took care to range his army in order . however not thinking it safe for him to engage the whole army of the confederates , he suffer'd the vanguard with a considerable part of their main body to pass some leagues before , and when he saw they were too far advanced to return soon enough , he believed he might now fall upon the rear . thus the prince came out of his trenches , and attack'd vaudemont's horse , who seeing himself in a country where the horse could do no great service by reason of the hedges and ditches , sent presently to the prince of orange for two battalions of his best foot , while he with his horse kept the enemy in play . his highness sent him three under the command of young prince maurice of nassau , who as soon as they came up , were placed on the other side of senef , all before the horse in a four square body . and now the whole army of the prince of conde being come out of their trenches , 't was judged convenient to send for the troops that were on the other side of the river , that runs by senef , and then they placed the three battalions that before were posted in the wood , directly against the bridge of senef , over which the french were to pass . they were no sooner got thither , but the french attack'd 'em all at once , horse , foot , and dragoons . tho they began this attack with wonderful vigor , yet they were not able to force the enemy from his post , so that they were forced to draw off , and make a bridge over the river somewhat higher . having by this means joyn'd all their forces together , the confederate horse ranged themselves behind the infantry , but so that they might come upon occasion to their relief . in the mean time the foot fired so warmly upon the french that passed the river , that abundance of them were killed ; but the confederates being unhappily straitned for want of ground , and the french setting upon them as they came out of the wood , on all sides , their foot was obliged to retreat , being overwhelmed by the excessive number of their enemies , which was the reason that they lost several of their principal officers . young prince maurice who commanded the brigade was made a prisoner , with several officers more , and coll. macovits was killed . as soon as the infantry of the confederates was retired , the french fell with great vigour upon the horse commanded by the prince de vaudemont ; and the prince of conde began to range his army in form of battel , commanding his foot to march secretly under the covert of the hedges and bushes . the confederate horse had orders to charge them , and as they were going to do it , found the way was so hollow between the enemy and them , that they were obliged to turn about to the right , and joyn the rest of the army , lest the enemy perceiving their retreat , should charge them in the flank . the french observing this , turn'd to the left , and made so much hast to charge this body of horse , that prince vaudemont had only time enough to range his three battalions , to endeavour to make head against the enemy . this first onset proved unlucky to the confederates , for the three commanders in chief of this brigade were taken prisoners , with several other persons of quality , as the duke of holstein , the prince de solmes , and monsieur de langerac , and many more were there slain . whatever care was taken to make these four battalions rally again it could never be effected , for away they ran , without making the least discharge upon the enemy . prince vaudemont gave convincing proofs of an extraordinary valour , but all his efforts were to no purpose . the prince of orange likewise discovered an undaunted bravery , behaving himself in all respects like an old experienced general , for he got before these affrighted troops with his sword in his hand , and endeavoured by all sorts of perswasions , and by his own example , to encourage them to renew the fight , exposing himself frequently to the danger of being killed ; or made a prisoner , but he was not able to stop them , till they met a body of spanish horse posted at the bottom of a little hill , between them , and the village of fay. another party of these runaways , joyn'd themselves to sixteen battalions commanded by the duke de villa hermosa , who marched at the head of his troops to oppose the french who pursued them , and did every thing that could be expected from a person of his valour and conduct , in the miserable condition that things were then in . the rest of the confederates rallied togather with a body of foot , posted likewise at the foot of the same hill. on the other side the prince of conde , who had advanced so far in pursuing the fugitives , fell with that fury upon the spanish horse , and the foot whom he chased , that the marquis d' assentar was forced to send for four other regiments from the foot of the hill , to reinforce his cavalry . which the prince of conde observing , he ordered five or six battalions to advance immediately , with a brigade of horse , and dividing his troops on the right and the left , he charged the cavalry of the confederates in the front , and put them in disorder . the marquess did all he could , by his own example , to rally his men , and begin the battel afresh , till at last , being wounded in seven places , he was killed at the head of his own troops . the cavalry being thus in disorder , he attempted to break his way through four battalions of foot that were come to their relief , and put them in great confusion , notwithstanding the conduct of the duke de villa hermosa and prince vaudemont , who used all the means imaginable to make them rally . they likewise disordered the rest of the infantry that were posted at the bottom of the hill , altho count waldeck did his best to stop their flight ; but seeing it was time thrown away , he charged the victorious enemy in the flank with a fresh body of horse , that had joined him a little before . and certainly there was all the reason in the world to expect a good effect of this onset , under the conduct of so courageous and experienc'd a commander , if he had been but seconded : but as he was overpower'd by great numbers of the enemy , he withdrew from the heat of the action , after he had slain two of the enemy , who had particularly set upon him , and after he had rallied the rest of his troops , altho he was all over bloody with three wounds he had received . in the heat of this combat , some battalions of the enemy had made themselves masters of the baggage belonging to the dutch , and had already pillaged part of it . for the leaders , instead of fortifying and barricadoing themselves with their waggons , cut the harness of the horses , and fled away without ever looking behind them , some towards brussels , and some to other places , where they gave out that all was lost . it must be confessed , that the prince of conde had carried away all the advantages of victory in this fight , had he given over here , but his natural impetuosity and ambition spurr'd him on to gain all or nothing , which in the end proved fatal to him . for after he had ranged his guards du corps , cuirassiers , and the rest of the army that stay'd behind in battel array , he advanced towards the main body of the confederates , commanded by the prince of orange , prince maurice , the rhingrave , and major general vane . at the same time general souches who led the vanguard , and who was advanced some hours before the rest of the army , having received advice of what had passed , made all the haste he could to joyn the main body : which he did at one a clock in the afternoon : by which time his highness had advantageously bestowed the imperialists , and the spaniards on the left wing , and his own on the right . and now the fight was renewed more furiously than ever . the duke of luxemburgh commanded the right wing of the french , and the duke of nouailles the left : for the marquess de rochefort , the chevalier de tourilles , and the count de montal , were all three wounded . the first onset of the french was by far the most vehement that had been seen during the course of this war. honour , hatred , revenge , hope , and despair , animated the courag of the two parties . hope of victory , which as yet had declared her self in favour of neither side , made them resolve to vanquish or dye . the prince of orange show'd himself every where , sparing nothing upon this occasion that might facilitate the victory : sometimes he threw himself into the midst of his enemies to the apparent hazard of his life , and the souldiers who being encouraged by his example strove to out-do one another , sustained the fury of the enemy with a bravery greater than could be expected from them . having thus frustrated the hopes of the prince of conde , he endeavoured to wheel about to the left . but monsieur de farjaux major general of the dutch army , being sent with some battalions , and seconded by the count de chavagnac , ( who commanded a squadron of imperial horse ) to prevent this design , opposed the french with so much gallantry , that they were forced to retire : after this the count sent for four pieces of cannon , with which he gauled the enemy so advantageously , that count souches with his forlorn hope broke into the strongest quarter of the enemy , and gave proofs of an extraordinary courage , according to his custom upon such occasions . nor did the prince of lorrain sit idle , but was seen to fight several times at the head of the first ranks , altho he lost so much blood , that at last he was obliged to withdraw from the battel . prince pio who lay with his brigade near senef , accompanied by the marquess de grana , and count staremberg , after he had signalized himself by a thousand noble actions , was wounded in the thigh by a musquet-shot . the marquess de grana , and the sons of count souches behaved themselves so valiantly at the head of their squadrons , that the french swissers were not able to gain one inch of ground upon them , which did not a little contribute to the gaining of the battel for the confederates . in the mean time the prince of conde charged the right wing of the confederates , with his cuirassiers , and the king's houshold , but without effect : only about seven in the afternoon he broke two battalions that were posted in a meadow at a small distance from thence . but prince maurice here performed a signal piece of service to the states , in stopping the career of the enemy , and preventing the great disorder on that side with no less conduct than courage . the rhingrave behaved himself with great bravery , and we may truly say , that his valor and prudence did not inconsiderably promote the good success of this battel . he was nevertheless constrained to leave the field by reason of a wound he had received . major general vane , and the sieur de villaumdire after having given remarkable testimonies of their valour , were mortally wounded , and died of their wounds . the two armies fought in this manner till night with unexpressible fury on both sides , tho the ground was covered with the dead and wounded ; while the combatants covered with blood and sweat encouraged one another by so terrible a spectacle . one might have seen whole battalions of one and t'other side sometimes give ground , and then immediately rally by the good conduct of their respective commanders , amongst whom the prince of orange was chief , who was all along to be seen in the heat of the battle , encouraging his men by his own example . he had near him the young prince of frizeland , who was not above twenty years old , and always engaged where the enemies stood thickest , and doing all that could be expected from so valiant and generous a prince . thus the first heat and fire of the french , which threatned to devour every thing that stood in its way , began to slacken about ten at night . the infantry , great part of which they lost , kept off at some distance , in spight of all the prince of conde could do to bring them back , so that the prince fearing a greater misfortune , ordered his horse to retreat , leaving but a few squadrons behind to favor their retreat , and these he commanded to move off as soon as the rest of his army was safe ; leaving the victory and the field of battle to the prince of orange , who two hours after the retreat of the french made his army draw off , and put them into winter quarters . nevertheless he left monsieur de farjaux all night in the field to observe the motion of the enemy , who tho they could not well digest the rude treatment they received the day before , durst attempt nothing : the prince of conde having only left some dragoons in his old quarters , and got above three hours march before , lest the confederates should pursue him . this was the issue of this bloody battel , wherein the confederates were beat at first , altho they got the victory at last . for on the enemies side there were seven thousand men killed upon the spot , without reckoning the wounded , whom the prince of conde left in the neighbouring villages , to the number of more than fifteen hundred on the side of the confederates , the whole list of those that were slain , wounded , made prisoners and deserted , did not amount in all to above six thousand five hundred , besides that abundance of their men after they had been dispersed on one side and t'other in the hurry of the engagement returned to their colours . 't is commonly reported that a letter of the prince of conde to the king of france was intercepted , wherein he acquaints him , that after he had made a general review of his army , he found it in a very deplorable condition , that he had lost the flower of his infantry , and the better part of his horse , and in fine did not look upon himself to be strong enough to hazard a second battel . in effect , besides three regiments , seven hundred swissers of the guards , and the swiss regiment of molandin were intirely defeated . an infinite number of officers of note were slain , amongst whom were the marquess de chanvalon , de clemerant , de bourbon , and d' iliers ; three counts , two cornets of the king's guards , more than forty officers of the guards du corps , forty three officers of the king's regiment , fourscore officers of the queen's guards , nine collonels , eight lieutenant collonels and majors , and a hundred and sixty five captains , without reckoning the subaltern officers . so that the prince of conde did not without reason complain that he had lost abundance of brave officers in this bloody dispute ; and a certain truth it is , that if he had not had the advantage in the beginning of the fight his army had been entirely defeated . amongst several other standards a white one was carried to brussels , and hung up with a great deal of solemnity in the church belonging to the carmelites . this standard was embroider'd with gold and silver , bearing a sun in the zodiac with these proud words : nihil obstabit eunti , nothing shall stop my course . the day after the battel his highness marched with the whole army by the way of mons , and put them in quarters at s. guillain , where he received five regiments of new recruits : and the imperialists retired to queverain , where they stayed without doing any considerable action , till the eleventh or twelfth of september . in the mean time general rabenhaupt undertook the siege of grave , which was one of the most memorable sieges that had happened for a long time , as well for the scituation of the place , the strength of the garrison , the great abundance of ammunition and provisions , as for the furious attacks and assaults of the besiegers , and the vigorous resistance of the besieged . and that which renders it still more famous , is , that it could never be ended till the arrival of the prince of orange , who soon determined it . the garrison consisted of fourscore and eleven companies of foot , who made in all four thousand men , and of nine troops of horse . the sieur de s. louis , an old experienced captain commanded the cavalry , and the marquess de chamilly , a valiant and expert commander was governor of the town ; where were four hundred and fifty pieces of cannon , a hundred of which were mounted upon the ramparts , besides an infinite quantity of powder , corn , granadoes , and all sorts of provisions ; for here the french had laid up all that they carried away from those places they first conquered , and afterwards abandoned general rabenhaupt laid siege to this place , which extremely incommoded all the neighborhood , with twenty regiments of foot , and some horse , which were soon after reinforced with two regiments of foot , and two hundred horse , commanded by don iohn de pimentel , and a regiment of foot of the prince of courland , and two regiments of horse of the elector of brandenburg , under the command of general spaen . coll. hundebeck posted himself behind the great dike on that side which lay nighest the velp ; coll. golstein on the side towards overyssel . the brandenburg cavalry posted themselves higher towards the est , to hinder any relief from coming into the town . and the general himself approached near the castle de vegesak . the place being thus environ'd on all sides , the siege was pushed forward with as much violence on the side of the besiegers , as it was vigorously defended by the besieged . in the mean time his highness and the imperialists that were quarter'd upon the frontiers of henault , having recovered the disorder of the last battel , were thinking how to perform some remarkable action . upon this consideration , as soon as the grand convoy was arrived from brussels with the spanish army , consisting of eight thousand foot , without reckoning the horse and dragoons , the prince of orange decamped with the whole army on the 12th of september , and passed the river hayne near tournay and aeth , and marched from thence to oudenarde . in the interim two regiments of foot , and two thousand five hundred horse near ghent , were sent to break the bridges of deinse and harlebike upon the river ley , with orders after that to rejoyn the army . that evening the same regiments brought abundance of barges laden with all sorts of ammunition and provisions , and five hundred pioneers , who were ordered to advance by the way of oudenarde , and were followed by a body of two thousand five hundred horse , that posted themselves that evening before the town , and shut up all the passages leading to the garrison on that side . the prince of orange , and the count de souches arrived at the same time , and took each of them their quarters , the prince in the abby of ename , and the count on the other side the river at leupegem and elare : and the spaniards c●…mmanded by the duke de villa hermosa , posted themselves at beverem and moregem . there were in the town four hundred germans , six thousand swissers , a thousand french , and four hundred horse commanded by the sieur de rosquaire . the confederates having finished all their works , made themselves masters of the counterscarp , when the prince of conde , having decamped from before beaumont , began to approach with his whole army , which consisted of forty thousand men , and resolved to give battel to the confederates , in case he could not otherwise relieve the place . it was therefore his highness's advice to get all things in readiness , and meet the enemy that was fatigued and spent with so tedious a march. but this resolution had no effect , because count souches was not to be found all that day , and thus the army was constrained to keep within their trenches . in the mean time the french still advanced on that side where the imperialists lay posted , but count souches , instead of ranging his men in battel , quitted his post , and passed the river in so much haste that he left some pieces of cannon behind him , which his highness had sent him , and cou'd not be recover'd without extream danger . by this means the prince of conde having an open passage , entred the town with part of his army , and he had certainly gained that advantage as to cut off all mann●… of communication between the confederates , had it not been for a great fog that arose on the sudden , and prevented his design . the prince of orange considering the present state of his affairs , was of opinion that it was the best way to draw off ; and so followed after the imperialists and the spaniards , whom he joyn'd within a league of oudenard , but finding that by reason of the great opiniatrete of the former , he should be able to effect nothing here , he was resolved to return the same way to grave , where his presence was so necessary to carry on the siege , leaving count waldeck to command the army in his absence . the prince arrived befor this place on the ninth of october with sixty troops of horse , and tho the besieged , who were now reduced to great extremities , defended themselves with great vigour and resolution till the 25th of the same month , yet the marquess de chamilly seeing it was impossible to hold out against a general assault , because of the great breaches in the works , demanded a cessation of arms for three or four hours , and after hostages on both sides , the city surrendred on very honourable conditions ; and thus ended this campaign . the year 1675 began with the addresses of the burghers , wherein they thanked his highness for the mighty services he had done them , in delivering them from the calamities and miseries they had suffered under the tyranny of a foreign enemy . in consideration of which they offer'd him the soveraignty of the dutchy of gueldres , and earldom of zutphen , with the titles of duke of gueldres , and count of zutphen . but the prince reflecting with himself , that the accepting of this offer would give matter of jealousy to some persons , and give others occasion to infer that he only aimed at his own grandeur in this war : to convince the world of the sincerity of his intentions , he judged it the best way to refuse these honours , but at the same time did not refuse the offer they made him of being hereditary governour of that province . this he readily accepted , and after he had taken the oaths , reformed several abuses that had got footing during the enemy's usurpation there . and now by reason of the continual alarms the people were in , upon the occasion of the french king's resolutions , who was to open the campaign himself in person , in the beginning●… of the spring , he continually applied his thoughts upon the war , and for that end always assisted at those conferences , where they debated upon their military affairs . he was at cleve to confer with the elector of brandenburgh , who entertained him with great magnificence ; and soon after his arrival at the hague , fell ill of the small-pox , which news caused so much the greater consternain the united provinces , because that disease had been fatal to his family , in the person of his father , his mother , and the duke of glocester ; but by the care and prudence of an able physician , and by the assistance of some remedies which the elector of brandenburgh sent him , he recovered his health , to the universal joy not only of holland , but all the confederates . no sooner was he perfectly recovered , but he repaired to the general rendezvous at rosendael ; for the king of france being now upon his march in brabant , it was necessary for the prince to observe his motions ; and so much the more , because limburg , which was besieged by the marquis de rochefort , demanded a speedy relief . for this reason , his highness parting with his army from duffel , joyn'd the dukes of lunenburg and lorrain at gangelt , with a resolution to raise the siege . and in all probability it had come to a battel between the french king and the prince , since the king , who was then at maestricht , having received advice of the prince's march , had repassed the meuse at viset , to oppose his design , but the city not being any longer able to sustain the great numbers of their enemies , surrendred sooner than was expected . after the taking of limbug , the king of france encamped near tillemont , ravaging all the country round about louvain , brussels , and malines . he had a mighty desire to make himself master of louvain , but his highness and the duke de villa hermosa watched him all along so narrowly , that he durst not undertake it ; so that finding he was able to do no more , content with having gained limburg , he returned to paris , leaving the prince of conde to observe the prince of orange . and to say the truth , both these wary generals watched one another so carefully , that they cou'd not gain the least advantage one over the other . but the prince of conde was soon commanded to go into alsatia , after the death of the mareschal de turenne . our prince therefore had now to do with a new general , the duke of luxemburgh , but who in prudence and conduct was by no means inferiour to his great predecessor . his highness had nevertheless this advantage over him , that he hindred him from ravaging the territory of triers ; so that after the fatal and entire routing of monsieur de crequi , that city fell into the hands of the imperialists . france having thus sustained two mighty losses , in the death of turenne , and the defeat of crequi , the d. of luxemburg , rather than run the hazard of receiving a third , which perhaps might have proved mortal , suffer'd the prince of orange to take bins before his face , when there were 350 men in garrison , and great store of provisions . his highness ordered all its fortifications to be demolished , to render it unserviceable to the enemy , and finding the season now well advanced , dispersed his army and came back to the hague . the calamities of war , which had for some years afflicted and depopulated the greatest part of europe , were so extremely great and deplorable , that several princes moved with compassion , did deliberate of the most proper means to stop the progress of those miseries , under which the people languished . tho this design was so highly advantageous to christendom in general , yet it did but slowly advance , till at last the k. of great britain , having concluded a peace with holland , resolved to offer his mediatorship to procure an universal peace amongst all the christian princes , which having at last been submitted to , the city of nimeguen was chosen for the place of treaty , where all the plenipotentiaries met towards the beginning of the year 1676. this hindred neither party from making as mighty preparations to renew the war in the spring , as if there were not the least thoughts of a peace : so that during the winter his highness was sufficiently employed to get his army ready against the opening of the campaign , for it was an easy matter to foresee that there would be occasion for very considerable forces to oppose the common enemy as soon as the season was approached . the french on their part began before the midst of april to make a review of several of their troops under mareschal de crequi , near charleville : and mareschal d' humieres was in the field with a body of fifteen thousand men , near courtray , putting all the country to contribution , because the spaniards were not strong enough to resist them . before the prince of orange could come and join the duke de villa hermosa , which he did at cambron , on the 26th of april , the mareschal de crequi had blocked up conde with an army of sixteen thousand men . upon the receit of this news the king of france parted immediately from paris , and was soon after followed by the duke of orleance , who brought with him a reinforcement of ten thousand men . the place was so furiously attack'd and batter'd on all sides , that unable to hold out any longer , they were constrained to surrender at discretion , altho the prince of orange was advanced as far as granville to relieve it . the king of france having given orders to repair the fortifications of conde , and to place a garrison of 3000 men in the town , commanded the duke of orleance to besiege buchain . this was a small town , but exceeding strong , scituate between cambray and valenciennes , and defended the communication between those two places ; for this reason it had a good garrison , under the command of a governor , who had the reputation of a brave and prudent captain . but the duke with such an army did not find the siege to be a work of great difficulty , and so much the less , because the king of france , who commanded the army in person , was not far from him ; and all this while kept the dutch and spanish army in breath . the prince who was now encamped in view of the enemy , near valenciennes , and was resolved to attack him the day following in case bouchain had not been taken , would not quit his post till the french king had decamped first , and having sent a considerable number of horse and foot to seize all the passes and bridges upon the river dender ; hinder'd him from ravaging the country of alost . about the beginning of iune the king returned to paris , and gave the command of his army in the spanish netherlands to mareschal de schomberg ; and the prince of orange encamped before maestricht . on the other side the mareschal to make a powerful diversion , sent humieres with 15000 men to besiege air , a place of prodigious strength , for it is encompassed with a deep morass , and excellent fortifications on three sides , so that it can be entred only at one way , which was defended by a fort called st. francis , having five bastions , two half-moons and a very deep ditch . nevertheless all this did not hi●…der him from making himself soon master of the fort , the governour not having men enough to oppose the great numbers of the french : who threw such a prodigious quantity of bombs and granadoes into the place , that most of the houses were afire . so that the burghers having without the governours privity demanded to capitulate , he was obliged to surrender the town , which nevertheless he did on very honourable conditions , that were easily agreed to by the french , because they were informed that the duke de villa hermosa was on his way to attempt to raise the siege . all this while the prince of orange never stirr'd from before maestricht , which he had invested with his own army , and the troops of the confederates , to each of whom he assigned their proper quarter . amongst the rest of these troops , the english , under col. f●…wick col. widdrington , and col. ashley , to the number of two thousand six hundred then , without reckoning the volunteers and reformades , presented a request to his highness , wherein they petition'd him to assign them a particular quarter , and that they might be commanded separately , that so if they behaved themselves like valiant men , they might have all the honour , and if otherwise , all the shame to themselves , it not being reasonable that they should suffer for the faults of other men . this the prince readily granted , and gave them a separate post , over against his own regiment of guards , under the command of col. fenwick , the eldest collonel of the three ; and they were as good as their word , as they really made it appear by their desperate attacques , where they signalized themselves by their extraordinary valour , as long as the siege lasted . and in truth never was siege carried on with greater vigour and resolution than this was ; the prince continually encouraging the souldiers with his presence , till he received a slight hurt in his arm by a musquet-shot ; but two things hindered them from taking the town which might otherwise have fallen into their hands . first , the river was so low that the prince was forced to stay some days till his cannon came from ruremond , for want of water . in the second place , the forces he expected from the bishop of munster and the dukes of lunenburg came not to his relief . on the other side , schomberg having received express orders to succour the town , and for that purpose having marched as far as tongres , his highness summoned a council of war to consider what was to be done in this conjuncture ; where , after they had reflected upon the present condition of the army , which was extremely lessen'd and fatigued , and found it was impossible to shut up the passes and avenues to the city on the side of wick , and that the french would infallibly throw some relief into it , notwithstanding all their endeavours to the contrary : in short , after they saw their horse cou'd not subsist any longer in the trenches for want of forrage , it was unanimously resolved to raise the siege . so the prince commanded the horse to join count waldeck , and sent the artillery , ammunition and provisions , with the sick and wounded to ruremond by water , keeping his foot in a posture of fighting till the vessels were out of all danger . soon after this , judging the campaign was ended for this year , he left his army under the command of count waldeck , and returned to holland to assist at the general assembly of the states . he gave them an account of the last expedition , which so highly satisfied them that the president congratulated him upon the score of his happy return , and in the name of the whole assembly thanked him for the extraordinary pains and fatigues he had undergone for the safety of the republic . the campaign being thus finished , all the world was in great hopes that a peace wou'd be soon concluded ; but as it is a much easier matter to kindle a fire than to extinguish it , a peace like this , where so many different interests and parties demanded to be satisfied , was not to be so speedily concluded , as those persons who impatiently wished for it , did imagine . the very preliminaries of this numerous assembly at nimeguen cou'd not be regulated in the compass of one winter ; and notwithstanding all the instances and application of the king of great britain , those that reasoned solidly , saw well enough that the peace was in no great readiness . nor were their conjectures vain , for no sooner was the year 1677 begun , but tho it was the depth of winter , the french marched directly into the spanish netherlands ; so that in a short time all the places about valenciennes , cambray , and st. omers , were covered with the enemies troops ; and these three cities were in a manner blocked up at a distance : the french openly boasting , that they wou'd make themselves masters of two important places before the spaniards were in a condition to take the field . * valenciennes was the first place that was invested , with a army of 50 or 60 thousand men , under the command of the duke of luxemburg and the count de montal : and four days after the king himself arrived in person in the camp. there was in the city a garrison of 2000 spanish , walloon and italian foot , with about 1000 horse and dragoons , commanded by the marquis de risburg , brother to prince d'epinoy theking after his arrival view'd the posts , gave orders for the trenches to be opened , and set up batteries . in fine the siege was so vigorously pushed on in a few days , that the french were advanced as far as the glacis of the counterscrap , and a horn work , that was one of the best defences the city had . but the king , not being willing to lose time in taking all the out-works regularly , order'd an assault to be made on the horn-work , in four different places , all at once , by eight in the morning ; and to facilitate this enterprize , alarmed the besieged all the night with throwing of bombs , granadoes , and carcasses , which had the desired effect : for after a short dispute the french enter'd the town , losing no more in this expedition than only count de barlemont , a collonel of the regiment of picardy , three musqueteers , six granadiers , and some souldiers . the king having thus carried valenciennes , sate down before cambray , with part of his army , commanded by the duke of luxemburg ; and order'd the mareschal d'humieres to invest st. omers with another part . cambray is one of the oldest cities in the low countries , built ever since the time of servius hostilius , but the castle was built by charles the fifth , upon which account the spaniards took great care to preserve it . there were in garrison fourteen hundred horse , four regiments of foot , besides two companies of old spanish souldiers , under the command of don pedro de laval the governour . the cathedral was in so great veneration for the beauty of the structure , that the canons came out of the town , and presented a petition to the king , wherein they requested him not to fire at the church , which he freely granted . the lines of circumvallation were no sooner finished , but the king commanded an assault to be made on the two half-moons on the castle side , which the french having soon made themselves masters of , they immediately began to undermine the ramparts ; this put the besieged into such a consternation that they desired to capitulate , and surrendred the town on very honourable conditions . but tho the town was lost , the castle held ●…ut still ; for the governour taking advantage of the cessation of arms , gave orders in the mean time to have some cannon and other necessary provisions got ready , commanded all the horses to be slain , only reserving ten for each company , and thus retired into the castle with all his souldiers , before the french had the least suspicion of it ; being resolved to sell the castle dearer than he had done the city . the king was obliged to cease for some time , not only because the french pioneers were repulsed by the besieged in a sally they had made to prevent their approach ; but also because he was informed that the prince of orange was marching to the relief of st. omers : he sent the duke of luxemburg with a great part of his army , to reinforce his brother the duke of orleance , who had set siege to that city , and had already finished his batteries . for the news of the great success which the french king had at valenciennes and cambray , and the siege of st. omers had so mightily alarmed the united provinces , that the prince of orange was forced to take the field , before the rest of the confederates were ready to joyn him . he assigned ipres for the general rendezvous of his army , which was composed of dutch , and some other troops drawn out of the spanish garrisons , and began his march on the 7th of april , and on the 9th arrived at st. mary capel , where he was informed that the d. of orleans lay encamped on the great road to st. omers , and had only left a few regiments in the trenches to keep the city blocked up . the straitness of the ways , which he was to pass , made his march very tedious , so that after he had marched all the next day , he advanced no farther than a small river called pene , on the other side of which he perceived the enemy drawn up in battle . the prince having consulted his guides , and those that knew the country , they all assured him that there was no other passage than this to go to bacque which they looked upon to be the only place by which st. omers might be reliev'd : upon this consideration he resolved to pass the river , and set upon the enemy ; and having ordered some new bridges to be made , and repaired those that the french had broke down , he accordingly passed it on the 11th of april by break of day , so that all were got over before the enemy was aware of them . but when he had passed it with his troops he was very much surprized to find that there was another river still between the french and him , encumbred with trees and hedges , altho those that were acquainted with the country had assured him of the contrary , so that he found himself strangely embarass'd , as not having in the least expcteed this second obstacle . but this did not hinder him from making himself master of the abby de pienes ; but in the mean time the enemy having received a reinforcement of fifteen thousand men came to attack the abby , where the prince's dragoons were posted , who being supported by some regiments of foot. received them so warmly that they were forced to retire . after this the prince set fire to the abby least the enemy should post themselves there . at the same time the french advanced slowly with the right wing of their army , to charge the prince's left wing in the flank , which was covered with abundance of hedges , where were likewise posted two battalions . the prince perceiving that the enemy had received some new recruits on that side , sent three fresh battalions to support his own , as likewise to guard the plain that was behind the hedges . but the two first regiments basely quitted their post upon the first approach of the enemy , so that the other three regiments that were sent to their assistance , having not sufficient time to adjust themselves , and seeing the two first battalions run away , betook themselves to their heels , and breaking into their own squadrons that stood there to cover them , occasioned an extraordinary confusion . upon this the french cavalry coming to advance , and being supported by the infantry that made perpetual firing , the prince's squadrons were beaten back , but they did not go far , and soon rallied again , and poured so vigorously upon the french that they made them fly , in their their turn . in the mean time the enemy's foot being advanced above , and having possessed the hedges , where the prince's men were posted before , they cou'd not possibly make a long resistance , nor hinder the rest of the foot from being attacked in the flank as well as the front. so that the foot , after they had done their duty extremely well , saw themselves obliged to quit their post ; and the prince repassing the rivet , retir'd in very good order to steenword , and from thence to poperdingue ; the enemy having been so rudely handled by count waldeck , who commanded the prince's right wing , that they had no desire to pursue him . and this was the issue of the battel at mont cassel . the prince having retired in this manner as we have related it , the french king pursued the siege of the cittadel of cambray with all imaginable vigor , and it fell out very unfortunately for the besieged , that a bomb set fire on one of their magazines , where the granadoes and other warlike provisions lay , and utterly consumed it . however the besieged continued to defend themselves bravely , and recompenced their loss in some manner by the death of the marquess de renel , one of the french king's lieutenant generals , who was slain by a cannon-shot from the castle . but at last the french having made several breaches , and the governour of the cittadel being wounded , they were constrained to yield to the great number , and continual attacks of the enemy , and to surrender the castle , which was done on very honorable conditions . to return to the duke of orleans , altho victorious , he was so afraid , lest the prince should once more attempt to throw relief into st , omers , that he durst not quit the field where the battle was fought , but kept himself upon his guard for eight days successively . but when he received the news that his highness had passed the canal of ghent with all his forces , he returned before the town , which he besieged with his whole army , and after a gallant resistance , which cost him several of his best officers , they were forced , against their will , to surrender upon good terms . after the taking of these places , the french heat began to be somewhat abated , and those that were so forward to attack others , were now content to act on the defensive all the rest of the summer , and durst never put it to the hazard of a battle , altho it was often presented to them . so that after several tedious marches and counter-marches on both sides , and the confederates ineffectual laying siege to charleroy , which for several weighty considerations they thought expedient to raise , the prince returned to the hague , being accompanied by the earl of ossory , don carlos , the duke of albemarle , and several other persons of quality . after he had given the states general an account of the last campaign , with the reasons that obliged him to raise the siege of charleroy , and not to attack the enemy , who were not only superior to him in number , but posted to the greatest advantage : their high and mightinesses thanked him for his conduct and indefatigable pains , humbly beseeching him still to continue his zeal for the public interest . a little after his return to the hague , several of the english nobility arrived at the prince's court who in an assembly of the states general gave them to understand , that his unkle the king of great britain , earnestly * desired him to make a voyage into england , in hopes that his presence there would not a little contribute to the peace then in agitation , which would be of such mighty advantage to the republic . thus his highness took his leave of the states , and of all thecolledges on the 17th of october , and being accompany'd by the earl of ossory , monsieur d' odyk , the count de nassau , and several other persons of condition , he embarqued at hellevoetsluys , in one of his majesties yatchs , and arrived at harwich on the 19th about ten in the morning , where the duke of albemarle , and the master of the ceremonies attended him in the king's coaches , and conducted him the same evening to the king and his royal highness , at ipswich , who received him with all the testimonies of a particular kindness and affection . on the 23d he arrived with the two royal brothers at whitehall , and was lodged in the duke of york's apartment , who retired to st. iames's . what was at first nothing but a bare surmize , was soon after confirmed by the king himself : for on the first of november , his majesty acquainted the council with his design to marry the prince of orange to his royal highness's eldest daughter , declaring that he hoped this alliance would facilitate the accomplishment of a general peace , which his majesty was resolved to advance as far as the interest of his kingdoms did engage him . after this the whole council went in a body to compliment the princess , and afterwards the prince ; the rest of the nobility did the same after their example . the prince of orange acquainted the states with it by an express , giving them to understand , that after he had maturely weigh'd the reasons which might incline him to marry , he thought he could not make a better choice than the princess mary ; that he had already demanded her in marriage of the king , and his royal highness her father , who immediately gave their consent : that he judged it advisable to inform them of it , expecting their approbation of the match with all speed , that he might the sooner repair to them for the service of his country . hereupon the states general were assembled , and seriously considering the reasons of state upon which this marriage was founded , with the great advantages it might produce ; as for instance , a confirmation of that strict union that was between the king of great britain , and the states of the united provinces ; the establishment of the ancient house of orange , and the conclusion of the peace , so earnestly desired : i say , after they had seriously considered all this , but especially the happy choice his highness had made of a princess , who besides her natural sweetness , possessed all the virtues that a husband could desire , testified their approbation by a public edict , in terms full of joy and satisfaction , declaring moreover the mighty esteem they had of so glorious an alliance , and their sincere resolution to cultivate the ancient friendship and good correspondence which had always been , and was between his britanic majesty and them . this answer arriving at london on the 14t h of november , which was his highness's birth-day , the marriage was celebrated at eleven at night , but with so little noise , that the people knew nothing of it till the next morning , when they gave all public testimonies of their joy by ringing of bells , and bone fires . but amidst all this rejoycing and feasting , the prince knowing how necessary his presence was in holland , made all possible expedition to arrive thither . he parted from london on the 29th of november with his princess , and landed at terheyde , from whence he went to hounslaerdyk , where they tarried some time , till they made their public entry into the hague , which was a few days after performed with extraordinary magnificence . but i pass all these ceremonies over in silence , in order to come to matters of greater importance . towards the beginning of the year 1678 , tho it was the midst of winter , the french king made such mighty preparations of war , that all europe was alarmed at them , but particularly holland and the consederates . this made the king of great britain send the earl of feversham to his most christian majesty with a project of peace , by which charleroy , aeth , oudenard , courtray , tournay , conde , valenciennes , st. guillain , and some other towns were to be surrendred to the spaniards , and the king of france to keep all the franche-comte in his possession , but he would not hearken to it ; and as for the king of england he was as unwilling to abate any thing in his propositions . which obliged his britannic majesty to sent orders to my lord hyde his ambassador at nimeguen , to make a strict alliance with the states-general ; which being concluded , he dispatched my lord montague into france to press the king to accept his terms , and gave out commissions at the same time for raising an army ; but the french king rejected these conditions of peace , and made great provisions for the war on all sides but especially in his new acquisitions in the low countries . upon which the king of england recalled the troops he had in the service of france , which besides their other ill treatment were sent home without their pay . the king of great britain held firm to his resolution , and summoning a parliament , communicated to them the late alliance he had made with holland , for the public benefit and repose of christendom , protesting he was resolved to force the french king to a peace , and therefore desired them to furnish him with a summ of money necessary for such a design . the lower house thanked his majesty for the great care he took of the protestant religion , in marrying his niece to a protestant prince , beseeching him not to consent to any conditions of peace with france , unless they were better than those at the pyrenean treaty . to which the king having consented , the commons after a long deliberation resolved to equip a fleet of fourscore and ten men of war , and to raise an army of 29870 land men , and nominated commissioners to compute the expence . whilst these things lay under debate , the french king who was sensible what designs the consederates were forming against him , resolved to render them all ineffectual , by being before hand with them . for this effect he left paris on the 7th of february , and marching by the side of mets , entred flanders , no one being able to determine where the storm would fail . all the world was of opinion that the design was upon mons , or namur , or some other place of like importance ; and ghent which never expected to be attack'd , had so weakned itsgarrison by drawing out their men , and distributing them in other places , that the french king , who knew this very well , sate down before it on the 1st of march with an army of threescore orfourscore thousand men . it was impossible for a city of so large a compass , which had not above four or five hundred soldiers in garrison , besides the inhabitants , to defend themselves long against a vain-glorious prince , who valued the taking of a half-moon more than the loss of a thousand men ; and who by his assaults and batteries had extreamly weaken'd it . so ghent was forced to surrender nine days after it was besieged , from thence the enemy came before ipres , but that city being much stronger than ghent , and besides furnished with a better garrison , the besiegers met so warm an opposition there , and lost so many officers and soldiers before they took it , that the king put the greatest part of his army immediately into garrison , and returned to paris : whether he thought his army sufficiently harrass'd by these two sieges , or whether he thought he had humbled his enemies enough to incline them now to accept his own proposals of a peace , or lastly whether he was afraid of the english , who had sent considerable forces into flanders . for about this time the d. of monmouth was arrived at bruges with three thousand horse and foot , which the k. of great britain had sent to re-inforce the prince of orange's army ; and the parliament was so earnestly bent to pursue the war against france , that they petitioned the king to declare open war against it , promising to stand by him with their lives and fortunes , and to furnish him from time to time with sufficient summs to carry on so generous an undertaking . in the mean time all the world was astonished to ●…ear that the french king had intirely abandon'd messina and all sicily . the more able politicians imagined that now there were no hopes of a peace , since this prince had abandon'd his conquests in italy , as he had lately done those in holland , for no other end but that he might the better compass his designs upon spain and the empire . but others said , it was an infallible sign he was not so strong as he pretended to be , and that what he had done , was rather out of meer necessity , than for any other end . however it was , the parliament of england were of belief that france was resolved to continue the war in germany and the low countries ; and therefore to stop his career granted his majesty a poll-bill , and by the same act prohibited the importation of all french commodities . king charles , who was desirous to enter into a league with the empire , spain , and the united provinces , would oblige them to make the same prohibition in relation to french goods , in their own respective dominions . but while the hollanders were demurring upon the last point , believing that such a prohibition would ruine their trade , an unexpected accident fell out that changed the whole face of affairs . the king of france , after his return to paris seeing his britannic majesty was resolved to support the interests of his nephew the prince of orange , particularly since his voyage into england , and his marriage with his niece , formed of himself a project of peace , which he sent to his ambassador at nimeguen , there to be distributed amongst the other ambassadors and mediators by those of england . the chief of these propositions were , that the king of sweden and the duke of gottorp should be intirely satisfied . that the prince and bishop of stasburg should be restored to all his demains , goods , honours and prerogatives ; and that his brother prince william of furstemberg , should be set at liberty . that as for the emperour , he should alter nothing in the public declarations that were made at the treaty of westphalia ; only he offer'd either to keep philipsburg and give up friburg , or else to keep friburg , and give up philipsburg . that as for spain , he would restore charleroy , aeth , oudenard , courtray , ghent , and st. guillain with their dependances , but in recompence demanded all the franche comté , valenciennes , bouchain , condè , cambray , aire , and st. omers , with all their dependances . in a word all the places he was in possession off , except those above mentioned . besides he consented to surrender charlemont , or dinant , to the catholic king , provided the bishop of leige and the emperor agreed to it . that as for what concerned the states general , besides the satisfaction he gave them by what he yielded up to spain , he wou'd restore maestricht to them , and continue the same treaty of commerce they enjoy'd before : and as for the interests of the duke of lorrain , he was willing to re-establish him , according to the pirenean treaty , or to surrender all his territories to him except the city of nancy , but that by way of recompence he would give him toul , reserving nevertheless to himself a passage from his frontiers into alsatia , and the roads that would be necessary to him , from france to nancy , and from nancy to mets , brisac , and the franche-comte . that the confines between spain and the low-countries , to begin from the sea , should be the meuse , nieuport , dixmuyde , courtrdy , oudenard , aeth , mons , charleroy , and namur , and that these confines should be secured by these places , since they had cost him some millions to fortify , and by quitting them he deprived himself of the advantage of marching up to the gates of brussels whenever he pleased . these conditions were liked by some , but disapproved by others . the states general for instance had no reason to reject them , but the ministers of the allies , in a conference at the hague , absolutely rejected them as unjust and unreasonable . after several warm disputes upon this occasion the spaniards began at last to comply , and that the more because they saw both england and holland consented to the proposals of france . besides this , their affairs grew every day worse and worse , by the considerable loss of fort leeuw , which was much about this time unfortunately surprized by the french. but what served wholly to determine them , was the return of the french king , who besides an army he had near brussels , had two more not far off , one upon the rhine , and the other between the meuse and the sambre , which threatned nothing less than the entire loss of the spanish netherlands , in case the hollanders made a peace without them , and continued neuters after it , during the course of this war ; to which the king of france earnestly perswaded them . the spaniards therefore being constrained to yield to the necessity of their affairs , declared they were ready to accept these conditions of peace . upon which the states general were very urgent with the other allies to give their consent ; and upon the delay of the ministers who amused themselves with making memorials and replies , dispatched express orders to their ambassadors at nimeguen to conclude the treaty out of hand . but they were extreamly surprized when the plenipotentiares of france refused to sign it , for they demanded that intire satisfaction should be given to the king of sweden , protesting that in case of refusal , the king their master would conclude nothing . this started new difficulties , and gave occasion to the states general to make fresh complaints of the procedure of the king of france , after they had so frankly submitted to the conditions which he himself had proposed . that king's answer was , that he should come to st. quintin , where he wou'd carry six days for the commissioners whom they should send to adjust this difference . but the states thinking they had done enough on their part , resolved in the presence of the prince of orange to send no body till the treaty was signed . the news of this difference , and of the resolution of the hollanders to continue the war , unless the king of france would somewhat abate the interests of sweden , being arrived into england , the parliament who before had voted to disband the army , which the king had raised both by sea and land , were now resolved to keep it on foot . his majesty sent part of the army over to flanders , and made a league offensive and defensive with the united provinces ; wherein a very short time was limited for the french king to sign the treaty , or declare his further pretensions . this resolute conduct of the king of great britain put an end to this troublesome affair , so the treaty of peace between france and holland was signed on the 11th of august , at midnight . 't is certain the french king had done better not to have refined so much in his politics , for it had like to have cost him the entire loss of the d. of luxemburg's army . mons had been a long time blocked up by the french , and was now in a manner reduced to the last extremities , when the prince of orange receiving advice that the confederates had joined the army of spain and holland , which was near the canal of brussels , he parted by night from the hague on the 26 of iuly . immediately after his arrival he call'd a council of war , with the generals of the allies , where it was resolved that they should decamp and pursue the duke of luxemburg , who marched by mons with a design to hinder any relief from being put into the town . thus resolved , the prince parted with the whole army at the beginning of august , and no sooner had he left brussels , but general spaen joyned him with a reinforcement of six thousand men of the elector of brandenburg , and the bishop of munster . the french who had rested some days at soignes , hearing of the prince of orange's march , suddenly decamped , and the confederate army encamped in the very same place where the enemy had been the day before . his highness marching from thence , on the side of rocles , advanced with his left wing as far as the abby of st. denys , where the duke of luxemburg had his quarter . and as this post was in a manner inaccessible , by reason of the woods , the briars and precipices it was encompass'd with , the duke so little dreamt of being attack'd , that he was at dinner when they brought him word , that the prince of orange was coming to surprize him , and so he was forced to retire in some disorder . the prince had castrau before his right wing , which the duke had gained in great precipitation , and it was happy for him that this place was as hard to be got to , as the other he quitted . in the mean time his highness , whom these difficulties did not discourage , had no sooner drawn out his army to battel , but he was resolved to beat the enemy out of his new post , and sending for his artillery ordered it to play upon the french , who were posted a little higher on one side of a cloister near st. denys , which the duke of luxemburg thought he might defend well enough with his cannon . but it was impossible for them to sustain the shock of the confederate dragoons , who beat them from this post , and made themselves masters of the cloister , while general collier , advanced on the side of the abby , and seconded by general delwick , broke through the narrow ways , and mounting these horrible precipices with an invincible courage , routed the enemiy who for some time made a vigorous resistance in their lines . in the midst of this engagement the prince accompanied by the duke of monmouth , who fought by his side all the day , and encouraged with his good success , cried out , follow me , follow me , to encourage those regimens that were to second the first . both sides were very liberal of their powder and ball , and all the regiments of the left wing seconded one another till night with the same vigour and resolution . count horn on his side approached nearer with his cannon , and ordered it to play on the french battalions in the valley , where he caused a terrible slaughter . from thence his highness advanced with speed to castrau , which was attack'd by the spaniards on the side of the right wing , where the prince's regiment of guards led the van , under the command of count solmes , who being seconded by the duke of holstein's regiment , and by the english , forced the enemies at last to quit the place the regiment of foot guards continued in action with the french for the space of five hours , and pursued them a quarter of a league through fields and precipices . 't is certainly a thing hardly to be believ'd , that men should be capable of making such brave efforts in places so extremely disadvantageous , and several persons who have viewed and examined them since , say there are few places in the world naturally so strong . the earl of ossory did wonders with his english at a small distance from the foot guards , where the french lost abundance of men. but the prince in the heat of the action advanced so far that he was in great danger of being lost , had not monsieur onwerkerk come seasonably to his relief , and killed an adventurous captain that was just going to let fly a pistol at him . the cavalry did nothing all this while by reason of the uneven scituation of the place , so that all the execution lay upon the infantry and dragoons . night put an end to the dispute , by the favour of which the duke of luxemburg made his retreat without noise , and retired towards mons and covered himself with a wood on one side , and a river on the other , leaving to his highness as marks of victory , the field where the battle was fought , the greatest part of the wounded , abundance of tents and baggage , with a world of powder , and other warlike ammunition . the states general receiving the news of so great a success , sent commissioners to the prince to congratulate him for the victory he had gained with so much glory and reputation , and for the signal actions by him performed in this last battle to the great hazard of his life . and to testify what a value they set upon his preservation , they presented monsieur onwerkerk who had so generously opposed himself to the danger that threatned his highness , with a sword , whose handle was of massy gold , a pair of pistols set with gold , and a whole horse furniture of the same metal . the prince of orange having thus obliged the duke of luxemburg to retire , had without question pushed his point , and thrown relief into the town , but as he was consulting how to effect it , word was brought him that the king of france , and the states general had accommodated all differences . the success of this battle hasten'd the conclusion of the treaty between spain and france , which was signed on the 17th of september , to the great praise of the king of england ; who having joyn'd the terrour of his arms to the authority of his mediation , had for his recompence the satisfaction to see the peace and general welfare of europe given as a portion with his neice , while the two great alliances between france and holland , and between spain and france , were the and happy effects of the conjugal alliance between his highness and the princess mary of england . the war being thus ended between france and the united provinces , his highness had time now to breath himself after the fatigues and hurries of the last campaigns : for after the ratification of the peace , and the restitution of mastricht to the states , the king of france no more disturbed the low countries with the terrour of his arms , so that when his highness had reformed all those innovations that had been introduced by the french when they were masters of the country , the people began to enjoy the repose and tranquillity they had so long desired . but matters were not so soon adjusted between the kings of france and spain . by the treaty concluded between the two crowns , it was agreed that commissioners should meet at cambray to regulate any disputes that might happen about the limits : this was in the year 1679. but after several tedious contests occasioned by the excessive pretentions of the french , who demanded whole provinces in the nature of dependances , to be delivered into their hands , the war was like to have kindled afresh , till at last by the unwearied mediation of the states general a treaty was signed at the hague on the 29th of iune 1684 , after which his most christian majesty having accommodated all differences with the emperour , by some other articles of the same nature , a truce of twenty years was agreed upon : which being ratified , tho not without some delays on the side of the spaniards , all those devastations and ravages that for the course of several years had ruin'd the finest country in europe , began to cease . in the midst of all these negotiations , which the states seldom or never treated of , but in the presence of the prince of orange , whom they still consulted in the most difficult affairs , his highness show'd an extraordinary generosity ; for when every one was minding his particular interests , he neglected his own , and preferr'd the peace and welfare of his country , to that reparation he might justly expect for the great losses he sustain'd in his own demains . for while the king of france burnt and ravaged the low countries , in order to force the spaniards to accept his offers , a great part of the prince's patrimony in brabant underwent the common calamities . the same thing happen'd when luxemburg and the franche-comte came to change their masters ; prince d'isenguyn , supported by the authority of france , exposed to sale by sound of trumpet all the lands , furniture and goods of his highness , as having been adjudged to him by a formal decree of the parliament of that country . the provinces of gueldres , zealand and utrecht , made great complaints in his highnesses name , but were not able to get satisfaction done him . nor suffer'd he less injustice in the principality of orange , where the walls of his capital city were demolished , the university disfranchized , the inhabitants barbarously plundered , forced to send the young students home to their parents , and forbidden to educate any of the reformed religion for the future ; all which was directly contrary to the faith of the late treaty . but when the states represented the great injustice of this procedure , the court of france return'd them no other answer save only this , viz. that they had good reasons for what they did . as soon as the truce was confirmed , the states were of opinion they might now disband their supernumerary forces , and the deputies of amsterdam wou'd without any further delay reform the recruits they had made the year before ; but all the members coming to this conclusion , that nothing ought to be done without the advice of the prince of orange , his highness , upon the mention of this proposal , assured them that no one more earnestly desired the ease of the people than himself ; but however he wou'd never consent , till their affairs both at home and abroad were in a better posture of security , to leave the country naked and defenceless . the states were soon perswaded to follow this advice , and accordingly resolved to keep their troops as long as the necessity of their affairs demanded it . and now from the conclusion of the peace till the year 1688 , when his highness made his wonderful expedition into england , we have nothing remarkable in this prince's history . what was the success of that prodigious descent , and by what means the ensuing revolution was carried on , which has occasioned so mighty an alteration in this western part of the world , as it is sufficiently known to every english reader , so a just narration of all the surprizing incidents requires a person of more leisure and greater abilities than my self . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26186-e3030 ☞ excuse the man , and don 't pronounce his doom , poor soul ! he left his calepine at rome . notes for div a26186-e49190 * according to the new stile , which i have all along followed with my author . * a great and stately city upon the scheld , built , as 't is commonly pretended , by the emperour valentinian . * sir w. temple in his memoirs represents this matter otherwise , for there we are told that k. ch. the 2d . was so far from courting the prince to come to visit him , that he was apprehensive of his arrival .